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of Black Studies

Internalized Racism's Association With African American Male

Youth's Propensity for Violence
Wesley W. Bryant
Journal of Black Studies 2011 42: 690 originally published online 17 March 2011
DOI: 10.1177/0021934710393243
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Internalized Racisms
Association With
African American
Male Youths
Propensity for
Violence

Journal of Black Studies

42(4) 690707
The Author(s) 2011
Reprints and permission: http://www.
sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/0021934710393243
http://jbs.sagepub.com

Wesley W. Bryant1

Abstract
Youth Violence in African American communities is still considered to be
at epidemic proportions. The traditional risk factors for youth violence
(i.e. delinquent friends, poverty, drug use, carrying a weapon etc.) do not
account for the disproportionate overrepresentation of African American
males. This study sought to better understand the propensity for violence
among African American males ages 14-19 years (N=224) from four different
programmatic sites: A Philadelphia high school, an African-centered charter
high school, a youth detention facility, and a program that serves youth who
are on probation or parole. The findings indicate that internalized racism
enhances the variance explained above the variables typically explored in the
delinquency and criminology literature. If further research can replicate these
findings, this has implications for the content and direction of prevention
approaches with African American male youth.
Keywords
African American male youth, Aggressive Behavior, Internalized Racism,
Youth Violence
1

Washington University Medical School, St. Louis, MO, USA

Corresponding Author:
Wesley W. Bryant, 2308 N. 18th St., Philadelphia, PA 19132
E-mail: wesleybgood@msn.com

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According to official statistics, the youth violence epidemic in the United

States reached its peak in 1993, when there were 3,758 homicides for the age
cohort 14 to 19; African American males represented only 8% of this population but accounted for 51% of these homicides (National Center for Health
Statistics [NCHS], 2004). With 1993 as the baseline for the peak of homicides
involving African American males ages 14 to 9, in the next 10 years, the
homicide rates decreased. Notwithstanding this fact, the number of homicides
during these years remained consistently high for Black youth and still
reflected epidemic proportions. From 2002 through 2005, African American
males were 8% of the youth population in the 14-to-19 age group but
accounted for 44% to 49% of the total number of homicides (NCHS, 2008).
For African American male juveniles, a disturbing new trend of increasing
homicide rates began to emerge from 2002 to 2007. Homicides involving
Black male juveniles as victims rose by 31%, and Black male juvenile perpetrators of homicides increased by 43% (Fox & Swatt, 2008). Those killed by
the use of firearms escalated at an even greater rate. Gun killings rose by 54%
for young Black male victims and by 47% for young Black male perpetrators
(Fox & Swatt, 2008). The decreasing trend for African American male youth
homicides that was witnessed between 1993 and 2002 reversed. These
increases in the rates of both Black perpetrators and Black victims of homicide point to the continuing problem of Black-on-Black crime. The magnitude of African American male youth violence as a national public health
issue cannot be overstated.
There may be several reasons that explain the high incidence, prevalence,
and disproportionate representation of African American male youth committing violent acts. While the study of youth violence is not new, prevention
and intervention approaches based on existing work appears to be falling
short for this population. It is possible that one reason for this is that the violent acts committed within this group are not satisfactorily explained by the
traditional risk factors for youth violence. The role of race and racism in the
form of internalized racism, while discussed in sociological literature, has
not been included as an explanatory variable for research on violence among
African American young males. If internalized racism can help explain their
overrepresentation for youth violence, it could have significant impact for
how one approaches prevention and intervention with this group.

Internalized Racism
Internalizing racism is a social psychological process that affects African
Americans as a group and individually with variations of its impact that are
based on several factors, which may include but are not limited to (a) an aware-

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Journal of Black Studies 42(4)

ness of a self and group identity that is based on traditional and contemporary
African-centered worldviews, philosophies, cosmologies, and achievements
(Akbar, 1996; Azibo, 1996; Baldwin, 1980; Nobles, 1972); (b) the degree of
acceptance of the dominant cultures traditions, beliefs, and rationale for the
denigration of people of African descent (Azibo, 1976; Baldwin, 1980; Cross,
1978); (c) social economic status (Harer & Steffensmeier, 1992); (d) peer subcultures (Thomas, 2005); and (e) education (Woodson, 1999). Internalized
racism for African Americans involves the acceptance of the hegemonic
hierarchal stratification of race that places them at the bottom of the order.
It is also the acceptance of negative stereotypes about African Americans
concerning their abilities and intrinsic worth. Internalized racism is manifested
in embracing Whiteness with the devaluation of the Black self (Jones, 2000). It
is an experience of self-degradation and self-alienation, which incorporates
shame of African identity and culture (Watts-Jones, 2002). When present
among African American male youth, a lack of self-respect and/or negative
attitudes toward their own race may result in a greater propensity to engage
in acts of violence. This study explores whether internalized racism can
explain a significant amount of propensity toward violence among urban
African American adolescent males.

Theoretical Perspectives
Two distinct theoretical perspectives provide background information in
helping to understand the construct of internalized racism used in this study.
Critical race theory. The first is critical race theory (Brown, 2003; Delgado &
Stefancac, 2001), a race-based systematic critique of legal reasoning and
legal institutions that treats race as central to the law and policy of the United
States and provides a structural framework for the examination of social institutions. Critical race theory explains the repetitive ways in which race is
socially constructed across micro and macro systems and how in America,
chances in ones life are determined by their race (Brown, 2003). In this way,
critical race theory informs us of the ubiquitous nature of racism in America.
The manipulation of the perceived racial hierarchy that produces racism is
strengthened and further manifested by the consent of the American people
to the established social order that has been imposed on them by those who
have been and are in control of the social, political, and economic systems,
beginning with the racial stratification, political hegemony, and the avaricious economics of slavery during the colonial era (Williams, 1944). Critical
race theory posits that the ubiquity of racism assists in the proliferation of
racisms hegemonic economic and social control, cultural beliefs, and ideology to the point that all Americans to some degree are affected, with its debil-

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itating effects being more detrimental to African Americans, who are at the
very bottom of the stratified racial hierarchy.
Integrative model for the study of developmental competencies in minority children.
The second perspective helps explain how racism in society may translate into
severe developmental challenges among African American youth. The integrative model for the study of developmental competencies in minority children
(Garca-Coll et al., 1996) hypothesizes that the interaction of social position (race,
ethnicity, social class, and gender), racism, and segregated environments manufacture unique conditions leading to distorted developmental pathways that
strongly affect the developmental processes for competence in African American
children. It is theorized that internalized racism may function as a distorted
developmental pathway to competencies of African American children in a way
that may influence them to participate in violent antisocial behavior.

Risk Factors for Violence Among African American Youth

The literature on African American male youth violence generally examines
generic traditional risk factors, as well as some macrostructural characteristics in trying to account for violence among African American male youth.
The risk factors are generic in the sense that they are used as predictors of
violence for all youth regardless of race or ethnicity.
Generic risk factors. There are a plethora of studies on youth violence that
examine the role of the generic risk factors. These factors range from individual behaviors to family and school characteristics to socioeconomic factors. For example, Moffitt (1997) investigated the risks imposed by the
history of child abuse and families involvement in the criminal justice system. Braithwaite, Coles, and Greene (2002) examined the effects of childrens having poor relationships with parents as a risk factor for potential
violence. Exposure to domestic violence was determined to be a youth violence risk factor by Fitzpatrick and Wright (2006). Female-headed singleparent households and family size were determined to be risk factors for
youth violence (Braithwaite et al., 2002). Aspy et al. (2004) found that cigarette smoking and selling crack cocaine were significant risk factors for
youth violence along with substance abuse. Borduin and Schaeffer (1998)
and Thomas (2005) verified that youth with delinquent friends were more at
risk for perpetrating violence as well as carrying a weapon (Resnick et al.,
1997), impulsive behavior (Chapple, Tyler, & Bersani, 2005), and membership in gangs (Anderson, 1999; Stewart & Simons, 2006). Fitzpatrick and
Wright and Thomas found that youth who have problems in school were
more at risk for youth violence.
Elijah Anderson (1999) argues that it is the combination of structural risk
factors for violence, their interactions, and the cultural adaptation to these

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Journal of Black Studies 42(4)

factors that are responsible for African American young mens disproportionate overrepresentation in incidents of violence. Anderson describes how this
cultural adaptation may lead some residents of the Black community to adopt
an oppositional culture that embraces a powerful informal system that
governs the use of violence, which he labels the code of the street. The
code of the street emphasizes maintaining the respect of others through a
violent identity, toughness, and exacting retribution when one is disrespected
(or dissed) by someone (Stewart & Simons, 2006).
Anderson offers interesting insight into violence among African American
male youth, especially in highlighting the role of the interaction of structural
risk factors and the cultural adaptation to them. Yet maintaining the respect of
others through violent retribution did not start with African American male
youth as a code of the street. Historically, it is instead deeply engrained in this
countrys attitudes toward both violence and African American males.
Violence against African Americans has been historically judged less harshly
than violence inflicted on Whites, regardless of the perpetrator. African
American youth did not learn to be violent in a vacuum of socially disorganized neighborhoods, with their family disruptions, inequality, high rates of
poverty and crime, segregation, and unemployment. It could well be that the
acceptance of violence against African Americans for much of this countrys
history creates a context in which impoverished African American youth are
more willing to engage in acts of violence against each other. Violence used
in the construction of societys racial hierarchy, and in the institutionalization
of racism, long ago had planted the seeds that created the eventual violent
social structural environment that is now inhabited by most African Americans.
This study will help add to our understanding of violence among African
American youth by controlling for the more traditionally established risk
factors and by adding measures of internalized racism.

Method
This study explores internalized racisms association with African American
male youths propensity for violence. In models that control for generic risk
factors, it is hypothesized that higher levels of internalized racism will be associated with a greater propensity for African American male youth violence.

Participants
There were 224 African American male youth ages 14 to 19 years recruited
for this study. Participants consisted of African American male students from
a Philadelphia public high school (n = 92); African American male youth
enrolled at an educational institution that operates from an African-centered

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paradigm that places the utmost importance on African American identity

and cultural identification with Africa (n = 69); African American male
detainees at Philadelphias Youth Study Center, a detention facility for juveniles (n= 41); and African American male participants either on parole or on
probation who were currently participating in a program run by the
Philadelphia Youth Violence Reduction Partnership, which is designed to
reduce violence and recidivism (n= 22).

Materials and Procedure

The questionnaire consisted of a demographic section and sections for instruments that measured the constructs of interest. Although participants were
provided with the actual questionnaire and instruments in hard copy form,
each question was read aloud by the principal investigator for clarity and to
control for variations in reading skills. The principal investigator answered
questions as needed during the administration of the questionnaire for further
clarity and understanding. The survey took less than an hour for each participant to complete, after which he received a $15 incentive.
There were 36 independent and control variables considered for use in this
study. Most were generic risk factors for youth violence with some operationalized by yes-or-no responses to questions such as Have you ever been
arrested? and Have you ever been convicted? The instruments used to
measure the dependent and independent variables were established scales
with published validity and reliability reports. Measurements of delinquent
peers, exposure to gangs, drug and alcohol use, and impulsivity were operationalized by subscale measures of the Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention (CDC) longitudinal study Youth Risk Behavior Survey (CDC,
2000), whose item reliability was verified in a test-retest reliability study
conducted by Brener and colleagues (2002). Because of the possibility of
violence attributed to perceived disrespect, the construct aggressive response
to shame was measured and operationalized by the Aggressive Response to
Shame subscale (Cronbachs alpha= .84) of the Attitudes Towards Guns and
Violence Questionnaire (AGVQ; Shapiro, 2000). Racial salience was measured by the Centrality (Cronbachs alpha = .77) and Private Regard
(Cronbachs alpha= .60) subscales from the Multidimensional Inventory of
Black Identity (Sellers, Rowley, Chavous, Shelton, & Smith, 1997).
The key independent variable, internalized racism, was measured by
using the 24-item Racist subscale of Taylor and Grundys 1996 version of
the Nadanolitization Scale (NAD), designed to measure the extent to which
Blacks identify with the racist stereotypes that Blacks are mentally defective
(intellectually, morally, and emotionally) and physically gifted (athletically,

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Journal of Black Studies 42(4)

sexually, and artistically). Taylor and Grundy reported internal consistencies

of .85 for the 24-item Racist subscale. Several studies (Barrett, 1976; Cokley,
2002; Denton, 1985; Franklin, 1986; Milliones, 1973; Tomes & Brown, 1986)
verified the construct validity of the NAD. The items used by the NAD to
measure internalized racism are reflective of negative racial stereotypes, such
as that Black women are more sexually open and willing than White women,
a Black mans body is more skillful than his mind, and the high incidence of
crime among Blacks reflects a genetic abnormality.
The dependent variables in this study measured the propensity for African
American male youth to engage in violence. Two distinct constructs regarding
African American male youth violence, behaviors and attitudes, were use to
operationalize the propensity for violence of African American young men. The
aggressive behavior construct was measured by the 17-item Aggressive Behavior
subscale of Achenbach and Rescorlas (2001) Child Behavior Checklist, which
had a choice of three responses per item. The intraclass correlation for the
Aggressive Behavior subscale was .90, with a Cronbachs alpha of .94.
The AGVQ developed by Jeremy Shapiro (2000) operationalized the attitudes construct. Cronbachs alpha was .87 for the total score. A subscale of the
AGVQ, Aggressive Response to Shame, was employed as an independent variable to assess aggressive behavior and violent behavior but was not used to
assess attitudes toward guns and violence or overall propensity for violence.
The Seriousness of Violence ClassificationPittsburgh Youth Study, a
five-item measure used to assess the highest level of violence a youth reached
during the previous 6 months or 1 year, was adapted to include two additional
items (Was there a time when you have repeatedly got involved in physical
fights? and Was there a time when you were physically cruel to an animal
and hurt it on purpose?) and to operationalize the dependent variable violent
behavior across a respondents lifetime. The resultant seven-item scale required
yes-or-no responses.
Overall propensity for violence was a variable generated by using the
STATA software package to combine the scores of aggressive behavior,
attitudes toward guns and violence, and violent behavior. First, there was
a factor analysis procedure using the variables aggressive behavior, attitudes toward guns and violence, and violent behavior to determine their
factor loading. In a three-factor solution, all variables loaded on Factor 1
(renamed overall propensity for violence), eigenvalue= 1.17713; aggressive behavior, 0.5507; attitudes toward guns and violence, 0.6885; and
violent behavior, 0.6324. After the factor analysis, Cronbachs alpha of
these variables was determined by using standardized items. The reliability of these variables to measure the overall propensity for violence was
calculated to be .71.

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Table 1. Descriptive Statistics
Variable
Internalized racism
Aggressive behavior
Attitudes toward guns
and violence
Violent behavior
Delinquent friends
Drug use
Impulsive behavior
Violence as a response
to shame
Age
Ever been arrested
Ever been convicted
Want to be a drug gang
member
Drug gang member
Exposure to gangs
Gang members are
troublemakers
Ever carried a weapon

Number of observations

Mean

Standard deviation

223
206
221

68.91
10.46
52.04

38.20
6.98
9.04

224
222
218
224
221

2.19
12.76
3.50
5.79
53.03

1.57
7.18
4.03
3.20
9.29

223
224
224
221

16.44
0.4732
0.2679
0.0633

1.41
0.5004
0.4438
0.2441

223
224
221

0.1076
1.82
0.4932

0.3106
1.08
0.5019

218

1.77

1.32

Procedure
The descriptive statistics (Table 1) indicate random missing data. The random
missing responses are attributed to the participants discretionary decisionmaking processes. Having missing data poses a risk to bias parameter estimates,
can inflate Type I or Type II error rates, compromise confidence intervals, and
reduce statistical power (Collins, Schafer, & Kam, 2001). Although all variables used in these analyses were not missing data, it is prudent to account for
the missing values to help assure the accuracy of the findings. Multiple imputation techniques using the STATA software program were used to rectify
missing values in the data set of 39 dependent, independent, and control variables considered for use in this study.
The dependent, independent, and control variables of the imputed data set
were then assessed for their bivariate associations with Bonferroni corrections. Correlated associations (Table 2) greater than .20 were considered for
inclusion in the ordinary least squares (OLS) multivariate regression models.
The correlated results yielded a possible 11-variable model for aggressive

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Journal of Black Studies 42(4)

Table 2. Correlation Associations of Included Multiple Regression Variables

Aggressive Attitudes toward Violent Overall propensity
behavior guns and violence behavior
for violence

Variable
Drug use
Arrest
Conviction
Relationship with
parents
Ever smoked
Sold crack
Impulsive behavior
Internalized racism
Response to shame
Exposure to gangs
Want to be a drug
gang member
Gang member
Believe gang members
are troublemakers
Ever carried a weapon
Delinquent friends
Racial salience

.2783

.3434
.3890
.4084
.1926

.2984
.2907
.3197

.4243
.3430
.3715

.3813
.2770
.3095
.2050

.2474
.2000
.2728
.2259

.4133
.3121
.1926

.2364
.2380
.3643
.3397

.3489
.2231
.2043

.2071

.2389

.2566

.4283
.2091

.3073

.4283
.3974
.1711

.2377
.4073
.1419

.4773
.4649
.1701

.3060
.4973
.1926

behavior, a possible 12-variable model for attitudes toward guns and

violence, a possible 14-variable model for violent behavior, and a possible
12-variable model for the overall propensity for violence. The bivariant associations guided the choice of variable inclusion for each of the OLS multiple
regression models that explained the variances of the 4 dependent variables.
Backward elimination was performed for each regression model by removing the most insignificant variables one at a time to ensure the inclusion of
each significant variable that helped explain the variances of each dependent
variable.
The coefficient estimates for each model were standardized. Scatter plots
with LOWESS (locally weighted scatter plot smoothing) lines assessed internalized racisms linear relationship with the dependent variables aggressive
behavior, attitudes toward guns and violence, and overall propensity for violence. The LOWESS line indicated at what point on the internalized racism
scale increases in internalized racism scores began to have an increasing
effect on the scores of the aforementioned dependent variables.

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Results
The results of the aggressive behavior model, presented in Table 3, indicated
a significant model, F(9, 196)= 16.52, p< .0001, that explained 43% of the
variance in the dependent variable (R2= .4314). Of the statistically significant variables that helped to predict aggressive behavior, internalized racism
had the largest effect size (.2619), followed by impulsive behavior (.2019),
delinquent friends (.1956), aggressive response to shame (.1866), and drug
use (.1341). Age (.1865) and racial salience (.1056), were indicated to be
protective factors against behaving aggressively. Have you ever carried a
weapon? and Are you a drug gang member? functioned as control variables. With internalized racism removed from the model, 37% of the variance
was explained (R2= .3703), a 6% decline.
The results of the attitudes-toward-guns-and-violence model in Table 3
indicated a significant model, F(11, 209)= 8.31, p< .0001, that explained
30% of the variance in the dependent variable (R2= .3043). Four of the variables in the model were significant, with the variable delinquent friends having the largest effect size (.2438), followed by whether the respondent had
ever been arrested (.1791), internalized racism (.1776), and impulsive behavior (.1462), controlling for age, gang membership, carrying a weapon, drug
use, smoking, selling crack, and racial salience. With internalized racism
removed from the model, 27% of the variance was explained (R2= .2740), a
3% decline.
The results of the violent-behavior model in Table 3 indicated a significant model, F(14, 209)= 16.13, p< .0001, that explained 52% of the variance
in the dependent variable (R2 = .5193). Nine variables in the model were
significant, with the variable carrying a weapon having the largest effect size
(.2637), followed by aggressive response to shame (.2145), whether the
respondent had ever smoked (.2014), drug gang membership (.1349), drug
use (.1302), whether the respondent believes drug gang members are troublemakers (.1235), and exposure to drug gangs (.1234). Age (.1664) and racial
salience (.1059) were indicated to be protective factors against exhibiting
violent behavior. The main construct of interest, internalized racism, was not
significant in this model. Included in the model as control variables were
internalized racism, arrests, impulsive behavior, having sold crack, and
delinquent friends.
The results of the overall-propensity-for-violence model in Table 3 indicated a significant model, F(12, 190)= 14.57, p< .0001, that explained 48%
of the variance in the dependent variable (R2= .4793). Six variables in the

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0.32
0.06**
0.03^
0.28**
0.04**
1.34

.07
.19
-.11
-.19
.19
.05

^^p > .85. ^p = .058. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

0.12***
0.01***

.20
.26

SE
0.11*

b
.13
1.70
1.65
0.17*
0.01**
2.24
0.46
0.09***
0.04
0.46

.07
-.02
.15
.18
.11
.009
.24
-.08
-.07

SE
0.15
1.30*

.09
.18

F(11, 209) = 8.31

.3043
.2740
221

F(9, 196) = 16.52

.4314
.3703
206

Variable

Attitudes toward
guns and violence

Aggressive behavior

Drug use
Arrests
Relationship with parents
Ever smoked
Sold crack
Impulsive behavior
Internalized racism
Want to be a drug gang member
Ever carry a weapon
Delinquent friends
Racial salience
Age
Aggressive response to shame
Exposure to drug gangs
Drug gang member
Believe drug gang members make
trouble

F score
R2 with internalized racism
R2 without internalized racism
Number of observations

Statistic

.26
.10
-.11
-.17
.21
.12
.13
.12

.20
.01
.02
-.01

.13
.07

.07***
.01
.01*
.07**
.01***
.08*
.29*
.16*

.24**
.24
.02
.002^^

.02*
.19

SE

F(14, 209) = 16.13

.5193
ns
224

Violent behavior

.16
.13
.03
.06
.04
.20
.27
.08
.06
.26
-.12
-.18

0.23*
1.97^
0.67
2.52
2.41
0.25***
0.02***
3.26
0.67
0.13***
0.06*
0.69**

SE

F(12, 190) = 14.57

.4793
.4085
203

Overall propensity for

violence

Table 3. Ordinary Least Squares Multiple Regression Models for Aggressive Behavior, Attitudes Toward Guns and Violence,Violent
Behavior, and Overall Propensity for Violence

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Bryant

model were significant, with the variable internalized racism having the
largest effect size (.2737), followed by delinquent friends (.2576), impulsive
behavior (.2001), and drug use (.1575). Age (.1380) and racial salience
(-.1212) were indicated to be protective factors against the overall propensity for violence. Gang membership, arrests, carrying a weapon, having sold
crack, smoking, and relationship with parents were used as control variables.
With internalized racism removed from the model, 41% of the variance was
explained (R2= .4085), a 7% decline.
Scatter plots with LOWESS lines further explored the linear relationship
between internalized racism scores with scores for aggressive behavior, attitudes toward guns and violence, and overall propensity for violence. A scatter
plot with LOWESS line indicated that when internalized racism scores rose
above 25 (the range of internalized racism scores was from 0 to 161, with 0=
no internalized racism), the scores for aggressive behavior increased with
increases in internalized racism. Another scatter plot with LOWESS line
indicated that when internalized racism scores rose above 40, the scores for
attitudes toward guns and violence increased with increases in internalized
racism. The final scatter plot with LOWESS line indicated that when internalized racism scores rose above 25, the scores for the overall propensity for
violence increased with increases in internalized racism. Internalized racism
was not a significant predictor of violent behavior.

Discussion
The main purpose of this study was to explore the possible relationship
between internalized racism and violence among African American male
youth. It is the first attempt to my knowledge to use internalized racism in
addition to the generic risk factors to assess African American male youth
violence to go beyond what has been known about this population. In this
study, internalized racism was a statistically significant risk factor and key
predictor for major components of the propensity for violence, although it
was not a significant predictor of violent behavior.
It is possible that the negative self-concepts and characteristics inherent to
internalized racism can become deeply rooted in the minds of African
American youth. It is theorized that if young African American minds are
inflicted with negative attributes that are defined as internalized racism, it
can distort their developmental pathways (Garca-Coll et al., 1996) to ageappropriate competencies and can possibly predispose them toward selfdestructive behavior. The attitudes and behaviors associated with normal
developmental milestones in African American young men may be detrimentally

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Journal of Black Studies 42(4)

influenced by the induced internalized racisms developmental pathway

distortion and could possibly increase these young mens propensity to engage
in violence.
The results from the scatter plots with LOWESS lines of the internalized
racism index and the measures of the propensity for violence demonstrate the
ability of internalized racism to have an effect on African American male
youths potential for violence. There are indications that as the level of internalized racism increased, the levels of aggressive behavior, attitudes toward
guns and violence, and the overall propensity for violence also increased but
not levels of violent behavior. The insignificance of internalized racism when
assessing violent behavior may be attributable to the lack of reporting of violent behavior by the respondents. As indicated, violent behavior was assessed
by seven 7 questions with possible yes-or-no answers; 13.4% of the respondents reported no violent behavior, 24.6% of the respondents answered yes on
one violent behavior item, and 26.8% reported yes on two violent behavior
items. This total represents 64.8% of the participants who responded to the
measure. Nearly 65% of the respondents reported yes to violent behavior on
two or fewer items out of seven. Therefore, the low reporting of violent behavior by respondents may account for the insignificance of internalized racism.
The age variable is shown to be a protective factor against aggressive
behavior, violent behavior, and the overall propensity for violence. With each
additional year of age, the likelihood of the propensity for violence as
measured by these variables is decreased.
Racial salience is the extent to which there is a belief that ones race has
a positive and nurturing aspect and that ones racial reference group is an
integral part of ones self-concept (Sellers et al., 1998). It is noteworthy that
racial salience functions as a protective factor against violent behavior and
the overall propensity for violence and very closely approaches significance
(p= .057) in protecting against aggressive behavior. As internalized racism
acts as a mediating factor in respect to African American male youths propensity for violence, racial salience is functioning as a moderating factor. Racial
salience to some degree can be seen as a neutralizer of internalized racism.
Internalized racism explains variances in three dependent variables
beyond what is explained by the generic risk factors for youth violence alone.
The additional variances of violence propensity explained by internalized
racism above and beyond the variances explained by the generic risk factors may be significant in helping to explain the disproportionate overrepresentation of African American male youth as the perpetrators and victims
of youth violence. Internalized racism explained 6% more variance in
aggressive behavior, 3% more variance in attitudes toward guns and violence,

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Bryant

and 7% more variance in the overall propensity for violence. Internalized

racisms unprecedented use to assess African American male youths propensity for violence, and the resultant previously unaccounted-for variances, may
be a linchpin in helping to explain the phenomenon we see as African American
male youths disproportionate overrepresentation in violent activities.

Policy and Practice

There is strong evidence that when African American male youth violence
has an early onset, it becomes a chronic condition (CDC, 2008; Puzzanchera, &
Adams, 2008). One policy recommendation would be to have mandatory
screening of young African American men for internalized racism as well as
for the traditional risk factors for youth violence during their 1st year of
middle school. This procedure could be effective in detecting tendencies
toward violence in identified young men at an early age, when preventive
interventions may prove to be more effective.

Limitations and Implications for Future Research

The findings presented in this study must be interpreted with consideration of
its limitations. One of the major limitations of this research project is the use
of a nonprobability sampling design. Although the findings are confined to
the study sample, they gave pertinent information concerning internalized
racisms association with the propensity for African American male youth
violence and will be useful when planning future research in this area.
Replication of this research project by drawing participants from different program sites and using random selection techniques to be able to
generalize the findings to the larger populations from where they are drawn
is suggested. Studying a probabilistic sample would provide more legitimacy to the findings that internalized racism is a major risk factor and has
a strong association with African American male youths propensity for
violence.
For all replications, community-level risk factors could be added, such as
neighborhood crime rates that included the number of arrests for homicide,
aggravated assaults, non-negligent murders, nonfatal injuries, number of
drug arrests, and the number of weapon offenses for a specified geographic
urban area. Questions concerning the adoption of the cultural risk factor code
of the street and individual measures of abuse history may be appropriate.
The inclusion of multilevel risk factors would greatly enhance the explanatory
power of any analytic model.

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Journal of Black Studies 42(4)

Conclusion
The main concern of this research project has been to explore the association that internalized racism may have with African American male
youths propensity for violence. Although this research is not generalizable to larger populations, it has provided ample reasons to consider
internalized racism as a major risk factor for African American male
youth violence. It explains additional variances beyond what is explained
by the generic risk factors, with the possibility that the additional
explained variances may be associated with the overrepresentation of
African American males as perpetrators and victims of youth violence.
The construct of internalized racism may be an integral part in the formulation of ideas, attitudes, and behaviors of African American male youth
and deserves to be further explored to interpret and make sense of all the
implications that may be associated with it. This study has been a first
step in that direction.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author declared no conflicts of interest with respect to the authorship and/or publication of this article.

Funding
The author received no financial support for the research and/or authorship of this
article.

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Bio
Wesley W. Bryant received his PhD from Bryn Mawr College Graduate School of
Social Work and Social Research. He is currently a National Institute on Drug Abuse
T-32 postdoctoral fellow with the Epidemiology and Prevention Research Group,
Department of Psychiatry, Washington University Medical School. His primary
research interest is African American male youth.

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