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Turkish Studies
To cite this Article Criss, Nur Bilge(2010) 'The Dnme: Jewish Converts, Muslim Revolutionaries and Secular Turks',
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However, his attempts are valuable for further discussion on the AKPs identity
and its future fate. Arda Can Kumbaracibasis Turkish Politics and the Rise of the
AKP: Dilemmas of Institutionalization and Leadership Strategy is recommended for
scholars of Turkish politics who are specifically studying the political party system
in Turkey and who think that its radical transformation is an urgent need as it never
has been.
Cemil Boyraz
Istanbul Bilgi University
2010 Cemil Boyraz
Notes
1. mit Cizre, Secular and Islamic Politics in Turkey: The Making of the Justice and Development Party
(New York: Routledge, 2008).
2. Cihan Tugal, Passive Revolution: Absorbing the Islamic Challenge to Capitalism (Palo Alto, CA:
Stanford University Press, 2009).
3. Angelo Panebianco, Political Parties: Organization and Power (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1988).
4. Serif Mardin, Center-Periphery Relations: A Key to Turkish Politics, Daedalus, Vol. 102, Winter,
pp. 169190.
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People who faced especial dangers, such as seafarers, often displayed an ecumenical piety. When the Turks preparations for a voyage have been made, noted
Busbecq, they come to the Greeks and ask whether the waters have been blessed,
and if they say that they have not been blessed, they put off their sailing, but if
they are told that the ceremony has been performed, they embark and set sail.2
Sailors could use all the help they could get, from whichever divine quarter.
Mazower wrote:
The blurring of the divide between the three great monotheistic faiths was a
feature of one of the fastest-growing religious movements of the seventeenthand eighteenth century Balkans-the strain of Islamic mysticism known as
Bektashism They also believe[d] in all the saints, both ancient and modern,
because they believe in Good and worship it.3
On converts, Mazower stated, Movements into a new faith was often and accretion
of new beliefs to older one, rather than an act of renunciation and immersion.4
However, converts, such as the Dnme, practiced their old beliefs in private so as
not to look as if they were not sincere Muslims.
Heterodoxy also resonated in naming the newborn. Sunni Muslims in the
Balkans, as well as the Alawi Turcomans, named male children Musa (Moses), I sa
(Jesus), I smail (Ishmael), Zekeriya (Zacharia), or I lyas (Elijah). Girls named
Meryem (Mary, Miriam) cuts through religions to this day.
In the Preface of his book, Baer wrote, they [the Dnme] fervently maintained
a separate ethno-religious identity and firm social boundaries, preserved by detailed
genealogies, endogamous marriage practices, and separate schools and cemeteries.
(p. x). Their religious practice intersected the Jewish Kabbalah and Islamic Sufism.
The Introduction gives the background, settlement in Salonica, conversion to
Islam, and the relationship they maintained with conversos (Jews of the Iberian
peninsula who converted to Catholicism) abroad, for purposes of trade. The Dnme
in the Ottoman Empire was not a homogenous group: they were split into the
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Karakas, Yakubi, and Kapanc groups, and followed nuanced and different forms of
faith. By the nineteenth century there were only 5,000 Dnmes who chose to distinguish themselves from Jews as well as Muslims and practiced endogamy until the
late nineteenth century (p. 17). Most converts to Islam practiced endogamy, so did
the Levantines5 and Anatolian villagers. So, endogamy and heterodoxy should not
distinguish the Dnme as different. Then, what caused othering?
By the late nineteenth century after the Congress of Berlin (1878), the Ottoman
Empire, having lost its major Balkan provinces, had become more homogenously
Muslim. Islamization campaigns that followed opened the way to closely scrutinize
ethnicity and faith:
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Those found wanting in both categories could be especially targeted for reprobation or, worse, exclusion from the body of the nation. It was only then that
the Dnme began to be considered Jews: not by themselves, not by the Jews,
but by the Muslims. (p. 21)
Part I, Ottoman Salonica, Chapter One, Keeping It within the Family, 1862
1908, examines the beginning of exogenous marriage between Dnme women and
Muslim men, first in the case of Mehmet Zekeriya and Kapanc Dnme Sabiha
(Sertel).6 This is considered a first plausibly because the couple became well-known
as journalists and socialists later on. During and after the Greek occupation of
Salonica in the 1912 Balkan War, many Dnme families, just like other Balkan
Muslims, took refuge in Istanbul. However, they left an indelible mark on Salonica
with their architecture; villas, schools, banks, the Grand Mosque, and cemeteries.7
Chapter Two, Religious and Moral Education, begins with discussing the first
school of the Dnme educator Semsi Efendi (the Illuminator), which Mustafa
Kemal (Atatrk) also attended. Baer makes an important point here. Mustafa
Kemals rejection of the neighborhood Muslim school was not a choice between
religious and secular education as interpreted by standard historiography but preference for a modern/progressive school where morals were taught about how to live
ostensibly as Muslims (p. 46).
Terakki (Progress), Feyziye (Excellence), and schools of commerce established
by the Dnme both in Salonica and Istanbul employed modern pedagogy, teaching
methods, combined science and religion, as well as teaching mastery of Ottoman
and French language/literature. Both the schools and literary publications like
Gonca-i Edeb (the Rosebud of Literature) emphasized religion and progress. Consequently, contrary to a wide-held but erroneous belief, students did not graduate from
these schools as avowed secularists alienated from religion.
Chapter Three, Traveling and Trading, discusses the business profession of the
Dnme. Conversos, the Jews who converted to Catholicism in Spain and Portugal,
had the privilege to trade and/or move to the colonies of their countries. Their trade
expanded to Ottoman lands. Consequently, the New Christians and New Muslims,
sometimes through family ties and sometimes through friendship, established
Europe-wide networks for the purpose of trade.
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In conclusion, although Baer claims that Dnme identity and religion disappeared
after World War II (p. 258), the lineage and heritage endures despite mixed
marriages, perhaps as a tribute to heterodoxy, which is a strong antidote against
dogmatism, nationalistic, racist, and religious alike. If this book is reprinted, and I
hope it will be after it is sold out, the author might rethink whether ongoing discussions or debates over rescuing Jews from Nazi-occupied territories in Europe by
Turkish diplomats has a place in a book about the Dnme. Rescuing former Ottoman/Turkish Jews or not having done enough for them is very conjuncture-bound
and it belongs in the annals of diplomatic historynot in accounts of anti-Semitism
in Turkey. That said The Dnme is rewarding to read because it is enlightening. The
writing flows beautifully and even gets literally poetic, like when the author
describes Dnme cemeteries in Istanbul. The book is highly recommended to professional historians and the general public alike.
Nur Bilge Criss
Bilkent University
2010 Nur Bilge Criss
Notes
1. Mark Mazower, The Balkans, from the End of Byzantium to the Present Day (London: Phoenix Books
[2000], 2001).
2. Ibid., pp. 6465.
3. Ibid., p. 72.
4. Ibid., p.73.
5. Haydar Kazgan, Levanten Dnyasnda Bir Aile ve ocuk, [A Family and Child in the Levantine
World] in Arus Yumul and Fahri Dikkaya (eds.) Avrupal m Levanten mi? [European or Levantine?]
(Istanbul: Baglam Yaynlar, 2006) pp. 5970.
6. See Yldz Sertel, Annem, Sabiha Sertel Kimdi, Neler Yazd? [My Mother, Sabiha Sertel and her
Work] 2nd. Ed. (Istanbul: Yap Kredi Yaynlar, [1994], 1995).
7. For a comprehensive history of Salonica from ancient times until its total Hellenization in the aftermath of World War II, see Mark Mazower, Salonica, City of Ghosts: Christians, Muslims and Jews,
14301950 (New York: A. Knopf, 2005).
8. There is an ongoing debate among historians in Turkey as to whether the 1908 Constitutionalist action
was a revolution or just a movement to have the 1876 Constitution re-instituted. The first Constitution
had been shelved by Sultan Abdlhamid II (r. 18761909) because of the 18771878 Russo-Turkish
war. Hence, the 1908 move may not technically be categorized as a revolution.
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