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143
ANGELIKA GEBHART-SAYER
Universitiit Tiibingen
This essay attempts to demonstrate that the intricate design art of the
Shipibo-Conibo Indians of eastern Peru may once have been a codified
system of meanings, a vehicle of communication. Although certainly
not a veritable writing system, it may well have constituted a graphic
device comprising symbolic, semantic units, in perhaps a mnemotech
nical arrangement and was employed in ritual context.' Present-day
indigenous understanding of the meaning of the designs is fragmen
tary at best. The prime, almost obsessive, motivation of the Indians
to preserve the art style, regardless of the loss of semantic content,
is their continued belief in its overall spiritual, ethical, aesthetic,
emotional, and medicinal significance, which provides both the indi
vidual and society with a mode of differentiation, integration, identity,
and meaning (see Gebhart-Sayer 1985).
Until about two hundred years ago, Shipibo and Conibo households
were densely covered with geometric designs. It is said that the house
posts and beams, the plaited interior of the thatched roof, the box
shaped woven mosquito tents, boats, paddles, kitchen and hunting
equipment, finely woven cotton garments of men and women, as well as
the heavy headwork attire, were lavishly decorated with designs (Fig. 1).
'The study is based upon nine months of fieldwork in 1981 and two months in 1983
in the village of Caimito, generously supported by Mr. and Mrs. Peter G. Wray of
Phoenix, Arizona, and the Breuninger and Bosch companies of Stuttgart, West Ger
many, respectively.
144
ANGELIKA GEBHART-SAYER
The face, hands, and legs bore the characteristic filigree ornaments
(Fig. 2). The choreography of the festive round dances (Fig. 3) followed
an imaginary pattern on the ground. Even today, each person carries
within his body a spiritual pattern related to his well-being and bestowed
on him by his shaman. The sight of a village must have been impressive
against the background of the forest wilderness and must have filled
the inhabitants with a sense of sophistication when they compared them
selves with less artistic neighboring groups. It seems that the horror vacui
principle, which characterizes the style, formerly embraced the entire
visible world and-as we shall see-even the invisible world of the
spirits.
What has survived of this cultural preoccupation with the refined and
the reticulate are textile painting and embroidery, ceramic painting,
the plaiting of headwork, an occasional facial pattern, and, above all,
the invisible "marking" of individuals with body patterns spiritually
projected onto the patient's body by a shaman during a healing session.
Essentially, Shipibo-Conibo therapy is a matter of visionary design
application in connection with aura restoration. Since all individuals
145
Figure 2. Facial design for festive or healing purposes, made with the juice of
the Genipa americana fruit and lasting four to five days.
146
ANGELIKA GEBHART-SAYER
147
a;
(])
Figure 4. Choma beer storage vessel by the Caimitoan artist Jisosa, with canoa
design around the equator and quene design around the neck.
while the shamans might have utilized a separate, symbolic, and perhaps
occult terminology which no longer survives.
The design style comprises two basic substyles: (I) the quene, a linear
composition either curved or angular (Fig. 4, upper design); and (2) the
canoa, a blocklike, angular composition in bold lattices often visualized
in a positive/negative way (Fig. 4, lower design). All designs are based
on the principles of horror vacui, symmetry, and evasive direction of
line. The lines are uniformly spaced and interlock loosely, thus creating
the impression that they could be compressed onto a smaller area.
The symmetrical repetitions could be continued endlessly, were they
not trimmed and anchored at the edge of the design field. This anchoring
of border lines accounts for the static quality of the style.
In quene layouts, complexity of composition and long stamina of the
formline are highly valued. Ending lines are mostly adorned with a
small figure filled with solid color and called vero (eye, seed). Secondary
lines accompany the formlines on both sides, and tertiary filler work
is inserted into the remaining empty spaces. The term "baroque style"2
seems appropriate to describe the growing inclination of younger women
to reduce the thickness of the formlines while intensifying filler work.
Often, the formlines are only slightly broader than the filler lines and
'See Roe's comprehensive research on the Shipibo-Conibo art style, for example, Roe
1979, 1980, 1982b.
148
ANGELIKA GEBHART-SAYER
tend, therefore, to optically stand back behind the busy load of fillers
Where formlines continue to be strong and the fillers become ver
dens: , the ller ":ork r cedes to for a gray background. Considering
.
that _m pr vwus tlmes fillers were utlhzed sparsely and in autonomous
onfiguratwns, the new development in tertiary work represents a loss
m wealth of forms. Nevertheless, the development of such "fashions"
indicates that Shipibo-Conibo design art is a living art, not an artificially
revived or nostalgic art.
Designations for some d sign components refer to body parts (head,
.
w ngs, ands, eyes; see Ftgs. 5-7). Others are named in accordance
with thetr clearly realistic renditions (for example, man or snake; see
S
SHIPIBO-CONIBO GEOMETRIC DESIGN
149
I 50
ANGELIKA GEBHART-SAYER
I 51
But a design with a very long meandering formline may be called ronin
quene because "its ends are difficult to see" (Fig. IO). More or less
realistic snake renditions appear on pottery on the occasion of a per
son's recovery from a poisonous snakebite (Fig . 9 ), a celebration called
rono-aca-picoti ("to emerge from what the snake did"). Yet another
perceptual level recognizes the ophidian shape in the very structure of
the vessels: the winding clay ropes of the construction technique present
the coiled posture of the resting world anaconda who, with its spiral
body, encircles the cosmos just as the clay ropes encircle the vault of
the vessel. Ronin-rau is also the symbolic designation for the above
mentioned shamanic therapy in which the shaman heals his patient
through the application of a visionary design.
Figure
ANGELIKA GEBHART-SAYER
152
153
'It occurs to me that this statement might imply that designs lose their potency at
'The German edition unfortunately carries no date. Karl von den Steinen, in his critical
the hands of women, since only women render the designs. Future studies will shed more
summary and juxtaposition of the daring speculations that this note gave rise to, uses
154
ANGELIKA GEBHART-SAYER
Diaz Castaneda, who spent years among the Conibo of the mouth of
the Pachitea River approximately one hundred years later, and whose
knowledge of Conibo culture was intimate, noted in connection with
the designs: "Into the spaces between the main lines representing a
figure, a kind of popular hieroglyph is drawn, the variety of which is
155
very great" (p. 314; my translation). He added two drawings (see Fig. 13)
that show the independent character of these fine "filler" elements so
drastically simplified in modern design art. Unfortunately, like Girbal,
Diaz Castafieda seems to have had little success or interest in gathering
native information on the semantics of these "glyphs."
The French anthropologists S. Waisbard and R. Waisbard relate the
mysterious glyphic books mentioned by Humboldt to a tradition that
was still practiced when they traveled the Ucayali in 1956. A finely
woven strip of white cotton fabric (about 15 em wide and 70 em long),
delicately painted with designs and called quirica ("book"), s was pre
pared for each child entering puberty. The book was folded in leporello
(screenfold) manner and stored until the person died. Then it was ex
tended over the chest crosswise and buried with the person. The Wais
bards note: "Since the famous hieroglyphic books of the Panos men
tioned by Humboldt are unfortunately . . . undiscoverable, this could
lead to new and exciting discoveries, since it could be the only form of
aboriginal writing known in present Peruvian Amazonia" (1959;27 ;
my translation).
Unfortunately, no other "eyewitness" reports on the subject. We
must therefore rely on accounts of the contemporary Indians themselves,
who readily recall book-related instances they have heard about from
their "grandparents." In Caimito, people remember an old man from
a neighboring village who treasured a book by his father-in-law, a
shaman. In 1978 his son, an enthusiastic Adventist, made him burn the
document since "it contained matters of the devil." It was an ordinary
school copy-book from the mission, filled with minute red and black
designs. Among the many people who remembered the book was a
young woman, Olga, who as a young girl had managed along with her
girlfriend to secretly get hold of the book, although the old man kept it
well hidden. The girls had just started copying some of the designs
when Olga's grandmother discovered them and forbade them to have
any contact with the book. It contained "the dangerous affairs of the
spirits." Olga claimed to have never forgotten the four designs she had
by then finished copying. She drew them on paper for me (two are
shown in Fig. 14). The people of Caimito regarded the four designs as
examples of outstanding design art and sometimes referred to them as
a measure of quality when discussing designs.
The Caimitoans are also acquainted with the strips of painted cloth,
although in a context different from the Waisbards' description.Appar
ently, the most potent and feared of the early Shipibo-Conibo shamans
were those who worked with the spirits of the dead, the vero-yushin.
'Loan word from Quechua, where the term quillca refers to sequences of geometric
signs modified by rotation, reflection, and change of color.
156
ANGELIKA GEBHART-SAYER
Figure 13. Delicate fillers between the thick form lines of the cross
design (from Diaz Castaneda 1922:308). The drawings by Diaz Castaneda
show that around the turn of the century, filler work between the form
lines of the designs were more independent and versatile than today.
He assumed that the fillers had hieroglyphic function.
157
<
Figure 13 (Continued). Types of fillers (from Diaz Castaneda 1922:318).
Other than the more common shamans who concealed themselves in
their mosquito tents to practice (the tents are of a dense fabric and are
not transparent like the mosquito nets used elsewhere), these high-rank
ing shamans sat on a platform, in public view during the entire seance.
A man of such eminence would own a leporello book painted on both
sides with black fineline designs and solidly colored vera (the seminal
design elements mentioned above). There used to be one design on
each page, all of which had their individual names. The edge of each
page was outlined with colored stripes, the kind still woven into cotton
1 58
ANGELIKA GEBHART-SAYER
159
textiles. The shaman would claim to have received the designs from the
eye spirits.
When the master took his book out of the box, the women would
gather around in order to have a lesson in design art. Often coming in
large numbers and from remote villages, they brought pieces of cloth,
bark paper (the bark from the local lecythus tree is used to manufacture
an excellent white paper; personal communication Robert Carneiro),
and clean wooden slabs or paper from the mission. The sessions could
last several days during which the shaman explained the designs and
the women studied until exhausted, increasing the power of their shina
(mind, intellect, creativity, vitality). Outstanding artists exercised spiri
tual and physical discipline such as fasting, sexual abstention, contem
plation of designs, and the enhancement of the tena (image of the inner
eye, imagination, reflection) before they arrived at the sessions, generally
with the help of medicinal plants, and were sometimes "crowned" by
the shaman with an invisible quene maiti (design crown). These crowns
further enhanced a woman's shina capacity and her social status. Certain
young men over the age of twenty (possibly the shamans' novices) were
also introduced to the design meanings. The Waisbards mention two
"schools of magician-sorcerers" on the Huallaga River (Waisbard and
Waisbard 1959:68, note 2), where part of the Panoan population had
been relocated by the Jesuits around 1670. Some shamans would take the
women's pieces of cloth into their mosquito tents. Animal voices and
foreign utterances indicated that the shaman had contacted the spirits
and was conversing with them. Somewhat later he passed the pieces back
from underneath the tent, now preciously painted by the spirits. It was
on these occasions that the shaman must have acted most conspicuously
as a switchman of art and dominating ideas, as a perpetuator between
the past and the present, and as a pontifex on the artistic bridge between
the temporal and the spirit world. His ultimate task was the visualization
of ideas, the transformation of spirit messages into culturally meaningful
configurations. He was also a selector of themes which he passed on
and which were then reproduced in manifold varieties and edited for
the general public on pottery, textiles, and other media. The girls'
puberty feasts during which the absolutely finest in clothing, adorn
ments, and pottery came together were great forums of art display, if
not publication of coded religious or other information.
On the occasion of the girls' puberty ceremony, the shaman carried
an occult type of book contained in a wooden box on his head while
he danced, accompanied by two women. During the dance, the book
was handed to consecutive female dancers wearing the "complete festive
dress." As we know from Roe's excellent descriptions of the ceremony
(1982a), the young girls were dressed up for their clitoridectomy more
160
ANGELIKA GEBHART-SAYER
elaborately than anyone else. It was probably the young initiates them
selves who were entitled to carry the book.
Manuals of such ritual significance may still exist in the more conser
tive villages. Caimitoan elders saw them in use until the 1950s. Perhaps
It IS but a matter of extended traveling to trace them. The recent shamans
of Caimito are making extensive use of a different kind of "literature"
visi? nar books called "design medicines" visible only to the shama
dunng his ayahuasca experience.6 These are fundamental requisites of
the therapeutic seance, consulted like a reference book, and suggest to
he healer possible diagnosis and therapy. They are said to be folded
m leporello style. Their utilization is discussed below in more detail.
Because of the obscured semantics of the design tradition, it seems
doubtful that a motif-by-motif decodification key, the only acceptable
proof of the (former) existence of a code system, will ever be at hand.
Karl von den Steinen was rightly skeptical. The fact that the term
quir ca or qui lca is of Quechua origin would have to be given some
.
co? sideratiOn m future studies, and the impact of the bibles and cate
chisms, those exotic "speaking" treasures of the early missionaries that
must have profoundly upset the world view of the Indians at the time
of first contact, ought to be carefully analyzed.
H?wever, while research continues and this essay may encourage
studies by other ethnographers in the Montafia, we should bear in mind
that the Shipibo-Conibo Indians live in an area where mnemonic codi
fication was, or is, not uncommon. The northwest of South America
bear witness to other indigenous code systems, such as the geometric
appliques of the Cuna (see Nordenski<>ld 1928, 1930), the mnemonic
wooden slabs of the Northern Yu'pa or Macoita (see A. Lhermillier
and N. Lhermillier 1982), and the tocapu signs on Quechua and Aymara
ueros and ponchos. The Shipibo-Conibo tradition of weaving narrow
nbbons of considerable technical and ornamental complexity for wrist
and ankle decoration might well be linked to the Waisbards' cloth strips
and the Inca custom of weaving high-ranking information into the
narrow woof stripe which many ponchos displayed at the waist or con
cealed within the inseam (see Barthel 1970, 1971; Jara 1973).
'It is typical of recent ShipiboConibo acculturation and secularization that most
shamanic objects (like the book), which were previously utilized during the sessions
are
of
ow
des1gns, namely t e visible skin design and the permanent invisible healing design, the
_
cus om IS now w1del reduced to the latter, immaterial type. Actual facial and body
eslgns
are hard t fmd among the recent Shipibo-Conibo. This is consistent with my
mformants . assertiOn that early shamans invariably were more powerful than the
contemporary ones, and with the general feeling that the present state of affairs is a
mere shadow of previous conditions.
161
Design Therapy
162
ANGELIKA GEBHART-SAYER
163
Figure 16. Healing session shortly before arrival of the patient. The bottle
contains ayahuasca potion.
164
ANGELIKA GEBHART-SAYER
and the village worlds. The compelling force of this chorus is directed
against the spirits held responsible for the patient' s illness.
As voices meander through the air, a second transformation takes
place, visible only to the shaman. The song now assumes the form of a
geometric pattern, a quiquin design which penetrates the patient' s body
and settles down permanently. According to the shaman, the healing
pattern is a result of his song. Unless he falls ill again, it remains with
the patient even after death to help identify his spirit as a Shipibo
Conibo in the other world. The Hummingbird spirit, Pino, described
as the "writer" or "secretary" among the helper spirits, now hovers
above the patient and lets the design configurations drop onto the
patient' s body, swishing, whirring, humming, busy with tiny move
ments. The shaman explains:
Pino writes the quene outlining the therapy and the song. It grows little by
little. Just as each word in modern writing is different, so are the individual signs
(lena) of the design. At first, the sick body appears like a very messy design. After
a few treatments, the design appears gradually. When the patient is cured, the
design is clear, neat, and complete. In my visions, I watch Hummingbird hover
above the patient. With each swish of his wings, a part of the design emerges.
He also draws with his beak and tongue. If the design refuses to become clear,
I know that I cannot heal the patient. I am not told the meaning of the indi
vidual design elements, but I know by my overall impression of the designs
what I have to sing. I feel that designs and melodies are rotating. Some designs
can make a person even more ill. They are not made by Hummingbird, but
come out of the mouth of a sorcerer. They are detached like figures, not flowing
like handwriting.
165
166
ANGELIKA GEBHART-SAYER
( 1 979a:64, 77) describes how the Siona shaman directs the disease-inflicting substance
back to its origin. Reichel-Dolmatoff ( 1 97 1 : 1 30) reports that the Desana shaman has to
promise to the master of game animals to cause the death of a certain number of people
(own or alien) in exchange for game animals. The Warao "Dark shaman" feeds human
sacrifices to the Lords of the Underworld to guarantee the duration of the world, the
Gods, and the young generation (Wilbert 1 975:1 74). In the Siona case, the shaman
knows where the evil substance is going, but it is uncertain whether he also knows the
substance to cause harm at its place of origin, that is, whether he uses the substance to
hit back, thus simultaneously harming somewhere else and caring for his own people.
167
In the Desana case it is obvious that caring for one's people and harming are closely inter
ade for
related. A case for such an interrelation between caring and harr ing could be
_
the Shipibo-Conibo if it could be shown that the shaman, wh1le expelh g evil forces
either the inimical spirits and shamans whom he upset so many times, or those people
_
whom he harmed perforce by exposing them to the harmful forces released thr g h1m,
f
econc1hat10n
the
with
concern
profound
the
Considering
not.
or
be it intentionally
.
''Among the Warao Indians, lifelong dependence on the shaman exists for some women
168
ANGELIKA GE;BHART-SAYER
Then came my chief experience with shahuan-peco. Twelve hours after drinking
the potion and bathing with it, about noon the next day, it started to thunder,
and I heard crowds of spirits making much noise. The four masters of the
plant appeared in human disguise. They were very angry with me and denied
me their knowledge and power. When I was shaking a lot and almost fainted,
they took hold of me and dashed me around within the four corners. Two of
them were standing in the opposite corners to throw me back. When I was almost
dead, Ani-Ino, the great j aguar, arrived, very beautiful and shining . He grabbed
me by the neck with his mouth, and sucked my blood to reduce my weight so
I could fly. He carried me through the air for many hours, up to the clouds,
into a great remoteness.This is how a shaman learns to travel through the air
and to see things from above. In the clouds, he meets all the tree spirits who
help to heal the sick, for example doctor anta -yushin (a tree-spirit and bone
doctor). During my vision, I was able to see all who passed by my house in
their true nature, with their true intentions, and naked. Then there appeared
the master of shahuan-peco himself. He carried a book in his hands, the leaves
of which were still new and blank. Before he gave it to me, Hummingbird
painted very fine designs into it with its delicate beak. In a book like that, a
shaman can read about the condition of his patient and the way to help him.
I often use the book when I sing.
Figure 11. Two racoti (woman' s mantle). This kind of rectilinear and very
IS spmtually
minute design with bordering stripes of a different pattern
n 1 928, plate 1 1
used by the shaman to heal the patient. From Tessman
(upper) and plate 13 (lower).
1 69
170
ANGELIKA GEBHART-SAYER
medicines, the shamans clearly refer to the melodies and not to the te xts
of the songs. The texts are generally improvised and vary from o ne
situation to another, whereas the melodies amount to a stable corpus
of about twenty or thirty "song medicines," divided into approximate ly
eight categories.
Another field of Shipibo-Conibo art that closely links geometric
designs with music is dance. Two dances, nahuarin and masha, are still
occasionally practiced in Caimito during the drinking feasts. In the
masha, men and women hold hands to form a circle (Fig. 3). The leader
of the dance advances, pulling the others along, while all sing. As they
perform squares, circles, loops, meanders, and so on, without disturbing
the circular or oval formation, their footprints "draw" an imaginary
pattern in the dust. It would be interesting to analyze the relation be
tween a particular pattern and the occasion it was danced as well as
that between choreographic design and the song melody. It is doubtful
that this sort of study will be forthcoming, however, in view of the
practically extinct dance tradition.
Fragrance in Therapy
r
\
I
'
I
I
I
"Johannes Wilbert , personal communication.
"Thanks to Rolf Stoll for his advice in musicological matters .
171
'
172
ANGELIKA GEBHART-SAYER
Or,
1 73
The Cosmos Encoiled: Indian Art of the Peruvian Amazon. Exhibition cata
logue. New York: Center for Inter-American Relations.
I985
"Some Reasons Why the Shipibo-Conibo (Eastern Peru) Retain Their Art."
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Girard, Rafael
1958
Grieder, Terence
I975
Hoffmann, Hans
1964
"Money, Ecology, and Acculturation among the Shipibo of Peru. " In Ward
Goodenough, ed., Explorations in Cultural Anthropology: Essays in Honor
Jara, Victoria de Ia
1973
Karsten, Rafael
I9I6
I 964
Langdon, E. Jean
I979a
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