Philippine Presidential Election 2016:

History Will Repeat Itself

by Benjamin Maynigo
Cory Aquino was God-sent to challenge a corrupt dictator, to stop the human rights abuses, and
to restore freedom and democracy in the Philippines and to its people.
Cheated in a presidential election by the despotic Marcos, Cory was installed by the people as
President via a peaceful People Power or EDSA revolution.
Surviving several coup attempts that tried to destabilize her government, she competently,
efficiently, effectively and successfully governed as the country transitioned to a vibrant
republican and democratic government.
Initially running the country under a revolutionary Freedom Constitution, she got a commission
to draft a constitution that is responsive to the needs, ideals and principles of a true and human
democracy. By overwhelmingly ratifying the 1987 Constitution, the Filipino people reaffirmed
their trust and confidence in President Cory Aquino. Through the voice of the people, the voice
of God was heard!

In the first election after the Cory Constitution was ratified, the Filipino people who earlier
clamored for her to challenge dictator Marcos, again reaffirmed their full trust on her Godinspired judgment. In that election, it was Corys choice all the way. The choices of Cory from
national to local levels won overwhelmingly.
Then running a representative government under a living and vibrant constitution, she rejected
appeals to extend her term. She preferred to prepare the country for a truly functioning
democratic government by electing a new set of national and local officials as mandated by the
new constitution.
Cory chose to endorse Fidel Ramos, then Defense Secretary, co-leader in the People Power
Revolution, and more importantly, defender of Cory against all coup attempts to topple her
government.
Because of Corys endorsement, Fidel Ramos won the election against formidable and wellfunded opponents. President Ramos did well as President. He ran a relatively peaceful country
and almost a totally labor-strike free regime. His economic policies were bringing our country to
what was described as a baby tiger status. In fact, some sectors even clamored for an extended
term.

Sticking to the mandates of the Cory Constitution, Ramos presidency ended. Cory and the
Yellow Brigade remained a political force especially during the Estrada and the MacapagalArroyo regimes that brought plunder and corruption in government.
Exposed to another set of evils, the death of Cory revived the peoples yearning for one who
embodied Honesty, Humility, Honor, and Hope a la Cory.
This was when a grieving public clamored for Noynoy Aquino to run for President. He never
intended to do so. The people asked him to run, so he ran. They expected him to win, so he did!
History repeating itself just began! Like his mother, Noynoy heeded the clamor. He also fought
against formidable and well-funded candidates. By virtue of the power vested upon the Filipino
people, Noynoy became President Noynoy or PNoy.
Last year, the Philippines had its national and local elections under PNoys term. In a
column/blog (http://benmaynigo.blogspot.com/2013/04/philippine-election-2013-history.html), I
wrote,
This time, it will also be PNoys Choices. The big difference is that PNoy is backing his choices
with achievements, substantial resources, overwhelming organizational advantage, a successful
and indisputable anti-corruption Daang Matuwid campaign message, and the attainable
promise and hope of better things to come not only for local leaders but most especially for their
constituents.
Indeed, it was an overwhelming victory for most of PNoys choices not unlike Corys choices
during her term.
Presidential Election 2016
In 2016, the Filipino people will be electing PNoys successor. Many are already speculating on
the people who may run. Vice President Binay announced that he is forming a new party to
prepare for his presidential run. Columnists think that NP might field Senator Alan Cayetano,
Senator Bongbong Marcos, or former presidential candidate Villar; Lakas will field Senator
Bong Revilla; and LP will field DILG Secretary Mar Roxas.
Among the Vice Presidentiables mentioned were: Vilma Santos, Manny Pangilinan or Senator
Jinggoy under Binay; Senator Antonio Trillanes under Cayetano; and Senator Chiz Escudero
under Mar Roxas.

In my column/blog (http://benmaynigo.blogspot.com/2013/05/elections-you-win-some-you-losesome.html in analyzing the 2013 election results I wrote,

The Visayans and the Bicolanos delivered 10 winners for Team PNoy and only 2 UNA. The

Mindanao provinces including the Muslims delivered 9-3 while NCR and all the Regions north
of it delivered 8 4.
What this means is that the Visayans led by Roxas and Drilon delivered to deserve the 2016
Presidential endorsement and the Senate Presidency, respectively. It also means that the
Bicolanos led by Escudero, Robredo and LP followers delivered to probably deserve and reserve
the Vice Presidential seat for their region in 2016.
In fact, in Capiz, the bailiwick of Roxas, it was 11 winners for Team PNoy and only 1 for UNA.

This explains why the LP/NPC coalition is pushing for a Roxas-Escudero tandem. The latter is a
Bicolano.

History will repeat itself! My prediction is that PNoys choice will be the next President of the
Philippines. It would take a whole generation to institute the reforms needed in our society. Six
years is not enough. The country needs to continue PNoys economic achievements, anticorruption Daang Matuwid campaign, the rehabilitation and recovery of disaster areas,
judicial, political, electoral, military and other reforms.
The country cannot afford to change direction again and start a new cycle. PNoys GPS (Grand
Prosecution of the Sleazy) must proceed speedily without obstruction, stoppage and interruption.
The people want to see the detention and incarceration of a powerful group of politicians who
plundered public funds.
For this, it must be his choice. He has their trust and confidence.
The best way to predict the future is to create it. The future is 2016 and beyond. PNoy by
good governance started creating a bright future. With a great message (Daang Matuwid) and a
platform backed by an efficient and effective Public Relations and Propaganda machine;
substantial financial, intellectual, and material resources; a precinct level national political party
machinery; and a competent and effective presidential candidate personally anointed by PNoy,
this future is being created every minute of the day silently and without fanfare.
History demands it! It happened in the past. It is happening today. It will happen tomorrow!

Binay slides, Roxas climbs in latest poll on

2016 presidentiables

September 29, 2014 1:11pm

1812 115 1 4081
Tags: Jejomar Binay , Mar Roxas , Pulse Asia
Vice President Jejomar Binay and Sen. Grace Poe continue to be the top choices for president
and vice president, respectively, according to the latest survey results by pollster Pulse Asia.
But Pulse Asia's survey conducted September 8 to 15 showed a decline in Binay's lead, amid
recent corruption-related controversies hounding him and members of his family.
"If the May 2016 elections were held during the survey period, 31 percent of Filipinos would
vote for Vice President Jejomar C. Binay as president. This overall voter preference puts the
Vice-President ahead of 14 other personalities whose presidential chances in May 2016 are
probed in this survey," it said.
Binay's share of the presidential vote was lower than the 41 percent in June, when his closest
pursuers in the presidential race then included Poe and former President and now Manila Mayor
Joseph Estrada.
Binay had been linked to a controversy involving alleged irregularities in the bidding and
construction of the allegedly overpriced P2.7-billion Makati City Hall Building II.
Interior Secretary Manuel Roxas II, whom Binay defeated in the vice presidential race in 2010,
was in second place in the September survey, getting support from 13 percent of the respondents.
Roxas' numbers went up as he had only seven percent in the June survey.
Others in the September survey included:
- Miriam Santiago, 11 percent (7 percent in June)
- Grace Poe, 10 percent (12 percent in June)
- Joseph Estrada, 10 percent (9 percent in June)
- Sen. Francis Escudero, 5 percent (7 percent in June)
- Sen. Ferdinand Marcos Jr., 5 percent (5 percent in June)
- former Vice President Manuel "Noli" de Castro Jr., 3 percent
- former Sen. Richard Gordon, 2 percent (1 percent in June)
- former Sen. Panfilo Lacson, 1 percent
- Sen. Alan Peter Cayetano, 1 percent (5 percent in June)
- Rep. Leni Robredo, 1 percent
- Sen. Ramon "Bong" Revilla Jr., 1 percent (2 percent in June)
- Sen. Franklin Drilon, 0.4 percent (1 percent in June)
- former Sen. Francis Pangilinan, 0.2 percent
Lacson is presently the Presidential Assistant for Rehabilitation and Recovery while Pangilinan
is the Presidential Assistant for Food Security and Agricultural Modernization.

Pulse Asia said Binay was the leading presidential candidate in the rest of Luzon (32 percent),
Metro Manila (33 percent), and Mindanao (33 percent) as well as in Classes D and E (32 and 33
percent respectively).
"In Visayas, almost the same percentages express the same level of support for Vice President
Binay and DILG Secretary Roxas (27% and 22%, respectively)," it said.
Pulse Asia also said that for Class ABC, the top presidential bets were Binay and Santiago with
23 and 17 percent respectively.
Vice President
For Vice President, Poe led the pack with 31 percent, followed by Escudero with 19 percent,
Cayetano with 9 percent, Sen. Antonio Trillanes IV with 7 percent, and Marcos with 6 percent.
Others mentioned in the vice presidential survey were:
- Batangas Gov. Vilma Santos, 6 percent
- Sen. Jinggoy Estrada, 5 percent
- Sen. Franklin Drilon, 5 percent
- Sen. Ramon Revilla Jr., 3 percent
- Rep. Leni Robredo, 3 percent
- trader Manuel Pangilinan, 2 percent
Pulse Asia said Poe enjoyed sizeable plurality "in practically all geographic areas (29% to 36%)
and every socio-economic grouping (30% to 31%)."
The only exception is in Mindanao where almost the same voter preferences are recorded by Poe
and Escudero at 29 versus 23 percent.
Methodology
The nationwide survey interviewed 1,200 people aged 18 and up, and has a 3 percent error
margin at the 95-percent confidence level.
Subnational estimates for geographic areas including Metro Manila, the rest of Luzon, Visayas
and Mindanao have a 6 percent error margin, also at 95 percent confidence level.
At the time the survey was taken, the following issues topped the headlines:
- the ongoing Senate investigation into reported overpricing in the Makati CityHall Building II.
Witnesses claimed the bidding was rigged.
- Albay Gov. Jose Salceda suggested that Vice President Binay be impeached over corruption
charges in connection with the alleged overpricing.

- the junking of three impeachment complaints against President Benigno Aquino III, which were
found insufficient in substance.
- the 90-day suspension slapped on Sen. Juan Ponce Enrile emanating from the alleged P10billion pork barrel mess.
- arrest of the suspects in a foiled "bombing attempt" at the Ninoy Aquino International Airport
Terminal 3 Sept. 1.
- confirmation of Gen. Gregorio Pio Catapang Jr. as Armed Forces of the Philippines chief of
staff.
- President Aquino's request to Congress for emergency powers so he can address an impending
energy crisis in 2015.
- the transmittal of the draft Bangsamoro Basic Law to Congress
- calls for the resignation of Philippine National Police chief Director General Alan Purisima
over crimes involving policemen and President Aquino's expression of trust in him.
- a reported statement by Vice President Binay regarding his preference for trader Manuel
Pangilinan as his running mate in May 2016.
- talks of a second term for President Aquino.
- Catholic Church leaders' preparations for Pope Francis' visit in January.
- public uproar against the construction of a condominium tower in Manila that threatens to ruin
the view of the Rizal Monument.
- oath-taking of Associate Justice Francis Jardeleza as the newest member of the Supreme Court.
- President Aquino's visit to Europe and the United States.
- port congestion in Manila.
- continuing woes experienced by passengers of the Metro Rail Transit (MRT) Line 3.
B

Comelec eyes early campaign for 2016

(The Philippine Star) | Updated September 5, 2014 - 12:00am
0 29 googleplus0 0
MANILA, Philippines - The Commission on Elections (Comelec) is considering allowing early
campaigning for the May 2016 elections to give candidates enough time to expose themselves to
voters.
We are thinking of starting the election campaign as early as October next year, when
candidates file their certificates of candidacy, Comelec Chairman Sixto Brillantes Jr. told
reporters yesterday.
He said it is one way of leveling the playing field among aspirants in the wake of the Supreme
Court (SC) ruling declaring a Comelec resolution limiting airtime for political propaganda as
unconstitutional.

That ruling will benefit the rich candidates to the prejudice of poor aspirants. We will continue
to ensure a level playing field, he said.
He said the affected Comelec resolution applied to the 2013 elections and would no longer be
used for the 2016 polls.
We will have to come up with a new resolution on allowable radio and television time for
candidates and their political advertisements. We will have to follow the guidelines laid down by
the Supreme Court in the ruling, he added.
Headlines ( Article MRec ), pagematch: 1, sectionmatch: 1
The Comelec usually sets a maximum election campaign period of 90 days for national elections.
Under the early campaign plan broached by Brillantes, campaigning would last for seven
months, from October 2015 to April 2016.
Deluge of campaign ads
Meanwhile, Brillantes said the public should brace for a deluge of campaign advertisements in
the 2016 elections in view of the SC ruling.
He said the SC had effectively obliterated a statutory mechanism to level the playing field by
setting a cap on the quantity of media exposure candidates can buy.
The high tribunal ruled that campaign ads should be computed in total aggregate, instead of per
television and radio station basis, as stated in the Comelec resolution.
Brillantes said he is not inclined to recommend the filing of a motion for reconsideration of the
SC ruling, considering the unanimity of the SC decision.
To counter this laxity, the Comelec vows to impose stricter campaign finance regulations
particularly on expense monitoring and documentary requirements for the 2016 elections.
We will likewise modify our existing rules regarding airtime policy to be consistent with the
new ruling, Brillantes said.
2013 elections
Election lawyer Romulo Macalintal said the SC ruling applies only to the 2013 elections.
The resolution is clear in that it was issued for purposes of 2013 elections, thus it refers to
election periods and dates obviously different from the 2016 polls, he said.
Macalintal added that what was declared unconstitutional is the resolution and not Republic Act
9006 or the Fair Elections Act of 2001, the basis of the resolution.

It could have affected media companies if what was declared unconstitutional was RA 9006
because we would revert to old laws where radio and television ads were not allowed, he said.
With Sheila Crisostomo

Comelec to limit candidates campaign ads airtime in 2016

by Charissa Luci
September 5, 2014

Share this:

Unfazed by the recent Supreme Court ruling that struck down airtime limits for political
advertisements in the May, 2013 elections, the Commission on Elections (Comelec) yesterday
said that it will set a ceiling for political commercials in 2016.
Comelec Chairman Sixto Brillantes Jr. revealed this yesterday when he appeared before the
House Committee on Appropriations where the poll bodys proposed P16.9-billion budget for
next year was deliberated upon.
Brillantes said despite the SC ruling, they could still impose an airtime limit on political
advertisements.
We want to have a level playing field among the candidates. We are not protecting the business
interest here. Pero pagsinabi nila, ng SC na hindi tama ito, susunod kami, he said.
In the same hearing, Brillantes said the Comelec would no longer file a motion for consideration
to appeal the SCs ruling which declared as unconstitutional the airtime limit set by poll body on
political advertisements of candidates in the May, 2013 elections.
It was unanimous. We would rather not file an MR. Anyway, it would be useless since the
Comelec resolution was intended for 2013 polls. We will craft a new resolution, he said during
the House hearing.
Brillantes explained that Comelec Resolution 9615, which sets the airtime limits of campaign
advertisements in counting the aggregate total, not on per television and radio station basis, was

not implemented in 2013 following the issuance by the SC of a temporary restraining order
(TRO).
The candidates were afraid to defy the resolution because if the SC sustained it, hahabulin
namin sila. So hindi rin talaga nakagalaw ang mga kandidato, Brillantes said.
Branding the Comelecs resolution as arbitrary, the SC voted unanimously to partially grant
the petitions filed by GMA Network, ABC Development Corp., ABS-CBN, Manila Broadcasting
Company, and the Kapisanan ng mga Brodkaster ng Pilipinas (KBP) challenging Comelec
Resolution 9615, as amended by Resolution 9631.
NEW TECHNOLOGY
Brillantes also said that the Comelec will try using the direct recording technology (DRT) to
make the voting system for the 2016 polls more efficient.
Were going to have the OMR (Optical Machine Reader) and well pilot the DRE (in 2016) The
DRE is a totally different technology from the OMR. Wala itong paper trail although may lalabas
pa ring resibo Parang iPad lang tapos [may lalabas] na resibo, he said.
But he said the use of such technology would depend on the budget that would be given to them.
He explained that touch screen technology is more expensive since the government has to shelve
out substantial budget to purchase five to 10 machines in each precinct.
He said the Comelec has yet to identify their pilot areas where they would test the DRT.
Comelec originally proposed P36 billion for next year, but the Department of Budget and
Management (DBM) only allotted P16.9 billion for the poll body under the proposed 2015
national budget.
LIMIT ON SPENDING
Even without a new resolution, Brillantes said the Comelec could still indirectly restrict airtime
of candidates through their campaign spending.
To counter this laxity, the Comelec vows to impose stricter campaign finance regulations
particularly on expense monitoring and documentary requirements for the 2016 elections,
Brillantes said.
Following the SC ruling, Speaker Feliciano Sonny Belmonte Jr. asked the Comelec to strictly
implement the Statements of Contributions and Expenditures (SOCE) in the 2016 presidential
elections to level the playing field among candidates.

Well, actually theres a money limit to spending, but it could be circumvented. Frankly, I
believe the Comelec was right in imposing a limit. It certainly benefits the rich candidates, he
said, fearing that Republic Act (RA) No. 7166 or the SOCE could be violated.
RICH CANDIDATES FAVORED
House Deputy Majority Leader and Citizens Battle Against Corruption (Cibac) party-list Rep.
Sherwin Tugna, Isabela Rep. Rodolfo Rodito Albano III, and Abakada party-list Rep. Jonathan
dela Cruz also lamented that the SC ruling favors moneyed candidates. This will be favorable to
the moneyed candidates. However, there is still limit being imposed by the Comelec on a
candidate on allowable expense per voter. Having said that, there is still a limit to the moneyed
candidates. Good platform and good name win an election and the perfect example is PNoy
(President Aquino), Tugna said.
Albano said he was not surprised by the SC decision that sided with the petitions filed by GMA
Network, ABC Development Corp., ABS-CBN, Manila Broadcasting Company and the KBP.
The rich candidates always have the advantage. Whats new? he pointed out. (With a report
from Samuel P. Medenilla)
http://www.mb.com.ph/comelec-to-limit-candidates-campaign-ads-airtime-in-2016/

Comelec eyes early campaign for 2016

(The Philippine Star) | Updated September 5, 2014 - 12:00am
0 29 googleplus0 0

MANILA, Philippines - The Commission on Elections (Comelec) is considering allowing early

campaigning for the May 2016 elections to give candidates enough time to expose themselves to
voters.
We are thinking of starting the election campaign as early as October next year, when
candidates file their certificates of candidacy, Comelec Chairman Sixto Brillantes Jr. told
reporters yesterday.
He said it is one way of leveling the playing field among aspirants in the wake of the Supreme
Court (SC) ruling declaring a Comelec resolution limiting airtime for political propaganda as
unconstitutional.
That ruling will benefit the rich candidates to the prejudice of poor aspirants. We will continue
to ensure a level playing field, he said.

He said the affected Comelec resolution applied to the 2013 elections and would no longer be
used for the 2016 polls.
We will have to come up with a new resolution on allowable radio and television time for
candidates and their political advertisements. We will have to follow the guidelines laid down by
the Supreme Court in the ruling, he added.
Headlines ( Article MRec ), pagematch: 1, sectionmatch: 1

The Comelec usually sets a maximum election campaign period of 90 days for national elections.
Under the early campaign plan broached by Brillantes, campaigning would last for seven
months, from October 2015 to April 2016.
Deluge of campaign ads
Meanwhile, Brillantes said the public should brace for a deluge of campaign advertisements in
the 2016 elections in view of the SC ruling.
He said the SC had effectively obliterated a statutory mechanism to level the playing field by
setting a cap on the quantity of media exposure candidates can buy.
The high tribunal ruled that campaign ads should be computed in total aggregate, instead of per
television and radio station basis, as stated in the Comelec resolution.
Brillantes said he is not inclined to recommend the filing of a motion for reconsideration of the
SC ruling, considering the unanimity of the SC decision.
To counter this laxity, the Comelec vows to impose stricter campaign finance regulations
particularly on expense monitoring and documentary requirements for the 2016 elections.
We will likewise modify our existing rules regarding airtime policy to be consistent with the
new ruling, Brillantes said.
2013 elections
Election lawyer Romulo Macalintal said the SC ruling applies only to the 2013 elections.
The resolution is clear in that it was issued for purposes of 2013 elections, thus it refers to
election periods and dates obviously different from the 2016 polls, he said.
Macalintal added that what was declared unconstitutional is the resolution and not Republic Act
9006 or the Fair Elections Act of 2001, the basis of the resolution.

It could have affected media companies if what was declared unconstitutional was RA 9006
because we would revert to old laws where radio and television ads were not allowed, he said.
With Sheila Crisostomo
http://www.philstar.com/headlines/2014/09/05/1365584/comelec-eyes-earlycampaign-2016

2016 race has started

IN SEARCH FOR TRUTH By Ernesto M. Maceda (The Philippine Star) | Updated June 1,
2013 - 12:00am
36 1601 googleplus0 2

The race for the 2016 Presidential Contest has started. Global Source, a New York-based think
tank has shortlisted Vice President Jojo Binay, DILG Sec. Mar Roxas (LP), Grace Poe (Team
Pinoy), Alan Peter Cayetano (NP), and Chiz Escudero (Independent) as potential presidential
candidates.
President Aquino has already predicted that his anointed will win the election.
With his extensive public service background and with the highest trust rating, Vice President
Jojo Binay is still the front runner with Senate President Pro Tempore Jinggoy Estrada as
potential running mate. The top five finish of Nancy Binay confirms the VPs big following.
DILG Sec. Mar Roxas has a lock on the LP nomination with Chiz Escudero as probable running
mate. Topnotcher Grace Poe is a darkhorse but it all depends on her performance in the Senate
for the next 2 years.
The Nacionalista Party (NP) now with 5 Senators will compete in 2016 with an attractive team
up of Sen. Alan Peter Cayetano and Sen. Bongbong Marcos. Lakas-NUCD is still in contention
with the reelection of President Gloria M. Arroyo and a viable candidate in the person of Sen.
Bong Revilla who topped the 2010 senatorial race.
Surprises
The 2013 elections registered several surprises, among them:
Opinion ( Article MRec ), pagematch: 1, sectionmatch: 1

1. The Comelec proclaimed 6 winning senatorial candidates with only 30% of the votes counted.
2. The Comelec proclaimed winning candidates without announcing the number of votes a
candidate obtained.
3. A newcomer, Grace Poe, topped the elections getting a record of 20 million votes.

4. UNA candidate Nancy Binay, another newcomer, placed 5th getting 16 million votes.
5. Cynthia Villar who had the most number of TV commercials slid down from 3rd to 10th place
in the final ranking.
6. Chiz Escudero and Koko Pimentel made it to the top 12 even without endorsement by the
INC.
7. LP bets for Governor lost in Pampanga, Pangasinan, La Union, Ilocos Sur, Laguna, Quezon,
Cavite, Northern Samar, Camarines Sur, Cagayan, Isabela, and Negros Oriental. LP bets for
Mayor lost in Manila, Caloocan, Baguio, Cebu City, and General Santos.
8. Six newcomers made it to the Senate: Grace Poe, Nancy Binay, Bam Aquino, Sonny Angara,
J.V. Estrada, and Cynthia Villar. Only Angara is a lawyer.
9. There will be six women senators: Miriam D. Santiago, Pia Cayetano, Loren Legarda, Grace
Poe, Nancy Binay, and Cynthia Villar.
10. Only 76.33% election returns were transmitted to PPCRV Manila.
More women elected
Women winners among the Governors are:
1. Nini Ynares of Rizal
2. Sol Matugas of Surigao del Norte
3. Daisy Fuentes of South Cotabato
4. Emmylou Talio Mendoza of North Cotabato
5. Jum Akbar of Basilan
6. Herminia Ramiro of Misamis Occidental
7. Corazon Malanyaon of Davao Oriental
8. Glenda Ecleo of Dinagat
9. Angelica Amante of Agusan Del Norte
10. Vilma Santos of Batangas

11. Imelda Marcos of Ilocos Norte

12. Carmencita Reyes of Marinduque
13. Rizalina Laete of Masbate
14. Lilia Pineda of Pampanga
15. Sheree Ann Tan of Samar
Anti-dynasty campaign failed
In La Union, Rep. Victor Ortega and Gov. Manoling Ortega led 8 brothers in winning their
election contests with Kit Ortega as Board Member, Pablo Ortega as Mayor of San Fernando
City, and Pacoy Ortega as Party-list Congressman.
In Ilocos Sur, 2 sons of Chavit Singson Ryan won as Governor while Ronald was reelected
Congressman with Eva Singson Medina as Mayor of Vigan and Chavits sister Germelina
Singson Goulart as Mayor of Caoayan.
In Ilocos Norte, Imelda R. Marcos won reelection together with Governor Imee Marcos. Son
Bongbong is in the Senate. Nephew Ferdinand Martin was reelected Congressman of the 1st
district of Leyte and nephew Alfred Romualdez as Mayor of Tacloban City. Alfreds wife
Cristina was reelected as Councilor.
President Joseph Estrada won as Mayor of Manila together with son JV as Senator joining
Jinggoy in the Senate. Wife Guia Gomez was reelected Mayor of San Juan. Granddaughter
Janella won as City Councilor. Nephew Gov. ER Ejercito won reelection in Laguna. His wife
Maita was reelected Mayor of Pagsanjan. Nephew Gary Estrada was re-elected Board Member
of Quezon Province.
In Camarines Sur, the Fuentebella dynasty rules with Wimpy winning as Congressman of the 4th
district over Aga Muhlach. Reelected with him is mother Evelyn as Mayor of Sangay and brother
Arnie as Mayor of Tigaon.
In Rizal, the Ynares family consolidated control with Casimiro Ito Ynares installing wife Nini
as Governor again and son Dr. Jun Ynares III capturing the mayorship of vote rich Antipolo City.
Brother Cecilio Ynares is Mayor of Binangonan.
The Conjuangco dynasty is alive with Tarlac 1st district Rep. Henry Cojuangco reelected. His
son Kit was elected Vice Governor of Tarlac. Cousin Kimi Cojuangco was reelected
Congresswoman of the 5th district of Pangasinan.

In Bataan, Gov. Tet Garcia was elected back to Congress. His son Albert moves to the
Governors chair. Brother Jose Enrique is Mayor of Balanga City.
In Pampanga, Gov. Lilia Pineda was reelected with son Dennis as Vice Governor. Daughter
Mylene Pineda Cayabyab is Mayor of Lubao.
In Zambaonga del Sur, Gov. Tony Cerilles easily won reelection together with wife Auring as
Congresswoman of the 1st district. Son Ace William Cerilles is Mayor of Dumalinao.
Sen. Alan Peter Cayetano has established his dynasty with wife Lani reelected Mayor of Taguig.
Brother Lino is now Congressman of Taguig.
Sen. Bong Revillas son, Jolo is now Vice Governor of Cavite. Uncle Strike is Mayor of Bacoor
and mother Lani is Congresswoman of Bacoor.
The Binay dynasty in Makati is going strong with Nancy now going to the Senate. Other Binays
in office are Vice President Jojo Binay, Congresswoman Abby Binay and Makati Mayor Junjun
Binay.
*

To all who supported me, voted for me and offered prayers, Thank you very much!

016 elections: Battle of Aquino, Binay narratives

The unfolding political drama leading to 2016 can be seen as a preview to a sequel of the Aquino
presidency or a prequel to a Binay presidency
Dean Julio C. Teehankee
Published 12:18 PM, Apr 08, 2014
Updated 12:18 PM, Apr 08, 2014

Dean Julio Teehankee

Despite the general impression that the upcoming 2016 presidential election is going to be
another issueless campaign anchored on money, popularity, and name recall it can be argued
that the forthcoming political exercise will be a referendum on the performance of President

Noynoy Aquino. Moreover, it will also be the political moment of truth for Vice President Jojo
Binay.
In announcing the formation of a new party by June 12, Binay and his populist allies have clearly
drawn the line in the sand with 2016 in mind. On the other hand, the ruling Liberal Party (LP) is
still holding on to the flickering hope of its prospective standard bearer Interior and Local
Government Secretary Mar Roxas. Roxas political future is anchored largely on the
endorsement of PNoy who is expected to stake his immense political capital to assure the
continuity of his matuwid na daan reformist policy. Thus, if Roxas initial campaign falters,
the President will have to look for another reformist champion.
Clearly, the 2016 election will continue to be a battleground for two enduring narratives in
Philippine political history reformism vs. populism.
In the Philippines, party ideologies are unquestionably weak. Instead, presidential candidates
develop their own campaign narratives. These narratives, which then become the governing
scripts for an elected president are either portrayed as compatible with the overall regime
narrative, or are an effort to pre-empt it.
Narratives are stories that are told in a clear sequential manner in order to connect events in a
meaningful way. Often used in literary and discourse analysis, narratives have recently been
adapted in framing electoral campaigns like Barack Obamas successful reelection bid. In an
upcoming book entitled From Aquino to Aquino: The Philippine Presidency Since Marcos
American political scientist Mark Thompson and this writer argue that given the lack of
ideological articulation in Philippine politics, narratives have emerged as quasi-programmatic
and emotive scripts that bind coalitions of interest within an institutional context.
Reformism vs. populism
By battling the evils of corruption, reformists often make claims of the good in their crusade
for good governance. This story line is attractive to the middle class of society who often
decries government inefficiency and wasted economic resources brought about by
institutionalized corruption. By enduring personal sacrifices at the hands of corrupt officials,
reformists are worthy of the publics trust. Hence, the reformist narrative flows from the political
promise I will help you . . . because I am (morally) good. Honesty and sincerity are often
used as the code words for the reformist narrative.
On the other hand, populism (from the Latin word populis), according to political scientist
Andrew Heywood, refers to a movement, a regime, a leader, or even a state which claims close
affinity with the people. Populists usually make class appeals and claim to champion the poor
minus the ideology. They decry the hypocrisy of the elites. Corruption is a non-issue for them
since their archetypical image is Robin Hood who would steal from the rich to give to the poor.

The populist narrative is I will fight for you . . . because I am one of you. Populists often stoke
the embers of class warfare with code words like mahirap (poor) and masa (masses).
Regime narratives and political legitmacy
The post-Marcos Philippine reformist regime is based on a discourse of democracy and good
governance characteristic of Cory Aquinos presidency and most of her successors. If a
dominant regime script is seen to be challenged or worse abandoned by a president, the result
can be a severe legitimacy crisis.
The apostasy of the Arroyo presidency can be understood in terms of such illegitimacy.
Because Arroyo (who became president through the ouster of a populist incumbent) abandoned
the reformist narrative (which catapulted her to power) in her fight for political survival
against another populist challenge (in which she manipulated the results of the 2004 election),
she suffered from a legitimacy crisis that nearly led to her being overthrown extraconstitutionally through civil protests and/or coup attempts.
Political time flows through a narrative structure. A presidency can either be a prequel or a
sequel to a continuing regime narrative. Thus, the unfolding political drama leading to 2016 can
be seen as a preview to a sequel of the Aquino presidency or a prequel to a Binay presidency.
Unless the Filipino voters demand a plot twist. - Rappler.com
Julio C. Teehankee is currently Dean of the College of Liberal Arts at De La Salle University. He
is a political scientist who has specialized in the theory and practice of party politics and
elections. He is also the Executive Secretary of the Asian Political and International Studies
Association (APISA).

Elections Philippine Style: A Foreigner's Comments (2)

By Ronald Meinardus
At last, it would seem, the elections are over. But then, this is only partly true. After the actual
voting has come to an end, public attention is now focused on the counting, and also the securing
of the votes.
For a foreign observer, elections in the Philippines offer many peculiarities. As in every country,
the organization of the democratic process follows specific rules and regulations. I agree with
local commentators that the electoral "methodology" in this country is not the most reasonable
system available.
Over the years, I have observed elections in several countries. Nowhere else have I witnessed so
complicated and tedious procedures as in the Philippines. "We have not changed the electoral

system, the manner of conducting our elections since the first municipal elections in 1898," says
Damaso G. Magbual, the deputy secretary general of the National Movement for Free Elections
(Namfrel), confirming what every observer of Philippine elections will note: The process is
complex, time-consuming, and regarding the usage of technology archaic, not to say primitive.
The mere dimension of the logistical exercise on election day is mind-boggling. While Namfrel
has sent out no less than 300,000 volunteers to assist in a parallel quick-count, tens of thousands
of additional poll watchers populated the voting centers. In some precincts, I encountered more
watchers and volunteers than actual voters. This is not to say that the turnout was low, although
in some polling stations, officials and voters alike could be heard complaining about erroneous
voters' lists. Reportedly these bureaucratic deficiencies prevented scores of individuals from
voting. Still compared with elections in other democracies, high voter turnout is arguably one of
the more positive aspect of Philippine elections.
I am well aware of the efforts of modernizing the electoral process, and also of some of the
reasons why Comelec failed to push through with the automation. While the election commission
has been said to be mainly responsible for this sorry state of affairs, my impression after
discussing this issue with Filipinos from different walks of life is that there is also a lack of
political will to push ahead with the long overdue modernization process. Repeatedly, I have
been told that certain political forces are more than content with the antiquated manual system,
as this offers them familiar opportunities of manipulation not available in technologically
advanced schemes.
Ninety days of campaigning has been a long time, I would even argue too long. Parts of the
country's administration have been basically put on hold in the past three months. Considering
the enormous challenges facing the country, I wonder if it would not be better to shorten the
official campaign period as in other countries. To say the candidates need the extended period to
communicate their programs of governance would imply that such programs actually exist.
Looking back the past three months, I would agree with Filipino commentators that the
campaign was virtually void of serious political content. "There were no serious issues in the
campaign," writes a columnist in a leading daily newspaper.
To a degree, the media, too, is to be blamed for the poor quality of political discourse in the run
up to the elections. There is a general perception that television, radio and the press failed to
educate the electorate. On the other hand, mass media (and foremost television) did indeed play a
decisive role by providing avenues for (some) candidates to communicate their sound bytes.
Much of the airtime and ad space were allocated on a clearly commercial basis, thereby favoring
those candidates who could afford to chunk out big sums of money.
A distinctive feature of elections in the Philippines is what I would term the tremendous
personalization of the contest. Apart from very few exceptions, all candidates campaigned solely
for themselves. Their name, their face, their individual success was all they cared for. One
consequence of this personalization is the practical irrelevance of political parties in the electoral
process.

The importance of political parties varies from one country to another. For a range of reasons,
political parties in Asia play a less prominent role than in Europe or North America. But I cannot
think of another democracy in Asia in which political parties are as marginalized as they are in
the Philippines.
I was asked by media in Germany, where I come from, to report and comment on the outcome of
the elections in the Philippines. As other correspondents, I begun my reports with a mention of
the elections-related violence. It was not at all easy to explain how come the official spokesman
of the military could go on record saying that the elections were "generally peaceful," when, at
the same time, reports came in saying more than 100 people had been killed in politically
motivated violence. To be fair, the spokesman said this against the background of fears of a
Madrid-like major terrorist assault before or during elections here. Very fortunately, this did not
materialize. Still, the bloody toll of elections remains an ugly scar on the overall democratic
process in the Philippines.
While at the time of this writing, it is far from definite who will prevail, the President does look
like a winner as the first unofficial results come in. More than a personal triumph for Mrs.
Macapagal-Arroyo, her likely victory signifies a devastating blow for the opposition, particularly
its informal leader. In a political sense, this may be termed a dramatic turn of events. At the
outset of the campaign some months ago, many factors favored the challengers: The mood in
large parts of the population was depressed and nearly one out of two Filipinos claimed that their
quality of life had worsened; consequently, many voters were open to political change; at the
same time, the opposition managed to field a candidate of legendary popularity.
In spite of these early advantages, the opposition failed to dethrone the President. The failure to
unite behind one standard-bearer is doubtlessly the biggest blunder of the opposition in these
elections. Eventually, the history books will record that in the May 2004 elections candidates
Panfilo Lacson and Fernando Poe Jr. were defeated by incumbent President Gloria MacapagalArroyo. In a political and more short-term analysis, the big loser of these elections is former
President Joseph Estrada who until recently was considered the center of power in the
oppositionist camp, just waiting to take revenge for his unorthodox removal from office in a
popular uprising in January 2001. Due to his waning authority, the former President not only
failed to unite his disparate political allies, he also failed to install a leader of his personal liking
in the presidential palace.
Business World: May 13, 2004
All rights reserved
Dr. Ronald Meinardus was the former Resident Representative of the Friedrich Naumann
Foundation in the Philippines and will leave Manila late September for a new posting in the
Middle East. He writes a blog at www.myliberaltimes.com
http://www.fnf.org.ph/liberalopinion/elections-philippines-style-2.htm

Democracy for sale

Philippine Daily Inquirer 12:10 AM | Friday, September 12th, 2014

More News from Philippine Daily Inquirer

The decision of the Supreme Court raising the cap on political campaign ads on TV and radio has
been hailed as a triumph for the freedom of speech. That is an illusion. It upholds the freedom of
speech of only one group, the politicians, and undermines democracy for everyone else. The
Constitution speaks of equal access to opportunities for public service, and yet the Court will
offer our democracy for sale to the highest bidder. It would make it appear that it is actually
doing this for our own sake as voters. It pushes credulity too far.
Do those ads really tell us more about the candidates platforms? Do they make us more
knowledgeable about the candidates so that we can choose wisely and our right to suffrage
becomes more meaningful? Or do they merely recall what Justice Florentino Feliciano once
lamented as the marketing of packaged candidates through ads that manipulate the nonintellective faculties of [a] captive and passive audience?
Now that the Court has made permanent its 2013 order abandoning this wisdom, we ask
ourselves: Why do we flip-flop on these campaign rules when we all agree that the goal is to
level the playing field?
Its because we havent really made up our minds on what kind of leveling we need. Is it between
rich and poor candidates, or between the celebrities and the obscure? When we speak of leveling,
we seem to assume that we should target those with loaded war chests and bring them to the
level of those without. Yet each time we cuff the capacity of candidates to buy mass media
exposure, we cut them off from the cheapest and most effective way to reach the voters. The
Commission on Elections draconian cap on political ads may cramp the reach of the loaded
candidates, but it actually benefits celebrities and those from political families because they are
already famous and can get noticed without having to buy airtime. Which is the greater evil? The
hegemony of the rich, or the reign of the shallow? In this sense, the rise of televised political ads
is the modern, political equivalent of the rise of the cash economy. Its the way outsiders can gain
entry without the benefit of either birth or status.
Stated otherwise, when the Court raises the cap on televised campaign ads, it tells us two things.
One, the real enemy of Philippine democracy is the show biz and dynastic candidate, not the rich
who can purchase name recognition. Two, if political ads are capped, the rich will simply shift
their campaign funds to rallies, parades, motorcades and good old-fashioned vote-buying. The
evil remains because wealth can still be used to buy political office. We can prevent the rich from
buying airtime, but we cant stop them from buying just about anything else. That is why the
Courts preferred solution is to regulate campaign spending across the board, not just for paid
ads. That way, we achieve the same goal without impinging on the highly protected liberty of
speech.

And indeed the Court is right. Where it errs is when it raises the cap so high that it increases even
more the role that money plays in Philippine politics. A similar pattern has emerged in another,
far more famous democracy, the United States; US President Barack Obama was alarmed enough
to address it in his 2010 State of the Union Address. With all due deference to separation of
powers, last week the Supreme Court reversed a century of law that I believe will open the
floodgates for special interests to spend without limit in our elections. I dont think American
elections should be bankrolled by Americas most powerful interests . He was widely
chastised for having shamed the Chief Justice, who was sitting in the audience.
Yet US Chief Justice John Roberts explained that money in politics may seem repugnant to
some, but so too does much of what the First Amendment vigorously protects [including] flag
burning, funeral protests and Nazi paradesdespite the profound offense such spectacles cause
it surely protects political campaign speech
Moneys true mischief in politics is that it alienates the citizen from the democratic process. A
dissenting US judge said: Where enough money calls the tune, the general public will not be
heard And a cynical public can lose interest in political participation altogether. In the
Philippines, in an earlier case, Justice Vicente Mendoza concluded: For Holmess marketplace
of ideas can prove to be nothing but a romantic illusion if the electoral process is badly skewed,
if not corrupted, by the unbridled use of money for campaign propaganda.
Read more: http://opinion.inquirer.net/78372/democracy-for-sale#ixzz3Js9jYXg5
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When politicians rule the public discourse

Bobby M. Tuazon

@inquirerdotnet

Philippine Daily Inquirer

1:31 AM | Saturday, November 15th, 2014

More News from Bobby M. Tuazon

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More News from Philippine Daily Inquirer

Editorial Cartoon, November 23, 2014

Five years and counting

The final judgment

Why sue if you cannot prove it?

Undocumented

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Review aid to judges tooPimentel

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Not an ordinary case

No takers for rest of Iloilo project

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Graft arraignment of Binay wife deferred

Sandiganbayan convicts 9 over Ozone disco tragedy

Revillas handwriting expert paid P200,000 to be witness

A+
A
A-

The daily dose of news on corruption involving powerful politicians escalates the public disgust
against greed and rapacity. A headline-hogger since post-martial law times, the abuse of power
and plunder are widely seen today as institutionally endemic and no longer involving isolated
cases.
New allegations of corruption are also good material for public surveys. The latest surveys show
that the hail of corruption charges is hurting the Vice President, with his ratings falling to
unprecedented lows. And to improve their ratings, two senators are on the offensive in the
corruption inquiry.

Corruption is a legitimate issue, and so are public surveys. But what is wrong?
As the stories unfold, the spin makes corruption a central issue in the next elections, the message
being: Culprits should not run. Trouble is, this spin is being crafted through selective allegations
and prosecution, and the public is being led into this scenario by politicians who may not exactly
be the epitome of integrity and good governance.
Granting that the issues hurled at the Vice President may be valid, the effect of what his
spokespersons claim as a demolition job is to take the heat of the pork barrel scam off the
Aquino administration, leaving the top presidential contender wounded. As well, the corruption
allegations against Cabinet members and administration allies are buried in the noise.
Clearly, the high-profile Senate investigation and media attention are giving many politicians the
power to politicize a public issue, which then serves as a tool to undermine or enhance the
winnability of presumed presidential candidates. Employed by either side of the political
fence, the mudslinging and squid tactics that sensationalize corruption charges are marginalizing
other valid public-interest issues.
Rather than directed at just one suspect, such efforts should be exerted to attack the whole
corruption system by instituting bold reforms, immunizing budget legislation from pork-barrel
insertions concealed as projects, and removing the sharks from the bureaucracy. But when big
guns are aimed at one politician or a chief justice, the partisan motive becomes clear.
With the media now captured by preelection politics, pressing issues that matter most to the
public are sidelined. For instance, the statistics involving the widening income disparity,
unprecedented unemployment, and dismal performance of agriculture and manufacturing
indicate a failed economic strategy of the administration. The move to railroad the 2015 budget
with last-minute, election-driven pork barrel insertions defies public outrage and exposes the
administrations hypocritical stance against corruption.
The government stopped functioning in Yolanda-stricken areas with the rebuilding of lives
derailed by an intra-elite feud (between the Marcos-Romualdez clan and the Aquino-Roxas
ruling faction) and by insufficient rehab allocations. The Philippines sovereignty and rule of law
are mocked by a foreign aggressor, with local authorities, its vassals, more concerned with
protecting so-called special relations instead of serving justice both to a murder victim and a
much-maligned national integrity.
Such is the state of affairs that many Filipinos, except political bigwigs, find revolting. Hence,
while the poor taxpayer is hounded by the daily grind of feeding a family, the powers that be are
gearing for the next election and, in the process, dominating media mileage.
There should be an end to political manipulation where rhetoric and grandstanding are billed as
championing clean governance. Politicians should stop thinking that public affairs are all about
popularity ratings and winning the presidency. In fact, there should be an end to notions that only

the oligarchs have the right to define what public issues are, and that only they can make the
right policies, decrees, or legislation.
The Philippines has been described as a failed state. Its democracy is only procedural and lacks
substance. A state fails when its governance institutions cannot deliver on what they are
mandated to doraising the quality of life, ensuring the rule of law and accountability, and
ensuring that elections are not monopolized by dynasties.
That only a few politicians are talking about the next presidential election when the time calls for
addressing gut issues is a telltale sign of a failed state. A failed state it is when ruling oligarchs
dominate public opinion in their effort to influence the voters choice in the next election, or
when an election is trivialized as a mere popularity contest when competence, vision and
programs are what count in true leadership.
The danger in the public discourse being monopolized by traditional politicians, especially in this
preelection season, is that the 2016 presidential election is pushed to the center of public
consciousness. It markets the illusion that the countrys future lies mainly in electing the right
president with powers like Supermans.
In truth, however, the more mileage such demagoguery may gain, the less credible it becomes.
The adverse impact of public visibility is that it turns any rant meaningless when compared with
glaring social realities that cry out to be
addressed. Among these realities are the decline of peoples trust in public authority, and the
growing chasm between what politicians preach and what they do. The practice of engineering
public opinion is what precisely sets oligarchic politics against the mass constituency, making
whatever fantastic solutions they peddle either dubious or driven by vested interest.
Especially in the absence of a freedom of information law, the oligarchs monopoly of public
discourse and their unresponsiveness to basic national priorities further narrow the venues for
citizens engagement in governance. Thus the increasing resort to citizens initiatives, peoples
marches, impeachment moves, and extraconstitutional mass protests. These forms of public
indignation and intervention against bad governance, plunder, impunity, election fraud, and elite
politics are certain to grow even more.
Bobby M. Tuazon is policy director of CenPEG (Center for
People Empowerment in Governance) and a former head of the University of the Philippines
Manilas political science program.
Read more: http://opinion.inquirer.net/80146/when-politicians-rule-the-publicdiscourse#ixzz3JsBvxFb8
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Yes, Mr. Abad. Its an election budget

August 1, 2014 10:27 pm

OUR second biggest frontpage news is about DBM Secretary Florencio Abads reply to former
National Treasurer (who is a Manila Times columnist), Professor Leonor Magtolis Briones
description of the 2015 budget as an election budget.
Expectedly, the DBM Secretary defended his and President Aquinos proposed schedule of
expenditures that will cost us taxpayers P2.606 trillion.
Prof. Briones is the lead convenor of Social Watch Philippines (SWP), a civil society
organization that has been doing an excellent job monitoring government activities, the money
used for them, and whether a certain plan or activity will really serve the national and the
peoples interests. It exposes corruption.
The P2.606 trillion national budget for 2015 might be mobilized in preparation for the 2016
Elections, with practically half the budget estimated as lump sums and Automatic
Appropriations, Professor Briones said in a statement on behalf of SWP yesterday.
This is similar to the 2012 budget that preceded the 2013 elections. The government cranks up
spending for infrastructure and construction the year before elections. Concrete projects create
the impression of growth, though it is a challenge to sustain this growth for the next years, she
said.
She explained: In Philippine politics, elections are all about money. Government spending
places incumbent politicians and their parties at an advantage over their opponents for the
upcoming elections. Projects are credited to officials as part of their track record as the ruling
parties would spend for projects in their allies jurisdictions. Opposing parties can be deprived of
this spending, putting them at a disadvantage.
Her statement also relates the spending with the Disbursement Acceleration Program (DAP),
with 2012 the height of DAP transactions, and lump sum appropriations. Lump sums are budget
items that are not detailed, such as the Special Purpose Funds in the General Appropriations Act.

SWPs assessment of the 2015 Budget reveals that practically almost half of it can be considered
lump sum appropriations because of the lack of details and mechanisms for clear accountability.
This makes the funds vulnerable to abuse.
Only P1.739 trillion is covered by the GAA. The rest are Automatic Appropriations and
therefore, not scrutinized by Congress. The Presidents Special Purpose Fund is P378.603 billion,
the Unprogrammed Expenditures is P123.056 billion, Internal Revenue Allotment is P389.860
billion, interest payments (debt servicing) is P372.863 billion. This does not include Malampaya
Funds which are also automatically appropriated, and Off-Budget funds like the Motor Vehicles
Users Charge and those coming from PAGCOR, Prof. Briones further explained.
SWP advocates increasing allocations to specified agencies for social development, such as
health, education and employment, instead of massive amounts in lump sums. Specifying which
agencies will get the money for what planned and specified project and programs will make for
greater transparency and ease in determining accountability. Agencies are required to make
regular reports on their expenditures. How can the public or even the Commission on Audit trace
the flow of money and examine if there are malfeasances if it is not known at the outset which
government agency is involved?
The presence of lump sums in the budget, especially for one that precedes the elections, makes
public funds all the more vulnerable to abuse, Prof. Briones said.
Budget Secretary Abad defended the budget from Prof. Briones doubts, saying it is a
rationalized budget that addresses government priorities. He claimed that it prioritizes the
poorest and most vulnerable localities and tailor-fits interventions according to their specific
needs. He explained that the budget will be allocated to support inclusive development in areas
which were identified based on budget priorities framework.
Thats a great lump of words. But if the budget does not spell out how much, for specifically
what and where, and who does what, then corrupt government people can very easily divert
funds elsewhere and make it virtually impossible to trace accountability for missing funds and
undone or badly done projects.
We are sure the budget contains many lumps and opaque appropriations so that the funds can
easily be used to help Liberal Party candidates in the 2016 elections

2015 budget for 2016 polls?

by Ben R. Rosario and Ellson A. Quismorio
August 2, 2014

Share this:

Former national treasurer Leonor Magtolis Briones yesterday said that there is a strong
possibility that the 2015 national budget will help administration bets prepare for the 2016
presidential elections.
With nearly 50 percent of the total P2.606-trillion proposed national budget for 2015 allocated
for lump sums and automatic appropriations, there is grave danger that the huge amount will
finance projects linked to the 2016 presidential elections, Briones, the lead convenor of Social
Watch Philippines (SWP), warned.
This is similar to the 2012 budget that preceded the 2013 elections. The government cranks up
spending for infrastructure and construction the year before elections. Concrete projects create
the impression of growth, though it is a challenge to sustain this growth for the next years, said
Briones.
At the House of Representatives, the minority bloc vowed to closely scrutinize the proposed
2015 National Expenditure Program to flush out provisions that would be used to support the
Aquino administrations 2016 campaign.
Minority Leader Ronaldo Zamora is expected to point out these provisions when he delivers the
traditional contra-SONA (State of the Nation Address), which would contain what the political
opposition believes is the true state of the nation.
Anakpawis party-list Rep. Fernando Hicap said claimed that there are twice as much lump sum
funds in the 2015 budget. He pointed to an initial study made by his group on the six-volume
2015 National Expenditure Program, saying lump sum funds in the proposed budget actually
reach up to a whopping P1 trillion.
According to Briones, her election spending also carries political implications for the officials
and parties seeking positions in the government by the next elections.
Our initial study shows that the lump sum funds in the proposed budget is to P1 trillion. We
found that the additional lump sums have been tucked under the budget of different departments
and agencies, Hicap, a Makabayan bloc member, said in a phone interview.

These lump sums are at the discretion of the President, he stressed.

ALL ABOUT MONEY
In the Philippine politics, elections are all about money. Government spending places
incumbent politicians and their parties at an advantage over their opponents for the upcoming
elections. Projects are credited to officials as part of their track record as the ruling parties would
spend for projects in their allies jurisdictions, she said. Briones added: Opposing parties can
be deprived of this spending, putting them at a disadvantage.
She noted that 2012, a year before the 2013 elections, was the height of transaction for the
controversial Disbursement Acceleration Program (DAP) and lump sum appropriations. Lump
sums are budget items that are not detailed, such as the Special Purpose Funds (SPF) in the
proposed budget for 2015.
According to SWPs assessment of the 2015 budget, practically almost half of it can be
considered lump sums due to the lack of details and mechanisms for clear accountability. This
makes the funds vulnerable to abuse.
ONLY P1.739 TRILLION COVERED BY GAA
Only P1.739 trillion is covered by the General Appropriations Act (GAA). The rest are
automatic appropriations and therefore, not scrutinized by Congress, said Briones.
Briones, who now works as a university professor, noted that the SPF of the President has
reached P378.6 billion while unprogrammed expenditures were set at P123.056 billion or a total
of P501.656 billion. She also noted that the Internal Revenue Allotment (IRA) is P389.860
billion while budget for interest payments (debt servicing) is P372.8 billion.
This does not include Malampaya funds which is also automatically appropriated, and Off
Budget funds like the Motor Vehicles Users Charge and those coming from Pagcor (Philippine
Amusement and Gaming Corporation), Briones said.
Increasing allocations to agencies for social development, such as health, education, and
employment, is advocated by SWP, in place of massive amounts in lump sums. Agencies are
required to make regular reports on their expenditures, making transparency and accountability
easier to trace and establish.
The presence of lump sums in the budget, especially for one that precedes the elections, makes
public funds all the more vulnerable, said Briones.
29% OF BUDGET LUMP SUM

During presentation to Congress last Wednesday, Budget Secretary Florencio Butch Abad
bared that 29 percent of the proposed P2.606-trillion budget is entered as lump sum or unitemized funds.
The total amount that pertains to the special purpose funds is P501 billion or about 29 percent
of the new GAA (General Appropriations Act).The rest are department and agency budgets and
thats about it, Abad told reporters.
Hicap said he and the rest of the Makabayan bloc would sit down together and study the
proposed budget further in the coming days.
FOR ELECTION, NOT INCLUSIVE GROWTH
Hicap believes that President Aquino had intended to put forth an election budget all along,
especially with the moves to redefine savings in government which is a major sticking point in
the issue of the DAP.
This kind of budget reform will never result in inclusive growth as proclaimed by President
Aquino in his budget message. Ito ay paggugol na tiwali, diretso sa bulsa ng Pangulo (This is a
corrupt way to spend money, which goes straight to the Presidents pocket), he said.
Instead, Hicap said this would only end up putting more money under Aquinos control,
something that would be useful to the administration as the 2016 national elections approaches.
These (lump sums) will be used in the name of political patronage, to ensure the election of
(Aquinos) chosen people, said Hicap.
GIVING UP POWER OF THE PURSE
Echoing the stance of his fellow Makabayan members, Hicap said that legalizing the executives
DAP by giving savings a new meaning is tantamount to Congress giving up its power of the
purse or power to appropriate.
It is clearly opposed to the Supreme Court decision (key acts of) DAP as unconstitutional. It
will only give more fiscal powers to the President, he said.

Peaceful' election season in Philippines ends with violence

| May 13, 2013 at 9:40 AM
0 Comments

MANILA, May 13 (UPI) -- An estimated 76 percent of eligible voters cast ballots in

local and senatorial elections in the Philippines, election officials said Monday.

The Philippine National Police said the 2013 campaign season ended more peacefully than
others in recent years, despite a series of ambushes and explosions during the weekend that left
at least two people dead, The Philippine Star reported.
Chief Superintendent Generoso Cerbo Jr. said the nephew of a mayoralty candidate in South Upi
was killed in an ambush and a police officer was killed in Borongan as he was security voting
machines. Both incidents occurred Saturday.
Violence was reported Sunday across the Philippines as campaigning closed, the Star said.
"There were heated discussions between contending candidates," Cerbo said. "Some people got
hurt but by and large, if we are to look at poll-related incidents, the 2013 campaign period was
more peaceful."
Commission on Elections Chairman Sixto Brillantes Jr. said he expects to declare the 12 winners
in senatorial elections by Wednesday, GMA News reported.
"National, our target is 48 hours, Wednesday night," Brillantes said. "We will try to proclaim as
many as we can Wednesday night."
Winners of local races could be declared earlier, he said.
He said the percentage of voters was lower than the percentage who voted in the 2010 because
that election was a presidential race.
Cerbo said the number of poll-related violence incidents totaled 72 as of Saturday, less than the
176 posted in 2010 and 229 recorded in 2007.
He said 46 people died in election-related violence this year.

Read more: http://www.upi.com/Top_News/World-News/2013/05/13/Peacefulelection-season-in-Philippines-ends-with-violence/UPI44561368452423/#ixzz3JsIGhQfR

he 2013 Philippine Midterm Elections:

Turning a Democratic Corner

By Gregory B. Poling, Phoebe De Padua

Apr 18, 2013

The Philippines recent political history has been one of clan violence, endemic
corruption, and deep political rivalries that have led to turbulent and bloody elections.
The last polls in 2010 were marred by killings, vote buying, and other abuses of power by
politicians and their followers.
The same concerns exist as Filipinos prepare to head to the polls on May 13 for midterm
elections. Ensuring cleaner and more peaceful elections is imperative if the Philippines is
to consolidate a democracy that remains deeply flawed a quarter century after its birth.
And the upcoming polls will prove doubly important for the impact they will have on the
remaining term of reformist president Benigno Aquino.
The elections will seat 12 senators, 229 members of the House of Representatives, 80
governors, and roughly 15,000 local officials. As in the United States, the races for the
Philippine Senate will be the bellwether for current political winds. Thirty-three
candidates are contesting, dominated by the Liberal Party and the United Nationalist
Alliance. The former, widely known as Team PNoy, is led by President Benigno
Aquino, while the latter is associated with the parties of former president Joseph Estrada
and current vice president Jejomar Binay.

A significant win for Team PNoy would strengthen the presidents hand as he enters the
second half of his term, which ends in 2016. Philippine presidents are constitutionally
limited to a single six-year term, so the long-term success of Aquinos reforms rests with
his ability to rally a large, sustainable political constituency around them.
Former presidents have seen their programs wither when they leave office, especially if
the work is left undone. This is in no small part due to the highly personalistic nature of
Philippine political parties, which rely more on strong leaders than strong platforms. But
Aquino rode to office with an unprecedented mandate from the electorate, and that,
combined with the popularity of his political and economic reforms and his clean
reputation, could allow him to build the political capital necessary to see that his agenda
is carried on once he leaves office.
The Philippines holds a notorious reputation for bloody and corrupt elections, despite
having the legal framework for relatively free polls. Politicians are known to hire private
militias to threaten their rivals and intimidate voters. The scale of electoral violence was
made painfully clear by the 2009 Maguindanao massacre, in which 58 people including
the family of gubernatorial candidate Esmael Mangudadatu were gunned down at the
order of incumbent Andal Ampatuan Sr.
The government has enforced some initiatives to address election violence this time
around. A ban on firearms was set in motion from January 13 to June 13 to address the
rampant issue of gun violence during the campaign season. The ban prohibits the carrying
of firearms in public places, the hiring of armed bodyguards by candidates, and the
transporting of arms, explosives, raw materials, or parts.
The Commission on Elections, or COMELEC, has also bolstered enforcement at
historically violent polls. It announced on April 2 that it will mobilize all 14 Army
battalions in restive Mindanao, where the Maguindanao massacre occurred, and the rank
and file of the provincial police command to ensure safe and fair elections. COMELEC,
along with the Philippine National Police, the Armed Forces of the Philippines, and the
Department of Interior and Local Government, also signed a compact with the
government of Basilan Province, which saw violence and massive fraud during the 2010
elections, to ensure the upcoming polls are peaceful, free, and fair.
Stringent enforcement of these and other existing laws will prove key to implementing
safer and fairer elections in the Philippines. There is already evidence that the May polls
will be a significant improvement on past elections. There have been 45 election-related
incidents of violence and 30 deaths so far this year, with just under a month to go to the
polls. That is still too high, but compares very favorably with the more than 200 electionrelated cases of violence in 2010.
The Philippines has the framework and capacity needed to promote fair and peaceful
elections. COMELEC and the administration of President Aquino are proving that they
mean to put them to work to do exactly that. If they succeed, it will mark a critical step in
the countrys progress from flawed to full democracy.

It will also ensure that tens of thousands of officials will enter office with greater
legitimacy, trust, and political capital than their predecessors. How many of those
election winners belong to Team PNoy could help determine whether Aquinos extremely
successful political and economic reform agenda continues apace and becomes a
permanent feature of the political landscape, or proves to be an aberration before a return
to politics as usual in 2016.
(This Commentary originally appeared in the April 18, 2013, issue of Southeast Asia
from the Corner of 18th & K Streets.)
Gregory Poling is a research associate and Phoebe De Padua is a researcher with the
Sumitro Chair for Southeast Asia Studies at the Center for Strategic and International
Studies in Washington, D.C.
Commentary is produced by the Center for Strategic and International Studies
(CSIS), a private, tax-exempt institution focusing on international public policy
issues. Its research is nonpartisan and nonproprietary. CSIS does not take specific
policy positions. Accordingly, all views, positions, and conclusions expressed in this
publication should be understood to be solely those of the author(s).
2013 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. All rights reserved.