Академический Документы
Профессиональный Документы
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IN THE
MIDDLE AGES
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English edition
First published in 2010 by
Berg
Editorial offices:
First Floor, Angel Court, 81 St Clements Street, Oxford OX4 1AW, UK
175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010, USA
Linda Kalof 2010
All rights reserved.
No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form
or by any means without the written permission of
Berg.
Berg is the imprint of Oxford International Publishers Ltd.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
ISBN 978 1 84xxx xxx x (volume 2)
978 1 84520 495 2 (set)
Typeset by xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx.
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contents
List of Illustrations
vii
Series Preface
ix
Introduction
Monica H. Green
19
43
63
81
103
6 Beautiful Bodies
Montserrat Cabr
127
149
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vi
CONTENTS
173
191
215
Notes
233
Bibliography
277
Notes on Contributors
307
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CHAPTER SIX
Beautiful Bodies
montserrat cabr
Studying the history of human beauty is a difficult endeavor as it was a complex aspect of medieval experience. It is not uncommon to think of beauty as
a set of positive, desirable, and historically determined ideal traits forming a
canon. Frequently, the subject is not studied as a meaningful element of medieval culture but as an insignificant, even frivolous topic irrelevant to social
life. However, the theme is loaded with rich nuances that generate a series of
important questions such as the manipulation of bodies to re-create sexual difference, the social relations between women and men, the capacity of humans
to embody moral authority, or the malleability of cultural norms by individuals. In the Middle Ages there were many discourses of the beautiful, probably
as many as there were subjective perceptions of corporeal aesthetics and shared
ideals of the self. As a result of this diversity, the traces medieval beauty has left
are of very different kinds and can be either of a descriptive or practical nature,
of philosophical or religious character. Some of these discourses are extensive
and coherent and address beauty directly; most are fragmented or scattered
into thematically irrelevant digressions. If we were to look at them together,
these discourses might even contradict each other. A few took direct issue with
rival visions; many lived geographically in parallel or intersected without facing opposition. Others simply coexisted closely without entering into dialogue
or competing for preeminence.
What may or may not be seen as beautiful in an English leprosy house does
not necessarily meet the standards of Icelandic warriors or those commonly
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expression of both the inner self and the outer appearance of individuals.
As a general definition, medieval beauty was conceived as aesthetic pleasure
and ugliness as aesthetic distaste.1 Nonetheless, ugliness was not opposed to
beauty even if both qualities were mutually exclusive. A face without badlooking features resulting from skin illness might have been closer to perfection
but was not necessarily considered to be beautiful.
Latin Europe inherited a rich vocabulary to name beauty and ugliness,
and the two comprehensive concepts were associated with moral qualities.2
Generally speaking, Western cultures conceived beauty as the aesthetic aspect
of pleasure and the good; in contrast, ugliness embodied aversion but also
wickedness. This connection is made concrete, for instance, in the dedicatory
preface of an anonymous thirteenth-century Anglo-Norman text on cosmetics for women. Its composition is justified by explaining that women need to
preserve and improve their beauty since they had lost its enduring condition
as a result of divine punishment over their giving in to diabolic temptation.3
This moral framework welcomed literary and iconographic images that emphasized the beauty of the body of the Virgin.4 Nevertheless, the path from
perfection to imperfection was a gradation composed of many layers, and the
association of physical and moral qualities was not fixed in one direction but
malleable in practice. In one of the most compelling instances, suffering filthy
bodies could be described as beautiful.5 In such cases, it was the moral goodness
inherent in the imitation of Christs passion that expanded to the physicality of
the body expressing beauty. And this was not the case only in religious contexts.
Lay literature also provides examples of how worthiness took precedence
over ugliness when both qualities were present in a single individual, as Sylvia
Huots chapter in this volume shows. The embodiment of signs of male heroism could also be seen as alluring, and bleeding, wounded knights adorned
with battle scars were found especially beautiful.6 The positive value of good
behavior extended to the perception of corporeal appearance, and the same
was the case with ugliness: The Arthurian giant of Mont Saint-Michels is ugly
because he is bad.7 An example of how unthinkable the association of beauty
with wickedness was is found in Chaucers The Wife of Baths Tale (ca. 1380s
1390s). A knight who had been forced to marry an old and ugly woman is
given the chance to change the situation. Through his spouses magical powers
he can decide whether she will change to become young and beautifulbut
unfaithful and bad behavedor remain old and ugly but loving and faithful.
Since he could not bear to make a decision, he returns to his wife the power of
resolution: After such a generous move, the wife determines to be both good
and beautiful.8
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The experiencing of beauty through the senses was also a fundamental medium
to create and re-create sexual difference. Medieval bodies were basic vehicles
to construct identity as well as malleable sites of both the most visible and the
most intimate of human experiences. Beauty was the result of a negotiation
between self-construction and outer perception where the individual and social
dimensions cut across. Central to such negotiation was sexual difference, as
beauty was part of, and contributed to shaping, the different social roles that
women and men played.
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FIGURE 6.2: Beauty and sexual difference. The female body as fragile and available.
Fragments of a Latin version of Ibn Butlan, Tacuinum sanitatis, Granada, Biblioteca
Universitaria, Universidad de Granada, Cdice C-67, fol. 110ra, fifteenth century.
Biblioteca Universitaria, Universidad de Granada.
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Christian, Muslim, and Jewish cultures shared patriarchal ideals that considered female beauty more fragile than male beauty and thus in need of special
care. In the words of Ibn Hazm (d. 1064), manly beauty is the truer, the more
solidly established, and of higher excellence, since it can endure, and that without shelter.18 While sharing a common aesthetic ground, every culture produced different models of male and female beauty that are embedded in literary
sources as well as in texts dealing with the care of the body. Literary sources
portray ideals of individual beauty while judging as positive the physical features of the characters that play the lead in the stories, usually people from
the high ranks of society. A beautiful noble warrior from England or northern
France, for instance, had pale skin, long and curled hair, and a tall, strong, and
well-proportioned body. Nonetheless, it was not uncommon in fictional texts
to portray the physical features of individuals of low social status as opposed
to the beauty of those of higher ranks; therefore, nonnoble peasants of the period were portrayed as dark skinned with coarse, disproportioned features.19
Icelandic family sagas honored masculinity by favoring strength and fair skin
but considered short hair to be the standard of male beauty.20
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Descriptions of ideal female beauty are much more detailed and frequent
than of male beautywith the exception of Icelandic culture, which privileged the literary visibility of the male bodyand could also differ according
to status. As for men, white skin was generally highly valued for aristocratic
women; however, there may be exceptions to this since popular literature from
southern Europe seems to portray brunette girls in positive terms, associating
their exposure to sunlight with their working conditions.21 From the twelfth
century on, when depictions of an ideal beautiful woman start to appear regularly in literary texts of the courtly tradition, descriptions vary in length but
are quite consistent with the following canonical traits: fair hair; pink and
white face; tender and soft flesh, free from spots or sores; radiant forehead;
arched brows; eyes widely and properly spaced; straight and well-formed nose;
bright eyes; full-lipped mouth; sweetly scented breath; red lips and gums; wellproportioned neck; and small, round, and firm breasts; and a well-formed
and slender body; a woman would also appear nicer if elegantly well dressed.
This basic literary canon derived from classical models, but it was subject to
cultural, ethnic, and regional adaptations.22
Health-care texts of a practical nature also inscribed the relationship between beauty and sexual difference, offering a great variety of possibilities
to intervene on body surfaces with the aim of keeping or improving beauty.
They were of nonnormative character and did not insist on a fixed canon,
either for women or for men. For instance, they listed a wide range of beautifying recipes that often led to the attainment of contrary goalsfor example,
dyeing hair black, red, or blond. Many of the recipes were clearly intended to
be applied to both sexes, as attested by multiple preparations for skin care or
for the improvement of bodily odors that populate medical and surgical texts
without being addressed to a particular sex. Likewise, certain features of ideal
body shapes were similar for women and men. For example, small breasts were
highly valued in women who were not expected to breastfeed, and cosmetic
tracts regularly contain poultices to reduce them; ideal male breasts were also
small, and some surgical texts (particularly in those of Arabic influence) included operations to reduce both testicles and male breasts.23 In fact, compared
to other traditions, Arabic medicine and surgery were significantly concerned
with human beauty generally and embraced the care of the appearance of the
male body prominently, and through their reception via Iberia and southern
Italy, they influenced Western cosmetic practices and texts. Nevertheless, beautifying procedures were often aimed at either women or men, whether the gendered audience was addressed straightforwardly or indirectly, defining what
was beautiful and desirable for each sex.
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Generally speaking, men were advised to clean their bodies, comb their
hair, wash their hands, and clean their teeth and nails, but they were directly
instructed not to paint their face or wear makeup since, as the Romance of
the Rose states, only women do that, and those [men] of evil reputation who
have unfortunately found an unlawful love.24 Male homoerotic behavior
considered unmanlycame together with beautifying practices portrayed as
the propriety of women to the extent that the men who took interest in them
were called similar to women (effeminate). But the most comprehensive instance of the sexed character of beauty is body hair. Male ability to grow hair
was understood as the physiological result of mens higher stage of completion, and it was considered a mark of masculinity; on the contrary, the absence
of hair signaled femininity.25 Mens use of fake beards and their care of the hair
of the head and face is well attestedincluding dyeing gray hairwhereas
women were concerned with depilating every body surface except the head.
Medieval physicians and natural philosophers understood the distribution
of the hair on the body as an expression of a basic physiological distinction
between male and female complexions, explaining hair in males as a result of
their specific way of concocting naturally the superfluous bodily substances
that women processed through menstruation. While literally hundreds of depilatories were aimed at women, preparations to grow beards were thought
to be only for men. If there was a lack of harmony with nature and men had
too little and women too much hair, as was often the case, beauty was legitimately pursued with the help of human artifice. However, determining what
was considered an appropriate use of the beautifying arts was the subject of
debate. Tensions ran particularly high concerning the intensity of womens
involvement.
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Christine makes it clear that chastity and beauty are not incompatible and
that purity and love of adornment may both inhabit a virtuous woman, as
they could accompany masculine proper conduct. In line with disrupting the
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In the Book of the Three Virtues, Christines insistence that women should
maintain themselves within the margins of what is acceptable within the dominant gender system should be related to her commitment to look for strategies
that not only acknowledge but also sustain feminine authority. Christine insists
on the notion of balance as the key to maintaining order and sums up five
reasons why women should avoid extravagant appearance: It is a sin and displeases God to be so attentive to ones own body; it is not a source of praise but
of demerit; it is financially impoverishing; it is a bad example to others, tempting them in their zeal to excel; and, finally, a woman wearing an inappropriate
or extravagant outfit may rouse in another woman envy or a longing to dress
above her station, which is a thing that displeases God very much.45
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_
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mentions her authorship, and Qusta ibn Luqa (ca. 830910) explains that
he himself used her work devoted to enhancing womens beauty in a text
known in the Latin West from the twelfth century on.50 By the first half of the
fifteenth century, scattered references that associate Cleopatra with a cosmetic
tract reappear in learned literature, probably as the result of the transmission
of the Arabic and Galenic traditions.51 During the Renaissance, an influential
author of a cosmetic treatise acknowledged her as an ancient authority on
beauty to the extent of wondering before his readers whether the anonymous
source he used to write his text, identified only as the work of a Greek queen,
could be attributed to her.52
The medieval connection between ancient texts, queenship, and womens
authority over beautifying procedures took yet another vein. A Greek compendium on womens conditions ascribed to a certain Metrodora is known
in a single twelfth-century copy but was probably written originally in late
antiquity or the early Middle Ages.53 Metrodoras text consists of a compilation of recipes for gynecological matters followed by a section of cosmetic
recipes on embellishing the female breasts, face, hands, and feet and improving
bodily odor with perfumes. The text states that one of the recipes devoted to
the care of the face was used by Berenice, the Egyptian queen also called Cleopatra, a significant mention as there are no other authoritative references for
the cosmetic procedures described in the text. But the textual and contextual
connection between these two women went further. The gynecological part of
Metrodoras compendium closely resembles a Latin text from late antiquity
or the early Middle Ages, On the Diseases of Women (De passionibus mulierum), known in two versions. The actual author of this text is unknown, but
it was ascribed in the Middle Ages to various medical authorities, including
Cleopatra.54 This is, in turn, similar to the medieval gynecological treatise that
circulated under Cleopatras name, and its Renaissance editor ascribed it to
her. By the sixteenth century, then, the Egyptian queen Cleopatra had become
the author of a gynecological compendiumpart of which had been in fact the
work of a Greek woman named Metrodoraas well as of a lost text on cosmetics whose first ancient mentions ascribe it to a Cleopatra, without reference
to her status or birthplace.
But the steadiest medieval attribution of a cosmetic text to an individual
woman originated in twelfth-century southern Italy, and from there it soon
spread widely throughout western Europe. The city of Salerno was a lively
center of medical learning, and its geographic location favored the confluence
of different peoples, cultures, and traditions. The strong influence of Arabic
medicine and its distillation of ancient lore acted as intellectual stimuli for the
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Female figures embodied authority in cosmetic writings; however, most medieval recognitions of womens knowledge pertaining to beauty were given
in an anonymous or generic form. Most often the acknowledgments are very
general, for instance, there are women who do it, followed by a specific
recipe explaining how to make a certain ointment, poultice, oil, or water to
apply on a surface of the body or the hair to pursue a desired effect. But cosmetic texts sometimes also mention particular women, referring to them by the
place they were born or lived rather than by their personal or family name. It is
important to note that the bulk of these mentions are of Muslim women, particularly acknowledged as beauty experts in cosmetic literature. In his original
rendering, the male author of the Salernitan Womens Cosmetics refers several
times to the practices of Muslim women as his own source, even claiming to
have seen one of these knowledgeable women undertaking her art in Sicily.58
Following this pattern, later vernacular authors also ascribed to Muslim
women certain cosmetic procedures. A Saracen woman from Messina is mentioned on six occasions as an expert on cosmetics in a text that also acknowledges Trota, as well as Salernitan and other Italian women. Although Jewish
women may occasionally also be called on, Christian authors of cosmetic texts
attributed knowledge about beauty to Muslim women, writing down recipes
thatwhether copied from earlier texts or notthey claim to have learned
from them.59 This may have been a marketable strategy to validate certain recipes and exotic styles considered precious since we know that Christian women
mirrored Muslim womens fashions, at least in western Europe, and womens
interactions related to beauty knowledge across religious lines seem plausible.60
But it clearly shows an openness to valuable beauty knowledge coming from
Middle Eastern cultures. Arabic medicine embraced cosmetics within its learned
tradition, a tradition that largely influenced the medieval West. If the works of
reputed Arabic physicians and surgeons were admired in Latin Europe, Christian sources also unambiguously distinguish Muslim womens expertise in the
art of beauty treatments. Women were hence portrayed not only as the final
receivers of cosmetic recipes to be applied on them but also as active producers of the collective knowledge that the texts recorded and disseminated, often
through male authors.
Nevertheless, the most common way that knowledge on beauty was transmitted in the Middle Ages was not through lengthy written texts but oral
communication and hands-on learning face-to-face. Although this is a difficult sphere to trace, womens collections of cosmetic recipes in the context
of household practice emerge in the late Middle Ages, as well as instances
of recipe exchange, witnessing the extent to which beauty knowledge was
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produced, valued, and shared among women in the course of their ordinary
lives.61
Medieval notions of beauty envisioned it as a moral quality that people
embodied in different ways. Pursuing beautiful bodies involved creating and
re-creating sexual difference, since aesthetic canons for women and men differed. Human beauty was legitimately sought by women and men, whose willingness to embody beauty through adornment and body care was perceived to
help maintain harmony with the natural order. However, beauty had different
symbolic value in women and men. Beautiful male bodies were more dependent on moral features, whereas female beauty was physically embodied: Men
were culturally visible through their use of the public word, women through
their appearance. Moreover, womens looks were deemed to represent male
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dignity and honor rather than to epitomize the women themselves. Anxieties
over womens adornment expressed tensions over controlling these sociosymbolic functions, and they were contested explicitly at length by Christine de
Pizan. But male control was also ordinarily challenged by womens practices
of embellishing themselves as well as by their extensive production of knowledge on human beauty, whether transmitted orally orno doubt much less
oftenin written form. No other area of expertise on the body has a history of
acknowledging female authority and womens authorship that is as steady as
actions and texts intending to bring forth beautiful bodies.
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NOTES
Chapter 6
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1. Research leading to this article has been generously funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation, project HAR200802867/HIST. For general introductions, Umberto Eco, Art and Beauty in the Middle Ages, trans. Hugh Bredin
(New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1986); and Umberto Eco, History of
Beauty, trans. Alastair McEwen (New York: Rizzoli, 2004).
2. Pierre Monteil, Beau et laid: Contribution une tude historique du vocabulaire
esthtique en latin (Paris: Librairie C. Klincksieck, 1964).
3. Pierre Ruelle, Lornement des dames (Ornatus mulierum): Texte anglo-normand
du XIIIme sicle (Brussels: Presses Universitaires de Bruxelles, 1967), 32.
4. Katherine Allen Smith, Bodies of Unsurpassed Beauty: Living Images of the
Virgin in the High Middle Ages, Viator 37 (2006): 16787.
5. Caroline W. Bynum, The Female Body and Religious Practice in the Later Middle
Ages, in Fragmentation and Redemption: Essays on Gender and the Human
Body in Medieval Religion (New York: Zone Books, 1991), 23134.
6. Claudio da Soller, The Beautiful Woman in Medieval Iberia: Rhetoric, Cosmetics
and Evolution (PhD diss., University of Missouri-Columbia, 2005), 41. Available
online at http://edt.missouri.edu/Summer2005/Dissertation/DaSollerC-072205D2926/research.pdf (accessed September 8, 2008).
7. Jan Ziolkowski, Avatars of Ugliness in Medieval Literature, Modern Language
Review 79, no. 1 (1984): 9.
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NOTES
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8. Geoffrey Chaucer, Canterbury Tales, ed. A. C. Cawley (London: Everymans Library, 1992), 18091. My thanks to Sylvia Huot for bringing this tale to my attention in relation to the moral values of beauty and ugliness.
9. On the important relationship between cleanliness and beauty, Anne-Laure Lallouette, Bains et soins du corps dans les textes mdicaux (XIIeXIVe sicles), in
Laver, monder, blanchir: Discours et usages de la toilette dans lOccident mdival,
ed. Sophie Albert (Paris: Presses de lUniversit Paris-Sorbonne, 2006), 3349.
10. Marie-Thrse Lorcin, Rides et cheveux gris dans les ouvrages de Roger Bacon,
in Les soins de beaut: Moyen ge, dbut des temps modernes; Actes du IIIe Colloque International Grasse (2628 avril 1985), ed. Denis Menjot (Nice, France:
Facult des Lettres et Sciences Humaines, Universit de Nice, 1987), 25359.
11. On this phenomenon see R. Howard Bloch, Medieval Misogyny and the Invention
of Western Romantic Love (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991).
12. Monica H. Green, ed. and trans., The Trotula: A Medieval Compendium of Womens Medicine (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001), 4.
13. Jole Agrimi and Chiara Crisciani, Savoir mdical et anthropologie religieuse:
Les reprsentations et les fonctions de la voetula (XIIIeXVe sicle), Annales 48
(1993): 12811308.
14. Guillaume de Lorris and Jean de Meun, The Romance of the Rose, trans. and
intro. Frances Hogan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), vv. 9851016,
pp. 1617.
15. Andreas Capellanus, The Art of Courtly Love, trans. John Jay Parry (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1960), 28.
16. See Mary Wack, Lovesickness in the Middle Ages: The Viaticum and Its Commentaries (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990), 18889.
17. Alcuin Blamires and C. W. Marx, Woman Not to Preach: A Disputation in British Library MS Harley 31, Journal of Medieval Latin 3 (1993): 58; and Alcuin
Blamires with Karen Pratt and C. W. Marx, eds., Woman Defamed and Woman
Defended: An Anthology of Medieval Texts (Oxford: Clarendon, 1992), 252.
18. Doris Behrens-Abouseif, Beauty in Arabic Culture (Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener,
1999), 65.
19. M. Bennett, Military Masculinity in England and Northern France c. 1050c.
1225, in Masculinity in Medieval Europe, ed. D. M. Hadley (London: Longman,
1999), 79.
20. Jenny Jochens, Before the Male Gaze: The Absence of the Female Body in Old
Norse, in Sex in the Middle Ages: A Book of Essays, ed. Joyce E. Salisbury (New
York and London: Garland, 1991), 329.
21. da Soller, Beautiful Woman, 5758.
22. D. S. Brewer, The Ideal of Feminine Beauty in Medieval Literature, Especially
Harley Lyrics, Chaucer, and Some Elizabethans, Modern Language Review 50,
no. 3 (July 1955): 25769; Lorris and Meun, The Romance of the Rose, vv. 53272,
p. 10; and Francisco A. Marcos-Marn, Masculine Beauty vs. Feminine Beauty
in Medieval Iberia, in Multicultural Iberia: Language, Literature and Music, ed.
Dru Dougherty and Milton M. Azevedo (Berkeley: University of California Press,
1999), 2239.
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262
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NOTES
23. Michael R. McVaugh, The Rational Surgery of the Middle Ages, Micrologus Library 15 (Florence: SISMEL/Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2006), 21618.
24. Lorris and Meun, The Romance of the Rose, vv. 215363, p. 33.
25. Joan Cadden, Meanings of Sex Difference in the Middle Ages: Medicine, Science,
and Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 18183.
26. Katharine Park, Nature in Person: Medieval and Renaissance Allegories and Emblems, in The Moral Authority of Nature, ed. Lorraine Daston and Fernando
Vidal (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2004), 5073; Joan Cadden, Trouble in
the Earthly Paradise: The Regime of Nature in Late Medieval Christian Culture,
in Daston and Vidal, Moral Authority of Nature, 20731; and Valentin Groebner,
Complexio/Complexion: Categorizing Individual Natures, 12501600, in Daston and Vidal, Moral Authority of Nature, 35783.
27. Frdrique Lachaud, La critique du vtement et du soin des apparences dans
quelques oeuvres religieuses, morales et politiques, XIIeXIVe sicles, Micrologus 15 (2007): 6186. For medical and surgical discussions, Walton O. Schalick,
The Face behind the Mask: 13th- and 14th-Century European Medical Cosmetology and Physiognomy, in Medicine and the History of the Body, ed. Yasuo Otsuka, Shizu Sakai, and Shigehisa Kuriyama (Tokyo: Ishiyaku EuroAmerica, 1999),
295311; Laurence Moulinier-Brogi, Esthtique et soins du corps dans les traits
mdicaux latins la fin du Moyen ge, Mdivales 46 (2004): 5572; Mariacarla Gadebusch Bondio, Medizinische sthetik: Kosmetik und plastische Chirurgie zwischen Antike und frher Neuzeit (Munich: Wilhem Fink, 2005), 3169; and
McVaugh, Rational Surgery, 21529.
28. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, trans. Fathers of the Dominican Province, 2nd rev ed. (1920), 2.2.169.2, http://www.newadvent.org/summa/3169.
htm#article2 (accessed September 8, 2008).
29. Marir Martinengo, Larmonia di Ildegarda, in Libere di esistere: Costruzione
femminile di civilt nel Medioevo europeo, by Marir Martinengo, Claudia Poggi,
Marina Santini, Luciana Tavernini, and Laura Minguzzi (Turin, Italy: Societ Editrice Internazionale, 1996), 923.
30. Susan Udry, Robert de Blois and Geoffroy de la Tour Landry on Feminine Beauty:
Two Late Medieval French Conduct Books for Women, Essays in Medieval Studies 19 (2002): 90102.
31. The quote is from a Summa on the Corpus juris civilis by Bolognese jurist Azo,
written between 1208 and 1210 and later incorporated into the ordinary commentaries of this legal code. Sharon Farmer, Surviving Poverty in Medieval Paris:
Gender, Ideology, and the Daily Lives of the Poor (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University
Press, 2002), 6669.
32. Marcia L. Colish, Cosmetic Theology: The Transformation of a Stoic Theme,
Assays: Critical Approaches to Medieval and Renaissance Texts 1 (1981): 314;
and Claire M. Waters, Dangerous Beauty, Beautiful Speech: Gendered Eloquence in Medieval Preaching, Essays in Medieval Studies 14 (1997), http://
www.illinoismedieval.org/ems/emsv14.html (accessed September 8, 2008).
33. Bene Socrates, cum decorum adolescentem tacitum vidisset, Loquere inquit ut
te videam: non tam in vultu putabat videri hominem, quam in verbis. Francesco
3085-075-1pass-BM1-r02.indd 262
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NOTES
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
263
Petrarca, Invective contra medicum, in Opere Latine II, ed. Antonieta Bufano,
Basile Anacri, and Clara Kraus Reggiani (Turin, Italy: Unione Tipografico-Editrice
Torinese, 1975), 848. Cf. Fernando Salmn, Quis enim possit investigare rationes, imaginationes et memorias anime: Las funciones del cerebro y sus alteraciones en la medicina escolstica, Quaderns dItali 11 (2006): 12.
Christine de Pizan, The Book of the City of Ladies, trans. Rosalind Brown-Grant
(London: Penguin, 1999), 188.
Ibid., 188.
Ibid., 18889.
Ibid., 189.
Ibid., 190; the French quotation is from Maureen Cheney Curnow, The Livre de
la cit des dames of Christine de Pizan: A Critical Edition (PhD diss., Vanderbilt
University, 1975), 958.
Christine de Pizan discusses rape in a previous chapter. City of Ladies, 14748.
Ibid., 190.
Maureen Quilligan, The Allegory of Female Authority: Christine de Pizans Cit
des dames (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1991), 24683.
Christine de Pizan, The Treasure of the City of Ladies or the Book of the Three
Virtues, trans. Sarah Lawson (London: Penguin, 1985), pt. 1, chap. 3, p. 40.
Ibid., pt. 2, chap. 11, pp. 13335.
Ibid., chap. 12, p. 136.
Ibid., pt. 3, chap. 2, p. 149.
Monica H. Green, The Possibilities of Literacy and the Limits of Reading: Women
and the Gendering of Medical Literacy, in Womens Healthcare in the Medieval
West (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2000), 3237, 4976.
For a learned overview of ancient womens medical writings, Rebecca Flemming,
Women, Writing and Medicine in the Classical World, Classical Quarterly 57,
no. 1 (2007): 25779.
Holt N. Parker, Women Doctors in Greece, Rome, and the Byzantine Empire,
in Women Healers and Physicians: Climbing a Long Hill, ed. Lilian R. Furst (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1997), 149; and Green, Trotula, 213. A list
of extant manuscripts can be found in Monica H. Green, Medieval Gynecological Texts: A Handlist, in Womens Healthcare, appendix, pp. 810; Flemming,
Women, Writing and Medicine.
Rosa Kuhne, La medicina esttica, una hermana menor de la medicina cientfica,
in La medicina en al-Andalus, ed. Camilo lvarez de Morales y Ruiz-Matas and
Luisa Fernanda Aguirre de Crcer (Granada, Spain: Junta de Andaluca, 1999),
202.
Judith Wilcox and John M. Riddle, Qusta ibn Luqas Physical Ligatures and the
Recognition of the Placebo Effect: With an Edition and Translation, Medieval
Encounters 1, no. 1 (1995): 8, 42.
Enrique de Villena (13841434) refers to her as an authority on perfumed oils and
waters and as the author of a book of her cosmetics; he was familiar with De
physicis ligaturis. Villena, Tratado de aojamiento, ed. Anna Maria Gallina (Bari,
Italy: Adriatica editrice, 1978), 11516.
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NOTES
52. Giovanni Marinello, Gli ornamenti delle donne tratti dalle scritture duna reina
greca per M. Giovanni Marinello (Venice: Francesco de Franceschi, 1562),
fol. VvVIr.
53. Hlne Congourdeau, Mtrodra et son uvre, in Maladie et socit Byzance, ed. Evelyne Patlagean (Spoleto, Italy: Centro Italiano di Studi sullAlto Medioevo, 1993), 5796; Parker, Women Doctors, 13840, 150; and Flemming,
Women, Writing and Medicine.
54. The identification and correspondence between Metrodoras gynecological section
and the two versions of the late-antique or early-medieval text De passionibus
mulierum is discussed in Green, Medieval Gynecological Texts, 2425.
55. For the history of the authorship ascription, see Monica H. Green, In Search of
an Authentic Womens Medicine: The Strange Fates of Hildegard of Bingen and
Trota of Salerno, Dynamis 19 (1999): 2554. The compendium was edited and
translated into English by Green, Trotula.
56. On health practitioners involvement with cosmetics, see Schalick, The Face Behind the Mask; Moulinier-Brogi, Esthtique et soins du corps; and McVaugh,
Rational Surgery, 181229. For the textual entanglement of cosmetics with other
aspects of womens health in medical literature, see Monica H. Green, Making
Womens Medicine Masculine: The Rise of Male Authority in Pre-Modern Gynaecology (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008).
57. Montserrat Cabr, From a Master to a Laywoman: A Feminine Manual of SelfHelp, Dynamis 20 (2000): 37193.
58. Green, Trotula, 4546 and 226n186, for a later transformation of Muslim noblewomen into Salernitan noblewomen.
59. Monica H. Green, Reconstructing the Oeuvre of Trota of Salerno, in La Scuola
Medica Salernitana: Gli autori e i testi, ed. Danielle Jacquart and Agostino Paravicini Bagliani (Florence: SISMEL, 2007), 183233. For the anonymous women
experts, see Montserrat Cabr, Autoras sin nombre, autoridad femeninan (siglo
XIII), in Las sabias mujeres, II (siglos IIIXVI): Homenaje a Lola Luna, ed. Mara
del Mar Graa Cid (Madrid: Asociacin Cultural Al-Mudayna, 1995), 5973.
60. Monica H. Green, Conversing with the Minority: Relations among Christian,
Jewish, and Muslim Women in the High Middle Ages, Journal of Medieval History 34, no. 2 (2008): 1067; and Carmen Caballero-Navas, The Care of Womens Health and Beauty: An Experience Shared by Medieval Jewish and Christian
Women, Journal of Medieval History 34 (2008): 14663.
61. Montserrat Cabr, Women or Healers? Household Practices and the Categories
of Health Care in Late Medieval Iberia, Bulletin of the History of Medicine 82,
no. 1 (2008): 1851.
Chapter 7
S__
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L__
1. For medieval developments of the ancient notion of the ages of man, see the literature cited in chapter 1. All translations in this chapter are mine unless otherwise
indicated.
2. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, trans. Fathers of the Dominican Province,
2nd rev. ed. (1920), http://www.newadvent.org/summa/3169.htm#article2 (ac-
3085-075-1pass-BM1-r02.indd 264
3/1/2010 4:28:29 PM
NOTES
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
263
Petrarca, Invective contra medicum, in Opere Latine II, ed. Antonieta Bufano,
Basile Anacri, and Clara Kraus Reggiani (Turin, Italy: Unione Tipografico-Editrice
Torinese, 1975), 848. Cf. Fernando Salmn, Quis enim possit investigare rationes, imaginationes et memorias anime: Las funciones del cerebro y sus alteraciones en la medicina escolstica, Quaderns dItali 11 (2006): 12.
Christine de Pizan, The Book of the City of Ladies, trans. Rosalind Brown-Grant
(London: Penguin, 1999), 188.
Ibid., 188.
Ibid., 18889.
Ibid., 189.
Ibid., 190; the French quotation is from Maureen Cheney Curnow, The Livre de
la cit des dames of Christine de Pizan: A Critical Edition (PhD diss., Vanderbilt
University, 1975), 958.
Christine de Pizan discusses rape in a previous chapter. City of Ladies, 14748.
Ibid., 190.
Maureen Quilligan, The Allegory of Female Authority: Christine de Pizans Cit
des dames (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1991), 24683.
Christine de Pizan, The Treasure of the City of Ladies or the Book of the Three
Virtues, trans. Sarah Lawson (London: Penguin, 1985), pt. 1, chap. 3, p. 40.
Ibid., pt. 2, chap. 11, pp. 13335.
Ibid., chap. 12, p. 136.
Ibid., pt. 3, chap. 2, p. 149.
Monica H. Green, The Possibilities of Literacy and the Limits of Reading: Women
and the Gendering of Medical Literacy, in Womens Healthcare in the Medieval
West (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2000), 3237, 4976.
For a learned overview of ancient womens medical writings, Rebecca Flemming,
Women, Writing and Medicine in the Classical World, Classical Quarterly 57,
no. 1 (2007): 25779.
Holt N. Parker, Women Doctors in Greece, Rome, and the Byzantine Empire,
in Women Healers and Physicians: Climbing a Long Hill, ed. Lilian R. Furst (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1997), 149; and Green, Trotula, 213. A list
of extant manuscripts can be found in Monica H. Green, Medieval Gynecological Texts: A Handlist, in Womens Healthcare, appendix, pp. 810; Flemming,
Women, Writing and Medicine.
Rosa Kuhne, La medicina esttica, una hermana menor de la medicina cientfica,
in La medicina en al-Andalus, ed. Camilo lvarez de Morales y Ruiz-Matas and
Luisa Fernanda Aguirre de Crcer (Granada, Spain: Junta de Andaluca, 1999),
202.
Judith Wilcox and John M. Riddle, Qusta ibn Luqas Physical Ligatures and the
Recognition of the Placebo Effect: With an Edition and Translation, Medieval
Encounters 1, no. 1 (1995): 8, 42.
Enrique de Villena (13841434) refers to her as an authority on perfumed oils and
waters and as the author of a book of her cosmetics; he was familiar with De
physicis ligaturis. Villena, Tratado de aojamiento, ed. Anna Maria Gallina (Bari,
Italy: Adriatica editrice, 1978), 11516.
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