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terms of the needs of producers, the traditional organization of time, inertia, and
comparative advantage. Producers often wish to buy or sell in the marketplace on
only one or two days per week in order not to disrupt their production schedule.
The week customarily has days set aside for work, rest, ceremonies, and commerce;
such temporal patterns may be ordained by civil or religious authorities. Authorities
may fix market days and locations, although the initial stimuli for foundation are
usually the development of social stratification, the division of labor, and long-dis-
tance trade. Both part-time trading and designation of special days for commerce
encourage the foundation of periodic markets. After markets have been established,
inertia and comparative advantage maintain periodicity long after daily operations
would be economically feasible. KEY WORDS: Economic location theory, Exogenous theory of trade, Institutional context, Origin conditions, Periodic markets,
Space-time periodicity.
M OST explanations for periodic markets
105.
ANNALS OF THE ASSOCIATION OF AMERICAN GEOGRAPHERS Vol. 65, No. 4, December 1975
? 1975 by the Association of American Geographers. Printed in U.S.A.
530
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1975
PERIODIC
MARKETS
531
cesses, but also on the social context and historical development of commercial activity.
THE MODEL
Many of the earliest local traders were producers seeking an outlet for their goods or the
means to obtain other commodities, and their
customers were usually also producers. As a
result, early markets had to be adapted to the
established market" suggests that market locations and periodicities cannot be explained
simply by present-day patterns.7 One must consider when the first markets were established,
how long they had been in existence, and what
comparative advantages they possessed when
other markets were founded.8 Even the earliest
market centers had scale economies and other
perceived advantages for traders and consumers, so established market locations and
periodicities had a strong tendency to persist.
Some unpopular market sites and timings were
eventually supplanted, but circular and cumulative causation reinforced the importance of
initially successful markets.9 Inertia probably
impeded the adjustment of market systems to
new developments, delayed changes in market
locations and periodicity, and facilitated the
persistence of traditional patterns.
4 Cyril S. Belshaw, Traditional Exchange and Modern Markets (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1965),
ket," Soviet Studies, Vol. 7 (1956), p. 384; and ChingKun Yang, A North China Local Market Economy: A
Summary of a Study of Periodic Markets in Chowping,
Hsien, Shantung (New York: Institute of Pacific Relations, 1944, mimeo), p. 10; and R. J. Bromley, "Periodic and Daily Markets in Highland Ecuador," unpublished doctoral dissertation, Cambiidge University,
1975, pp. 298-323.
(1958), p. 464.
pp. 170-225.
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532
R.
J.
BROMLEY
Most areas of the world with periodic markets have sufficient trading activity to support
full-time fixed traders dealing in most types of
merchandise. Indeed, periodic markets often
coexist with fixed shops which sell the same
ties for models which attempt to explain periodic markets and mobile trading by using the
notions of range of a good and firm threshold
(the firm usually corresponds to an individual
trader). The basic economic model states that
for local produce moving toward urban centers. Rural periodic markets frequently operate
side by side with urban daily markets, and
many periodic markets in small towns have a
substantial number of fixed, daily traders. The
ET
AL.
December
tivity the rest of the week.15 Most of the principal traders are middlemen, not producers.
Economic reasoning would predict that they
would sell on a full-time basis in one place,
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1975
PERIODIC
MARKETS
533
as "glorified periodic markets."1 Such an attitude may help account for the fact that many
daily markets have inadequate facilities, insufficient locked storage space, anachronistic taxation, and no integration of market and parking areas.18
of nonlocal goods.21
Most of the African evidence supports the
exogenous theory of market origins, pointing
MARKET ORIGINS
Colonial Trade: Essays on Trade in Central and Eastern Africa before 1900 (London: Oxford University
Press, 1970), pp. 3-23; V. C. Uchendu, "Polity Primacy and African Economic Development," Proceedings of the University of East Africa Social Sciences
22 Hodder, op. cit., footnote 20; Good, op. cit., footnote 8, pp. 193-205; and Good, op. cit., footnote 19,
pp. 771-78.
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534
R.
J.
BROMLEY
ET
AL.
December
spheres of economy.
of labor."28
of priests objected to the distraction from religious devotions, and neighboring centers increasingly came into competition with one another as commerce expanded. Professional
market traders favored different market days
in different settlements, so they could work
full-time. Municipal authorities usually argued
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1975
PERIODIC
areas which were influenced by Muslim merchants. These indigenous market weeks are
tenacious, they provide continuity with the past,
and they show little sign of yielding to the contemporary Western week, which is otherwise
dominant in Africa. In contrast, seven-day market schedules or multiples thereof predominate
in East Africa, where most marketplaces are
colonial innovations.
Initial exchanges between individuals probably occurred in a home, at a ceremonial center, or at a chance meeting place. Since market
trade was "primarily induced by external exchanges of complementary products with an
alien population," security of trade was an essential precondition.34 In precolonial East Africa, for example, Arab traders relied on firepower for safety in the interior. They also collaborated with African traders to gain peaceful
access to African communities, where they
could offer specialized skills and stimulate demand for trade goods. Even in times of war
some communities allowed women traders to
travel freely between ethnic territories.35 Both
in East and West Africa, blood-brother relationships were developed between traders and
local people to provide safe passage and to
MARKETS
535
tary production zones.38 The relative importance of these criteria varies considerably from
one part of the world to another. Markets are
odic markets had already been firmly established in many areas. Producers, members of
the ruling class, priests, merchants, or landowners had already established the precedent
that markets should be periodic. They had con-
promote mutually convenient trading relationships.36 In many parts of the world local author- centrated market activity on one or two days of
the week. Few consumers visit the marketplace
ities played a crucial role in enforcing law and
on nonmarket days when markets are held
order in the marketplace and the surrounding
periodically, and traders cannot attract enough
area.37
customers to make trading worthwhile. AspirAs trade developed market locations were ining full-time traders had further problems if
creasingly based on centrality, accessibility,
several markets were established on the same
proximity to other services, siting on neutral
days of the week, because they could visit only
ground, and positioning between complemenone. Market day might be changed to facilitate
full-time mobile trading, but the changes may
34 Claude Meillassoux, "Social and Economic Fachave been motivated as much by religious prestors Affecting Markets in Guro Land," in Bohannan
sures as by commercial factors.39
and Dalton, op. cit., footnote 19, p. 297.
35 Gray and Birmingham, op. cit., footnote 19, pp.
12-14; and Godfrey Muriuki, "Kikuyu Reaction to
Traders and British Administration, 1850-1904," in
B. A. Ogot, ed., Hadith I (Nairobi: East African Publishing House, 1968), p. 104.
36 G. N. Uzoigwe, "Precolonial Markets in BunyoroKitara," Comparative Studies in Society and History,
graphic literature.
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536
R.
J.
BROMLEY
journeys. In both cases they stimulate local demand for exogenous commodities and encourage local entrepreneurs to collect and distribute the goods handled by the long-distance
ET
AL.
December
traders and consumers resist changes in established markets, but also local authorities.4'
Authorities decide to establish new markets and
occasionally to change market days, and they
influence marketing behavior by their licensing
and taxation policies. Regulations are often imposed on fixed daily traders before they are
imposed on part-time and mobile traders, and
traders are induced to continue part-time and/
or mobile habits to avoid the most stringent
changes can reverse it. The backward and forregulations.42 Administrative policies perpetuward linkages of an expanding market produce
ate periodic marketing.43
As development occurs periodic markets
40 The two main functions of precolonial West Afrieventually
become continuous daily markets,
can periodic markets were "to move consumer goods
or they may decline and be replaced by, or
through exchange cycles between areas that were not
self-sufficient in their economy; and more particularly,
transformed into, stores and wholesale wareto serve as bulking and wholesale centers for profeshouses. Increasing demand for perishable goods
sional long-distance traders dealing in rarer and more
valuable commodities." In the West African interior,
"everywhere" the indigenous "preoccupation with
edible surplus formed the backbone for the passage of
more exotic items of trade;" Colin Newbury, "Trade
often leads to the establishment of minor mar41 Bromley and Bromley, op. cit., footnote 31.
42 Bromley, op. cit., footnote 13, p. 62; and J. H.
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1975
PERIODIC
MARKETS
537
CONCLUSION
activities. It was efficient, logical, and convenient for early markets to be periodic, and these
periodic markets persisted, or only changed
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