Laryngeal Features and Sonorancy

Eva Zimmermann & Jochen Trommer

eva.zimmermann,jtrommer@uni-leipzig.de
Universitt Leipzig, Institut fr Linguistik

WS 2010/2011

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

1 / 38

The System of Clements & Hume

Clements & Hume 1995

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

2 / 38

The System of Clements & Hume

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

3 / 38

The System of Clements & Hume

Formal connection between

consonantal and vocalic place feature

consonantal place [labial] relates to vocalic [round],

e.g. Assimilation in Tulu (Kenstowicz 1994):
accusative suffix is unrounded -
unless it is preceded by a labial C or a round vowel,
kat..t bond but kappu blackness

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

4 / 38

The System of Clements & Hume

Formal connection between

consonantal and vocalic place feature
similar interactions can be found between
dorsal consonants and back vowels or
coronal consonants and front vowels
as in (1) where back vowels u/o become front vowels /y after
coronal C

(1)

Agn (Armenian), Hall et al. 2000

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

5 / 38

The System of Clements & Hume

C-place and V-place: same set of features (Clements 1991)

the same sets of features for consonantal and vocalic place

specifications

(2)

Place features
Vowels
[labial]
round
[dorsal]

back

[coronal]

front

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

6 / 38

The System of Clements & Hume

C-place and V-place: same set of features (Clements 1991)

distinguished by their dominating node: C-pl and V-pl
V-place dominated by C-place on another tier: spreading of
vocalic place across an intervening C is possible
captures the asymmetry that (full) spreading of V across C is
possible but not vice versa
(3)

Coronal Fronting, e.g. Agn

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

7 / 38

The System of Clements & Hume

C-place and V-place: same set of features (Clements 1991)

V-place features on consonants: secondary articulation
this predicts that a consonant with a secondary articulation will
block spreading of this (secondary) feature between vowels: this
seems to be the case (cf. Kenstowicz 1994)
(4)

Complex segment vs. secondary articulation

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

8 / 38

The System of Clements & Hume

Place of articulation for vowels (Iverson 1982)

the height feature for vowels are segregated from the place
features: a seperate Aperture node
evidence: vowel height may spread as single unit (Braz.Port)
but: consonant voicing interacts with vocalic height/ATR values as
well and aperture features should not be restricted to vowels
(Trigo 1991, Vaux 1996)

(5)

Vocalic place

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

9 / 38

The System of Clements & Hume

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

10 / 38

The System of Clements & Hume

Oral Cavity

cf. Supralaryngeal Node in McCarthy 1988

English intrusive stops:
a stop intrudes between a nasal/lateral and a fricative,
e.g. dense, false
it is a hybrid segment that gets place and closure (oral cavity) from
the preceding nasal/lateral and all other features from the following
fricative

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

11 / 38

The System of Clements & Hume

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

12 / 38

The System of Clements & Hume

Root Node

cf. McCarthy 1988

(vocoid=converse of cons)

sonority features are assigned directly to the root node since they
never spread or delink as a class
possible counter-evidence: Kaisse 1992 on vowel spreading in
Turkish

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

13 / 38

The System of Clements & Hume

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

14 / 38

The System of Clements & Hume

Laryngeal Features in Halle & Stevens 1971

[spread glottis]

Aspiration

[constricted glottis]

Glottalization

[stiff vocal cords]

stiff=voiced

[slack vocal cords]

slack=voiceless

Whereas some combinations, e.g. [+stiff, +slack] and [+constricted,

+spread] are logically impossible

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

15 / 38

The System of Clements & Hume

Laryngeal Specifications in Halle & Stevens 1971

[+cg] and a voiceless stop = ejective

[+cg] and a voiced stop = implosive
...

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

16 / 38

The System of Clements & Hume

Laryngeal Features

it has been noted, though, that phonological generalizations are

restricted to the positively specified values [+c.g.], [+s.g.] and
[+voice]
e.g. neutralization processes typically replace aspirated/glottalized
stops with the plain version (e.g. Klamath, Kenstowicz 1994)
The laryngeal features might be privative rather than binary.

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

17 / 38

The System of Clements & Hume

One Laryngeal Node

one node dominates the laryngeal features, cf. McCarthy 1988

spreading processes may affect aspiration and voicing as one set

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

18 / 38

The System of Clements & Hume

An Alternative concerning sonorancy and voicing

The model in Avery & Rice (1989), Rice (1993)

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

19 / 38

The System of Avery & Rice

The Intuition: major Class Segregation

Sonorants share specific (manner) features

among each other, but not with obstruents
Obstruents share specific (laryngeal) features
among each other, but not with sonorants

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

20 / 38

The System of Avery & Rice

The Proposal (I)

(True) Sonorants and (true) obstruents

have different non-terminal nodes
Obstruent
Root
|
Laryngeal

Sonorant
Root
|
SonorantVoice

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

21 / 38

The System of Avery & Rice

The Proposal (II)

Obstruents have standard laryngeal features

under the Laryngeal node
Sonorants have sonorant manner features
under the SonorantVoice node
Laryngeal

SonorantVoice

nasal

lateral

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

LaryngealVoice

Laryngeal Features

SpreadGlottis

WS 2010/2011

22 / 38

The System of Avery & Rice

The Proposal (III)

Root
Laryngeal
Voice

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

SV
Lateral

Laryngeal Features

(Nasal)

WS 2010/2011

23 / 38

The System of Avery & Rice

Evidence for Major Class Segregation I:

Voicing Assimilation in Dutch Obstruents

in e.g. Dutch, there is a three-way contrast between:

sonorants

voiced obstruents

voiceless obstruents

voiced and voiceless obstruents alternate, sonorants do not

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

24 / 38

The System of Avery & Rice

Evidence for Major Class Segregation I:

Voicing Assimilation in Dutch Obstruents

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

25 / 38

The System of Avery & Rice

Evidence for Major Class Segregation II:

Manner Assimilation in English Level 1 Phonology

in English, there is a (full) sonorant-sonorant assimilation that

ignores obstruents

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

26 / 38

The System of Avery & Rice

Rice& Avery: Background Assumptions

All features (terminal or non-terminal) are privative

Many phonetic specifications are only inserted after phonology
(e.g. nasals in many languages are phonologically underspecified
sonorants)
Syllable-final devoicing (delinking of laryngeal features)
is universal

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

27 / 38

The System of Avery & Rice

Background Assumptions on Spreading

Spreading can occur only if a structural target is present

A feature or node can spread only to an empty position

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

28 / 38

The System of Avery & Rice

Voicing Assimilation in Dutch Obstruents:

Analysis

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

29 / 38

The System of Avery & Rice

Manner Assimilation in English Level 1 Phonology:

Analysis

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

30 / 38

The System of Avery & Rice

Language Type I

True obstruents without laryngeal differentiation

True sonorants
2way major-class system with no sonorant-obstruent interaction
Obstruent
Root
|
Laryngeal

Sonorant
Root
|
SonorantVoice

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

31 / 38

The System of Avery & Rice

Language Type I

True obstruents without laryngeal differentiation

True sonorants
2way major-class system with no sonorant-obstruent interaction
Obstruent
Root
|
Laryngeal

Sonorant
Root
|
SonorantVoice

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

32 / 38

The System of Avery & Rice

Language Type I: Ponapean

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

33 / 38

The System of Avery & Rice

Language Type II (Dutch)

True voiceless obstruents
True voiced obstruents
True Sonorants
3way major-class system with no sonorant-obstruent interaction

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

34 / 38

The System of Avery & Rice

Language Type III

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

35 / 38

The System of Avery & Rice

Language Type III: Sonorant-Obstruent Interaction

in English Level II Phonology

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

36 / 38

The System of Avery & Rice

A Problem

Spreading of SonorantVoice in English should also affect [lateral]

and [nasal]
Avery & Rice: organizing nodes are copied, not spread

Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

37 / 38

The System of Avery & Rice

Literatur
Clements, G. N. (1991), Place of articulation in consonants and vowels: a unified
theory, in Working Papers of the Cornell Phonetics Laboratory, Vol. 5, Cornell
University, Ithaca, pp. 77-123.
Halle, Morris, Bert Vaux and Andrew Wolfe (2000), On feature spreading and
the representation of place of articulation, Linguistic Inquiry 31, 387-444.
Halle, Morris and Kenneth Stevens (1971), A note on laryngeal features,
Quarterly Progress Report 101, 198213. Research Laboratory of Electronics,
MIT.
Iverson, Gregory K. (1983), On glottal width features, Lingua 60, 331-339.
Kaisse, Ellen M. (1992), Can [consonantal] spread?, Language 68(2), 313-332.
Kenstowicz, Michael (1994), Phonology in generative grammar, Cambridge MA:
Blackwell.
Trigo, L. (1991), On pharynx-larynx interactions, Phonology 8, 113-136.
Vaux, Bert (1996), The status of ATR in feature geometry, Linguistic Inquiry 27,
175-182.
Zimmermann&Trommer (Uni Leipzig)

Laryngeal Features

WS 2010/2011

38 / 38