2016 at Press Drinking To Death. The Tot

Dining&Death: Interdisciplinary persepctives on the funerary banquet in ancient art, burial and belief
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Paper 7, C.M. Draycott
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published version
Drinking to Death: The Totenmahl, Drinking Culture and
Funerary Representation in late Archaic and Achaemenid
Western Anatolia
Catherine M. Draycott
Abstract
This paper reconsiders the emergence of an iconographic formula,
which has come to be termed the 'Funerary Banquet' or 'Totenmahl', in
the context of Western Anatolia in the 6th and 5th centuries BC.
Consisting usually of a single male shown in a 'sympotic' context
(reclining on a kline, with drinking service), flanked by attendants and
often accompanied by a female consort, this formula is known earlier,
and elsewhere, but the standardisation of the image type as a funerary
motif at this juncture is notable. The paper addresses why this
phenomenon occurred there and then, and whether there were specific
meanings associated with it. It argues that the motif emerged in a
context of heightened competition in drinking culture in both the
Achaemenid Empire and the late Archaic Aegean zone. While the
'funerary banquets' of Western Anatolia never displayed overt signs of
eschatological significance, the theme was particularly apt for funeral
occasions and therefore resonant and popular as a memorial image.
Moreover, this theme in particular could accommodate and encourage
multiple imaginative explanations on the part of viewers, which may
have tightened an identification of the image type with the funerary
realm and affected its further trajectory into clich in later periods.
Concerning meaning, however, more positive results can be obtained
by analysing ideas the images convey other than eschatology, such as
relationships, settings, equipment and dress. All of these indicate some
important social institutions coming to the fore in this period, including
wealth, home, marriage, leisure and, of course, drinking.
Introduction1
1 Many thanks are due to those who graciously read drafts or sections of this
article and offered their comments and assistance, especially Elizabeth Baughan,
Sean Lockwood and the anonymous referees. Thanks to John Penney, Olivier
Henry, Peter Thonemann, Boris Chrubasik and Malcolm Nicholson for help with
inscriptions, and to Zsolt Simon and others for their help with conventions. For
illustration permissions I am indebted to: The Trustees of the British Museum,
Anja Slawisch at the DAI Istanbul, Joachim Heiden at the DAI Athens, Gurcan
Polat, Frank Kolb, Stella Miller, C. Brian Rose and Elizabeth Bettles. To Pauline
Donceel-Vote I owe thanks for her permission to reproduce her images of the
Afirz relief, (although not in the end used) and for her enlightening
communications on the subject of the funerary banquet. Importantly, I owe
thanks to Oswyn Murray, whose article Death and the Symposium (1988) had a
major influence on me, leading, eventually, to the conference and volume here.
All errors remain, of course, the sole responsibility of the author.
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The Totenmahl, or perhaps better monoposiast iconographic

formula, which consists of a single reclining person (usually
male), sometimes with female companion, is known from as early
as the 7th century BC, when it appears in the famous Garden
Party relief of Assurbanipal from the north palace of Nineveh
(Fig. 1).2 Even earlier, the reclining motif itself is known from
Cypriot/Levantine metal bowls, and monoposiasts are found in
the 6th-century in Cypriot figurines, large-scale Ionian votive
sculptures and in Etruscan tomb paintings and sarcophagi.3 In
the later 6th century, the type also appears in some few reliefs
from Greek sites (Fig. 2).4
It is in late Archaic and 5th-century Western Anatolia, however,
that the type really starts to become a standard feature of tomb
art.5 If one includes the two women seated together on one of the
short sides of the Polyxena Sarcophagus from the Troad (Fig. 17,
below) there are 11 examples in tomb paintings and stele reliefs
dating to the later 6th and 5th centuries BC (see list in
Appendix).6 Additionally, there is a late 6th-century relief on a
pillar tomb from Lycia which shows what appears to be two
reclining figures on klinai (Fig. 7, below), and fragments of
reliefs from the so-called acropolis of Xanthus dating to the mid5th century which belong to one or two different banquet scenes,
although whether monoposiast or not is unclear (Fig. 20, below).
One could add to this number the paintings in the Aktepe Tomb
near Uak/Gre in Eastern Lydia,7 although there the setting is
more of a tableaux incorporating the tomb chambers kline itself
and the paintings. It is also possible that tomb paintings in the
Harta Tomb in North-Western Lydia also originally incorporated
a Totenmahl, now lost.8 Bare traces of a painting which may
show this theme have also been noted on wooden beams from
2 In general, see Fehr 1971; Dentzer 1982; Fabricius 1999; also Fabricius and
Amann, this volume.
3 For Etruscan paintings, see Amann and Mitterlechner, this volume, with
references. Ionian banqueter statues: Baughan 2011.
4 Also Lawton, this volume, Fig. 2.
5 As remarked by Fabricius 1999, 30 and 37. Cf. Mellink 1998, 60. Western
Anatolia it should be noted is a modern construction, referring generally to a
collection of ancient territories in the westernmost part of the Anatolian
peninsula, especially Lycia, Lydia, the western parts of Phrygia and
Hellespontine Phrygia (itself a troublesome term), and Caria. Technically, it also
includes Ionia, although sometimes the term Western Anatolia is used to refer
to native populations to the exclusion of Greeks. Other territories such as
Pisidia might also be considered part of Western Anatolia. Here, because of the
distribution of the reliefs, I focus on Lydia, Lycia and Hellespontine Phrygia.
6 See an alternative interpretation of the Polyxena Sarcophaguss relief, n. 124,
below. Brosius (2011, 141) sees a suggestion of the banquet theme here.
7 Baughan, this volume, Fig. 7. On the Aktepe Tomb, see zgen et al. 1996, 40
46, 7173, nos. 710; Baughan 2010b.
8 For the Harta Tomb, see zgen et al. 1996, 3639, 4546, 6770, nos. 16.
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the Tatarl Tomb in South-Western Phrygia.9 There are a number

from the 4th century BC as well: leaving aside the numerous
examples of banquets in the reliefs carved on and in Lycian rockcut tombs and sarcophagi, there are at least six clear examples
of the Totenmahl or monoposiast type scenes on 4th-century
stelai. To this may now be added the sumptuous carving on the
sarcophagus found in what appears to be a royal Carian tomb in
Milas/Mylasa in 2010.10
Banquet images are often accompanied by other themes, but it
can be the most prominent among them, as is shown in the case
of the banquet in the Karaburun II Tomb paintings, where it is
the largest of the paintings and is positioned on the rear wall
above the kline within the chamber (Fig. 3).11 In stelai, which can
contain multiple registers of two to three reliefs, it is the most
common theme. It is through this regular appearance that the
monoposiast motif takes on a more canonical form one
recognisable in later versions, from Classical Attic hero reliefs to
Hellenistic and Roman grave stelai. One might ask, then, several
questions: why did this theme take hold when and where it did,
in Western Anatolia in the late Archaic through Classical period?
Related, was there a specific meaning of the motif as applied in
this context? And did this phenomenon have any impact on the
blossoming of the reclining banquet motif in later reliefs?
This paper addresses these questions in two sections: the first
section considers how the emergence of the theme related to the
historical context, especially the Persian Empire in Western
Anatolia. The second, longer section, treats the issue of whether
the images had or took on a specific meaning in this context. This
section is sub-divided into two parts, the first dealing with the
question of eschatological meaning, reviewing this interpretation
in scholarship, laying out evidence for or against such an
interpretation specific to the Western Anatolian monuments, and
discussing the epistemological sticking point the question poses.
The second part moves on from this sticking point to discuss
other ways in which the images have been and can be read,
highlighting various areas of non-eschatological emphasis
important for the cultural history of Western Anatolia.
Concerning the impact on later Totenmahl images, it is
suggested that there may have been subtle ways of reading the
images with reference to their funerary context, which
eventually led to a more familiar link between this drinking
iconography and the idea of death. How the Western Anatolian
use of this image type and its association with the grave might
relate to the series of votive reliefs produced in Attica from the
later 5th century, most of which are for heroes, deserves further
9 Summerer in Summerer and von Kienlin 2010b, 15052.
10 Mylasa tomb, see nn. 126 and 127, below.
11 Also Baughan, this volume, Fig. 6.
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thought, but unfortunately cannot be addressed within the scope

of this paper. For now it remains an open question.
Why Then and There?
The Totenmahl images in Western Anatolian tomb art emerge as
part of a package of social changes in the context of the Persian
Empire period, after the Anatolian peninsula had been conquered
by the Achaemenid Persian dynasty in the 540s BC.12 These
changes were not always utterly pronounced, or archaeologically
visible, and the level and nature of Persianisation within the
Persian Empire has naturally warranted a great deal of
consideration.13 Scholars generally agree that there was not a
mass immigration of ethnic Persians, radical changes in
government or wholesale importation of Iranian customs. At the
same time, clearly life did not just simply continue as before;
there were many and varied migrants from all over the empire,
including royals, nobles, administrators, military men and
tradesmen. There were changes in governmental structures, in
regimes and tax collection, in land ownership, and in cultural
practices, some of which were top down impositions, some of
which were knock on effects within local communities and
interfaces between new conditions and pre-existing social
currents.14
One of the more visible cultural changes, stimulated at least in
part by changed economic circumstances, is burial practice. In
some areas, settlements seem to have been abandoned and
burials are relatively thin, but generally speaking, visible burials
tend to become thicker on the ground. In Lycia and Caria many
such tombs, freestanding and cut into rock faces, and in a range
of types, are located in and around towns.15 Near Sardis in Lydia
there are also a number of rock-cut tombs as well as
belowground burials attributable to urban elites. It may also be
the case that several of the rock-cut tombs clustered around
12 As to the date of conquest, see Baughan, this volume.
13 Important on Persian visibility and impact are Root 1991 (short and very
accessible) and what remains the standard text on the Persian Empire, Briant
2002. For Achaemenid period archaeology, especially impact in Anatolia, see
Dusinberre 2003; Gates 2005; and papers in Briant and Boucharlat 2005; and in
Delemen et al. 2007. Most recently on this, see a group of papers in Gruen 2011,
especially Brosius 2011; Root 2011; Tuplin 2011 (particularly for various
Persianisations); M. Miller 2011b; also Ma and Tuplin forthcoming. For some
further references, see Draycott 2010b.
14 For debate about whether Persians were laissez faire or not in their handling
of provinces, compare Briant 2002 and Fried 2004, and see now an overview in
Colburn 2011. On Persian impact in general, I refer again to Root 1991; also
Kistler 2010; Tuplin 2011; Ma and Tuplin forthcoming. For general discussions of
Achaemenid administration and settlements, see Dusinberre 2003; Allen 2005;
Roosevelt 2009; M. Miller 2011b; also now Dusinberre 2013.
15 Most recently on Lycian tombs, see Hlden 2006; on Carian, see Henry 2009.
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rocky outcrops in the Phrygian Highlands, where settlement

seems to have been disrupted, belong to this period.16 In the
hinterlands, tumuli prevail, and in some areas such as Lydia and
areas near Dascylium in the north-west these proliferate in the
Persian period. Usually thought to have been erected on private
estates, one explanation for their increase in the Persian period
(besides general greater prosperity) is a shift to greater
agricultural production in some regions, with accompanying rise
in rural population and competition between estate owners,
whose insecurities may also have been irritated by the possibility
of top-down Persian land redistributions.17
Among this new generation of tombs, some were decorated with
additional paintings or relief sculptures inside chambers or on
external walls, or on stelai set up nearby. The Totenmahl was
one of a number of images which appears in these adornments,
usually alongside other images of varying number. In some areas
it is not very well represented; other image types were
prioritised. This is the case in the reliefs which decorate the
earlier of the massive tower-like tombs erected in Lycia, known
as pillar tombs, where there are only two possible examples of
banqueting out of eight decorated tombs from the period 550
470 BC.18 In many areas, however, and especially from the 5th
century, the theme is more consistently included in the repertoire
alongside a selection of other images, often showing affinities for
new, Persian court presentation, especially in the equestrian
sphere (horse trappings and tack for hunting and chariot
convoys, for instance) or sometimes leaning more toward the
more Greek, or better, less Persian court end of the Anatolian
cultural spectrum (for example myth and athletics, although the
latter is rarer, seemingly limited to Lycia). Although one could
very roughly divide the monuments into two groups representing
more and fewer overt Persian-leaning preferences, such themes
and styles were by no means mutually exclusive or distinct, a fact
16 Certainly one does (Ylan Ta: von Gall 1999). On the Phrygian Highlands in
general, see Haspels 1971; Berndt 2002; Berndt-Ersz 2006; Sivas 2008. See
also a painted tumulus chamber (Sivas 2010). For Achaemenid Paphlagonia, see
P. Johnson 2010; Summerer and von Kienlin 2010.
17 For Lydian burials, see Roosevelt 2009, especially 19596 (with references to
other theories). For the Granicus Plain near Dascylium, see Rose 2007, 247
(region may be militarily strategic); Rose et al. 2007, 7274 (where they simply
speak of increased aristocratic competition in the area); Rose and Krpe 2009.
See also M. Miller (2011b, 33536) on problems with relating growth in tumuli in
the Granicus Plain to military land grants. For Achaemenid land zoning (creation
of cadastres) and confiscated, re-gifted land (dorea), see Briant 2002, 412, 417
19, 49496; Kuhrt 2007 II, 65965, 72022, 72527; Roosevelt 2009, 199.
18 Draycott 2007b. Note this excludes the later and slightly smaller 4th-century
pillar discovered in 1996 at Limyra, East Lycia, which depicts a Totenmahl on
one faade (Seyer 2003). At that point banquets were more common among the
images chosen for Lycian tombs, see Lockwood, this volume (with references to
Seyer 2003).
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underscored by the case of the paintings in the Tatarl Tomb near

Kelainai, South-West Phrygia, new research on which shows that
it contained both paintings of Greek myth (Herakles stealing the
cattle of Geryon) as well as an image of a Persian king (or
Persian hero) defeating his enemies.19
The Totenmahl has been seen by some as one of the more
Persianising themes represented in these tombs. Drinking,
banqueting, and possibly specifically funerary banqueting
already featured in earlier Syro-Hittite Anatolian grave stelai and
is also shown in the wealth of drinking equipment in the earlier
tumulus chambers at Gordion in Phrygia.20 The reclining habit,
however, becomes very visible in the Persian period. This is not
only manifest in the banqueting images, but in tombs, where
stone built chambers of the new generation of tombs can include
freestanding couches or rock-cut benches, also usually of stone.21
One suggestion has been that this could represent a new belief,
perhaps related to the Zoroastrian ideal of raising the dead
above the earth, or related to a Persian association of birthday
banquets with memorials.22
This already puts a spin on the banqueting images, which, more
than most other images used to decorate tombs, are associated
with the very sphere of the burial and handling of the dead. Here
the central issue is whether this can be explained as a Persian
introduction. Elizabeth Baughan has pointed to cases which
indicate that the beginnings of the kline tomb chamber pre-date
the Persian conquest and may be a development more linked
with the flourishing Lydian kingdom of the Mermnads, especially
Alyattes and Croesos.23 It has also been pointed out that with the
exception of the freestanding, stone-built tomb of Cyrus at
19 Tatarl Tomb: Summerer 2007ab; 2008; Summerer in Summerer and von
Kienlin 2010b, especially 14450 for Herakles and Geryon. See also mixes of
Persian-style fabulous beasts and Herakles imagery in later Classical rock-cut
tombs in Paphlagonia: Summerer 2009; Summerer and von Kienlin 2010; P.
Johnson 2010. Although less pronounced, such spectrums are notable in the
repertoire of later 5th- through 4th-century Lycian tomb reliefs, for instance
most clearly the Payawa Tomb, which shows a nude athlete and a Persian style
audience. For the Lycian repertoire, see Bruns-zgan 1987; Jacobs 1987; Jenkins
2006. On plurality in imagery, see Root 1991 (especially on coins and seals); also
M. Miller 2011b, especially 32425.
20 On Syro-Hittite stelai, see Bonatz, this volume. For Gordion burials, see Young
1981; Simpson 2010.
21 See Baughan, this volume.
22 Dusinberre 2003, 9295, especially 95, and 13438, who also, however, sees
that the klinai could represent a new furniture modification to an established
habit of providing drinking equipment for the dead. Cf. Brosius 2011, who speaks
generally of funerary banquet images being a Persian introduction.
23 Baughan 2004; 2013; also Baughan, this volume. Tuplin 2011, 15455, sees
much that is local custom in the banqueting images. On Lydia under these kings,
see Pedley 1972, especially on the golden Sardis of Sappho's day; Greenewalt
1995. On Lydian dining, see also brief comments in M. Miller 2011a, 112.
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Pasargadae, which is said to have included a rich kline, the main

series of Achaemenid royal rock-cut tombs in Iran contain no
evidence of couches, or drinking.24 Such chambers seem to be a
feature of Western Anatolia, so although they are a custom which
flourished during Persian rule, and they may indeed signal new
concepts concerning the status and nature of the dead, this
cannot easily be explained as a Persian import.25
More prevalent is the idea that the Totenmahl images emulate
Persian court behaviour, and the Persian king in particular
(imiatio regis).26 Here, it is not so much the reclining itself, which
is seen as having earlier Western models, but more the urge to
use the banqueting theme in general and some particularities,
such as the habit of including a female consort, that is seen as
possibly oriental (if not Persian, exactly). The poster-image for
this is one of the reliefs on a stele from Dascylium (Fig. 4), where
the crown-like headdress of the woman is similar to those worn
by women on seals and other objects found more widely through
the Persian Empires territory.27 Other scholars have pointed to
particular accoutrements such as kline types, the depiction of
textiles overlying the couches and especially the display of fine
cups/bowls together with the manner of holding omphalos
bowls/phialai on the fingertips as either imitation of Persian
court habits or, in a more complex way, a signal of position within
a network of restricted luxury vessel exchange within the
empire.28
24 See Baughan, this volume. Arrian (Anabasis 6. 29. 56), writing during the
Roman Empire, says that one of Alexanders men found a couch with feet of gold
and a table with drinking vessels in the monumental tomb at Pasargadae
traditionally attributed to Cyrus.
25 Cf. Hlden (2006, 20305) refuting claims of importation of Persian
Zoroastian burial rites in Lycia, although at 176, n. 794 he allows a possible
Persian concept of a tomb as a house.
26 Imitatio regis: Noll 1992, 7988; Altheim-Steihl et al. 1983, although they
also suggest reference to afterlife; Sekunda 1988, especially 191, sees
Achaemenid court motifs, although with funerary meaning in Western Anatolia;
Root 1991; Cremer 1984, copying lost Achaemenid ruler representation,
although following Cypriot models ultimately; Brosius 2011, especially 13843.
27 Akurgal 1966, especially 147; Noll 1992, 1619, S2, 5152 (on the crown
headdress; she mistakenly gives the cat. no. as S1), 7988 (on women in
banquets related to Persian royal habits, with ref. to this image in particular and
details of discussion in literature); Karagz 2013, 61 and 63, fig. 16, no. 2. See
also refs. in n. 158, below.
28 Most notably on this M. Miller 2011a; also Tuplin 2011, especially 15455
(who sees limited Persian aspects, however). Also, Akurgal 1966; Jacobs 1987,
especially on the Karaburun II Tomb paintings; Noll 1992, especially 82 on the
unGreek ceremonial handling of dishes. Cf., on emulation in Achaemenid-style
bowls, Dusinberre 2003, 17295, especially 19192; M. Miller 2007. Kistler 2010,
although he does not address the Totenmahl images directly, elaborates on a
complex social system of restricted ownership and display of the fine vessels
within an Achaemenid subinstitution of commensality, as opposed to a
generalised, free diffusion/acculturation throughout the empire. Cf. also now
Rehm in press; Dusinberre 2013. Note that the balancing of a phiale in this way
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Literary sources attest that banqueting was an important feature

of court life for the Persian royals, and that the Persian king
encouraged his satrapal courts to imitate such behaviours.29
There are hints, too, that Persian queens and princesses may
have participated in court banquets on occasion, or held their
own.30 It is tempting to think that the Persian court adopted the
motif of the king dining from the Assyrians, where it appears
(only once, however) in Assurbanipals Garden Party relief (Fig.
1). This would explain the focus on the solo recliner and consort
as an imitation of kingly representation, the Greco-Persian
version descending from the Assyrian prototype, through the
Persians.
One difficulty with this, pointed out by many, is that although the
Persian king may have both banqueted and reclined, this is not
represented in official Persian court art.31 The quintessential
mode of representation for the Persian king in court art was
enthronement and audience scenes.32 Banqueting is also not a
theme which is uniformly represented in art in the Persian
satrapies outside of Western Anatolia. Besides the Totenmahl on
one of the short sides of the Satraps Sarcophagus from Sidon, of
the 4th century BC, there are only a few seals that show men
holding drinking vessels, and among these only one shows a
reclining figure; the figures are more often shown seated.33 A
is attested in earlier art, so is not a Persian innovation. Besides Asurbanipals
Garden Party relief, see also, for example, e.g. an Iron Age Anatolian image of
Hartapusa seated holding a phiale in the same fashion (Gonnet 1983, pl. 6, fig.
1).
29 For example, see Heraclides FGrH 689 F2; Polynaeus 4. 3. 32. On imitatio
regis in satrapal courts, see recently M. Miller 2011b, especially 336. Also on
Persian dining: Lewis 1987 (on Polynaeus); Sancisi-Weerdenburg 1997
(commenting on Briants views as expressed in his earlier French edition); Briant
2002, especially 28697, 92122; Kistler 2010; Henkelman 2010; 2011. For
Achaemenid ruler representation, see Root 1979. For local political importance
of banqueting, see Jacobs 1987.
30 Brosius 1996, 2006, 4547. Note that the king and queen dining together does
not seem to have been a normal occurrence, though, suggesting it would not
have become an iconic image of Persian rulership.
31 Baughan, this volume; Jacobs 1987, pointing generally to lack of Persian art
models for Western Anatolian, specifically Lycian tomb images; Fabricius 1999,
37; Brosius 2011, 140. Dusinberre (2003, 95) though, rightly notes that it is
alluded to in the banqueting vessels carried by tribute bringers in the reliefs
along the Apadana steps at Persepolis. See also the servants bringing goods for
the kings table in the Tripylon step reliefs at Persepolis (Briant 2002, 292, fig.
40; also Kistler 2010, 41820). Battle is also not a feature of monumental court
art, but it could hardly be claimed that it was not a major feature of Persian ruler
ideology.
32 Audience: most recently, with references Brosius 2010; 2011. It was already
noted in n. 30, above, that the banquet especially with a female participant, may
have been inappropriate for Persian official images of rulership.
33 Satraps Sarcophagus: Kleeman 1958. Seals: Garrison 2000, 14748; M.
Miller 2011a, 101, fig. 5. A seal in the Louvre shows a male reclining in
Classical style (Dentzer 1982, 64 [un cylindre perse du Louvrede date
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stele from Saqqara in Egypt, set up in memory of Djedherbes, a

half-Persian half-Egyptian, also shows him wearing classic
Persian court garb, seated at table (Fig. 5).34 In this case,
however, the theme could be more an adaptation of an Egyptian
food offering scene rather than an imitation of a specifically
Persian court scene.35
As a way around the lack of central court banqueting models,
some have suggested a missing link of local satrapal court art,
perhaps primarily carried on perishable materials such as
textiles.36 Others suggest that it was not a theme necessarily
represented within court art, either central or satrapal, but that
the Western Anatolian tomb owners drew instead on actual court
behaviour.37 I have argued elsewhere that this was the case with
depictions of convoys in Western Anatolian tomb art, which
uncertaine], pl. 14, fig. 88; Noll 1992, 8283. The seal could be Achaemenid in
date, but requires some more investigation according to experts at the British
Museum. Along with this seal and images from Cyprus (monoposiast sculptures
similar to those of Ionia, and the sympotic relief on the Golgoi sarcophagus for
image see Amann, this volume, Fig. 6), which she notes was under the control of
the Persians, Noll (1992, 8283) also notes some other Near Eastern banquet
images, which she says have a close connection to Persian art, and which may
hint at the use of the theme in Persian court and depiction of men and women
dining together as generally Eastern: two engravings, one on a pyxis from
Mahmudiyah (Iraq) and one on a situla from Kermanshah (Iran), both of which
show males and females seated opposite each other at table. The Mahmudiyah
pyxis (Dentzer 1982, 35, pl. 9, fig. 59) belongs in the general realm of NeoHittite art (along with stelai that also show seated banqueting figures, for which
see Bonatz, this volume). On the Kermanshah situla (Dentzer 1982, 4647, pl. 10,
fig. 72), which Dentzer dates between the 10th and 8th centuries BC, the figures
are shown on a couch, but seated upright on cushions, feet on the couch, not
reclining.
34 Mathieson et al. 1995 (indicating problems with assuming the seated Persian
represents the deceased); J. Johnson 1999, especially 214; Boardman 2000, 179,
fig. 5.58; Rehm 2005, 50003 (identity of seated figure uncertain); Vittmann
2009, 10506, fig. 7 (seated figure is deceased); Wasmuth 2010 (arguing it may
have been made by a workshop specialising in Saqqara stelai for foreigners). The
Persian dress is unusual, although it may have been shown frequently in now lost
art commissioned by satraps. Cf. the surviving royal monuments of Darius the
Great, including granite statues, one set up at Susa (Root 1979, 6872, pls. 10
11, 31; Boardman 2000, 11415, fig. 3.36a) and especially the canal stelai set
up to mark the ancient precursor of the modern Suez Canal (Root 1979, 6168,
pl. 9). On the Late Period in Egypt (including Persian rule), see, for example,
Lloyd 2000; Vittmann 2009; Ruzicka 2012; Colburn 2012ac.
35 For contemporary Saqqara stelai showing food offering scenes to Osiris, see
the Salt Stele and especially the Carpentras Stele (both with Aramaic
inscriptions, not Egyptian as the Djedherbes one): Porten and Gee 2001, figs. 10
and 13. On Aramaic-inscribed Saqqara stelai, see also references in n. 65, below.
Cf. M. Miller 2011a, 10507, who notes the local aspect, but with the Persian
manner of balancing the phiale on the fingertips. Brosius (2011, 141) sees the
(funerary) banquet shown as a Persian theme. For earlier, Old Kingdom
Egyptian offering scenes see Robins, this volume.
36 Noll 1992, 9697, 129. Brosius (2011, 140) believes it should be part of the
catalogue of court art based on the use of the theme on tombs for high-ranking
Persians.
Page 10 of 77
emulated the convoys of the Persian king.38 The fact that Persian
nobles banqueted at local courts is not in question. The
predominance of figures shown seated in the few banqueting
images on seals suggests that reclining to dine might not have
been a norm at Persian courts (something that Djedherbes Stele
might also suggest, although as noted above the seated posture
there might stem from traditional Egyptian food offering scenes).
Other aspects of style and mannerisms, however, including the
handling of bowls as noted by Margaret Miller, make it clear that
there was imitation of Persian court drinking habits.
The Persian Empire was not the only sphere of interaction and
influence, though. A point not particularly well addressed in
scholarship is how the emergence of Totenmahl imagery
coincides with Mediterranean dynamics. It has long been
recognised, as noted above, that precedents for reclining to dine
were widely available in the Mediterranean zone before the
arrival of Persian rule in Western Anatolia. Drinking and feasting
had always been important activities and the reclining habit wellestablished, but in the 6th century BC the image of drinking, and
along with this the image of aspirational elegant interiors and
furniture, especially the all-important kline, became the image of
social status par excellence. The theme is increasingly
represented in art, in the abovementioned Etrsucan tombs and
the votives of Ionia, for instance.39 The latter part of the 6th
century through the earlier 5th century is a heyday for the
symposium in Attic pottery paintings.40
The Western Anatolian banqueting images can be seen as a part
of this wider, Mediterranean-based development, intensifying
just at the time that the earliest known examples, the painting
from the Kzlbel Tomb in North Lycia (Fig. 6) and the relief on
37 Especially Jacobs 1987, but also generally thought by those who go the extra
step of seeing the theme also in court art. See Kistler 2010, especially for
behaviour within a larger empire-system of commensal politics. Recently also
Dusinberre 2013 (which contains a chapter on drinking and dining.
Unfortunately, I was not able to consult this book before completion of this
paper.)
38 Draycott 2010a; 2011; as also Jacobs 1987. Cf. too Brosius 2011, 139. See
Kistler (2010, 435) on the Reiseknigtum important in Achaemenid power
strategy, with further references; and also especially 2010, 43738 on restricted,
ranked access to such displays of Persianisation, in his case in the use of
Achaemenid vessels. On difficulties in assessing the accessibility of Persian
goods and Persianising behaviour, with reference to clothing, cf. Tuplin 2011,
15557.
39 On the importance of the symposium in Archaic Greece, see especially Murray
1990. See both Amann and Mitterlechner, this volume, on the flourishing of
banqueting images in this period.
40 On sympotic images, see most obviously Lissarague 1990a; now Topper 2012.
Cf. Metzger 1971, 522, on the Dascyleum stelai banquets sharing models with
Attic vases; 1976, 63536, for something similar in the Karaburun banquet
painting.
Page 11 of 77
the abovementioned pillar tomb at Tse (Fig. 7), were made in

about 530 BC. It is perhaps significant too that in those two early
cases, the klinai are of Type B, with panel-like legs, rather than
the Type A turned-leg type more often associated with
Persianising styles.41 The Kzlbel Tomb also had evidence of the
use of handled vessels, whereas later tombs tend to contain
handle-less bowls more typical throughout the Achaemenid
Empire.42
These images could be thought of as showing participation in a
furniture culture just as much as a drinking culture, since the
klinai are in some ways the focal point of the images (the kline in
the Kzlbel tomb banquet painting, Fig. 6, is strikingly large).
The importance of such fine furniture is suggested by the
reputations of cities such as Archaic Miletus for furniture
production, especially for beautiful beds.43 In this period,
however, recliners are usually shown holding vessels, and it
seems more likely that the couch should be seen as a necessary
accoutrement within a set of trappings and manners associated
with drinking.
Within this wider drinking culture, the solo recliner formula was
not exclusive to Western Anatolia, being known in Cyprus,
Etruria and elsewhere, as already noted. Nor was it the only
option a few instances of depictions of more than one reclining
drinker/diner have been mentioned above (the Tse Pillar tomb
relief, Fig. 7, for example). It does, though, become a prevailing
image type, and more so than in other areas or regions it comes
to be typical. The question then narrows to why the monoposiast
type would be so favoured. With a lack of Persian court art
models, this cannot be explained as imitation of a specifically
Persian mode of representing authority figures. One could argue
that the seated or enthroned mode would achieve an image of
authority, of holding court, more effectively, were that the
primary goal.
It is possible that the formula should really be seen as an
abbreviation, allowing reference to the male sympotic identity
with its implications of extra-household commensality, or
participation in court banquets, while also including family in an
41 Klinai types: Baughan 2004; 2013. In this volume, Baughan notes that there is
a difference in kline types usually represented in stone tomb furniture (Type B)
and those shown in many funerary banquet images (Type A).
42 Mellink 1998, 56 (although at 60 she calls the vessels phialai); M. Miller
2011b, 329. It is possible these were bowls or phialai with looped handles of the
type found on earlier Phrygian drinking vessels rather than kylikes of Greek
type. On Achaemenid bowls, see also Dusinberre 2003.
43 Athenaeus 1. 28b and 11. 486e. Greaves 2002, 14 and 84; 2010, 205, for
archaeological evidence of wooden artefacts. Also Kyrieleis 1969; Boardman
1990. Also IG I2, no. 276.14 (from Athens), referring to klinai, although Anja
Slawisch has pointed out to me that Miletus may be an erroneous restoration
(Slawisch forthcoming). On klinai, see now Baughan 2013.
Page 12 of 77
artificial image created to fit limited display spaces.44 A limited

display space explanation would not always work, however, since
there would have been space to depict further guests in the
Kzlbel and Karaburun II tomb chambers had that been desired,
and in the latter there is no family element included in the
image.45 It is rather the single man and his private consumption
which is on display. An alternative explanation is that even if
gesturing to larger banquets/symposia, the focus on a single
protagonist or couple rather than a collective may have suited a
society where individual houses were the main locus of power
and household hierarchy and relationships were valued above
wider commensality.46
Although neither banqueting, nor reclining were exclusive to
Western Anatolia, the Totenmahl image type, the monoposiast
drinker, seems to have crystallised in the tomb art there in part
because of its particular position on the Mediterranean/Aegean
cusp of the Persian Empire. Despite the obvious political
importance of commensality and drinking within the Persian
Empire, without evidence that the reclining banqueter image
type was as readily adopted throughout the empire it is not clear
that the Persian conquest in itself would have brought about this
development.47 On the contrary, it is possible that it could have
emerged in the absence of the Persian conquest, as a regional
branch of the wider Mediterranean drinking culture intensifying
at the time. Persian presence undoubtedly acted as a catalyst,
and certainly impacted the style(s) of drinking eventually
assumed. But this Persian drinking culture may not have been
so much imported as developed in Western Anatolia.48 Overall,
44 Baughan 2011 suggests this in the case of Ionian monoposiast figures. See
also Noll (1992, 7988) on the crossed arm gesture seen in some reliefs as
deriving from images of the symposium. Mitterlechner, this volume, suggests
that solo recliners on the tops of Hellenistic period Etruscan ash chests could be
abbreviations of larger group gatherings. However, Amann, this volume, feels
that the single recliner formula should not be understood as an abbreviation.
45 Mellink (1971, 251) and M. Miller (2011b, 333) see the woman standing
behind the reclining man, who wears a seal around her neck, as his wife,
however.
46 Cf. Bernard 1969, 24 (master of a rich house). Something similar suggested
for Etruscan banquets and gender relations (Bonfante 1981). There, however, the
flourishing of symposia images suggests that commensality of peers was just as
important. Cf. Amann, this volume, on the focus on the single male being due to
his role as founder of the family, that grouping being key to understanding the
composition.
47 This must be admitted too for the convoy images, although in that case I have
argued that it was not the Persian presence itself, but the formation of armies
and military culture in the west of the empire which was the particular context.
See n. 38, above and n. 117, below.
48 Cf. Vismara (2007, 61) on Persian art as syncretic itself. One might mention
here Root 1991 on the impact of empire being the fostering of the seemingly
eclectic multiplicity of styles, as well as materials and artistry, adopted by those
living in the empire. She does not use the term connectivity, but it would
Page 13 of 77
the Totenmahl is both Western and Persian, rather than either/or.

Its genesis lay in a constellation of Mediterranean trends, local
conditions and Persian pressures.49
Does the Formula have a Specific Meaning in this Context?
The Eschatological Question
What has been said in the previous section already broaches the
question of meaning, by placing the genesis of the Western
Anatolian Totenmahl in the context of a flourishing late Archaic
drinking culture. Indeed, this is an important aspect of the
meaning of these images, to which I shall return below, but
before that it is important to step back a bit and consider the
relation of these images to the culture of death. It was mentioned
above that one of the reasons that the Totenmahl or
monoposiast schemata may have been preferred in Western
Anatolia was because of its use on tombs, which were made to
memorialise individuals or family groups. It has also been
remarked above that the link with the placing of drinking
equipment in the tomb, and especially the laying out of dead on
klinai, already puts a spin on the images. In principle,
eschatological ideas that is, ideas about the fate of the person
or soul after death and funerary rites can certainly be
harnessed and manipulated in status assertion.50 Is there, then,
any indication that the Totenmahl scheme had or took on a
particular eschatological meaning in the context of Anatolian
tombs; that this was part of the status claims of the images?51
1. Brief Background on this Question in Scholarship
Pre-Hellenistic, Greco-Persian stelai including some with
banquet reliefs were discovered in significant numbers especially
from the 1950s and 1960s, among which were a particularly
significant group from around Dascylium, a site which had by
then been identified as a Persian satrapal seat. Although very
early on the images, which included convoys and banquets, were
complement her notion of the artistic ranges and interplay enabled by the
Empire. In this sense, as she says, the terms Greek and Persian can mislead
anyway, implying two poles a modern concept influenced by the prevailing
trends of ancient literature rather than a network. For a rich discussion of the
dynamics surrounding commensal drinking practices and uses of precious metal
vessels within the empire, see Kistler 2010.
49 Cf. again Baughan, this volume, on kline burials in Western Anatolia.
50 For example: the funeral associated with Tumulus MM at Gordion; the deposit
of the Mausoleum at Halicarnassus (see Carstens, this volume); and
eschatological ideas thought to have been embraced by the Macedonian elite in
the 4th century BC.
51 Cf. Kleemann 1958, who says that the banquet becomes funerary when
applied to a tomb, as in the case of the Satraps Sarcophagus from Sidon.
Page 14 of 77
taken as daily life scenes, leading some to claim that the stelai
were not even funerary, this was quickly refuted and most
scholars recognised them as funerary stelai in the tradition of
other similarly-shaped, tall anthemion-crowned grave stelai from
Ionia and Sardis.52 Opinions differed about whether the images
shown on the stelai were funerary in subject matter, however.
Since the 19th century, interpretations of similar banquets shown
on Greek stelai (assumed at the time all to be grave stelai)
tended to conform to one of three main lines, as sketched out by
several other authors in this volume and elsewhere: the depiction
of retrospective earthly pleasure; the depiction of a funerary or
mortuary cult ritual; or the depiction of a pleasurable afterlife.53
At the time the new Dascylium stelai were discovered the
discussion intensified. The 1965 publication of Rhea ThnigesStringariss thesis about the Totenmahl in Greek art made an
important impact on the general interpretation of the theme.54
Unlike earlier publications, this one took into account the
inscriptions on Classical Attic stelai and distinguished between
votive stelai (the majority) and grave stelai (few and later in
date). These later Attic grave stelai were seen as the immediate
descendants of the votive hero reliefs, and were thought to
derive their meaning therefore from the votives, which were
mostly dedicated to heroes. Hence, the grave stelai, whether
including heroic elements or not, were seen as showing the
deceased heroised, in an afterlife fit for heroes.
Alongside this, and independent of it, another approach was
taken by Jrgen Borchhardt in a long 1968 essay on the
epichoric (native) reliefs in Anatolia.55 Borchhardt appealed not
to Greek models, but to native, Anatolian traditions, and he
looked to literary texts for Hittite and old Eurasian funerary
customs. In his interpretative model, the Anatolian Totenmahl
image type was developed by local artists accustomed to the
reclining banquets of Greek coastal cities, to meet the funerary
needs of new Persian customers. The idea of the funerary
banquet, however, he saw not as a totally novel Greco-Persian
hybrid, but also as the product of local, epichoric continuity
(central to the articles thesis) in this case vestigial symbolism
of traditional Asian burial rites. Hittite texts, for instance, attest
music and feasting at funerals. More dramatically, Borchhardt
52 The avuky Stele (Fig. 18) was discovered earlier in the 20th century and
was taken by scholars then as showing quotidien themes. See discussion with
references in Noll 1992, 85; Dolunay 1966; Dupont-Sommer 1966, 1967.
Arguing for a funerary function are Cross 1966; Hanfmann 1966.
53 See, for example, Fabricius and Amann, this volume, as well as the
Introduction, this volume. Discussion also in Dentzer 1982, chapter 1; Noll
1992, 8586; Fabricius 1999, 1319.
54 Thniges-Stringaris 1965.
55 Borchhardt 1968a.
Page 15 of 77
also pointed to Herodotus tales of human sacrifice still current

among certain Thracian and Scythian groups (Herodotus 1. 71
and 6. 71), as well as various Bronze and Iron Age burials where
remains have been interpreted as funerary sacrifices of
household members.56 Based on this, he suggested that the
group of people shown in the banquet images represents the
entourage of the leader, which would traditionally have been
sacrificed at the grave.
Already in 1969 Jean-Marie Dentzer had published an article on
the reclining banquet in pre-Hellenistic reliefs of Asia Minor,
arguing that the Asia Minor group is more closely related to the
kingly representation of Assurbanipal in his Garden relief than
the Attic hero reliefs.57 Further, he highlighted a point of
methodology: that motifs used on a tomb need not be funerary or
eschatological in subject matter. These ideas were developed
further in his monumental monograph on the reclining banquet,
which adopted the structuralist approach prevailing in French
scholarship.58 Here, he examined a wide range of varied
contextual meanings of the reclining banquet motif (in preHellenistic art), but also argued for a core underlying meaning
throughout the motifs history: the banquet was so popular a
theme because it effectively expressed tenacious ideals about the
opulent princely life, effective for the representation both of
elites and of heroes, who were, after all, of elite genealogical
descent.
Dentzers thesis was very influential in scholarship on the
banquet and symposia, and in general the structuralist approach,
often with a sceptical attitude toward eschatological meanings,
has been a dominant paradigm in much Classical archaeology,
especially the study of tomb imagery and portraiture.59
Concerning the banquet images in Western Anatolian tomb art,
56 NB. In the same article (p. 189) he briefly mentions the possibility of seeing
such scenes as kingly representation, and refers to Thniges-Stringaris who had
briefly indicated the Near Eastern royal precedents in her article. Borchhardts
other work on Lycian banquet scenes, however, interprets them as Totenmahl in
the sense of mortuary banquets in which the deceased take part in some way
(Borchhardt 1968b, on the Salas Monument from Kadyanda) or as depictions of
the deceased heroised part of hero cult in Lycia (Borchhardt 1997, on the
Topal Gvur tomb at Asarta). Cf. also the eschatological interpretation of three
standing figures as judges of the underworld on the Xtabura Sarcophagus from
Limyra (Borchhardt 1970). For good discussion of this issue, with references, see
Hlden 2006, especially 32223 and 34445.
57 Dentzer 1969.
58 Dentzer 1982.
59 On this, see also the Introduction to the present volume. For the symposium in
particular, see Oswyn Murray, especially Murray 1988; 1990. Paralleled with
Dentzer was the work of Burkhardt Fehr, whose scepticism matched Dentzers,
even if he disagreed on some other points (Fehr 1971; 1984). For a structuralist
approach to the iconography of the Greek symposium, see, most obviously,
Lissarrague 1990, but also other essays in that volume, with further references.
Page 16 of 77
however, this view has been only partially embraced. Some

scholars have consciously rejected eschatological meanings,
upholding Dentzers view of the images as primarily princely in
content, and among these some have adopted Johanna
Fabriciuss more poststructural, constructionist approach,
dispensing with Dentzers essential core underlying meaning of
the reclining banquet motif and concentrating on analysis of
social and cultural identities.60 Others have continued to
interpret these and other images on tomb monuments as
funerary or eschatological in subject, with varying levels of
explicit reasoning.61
In the meantime, the issue of nuances, tensions, ambiguities and
multivalency, which has characterised other aspects of
poststructural archaeology and art history, and which has
impacted some considerations of the Greek and Roman
Totenmahl images, has just started to emerge in discussions of
Western Anatolian burial customs.62 In light of this, it is worth
reconsidering whether there is any scope for reading
eschatological meanings in the Western Anatolian Totenmahl
images, and if so, in what way. Toward this end, I here review, in
more traditional positivist fashion, four main types of evidence:
the internal iconography of the images themselves, inscriptions,
accompanying images and other archaeological evidence for
60 Fabricius 1999; and Fabricius, this volume. For secular interpretations of
Western Anatolian funerary art in particular, see, for example, Zahle 1979,
especially 276; Jacobs 1987, 5557; Noll 1992, especially 7988 (with
references to further literature on the Dascylium stelai); Gusmani and Polat 1999
(Polat on banquet types, especially 145); Tofi 2006 (on Lycian reliefs); Draycott
2007b (as noted in Roosevelt 2009, 181). More recently, see Borchhardt and
Pekridou-Gorecki 2012, 4771 (suggesting change of mind for Borchhardt) and
Landskron 2012 (both on Lycian reliefs). I have not been able to consult the
latter two, but thank John Penney for making me aware of them. See also
Donceel-Vote 1983, especially 10910, where she sees potential for reading
death-related meanings in the Afirz relief (Fig. 19), but also possibly more
scope to see it as a worldly banquet. Von Gall 1988 suggests that in the case of
that relief, the usual afterlife is substituted with a funerary/mortuary banquet
celebrated by son and descendants.
61 Largely in Lycia: Paschinger 1985, 1819 (on the Kzlbel tomb paintings cf.
Mellink 1998, 60 for reservations); Bruns-zgan 1987, 23654; In 1994;
Borchhardt 1997b; Benda-Weber 2005, 10408, with good references to the
literature. For references to parallel debate about convoy images, see n. 117,
below. A good discussion of approaches in Lycian funerary art and archaeology
may be found in Hlden 2006, 34052. For reference to apotheosis of Herakles in
association with the relief from Afirz in Paphlagonia, see: ahin 1994,
especially 51 (non vidi).
62 Nuances and ambiguities in Totenmahl images in particular: Dunbabin 2003
on Roman grave images. Earlier, Murray 1988 on the Totenmahl in Greek art,
where he sees, however, not so much ambiguities but a straight polarity between
the Greek concept of the symposium and death, which nevertheless implies a
special tension between the two. See also the Introduction to the present
volume. Recent considerations of nuances in the Western Anatolian images:
Baughan 2010a, especially 30001; Baughan, this volume (on tomb furnishings);
Roosevelt 2009.
Page 17 of 77
burial customs, looking for any clues which might prompt

eschatological readings. Following this, I will discuss the
underlying epistemological sticking point, and how one might
accommodate both post-structural/post-modern uncertainty and
more positivist structural analysis in understanding the
meaning of images.
1. Iconographic indications
In the first place, unlike later Hellenistic period Totenmahl
reliefs, or 4th-century Etruscan banquet paintings, there are no
elements such as snakes or deities, clearly what must be dead
ancestors, actions or other attributes which articulate the
concepts of heroisation, the afterlife, the tomb or the funeral. It
has been suggested in the past that the woman seated on the
couch in one of the stele reliefs from Dascylium (Fig. 4) could be
a goddess, due to her crown-like headdress, but such a crown
need not be exclusive to deities.63 No-one is shown in any
gestures of mourning, as they are in prothesis scenes such as
those on roughly contemporary Attic vases and Archaic Etruscan
cippi, and in some images of laying out the dead on
contemporary Neo-Memphite stelai from Saqqara, Egypt.64 The
Neo-Memphite stelai tend to depict an embalming rite, which
can include figures mourning (for example Fig. 5). In the case of
those used by Carians and Greeks (Caro-Memphite and
Helleno-Memphite stelai), the embalming rite is substituted
with a prothesis.65 The central bed or couch can make these
images look somewhat like the Totenmahl, and the same is true
of some later Roman stelai which show the prothesis, or
sometimes the deceased in repose or sleep a metaphor for
eternal slumber.66 But in the case of the Western Anatolian
group, there is none of this; the figures are shown awake,
63 Borchhardt 1968, especially 19699, Aksakal-Daskyleion no. 194 (could be
underworld goddess); Metropoulou 1996, especially 13637, K132 (identified as
Cybele).
64 For an Attic vase with prothesis, see, for example, Baughan, this volume, Fig.
3. Chiusan cippi, for example one in the British Museum, D 10: Jannot 1984, cat.
A 3a (although labelled 3c erroneously there). Donceel-Vote (1983, 10910)
suggests that the gesture of holding hands by the knees seen in the figure seated
on the kline in the Afirz relief could be interpreted as expressing melancholy,
and moreover the passing of the flower from the reclining banqueter could be
seen as passing on power or joy from the deceased to the successor, but she
stresses that this point cannot be pushed.
65 Saqqara Late Period stelai in general: Labudek 2010. Some Caro-Memphite
stelai from Egypt: Boardman 1980, figs. 158159; Kammerzell 1993; Hockmann
2001; Benda-Weber 2005, 22022, pl. 60; Adiego 2007, especially 3479 (with
illustration). Neo-Memphite stelai with Aramaic inscriptions: Porten and Gee
2001; Mathieson et al. 1995; Wasmuth 2010. For a Helleno-Memphite stele with
prothesis, see the Nahman Stele (Gallo and Masson 1993).
66 Dunbabin 2003.
Page 18 of 77
interacting and holding food or vessels, with no sign of any

activity which would specifically point to a funerary ambient. One
exception to this may be the tableaux created by the painted
figures flanking the abovementioned stone kline in the Aktepe
Tomb in Eastern Lydia, where the figures hold fronds over the
dead, as is shown in some prothesis images.67 There might be
some play with the ideas of dining and death here, especially
since dining sets included in tombs such as this would resonate
with the kline. This is not echoed in the reliefs and paintings
showing people banqueting, though; attendants may hold fans,
but not fronds.
Two stelai from the Dascylium area are unusual and worth
consideration as potential indicators of cultic links to the
banquet. The first is a very badly preserved relief on a stele
which was found lining a Byzantine tomb near Dascylium (Fig. 8)
along with two others (Figs. 4 and 13). The middle and bottom
registers of the reliefs have been chiselled off; the remains in the
middle seem to show a group of seated figures, often identified
as a funerary banquet.68 The lower register has usually been
identified as a hunt or a sacrifice. It shows hints of standing
figures facing right, which could also feasibly represent
attendants at a banquet, although it would be a very formal
looking one. The clearest figure remaining on that lower register,
however, is a doe on the far left, shown looking back over her
shoulder. If it were a banquet, which is remote, but not
impossible, this would be an unusual inclusion. If a sacrifice, the
animal is an unusual choice, although it could be relevant to a
cult scene for Artemis. Even if a sacrifice or cult scene, however,
it is not clear that this would imply the concept of heroisation
(see further discussion of accompanying images in point 3,
below).
Perhaps more compelling is the appearance of what appears to
be a banquet scene on a probably later votive stele from slightly
further east, near Vezirhan in Bithynia (Fig. 9), celebrated for its
rare Greek and Phrygian inscriptions below its reliefs.69 The 13line Phrygian inscription is not deciphered, but is thought to
detail the name of the person who erected the stele and an
imprecation against those who might harm it, much like funerary
67 See Baughan, this volume, Fig. 7.
68 Funerary banquet: Borchhardt 1968, especially 19496, Aksakal-Daskyleion
no. 193; Mbius 1971, especially 44445; Metropoulou 1996, especially 13738.
Banquet but not funerary: Metzger 1971, especially 516, no. 514; Noll 1992,
2527, S26. Dentzer (1982, 27677) feels that it is too damaged to properly
identify the subject. Karagz (2013, 6465, figs. 1819, no. 3), simply notes a
symposium. She notes that the lowest relief, with deer, could be an offering
scene in a rural cult place.
69 Stele: Karagz 2013, 95, no. 36. Inscriptions: Neumann 1997; Brixhe 2004, B05; Gorbachov 2008. Note that it is not a true bilingual since the Greek
inscription is shorter than the Phrygian.
Page 19 of 77
inscriptions from the area (on which further, below). The shorter
Greek inscription of seven lines, which may have been added
later, indicates that it was set up by Kallias son of Abiktos and
also gives an imprecation:
Transcription (from Neumann 1997):
1.
2.
3. .
4. <>
5. <>, [].
6.
7. <>.
Translation (after Neumann 1997):70
1. Kallias, son of Abiktos, this
2. monument dedi
3. cated. Whoever within
4. the sanctuary does evil or fells
5. a tree, will forfeit both his and his descendants lives.
6. But those who come here
7. and read this, may they have much good fortune.
Unlike the usual Greco-Persian or Perso-Anatolian stelai from
the area, which tend to show reliefs ordered in two or three
registers divided by lines, the reliefs here are scattered on the
stone in a freer manner. The themes have much in common with
the usual gravestones from the area, however: on the bottom is a
boar hunt; in the centre is what could be a banquet; at the top,
more unusually, are two lions flanking a crudely rendered figure
with birds of prey on its shoulders and a palmette-like headdress.
The figure has been taken as the mistress of animals (potnia
70 Neumann 1997: Wer immer im Bereich des Heiligtums bles tut oder einen
Baum fllt, der soll sein Leben verlieren und keine Nachkommen haben. Und
dem, der hierher kommt und dies liest, soll viel Gutes geschehen! I thank Peter
Thonemann and Malcolm Nicholson for their assistance with the English
translation here, which, however, is not to be taken as an authoritative version.
Cf. Gorbachov 2008, 93: Kallias, son of Abiktos, set up . Who does evil
around this sanctuary or fells a tree, may neither livelihood nor offspring be
produced (for him), and for him who comes and acknowledges/reads (it) (may)
much good (be produced).
Page 20 of 77
theron) or Cybele, primarily because of the lions and birds,

which are often associated with her in other images.71 The
banquet in the centre includes at least four figures and possibly
five, if the figure just below, on the far right is to be included.
Details are unclear, since it was carved in the cookie-cutter
method, and the interior features of the figures presumably
would have been added in paint which no longer survives. The
two figures on the left appear to be a standing female attendant
in long gown behind a female seated on what can be identified as
a draped stool, based on other comparanda of figures seated on
such stools. On the other side is a male seated on a similar stool
and behind him a small male attendant. The figure below is
holding something up in both hands a dish or musical pipes
(aulos)? The protagonist couple unusually flank a central object
which is surely an incense burner an object sometimes found
among tomb goods, but very unusual for banquet images in
Western Anatolia, even if the burning of incense is known in Attic
hero reliefs and Hellenistic Totenmahl reliefs.
The date of this stele is debated: the museum label suggests the
6th century, while publications suggest the end of the 5th.72 It
could belong to the 4th. It is possible that like the Attic votive
stelai, this is an adaptation of the theme for cultic context. The
stele shows that the banquet theme could be linked with the
realm of cult. It does not, however, logically follow that the
banquet theme is always cultic. Indeed, it is not positively
provable that the banquet scene shown on this stele is itself
specifically cultic, since incense burners are not limited to cultic
settings. The same themes used on grave memorials might be
just as usable for votives given to deities without needing to be
religious or supernatural in subject matter.
2. Inscriptions
Tomb inscriptions have not so far played a large role in
discussions of the meaning of the Western Anatolian Totenmahl,
due in no small part to their fragmentary nature, the range of
languages (six: Carian, Phrygian, Lydian, Lycian, Aramaic and
Greek) and the very significant difficulties of decipherment,
especially in the case of the epichoric Anatolian languages.
Outside of the plentiful inscriptions in Lycian (and some in
Greek) on late 5th- to 4th-century Lycian tombs, the numbers of
inscriptions on tomb monuments of the pre-Hellenistic period are
generally low, with perhaps fewer than 20 funerary inscriptions
in Phrygian, Lydian, Carian and Aramaic altogether from
71 Asgari et al. 1983, 60, cat. B.146.
72 Karagz 2013, 95, no. 36 (6th century); Asgari et al. 1983, 60, cat. B.146 (5th
century).
Page 21 of 77
Western Anatolia.73 Although it must be stressed that

decipherment of Anatolian languages, including Phrygian, are
particularly fraught (indeed, they cannot really be said to be
understood), published work on them so far does nonetheless
allow one to sketch out the general sense and a rough pattern
helpful toward addressing the questions posed here. This is done
here with the aim of integrating the data and encouraging
further synthesis. Except where the inscriptions are in Greek, I
strictly adhere to already published transliterations and
translations, only going the step further of translating French or
German to English, with the original translations in footnotes. It
should be noted, as well, that aside from epitaphs from Saqqara
in Egypt, epitaphs of Western Anatolians date later than the 6th
century BC, and several of the inscriptions discussed below
belong to the 4th century BC, slightly later than the main
examples of tombs and images discussed. They are here mixed in
to give a sense of the general content of epitaphs in Western
Anatolia.
In general, unlike the earlier Semitic inscription on the
Katumuwa Stele from Zincirli, which attests a mortuary cult with
food offerings recalling those of Old to New Kingdom Egypt, and
inscriptions on Neo-Memphite stelai from Egypt, which can refer
to Osiris, the epitaphs of Western Anatolia seem to avoid overt
eschatological or funerary references.74 Beyond that there is
some variation in the pattern. Those in Anatolian languages can
tend to dwell on recognition of those who erected the
monuments and deliver imprecations (similar to the Vezirhan
votive stele discussed above). Perhaps the best example of this is
a long 4th-century BC bilingual grave stele in both Lydian and
Aramaic from Sardis, which belonged to a tomb of Manes son of
Kumli:75
Transcription (Gusmani 1964, no. 1):
[]
1. o]a
isl bakill est mrud ek [vna]
73 Corpora of paleo-Phrygian inscriptions: Brixhe and Lejeune 1984; Brixhe
2002; 2004; Brixhe and Summers 2006. Lydian: Littmann 1916; Buckler 1924;
Gusmani 1964; Herrmann and Keil 1981; Malay 1982; Herrmann and Keil 1989;
Grard 2005. Carian, most recently: Adiego 2007; Henry 2007. Aramaic: Hanson
1968; Lipiski 1975; Lemaire 2001; Kwasman and Lemaire 2002; Lemaire 2002;
Schwiderski 2004. See Lemaires documents on Achemenet
(www.achemenet.com) under Texts, texts epigraphique dAnatolie, arameen
(last consulted 04.10.2013). For Lycian: TL; N; Neumann 2007.
74 Katumuwa Stele: Struble and Rimmer Herrmann 2009; its inscription: Pardee
2009. See also further references in the Introduction to the present volume.
Image: Bonatz, this volume, Fig. 1. Note that other Semitic inscriptions on SyroHittite stelai as well as Levantine sarcophagi can dwell strongly on ownership
and imprecations.
75 Gusmani 1964, no. 1; TAD LydBil(5/4); KAI 260; Lipiski 1975, 15361.
Page 22 of 77
2. laqrisak qelak kudkit ist es vn[a]

3. btarvod akad manelid kumlilid silukalid akit n[qis]
4. es mru buk es vna buk esa
5. laqrisa bukit kud76 ist es vna btarvo[d]
6. aktin nqis qelk fnsifid fakm artimu
7. ibimsis artimuk kulumsis aara birak
8. kida kofuk qira qelk bil vcbaqnt
Translation (Dusinberre 2003, 229, no. 9):
at least one line missing
1. in the beginning of the month of Bakkhos. This stele and this
[grave chamber]
2. and this dromos and the property which to this grave
chamber
3. belongs, now [they are] of Manes, son of Kumli, son of Siluka.
And if anybody
4. to this stele or this grave chamber or this
5. dromos or this land belonging to this grave chamber
6. and also if anybody to the land does damage, then may
Artemis
7. of Ephesus and Artemis of Koloe his holding and his house
8. and his soil and water and everything of his destroy.
The Aramaic is similar, deviating in the phrasing of the date and
perhaps in including would be tomb robbers heirs as recipients
of the gods punishments:
Transcription (Lemaire77):
1. B III II LMRWN NT X RTS MLK
2. BSPRD BYRT ZNH STWN WMRT DRT
3. TRT WPRBR ZY L SPRB ZNH PRBRH HR
4. ZY MNY BR KMLY SRWKY WMN ZY L STWN ZNH W
5. MRT W LDRT LQBL ZY PRBR LMRT
6. ZNH R MN ZY YHBL W YPRK MNDM HR
76 John Penney (pers. comm.) informs me that kud is a problematic word, often
taken to mean where rather than property.
77 Achemenet (www.achemenet.com) under Texts, texts epigraphique
dAnatolie, arameen, Lydie, Sardis: lydie01 (last consulted 04.10.2013).
Page 23 of 77
7. RTMW ZY KLW WPY TRB H BYTH

8. QNYNH TYN WMYN WMNDMTH YBDRWNH WYRTH
Translation (after Dusinberre 2003, 229, no. 9 [after KahleSommer 1927]):
1. On the fifth of Marheswan [of the] tenth year of King
Artaxerxes
2. in the fortress of Sardis. This stele and the cavern [and]
the wall?
3. the piece of land? and the fore-court which is the forecourt of this grave chamber(?), [are]
4. of Mani, son of Kumli, son of Siruka(?). And if anybody
against this stele or
5. the cavern or the wall (?) or (?) or against the land in
front of this cavern,
6. that is to say, if anybody destroys or breaks anything,
then
7. may Artemis of Koloe and of Ephesus his holding, his
house,
8. his land, soil and water, and everything that is his,
destroy him and crush him (or destroy him and his
heir/s).
One can, however, get more ambiguous inscriptions, such as one
in an Aramaic funerary inscription on a stele from near
Bostanlarky in Cilicia dated to the second half of the 4th
century BC.78 This one suggests some notion of providing
pleasure for the dead, even if this cannot be taken as a statement
of eschatological belief:
Transcription (Lemaire 1994):
1. MH ZNH HQYM TBY/Z[?]
2. LRB QDM WHY
3. B ZY L B
4. BLMTWHY
Translation (after the French of Lemaire 1994):79
1. This stele was erected by TBY/Z[?]
78 Lemaire 1994; and Achemenet (www.achemenet.com) under Texts, texts
epigraphique dAnatolie, arameen, Cilicie, Gller (Bostanlar): cilicie11 (last
consulted 04.10.2013).
Page 24 of 77
2. to increase on behalf of his brother

3. the happiness with which he was not sated
4. in his youth.
The tone is quite different, and another perhaps important
difference is the lack of reference to a line of descent.
Neither of those two stelai have reliefs. Of the handful of stelai
that carry both inscriptions and images, four have banquet
reliefs, allowing a glimpse of the interaction between the two.
One of these is another stele from Sardis for a certain Atrastas,
son of Timles, also of the second half of the 4th century BC,
found in the doorway of a chamber tomb (Fig. 10).80 Like the
Manes Stele from the same city, it too concerns property and
imprecation:
Transcription (Littmann 1916, I):
1. brv III II aiksntru d e vna esk mrud
2. atratalid timlelid ardc alarm fadol vta
3. ak qis qisred faka silavad fat nid nsibid akm
4. lev sarta qisit fnsibid es vna
5. buk es mru fakm lev vcbaqnt
Translation (after Dusinberre 2003, 235, no. 52):
1. In the 5th year of Alexander. This grave chamber and
this stele
2. [are] those of Atrastas, son of Timles, his heir from his
own property erected [it].81
3. And whosoever looks after or also cares for and does not
damage it, then
79 Cf. Lemaire, above, with italics indicating uncertainties: 1. Cette stle
(funraire) a dress TBY/Z[?] 2. pour augmenter en faveur de son frre 3. le
bonheur dont il na pas t rassasi 4. dans sa jeunesse.
80 Istanbul Archaeological Museum 4030, 330/29 BC: Hanfmann and Ramage
1978, 15758, no. 234, fig. 404; Karagz 2013, 37 and 96, no. 37. Inscription:
Littmann 1916, 5455, 1; Gusmani 1964, 251, no. 3. The fourth of these inscribed
banquet reliefs, not detailed here, is another stele from Sardis, IN77.008
(Dusinberre 2003, 9495, 221, fig. 36).
81 NB. To give a good indication of the difficulties of any translation of Lydian, in
line 2 vta, tentatively suggested to mean heir by Gusmani, has also been taken
to mean living, suggesting perhaps that Atrastas erected the stele while living.
I thank John Penney for his guidance here. For the Lydian language, see Gerard
2005.
Page 25 of 77
4. may Levs be kindly [to him], and if anyone destroys this

grave chamber
5. or this stele, then may Levs destroy him.
Two other banquet-adorned and inscribed stelai are from
Dascylium, further north. Both are usually placed in the 5th
century BC. One is a stele commemorating another, different
Manes, this one bearing, unusually for a grave marker, a paleoPhrygian inscription (Fig. 11):82
Transcription (Brixhe 2004):83
1. [.]gat: smanes iyungidas manitos apelev porniyoy
es[..
2. ..]es va nais manuka odeketoy meros ke manes is

yos tiv[.?
3. .?]n ke dev k(e) umnotan ordoineten mekos
anivaeti (i)s mani
The decipherment is extremely problematic, but the inscription
seems to follow the pattern of crediting the donors of the
monument (Manes, possibly his wife) and delivering an
imprecation naming various parts of the tomb and the gods
responsible for punishing neer-do-wells.84
The other stele bears an Aramaic inscription naming the
deceased as Add (or Ar) (Fig. 12).85 Like the inscription from
Cilicia, this one differs from the Lydian and Phrygian examples in
focussing more on the act as a gift to the deceased than
ownership of the property, although in this case there is no
indication of the emotional state of the dead person:
1. ZNH SML ZY DH [M]DR/RDW ZY RYBM
2. KZY HW B BD WKN BD LH BMYT
82 Gusmani and Polat 1999; Brixhe 2004, B-07; Brixhe 2006 (identifying the
word knais as potentially meaning woman). According to Prof. Brixhe, pers.
comm., apart from W-11 (early Hellenistic), this is the only other known epitaph
in paleo-Phrygian; inscriptions in that script and language are more frequently
found on votives and in graffiti.
83 The word division and the dashes, which mark proposed sentence divisions,
are Brixhes.
84 C. Brixhe, by email 01.10.2012: Ce document comporte peu prs
certainement deux sections: une partie informative, qui dsigne les
constructeurs et les bnficiaires du tombeau, et une imprcation.
85 Altheim-Stiehl et al. 1983; Lemaire 2001; and Achemenet
(www.achemenet.com) under Texts, texts epigraphique dAnatolie, arameen,
Phrygie hellespontique, Sultaniye Ky: phrygieh03 (last consulted
04.10.2013).
Page 26 of 77
3. [W] KN RYBM B WHMR ZYLH

Translation (after the French of Lemaire 2001):
1. This is the relief of Add/Ar, the (?) of Ariyabma.
2. Just as he was good to him, so to him, upon his death,
3. Ariyabma also was good. And the expense was his.86
The word which would clarify the relationship between
Ariyabma and Add is damaged; it is often thought not to be
familial, however, but occupational or hierarchic.
Another 5th-century Dascylium stele with an Aramaic inscription
which may be relevant, although not as directly, is the Stele of
Elnf (Fig. 13).87 This stele does not itself show a banquet, but it
was found together with another stele already discussed above
(Fig. 4), which does show a banquet, and the reliefs on the two
are so similar in style that it is hard to believe they do not form a
pair. The possibility that the two belong together may also be
indicated by the use of a plural demonstrative pronoun (lh), even
though the noun for marker or image (slmh) is singular. At any
rate, this inscription shows that Aramaic ones could follow a
pattern closer to the Lydian and Phrygian examples: Elnf
himself takes credit for erecting his monument(s) and he
includes an imprecation, although here appealing to Bel and
Nabu not Anatolian, but Syrian or Levantine gods:88
1. LH LMH ZY LNP BR Y
2. WBD LNPH HWMYTK
3. B WNBW ZY RZNH
4. YHWH DH YS L YML
Translation (after the French of Lemaire 2001)
1. These are the image of Elnf, son of Ashay.
86 Cf. Lemaire 2001: 1. Ceci (est) le bas-relief d'Add/Ar .......?.......
d'Aryabama. 2. De mme que lui, il a fait du bien, ainsi a fait pour lui, dans sa
mort, 3. {et ainsi} Aryabama du bien. Et la dpense a t sienne.
87 Stele: Karagz 2013, 6162, fig. 15, no. 1. Inscription: Lemaire 2001,
especially 2126; and Achemenet (www.achemenet.com) under Texts, texts
epigraphique dAnatolie, arameen, Phrygie hellespontique, Daskyleion 1:
phrygieh01 (last consulted 04.10.2013). See also TAD s.v. Daskyleion, 1(5); TSSI
II, 15758 and 161, no. 37, fig. 12; KAI 318; Lipiski 1975, 15053. Note that this
stele was found lining a Byzantine grave with both Figs. 4 and 8 (which is
stylistically different).
88 Lemaire 2001, especially 2126.
Page 27 of 77
2. He himself made his stele. I implore you

3. by Bel and Nabu, you who come this way,
4. that no-one does harm (to it).89
Further south, inscriptions in Caria tend to be in Carian and
Greek. They are very few indeed, and they also tend to be very
brief, simply stating ownership of the tomb.90 As an aside, most
epitaphs in the Carian language have been found on the CaroMemphite stelai from Saqqara, Egypt, already mentioned,
above.91 Although they can show typical Egyptian images of
Osiris and other Egyptian gods, as noted above they tend to
substitute the prothesis for the embalming rite. And although
some that are thought to belong to the period before the Persian
conquest of Egypt carry Egyptian inscriptions naming Egyptian
gods, the Carian inscriptions tend again to be more limited,
focussing on naming the deceased and the line of descent,
suggesting that eschatology was of less, or different importance
to that community.92 An interesting peculiarity in some of the
protheses on Caro- and Helleno-Memphite stelai can be noted,
however: next to the bed a table of food is included, augmenting
a superficial formal connection between prothesis and banquet
couches, and alluding, perhaps, to the provision of food for the
dead.93
The more numerous Lycian inscriptions (over 150) tend to be
longer, listing family members and sometimes specifying groups
89 Cf. Lemaire 2001: 1. Ceci (est) le bas-relief dElnaf fils dAshay. 2. Lui-mme
a fait sa stle funraire. Je tadjure 3. par Bel et Nb, toi qui passerais ce
chemin, 4. que personne ne (lui) fasse de mal !
90 Usually on rock faces. See, for example, Roos 1972 I, 93 (tombs at Caunus,
Greek and Carian); 1985, 1314 (Tomb 1 at Hippokome, Greek), 18 (Tomb 8 at
Hippokome, Greek), 3536 (Tomb 5 at Kyra, Carian), 5051; 2006, 36 (Tomb 1 at
Tayenice, Greek). Roos (1985, 50; 2006, 64) stresses that more epitaphs may
have been carried on parts of tombs now lost, such as lintels and doorjambs. On
epitaphs in Carian, see especially Adiego 2007, 12859; Henry 2007. For Carian
tombs generally see Deroy 1955; Roos 1972; 1985; 2006; Henry 2009.
91 For the Saqqara Late Period stelai, see n. 65, above. For Caro-Memphite
inscriptions in particular, see Masson 1978; Ray 1982; 1995; Adiego Lajara 2007,
30127, especially 3479 and 26779. Cf. inscriptions on contemporary NeoMemphite stelai with Egyptian and Aramaic inscriptions (not Carian), which can
name Egyptian gods, for example the Stele of Djedherbes shown in Fig. 5.
Aramaic: Porten and Gee 2001, especially the Carpentras Stele, 295301, fig. 13.
92 Ray 1982 notes that inscriptions MY, texts F, K and L have such Egyptian
components. Note that the Caro-Memphite onomastic formulae tend to be longer
and more complex than other Carian inscriptions, however (Adiego 2007, 267).
93 For example the Stele of Pjabrm: London BM EA67235 (Kammerzell 1993,
140, fig. 30, 19596; Benda-Weber 2005, 221, pl. 60.3; Adiego 2007, cat. E.Me12,
44 (illus.) and 272). The inscription has a more complex onomastic than usual,
perhaps naming the husband of the deceased Pjabrm (a woman). Food also on
the table in the prothesis shown on the Nahman Stele, which has a Greek
inscription (Gallo and Masson 1993).
Page 28 of 77
to care for the tomb along with imprecations.94 Although this

paper does not aim to treat the Lycian banquet reliefs in any
detail, it is worth mentioning some particularly pertinent of these
inscriptions, especially as one, although in Greek rather than
Lycian, introduces a more complex scenario.
Among the pre-Hellenistic inscriptions, which are largely in
Lycian language and script, it has been noted that just a few
could allude to funerary or mortuary cult, one mentioning what
may be an enclosure in which performance could feasibly take
place (as also in the case of Lydian tombs, since inscriptions
possibly speak of forecourts).95 Three others prescribe mortuary
sacrifices.96
There are three cases where banquet reliefs and inscriptions
coincide. One is a now destroyed sarcophagus-like tomb
monument from Kadyanda in Western Lycia, known as the Salas
Monument (TL 32).97 This carried multiple reliefs and several
inscriptions, more than one naming Salas. The participants in a
banquet scene shown on the south side of the monument are all
individually labelled with Lycian or Greek names, sometimes
both (including Salas/Zzala). This has been taken as an indication
of the dead participating in a mortuary meal with family (a
Totenmahl in that sense), but it could equally be seen as a
family portrait with no eschatological implications at all.98
A 4th-century rock-cut tomb at Hoyran with a frieze showing a
single recliner and extended retinue has four Lycian inscriptions,
from top to bottom one in the arched gable (N 74d), another
within the banquet scene (N 74c), another on a stone transverse
element below this (TL 74a) and another on another transverse
element below this again (TL 74b).99 Neumann has proposed that
the inscription within the banquet scene (N 74c) lists family
94 Bryce 1979; Bryce and Zahle 1986, 7188; Schweyer 2002. On the Lycian
language, see most obviously Melchert 1989; 1994; 2004; Neumann 2007.
95 Schweyer 2002, 4142. The inscription in question is N 310 (Phellos
mistakenly given as N 322 in Schweyer), which mentions the term ali, which
might refer to a place associated with the tomb. I thank John Penney for his
indication of the tentative nature of the decipherment of this term, however. Cf.
Neuman 2007, s.v. ali (p. 111) and also Hlden 2006, 32829 on temene and
rites in Lycian inscriptions.
96 TL 84 (Sura), TL 149 and TL 150 (both Rhodiapolis): Schweyer 2002, 4142,
with further later examples in Greek from Lycia.
97 Borchhardt 1968b.
98 For the former, Borchhardt 1968b, 21012. Cf. the Etruscan family gatherings
discussed in Mitterlechner, this volume, as well as the Egyptian New Kingdom
ones discussed by Harrington, this volume. John Penney alerted me to the
profane interpretations in Borchhardt and Pekridou-Gorecki 2012, 4771; and
Landskron 2012, which I was not able to consult within the time of completing
work on this paper.
99 Borchhardt et al. 1984, especially 9097 (Neumann) and fig. 4 on p. 77 for
positions of the inscriptions.
Page 29 of 77
members, recalling the Salas Monument, albeit in a slightly

different arrangement.100 He tentatively suggests that kume[ in
TL 74b may be related to the word for offering (kumezi) and
may therefore belong to some kind of prescription for grave
rites.101 N 74d is poorly understood, but could relate to the
monument and a certain person.102 TL 74a, on one of the
transverse elements, seems to adhere to familiar formula of
announcing the founder of the tomb and the persons to whom it
is dedicated, and delivering an imprecation:103
Transliteration (TL 74a as given by Neuman in Borchhardt et al.
1984, 91):
1.
2.
3.
4.
ebn[
tideim[
tibe ije k[
tubidi[
Translation (following Neumann as above):

1.
2.
3.
4.
This (grave was erected by X)

for (his) kin...
or...
destroyed...104
None of these point to particularly eschatological ideas, even if

there may be scope for an offering formula.
More complex is an unusual 4th-century Greek verse inscription
on the Topal Gvur (lame infidel) rock-cut tomb at Asarta in
Eastern Lycia, which interacts with the banquet theme shown in
the main relief in a more playful fashion:105
Transcription (Wrrle 1997):
1. , .
2. [] , [] ,
100 Borchhardt et al. 1984, 9196.
104 Neumann: Diese Resten erlauben immerhin zu erkennen, da es sich hier
um eine typische lykische Grabinschrift handelt; in Zeile 1 mu gestanden haben
dieses (Grab nun, es hat errichtet X); in Zeile 2 ist tideim[ wohl der Rest des
Dativ-Objekts (fr Frau und Kinder). In Zeil 3 gehrt tibe oder sicher in die
Protasis fer Fluchtformel wer das oder das tut, und schielich ist in Zeile 4
tubidi schlgt das Verb des Strafens, das das Praedikat der Apodosis der
Fluchformel bildet.
105 In 1994; Borchhardt 1997; Wrrle 1997; 1998; In 2013. Image: Lockwood,
this volume, Fig. 9.
Page 30 of 77
3. . .
Translation:
1. Here I lie dead, Apollonios son of Hellaphilos.
2. My deeds were just, and I enjoyed life
3. eating and drinking and carousing. Greetings to passers
by!106
One could see here, as Oswyn Murray did for Greek sources in
his 1988 paper, Death and the Symposium, a clear opposition of
carousing in life and death, a tension between the two.107
However, one might also see a blurring of the two ideas,
especially considering there is no clear indication of a dry death
in the inscription (compare the inscription presented at the
opening of Johanna Fabriciuss paper, this volume). Although to
lie dead could refer to the resting place of the tomb rather than
the image shown on it, the proximity of image and inscription on
the tombs faade conflates as much as confronts the ideas of
reclining in life and death.108
There is nothing here which proves a Lycian belief in a
pleasurable afterlife for the souls of those who were just, much
less the concept of heroisation, which implies a super-human
status had been achieved.109 However, the epitaph does allow the
possibility that by the 4th century, in Eastern Lycia at least, the
reclining banquet image could have been recognised as a motif
particularly well-suited to the interface of life and death, not
necessarily only because it might oppose the pleasures of life and
106 Wrrle 1997, 27: Hier lege ich tot, Apollonios, Sohn des Hellaphilos. Ich
wirkte gerecht, und ein angenehmes Leben hatte ich stets, solange ich lebte, mit
Essen, Trinken und Sex. Aber jetzt sei gegrt und geh weiter. Cf. Lockwoods
translation, this volume.
107 Murray 1988. See also Wrrle 1997 and 1998 (recounted in In 2013) on the
reliefs relationship to the philosophy of hedonism associated with Aristippus of
Cyrene (4th century BC). Related is Epicurean thought, as mentioned in the
Introduction to the present volume.
108 Cf. Wrrle (1997; 1998), who stresses the juxtaposition of the just, yet
pleasure-filled life, and the use of Greek verse to express such concepts in ways
that Lycian perhaps could not. On later Roman inscriptions (and images) which
blur these lines, see especially Dunbabin 2003.
109 Borchhardt (1997, 814, especially 12), argues that the architectural
framework of relief, which is votive image-like (Andachtsbild), shows the
content is religious and that the image and inscription work together to refer to
heroisation in the afterlife, although he admits ambiguity (13). Cf. Borchhardt
1968b, on the Salas Monument, as mentioned above, n. 98. Benda-Weber (2005,
108), underscores that the status of the deceased was achieved through his
good living. Cf. the less eschatological bent of Hlden 2006, especially 321; and
other references cited in n. 98, above.
Page 31 of 77
death in a way that tied in with current Hedonistic or developing

Epicurean philosophies, but because it might also hint at and
play with questions of what lies beyond death. Whether this was
actually a Greek idea, previously foreign to Lycia, or shared more
broadly, but requiring Greek to express eloquently in verse, is
not clear.110
Later Hellenistic and Roman period inscriptions from Lycia may
admit more complex mortuary ceremonials and eschatological
concepts. Compare, for instance an unusually long Hellenistic
period Greek inscription said to have been found near Tlos, first
published in 2007, which specifies just the kind of annual
graveside mortuary feast that Totenmahl reliefs have been
interpreted as depicting, and also intriguingly refers to sacrifices
to the hero of the tomb owner Symmasis and his wife (
).111 On the other hand, another Hellenistic
inscription from Adliye Ky in Bithynia to the north, encourages
purely profane interpretation. Erected to a Mokazis and his
wife, Anxa, the Greek Homericising verse inscription refers to
him in terms of his family, as a warrior and as a hunter, and three
reliefs on the stele may illustrate these concepts, respectively,
from top to bottom: banquet; battle; bear hunt.112
3. Accompanying Images
As noted above, the banquet is often not the only theme shown
on tomb walls or markers, but takes its place alongside several
others. Some of these, such as hunts (see Figs. 12, 14 and 18, as
well as 9) seem to support the interpretation of the images as
purely secular in outlook, revolving around aspirational princely
pursuits suitable for the memorialisation of elites.113 Hunts are
110 Murrays 1988 study would suggest that what might be Greek is the
confrontation of the two (cf. Worrle 1997; 1998 as n. 108, above), not a blurring
of the two. That the content of the inscription recalls that said to have been seen
by Alexander and his men on the Tomb of Sardanapalas at Anchiale in Cilicia
should not be taken as any indication that the sentiment was prevalent in the
Assyrian period (even if earlier on the Epic of Gilgamesh includes a passage with
sentiment some have compared with hedonism). It is generally considered that
although they may have seen an Assyrian rock-cut relief (rather than tomb), the
content of the inscription was/is fictional (Sanna Aro and Stephanie Dalley, pers.
comm.). See most recently Burkert 2009.
111 Inscription on a pillar with dowel hole on top to support an added object, on
display in Fethiye Museum: SEG 54, no. 1445; Kse and Tekolu 2007; Parker
2010; Arnaoutoglou 2012 (whose translation, however, just says to the hero
Symmasis. For this inscription on-line, see AGRW online companion, Foundation
of Symmasis Involving Coppersmiths (translated by Harland), consulted
02.12.2013 http://philipharland.com/greco-roman-associations/foundation-ofsymmasis-involving-coppersmiths-150-100-bce/.
112 Rumscheid and Held 1994.
113 Dentzer 1982. Cf. von Gall 1989, who sees hunts as one of the potential
pleasures of the afterlife, but then Rumscheid and Held 1994 on a convincing
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among the many paintings adorning the walls of the Kzlbel

tomb in the Milyad, North Lycia, where what may be the earliest
banquet image is also shown.114 Other themes in the same tomb
include episodes of myth, athletics, a cavalcade, arming and
departure of warriors, and an image depicting a royal court
(possibly mythological). In the case of the last, one could imagine
an audience with the gods of the underworld, or a myth involving
such a meeting, but this would be totally speculative.
The other earliest banquet depiction, on the pillar tomb from
Tse (Fig. 7), is joined by reliefs of lions and a group including a
standing figure, which is unfortunately badly damaged. A group
of feline predators and ibex prey is shown below the banquet on
a relief from demi in Lydia (Fig. 15). The goat is probably
going to die, but again this is not enough to show an orientation
toward eschatological themes. Battle, which is shown in the
Tatarl Tomb, where a very poorly preserved Totenmahl painting
might be included, and which was included in the paintings of
the Karaburun II chamber in the Milyad, can also be linked to
death.115 However, such battle images could refer to historic or
aspirational exploits of the tomb owners or those they admired,
whether anyone actually achieved them or not, as much as they
could heroic death.116
One of the most common themes to appear in conjunction with
banquets is the convoy, which has itself been the subject of
similar arguments about whether that theme is specifically
funerary (see Figs. 4, 8, 12 and 13). I have myself argued that it
should be seen as a military convoy rather than a funerary
convoy or ekphora, based on the similarities between the convoy
shown in the Tatarl Tomb and Herodotus description of the
Persian King Xerxes war convoy.117 War convoys were not out of
the ordinary in Asia, but Herodotus description suggests that
they were staged on a grand scale, with much pomp, during the
profane interpretation of all the themes, including hunt, on the abovementioned
Hellenistic period Mokazis Stele from Bithynia.
114 Mellink 1998.
115 Tatarl Tomb possible banquet, see Summerer in Summerer and von Kienlin
2010b, 15052.
116 Tatarl Tomb: battle between Persians and Scythians, in which the tomb
owner(s) may not have participated personally (Summerer 2007b; Draycott
2010a; Summerer and von Kienlin 2010b; Summerer 2011); Karaburun II battle
painting, to be published by Stella Miller of Bryn Mawr College (S. Miller
forthcoming a); provisional comments (Draycott 2010a, with references to
preliminary reports in the AJA); battle also on the Stele of Mokazis from Bithynia,
mentioned above (Rumsheid and Held 1994).
117 Draycott 2010a; 2011, contra Summerer 2011. Recent literature not
referenced there: Benda-Weber 2005, 11921, who supports traditional
interpretation as ekphora; Hlden 2006, 27779, who questions whether an
ekphora with cart would be feasible in hilly Lycia. Cf. also Kistler (2010, 435) on
Reiseknigtum, as mentioned above, with further references, and Brosius
(2011, 139), who sees influential travel performance by Persian elites.
Page 33 of 77
period of the Greco-Persian Wars, and in this context they could

have been grasped as a preferred status symbol. This at least
would explain the timing of the cluster of such images in Western
Anatolian tomb art. In retrospect, as I will come to with the
banquet images, it seems appropriate to modify this statement
and allow that since similar convoys could be staged during
funerals, the depictions of such images on and in tombs could
well have referred to those processions as well; they need not
have been limited to one set of references.118 Here it is just
important to note, however, that in the Western Anatolian convoy
images there are again no gestures of mourning, no overt
indications of a funerary significance.
The same is true of sacrifice scenes, which are most visible in
4th-century tomb reliefs in Lycia, but also present in the lower
register of a stele from Altnta in Western Phrygia (Fig. 16).119 As
noted above, there are some few tomb inscriptions from Lycia
which prescribe mortuary offering rites involving food, and
reliefs depicting sacrificial offerings at altars could complement
such prescriptions, alluding to perennial enactments of this rite.
Again, though, there is nothing which secures this specific
identification; no such inscriptions overlap with the sacrifice
depictions.120 Such images could also refer to the largess and/or
piety of the tomb owners, and logically they cannot be used to
further an argument about the funerary or eschatological nature
of the banquet images.
Something may be said here on the images on the Polyxena
Sarcophagus, although in some ways this is a separate matter. In
the preliminary report, both the long side C (Fig. 17a) and the
short side D (Fig. 17b) of that sarcophagus were provisionally
described as funerary banquets.121 Subsequent articles have
been divided on whether the long side C should be described,
rather, as court or cult.122 The music and dancing, and especially
the pyrrhic dancers shown on this side of the sarcophagus are
festive in nature and although no altar is shown, the theme could
have a cultic dimension. There is nothing to suggest, however,
that this is a funerary rite.123 One theory is that what is shown is
a marriage rite complementing the image on Side D, which
118 Cf. the polyvalency suggested in Roosevelt 2009, 182; Baughan 2010a, 300
01.
119 In Lycian tomb reliefs (see Bruns-zgan 1987, 22229; Benda-Weber 2005,
11419).
120 Zahle 1979, 300. See also Hlden 2006 in n. 128, below.
121 Sevin and Rose 1996.
122 Court: Steuernagel 1998. Bride attendance and cultic chorus, related to
status of unmarried deceased: Reinsberg 2001; 2004. For continued use of the
term for side D, see, for example, Steuernagel 1998; Brosius 2011, 141 (although
she uses the term very generally).
123 As per Reinsberg 2001; 2004 (contra the preliminary report and also contra
Lesky 2000, 231).
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although like the Totenmahl in format, could show the night

before the wedding, the daughter receiving the advice of an
older female relative (nympheutria).124 Marriage is a trope which
can appear in death-related contexts, death as a substitute for
marriage in the case of virgins, and it has further been suggested
that there could be play with such concepts here.125 This would
potentially present a deliberate use of multivalent tropes, in the
way that the banquet itself may have been used in the case of
Apollonios tomb discussed above. And a connection could be
further prompted by the unusual emphasis on death and
mourning on the other sides, A and B, where the murder of the
eponymous Trojan princess Polyxena is found. Although
mythological, the theme is one of the most death-related ones on
any of the Western Anatolian tombs, including an extensive file of
mourning Trojan women. Again, this suggests some poetic play
with notions of life and death, suitable for a tomb, but this is
different from providing evidence for funerary rites or
eschatological beliefs that impact the interpretation of banquet
scenes. Indeed, as pointed out above, the relief on side D may
not even be primarily understood as a banquet (but see further
thought on this below).
One case of accompanying images which are funerary in theme
may be found on the Sarcophagus of Hekatomnos, very recently
found in the chamber of the Uzun Yuva tomb in Mylasa (modern
Milas), in Caria.126 The tomb awaits publication, but photos and
descriptions in preliminary publications indicate that files of
mourners are shown on the short ends, flanking scenes of
hunting and banqueting (monoposiast type) on the long sides.127
The tomb should belong to a 4th-century BC member of the
ruling Hekatomnid dynasty of Caria. Possibly, as in the case of
Apollonios tomb, there is some play here again, the image
functioning to bring to mind various ideas surrounding feasting,
drinking, funerals and death.
4. Archaeological Evidence
Finally, outside of the images used on and around tombs, there is
some evidence of mortuary and funerary rites involving offering
and/or consumption of drink and food. For offerings given at
tombs, there is some evidence in Lycia, which could complement
the few offering prescriptions in the epitaphs mentioned
124 Reinsberg 2001, 2004. Cf. recently Rose 2013, contra (non vidi). See further
discussion of weddings and marriage, below, especially references in n. 163.
125 are 2005.
126 On Uzun Yuva, see Rumscheid 2010. For references to newspaper reports
and conference papers, see Amann, this volume, n. 65.
127 Brief mention in Konuk 2013, 111, n. 65.
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above.128 Heroa or mausolea erected in the mid-5th century BC

on the Xanthian Acropolis hint at the encouragement of ritual
performances, perhaps relatively low key in the case of a bench
or table outside one (Building F), but on a grander scale on
Building Gs large platform accessed by a ramp.129 At Limyra, in
East Lycia, there were niches which could have received
offerings near tombs, and next to the 4th-century Sarcophagus of
Xtabura, the reliefs of which include both a banquet and a
sacrificial offering, was a bothros with among other things a tiny
lead model table with representations of meat, fish and pulses.130
In some cases there are traces of enclosures around tombs.131 A
well-known and particularly important example of this for
discussions of banqueting is the Heroon of Trysa in central
Lycia. Here, a grave monument stood in an enclosure with
lavishly relief-sculpted walls, and a sheltered area where the
reliefs show banqueting scenes. This has suggested to some that
a Totenmahl in the sense of mortuary feasting took place
there.132 This interpretation is not certain, but if so, it could
anyway be exceptional rather than the norm. A theory that the
house tombs in Lycia imitate androns (banquet halls) is attractive
in the sense that the tombs could imitate prestige buildings, but
this theory is not proven and if it were, it still would not
necessarily follow that this is proof of mortuary banqueting.133
Outside Lycia, a very prominent piece of evidence for funereal
feasting and drinking is the equipment buried within the 8thcentury Tumulus MM at Gordion. The traces of the contents of
vessels, their stands, and the array suggest that they were not
merely gifts, but used in a kind of wake.134 The butchered animal
remains at the foot of the steps leading to the tomb chamber
under the Mausoleum at Halicarnassus indicates a special
offering, if not necessarily feasting.135 Such rites involving food
128 For full discussion of Lycian burial customs and tomb cult, see Hlden 2006,
275352, especially 294340, and 31822 in particular on evidence of the
'Totenmahl'. Also Benda-Weber 2005, 11419, with references to other literature.
129 Metzger 1963 (final report on the buildings); Hlden 2006, 201; Draycott
2015.
130 Borchhardt 196970; 1990; Hlden 2006, 291. Also Benda-Weber 2005, 116,
who indicates finds of bones, vessels and an altar in Limyra, following
Borchhardt 1992, 99.
131 Hlden 2006, 350.
132 A discussion, with references, in Hlden 2006, 31920.
133 Borchhardts andron theory, see, for example, Borchhardt 2000. Discussion
on the origins of the house tomb form is in Marksteiner 1993 (wooden cult
buildings); Thomsen 2002 (earlier wooden funeral feasting houses); Hlden 2006
(cult buildings or possibly androns); Draycott 2015 (as Hlden). On the wood
architecture imitation of the tombs, see otherwise Strathmann 2002; Mhlbauer
2007.
134 Simpson 2010; McGovern 1999.
135 On Hekatomnid period tomb cult, visible at the Mausoleum and suspected at
other monumental tombs (Carstens 2002; 2009; Carstens, this volume). See also
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and drink are less visible in and around other non-royal tombs,
although they do exist: a miniature version of the range of
vessels in Tumulus MM has been found in a large cist tomb
(Tomb 23a) at Sardis.136 In other cases in Lydia drinking vessels
have been found outside tomb chambers, in dromoi and in the
mantle of tumuli along with charcoal, perhaps from cooking fires.
In some other tumuli cooking wares, animal bones and knifes
were found.137 And of course, tomb furnishings often included
drinking and/or feasting equipment, regardless of whether the
tomb type was a chamber equipped with couches. The array of
equipment in Tumulus MM at Gordion has already been
mentioned. In a case which might show such equipment intended
primarily as a gift for the deceased rather than for use in the
funeral, Baughan points to a case in Lydia where a silver phiale
was placed in the hand of the body.138 One might also mention,
although outside of Anatolia and later (early Hellenistic period),
a stone table next to the kline in the tumulus at Naipky near
Tekirda on the coast of Turkish Thrace, which was carved with
integral stone replicas of dishes, clearly not for use by funeral
goers.139 But whether such cases evidence ideas about the
afterlife, providing appropriate equipment for the beyond, or
outfitting of the deceased as an aspirational banqueter for the
benefit of the survivors memories remains unclear.
Recap and Discussion
To recap, the iconography of the banquet images themselves and
accompanying images for the most part do not lead one to
interpret them as specifically funerary or eschatological in
subject matter, possible exceptions being the newly discovered
4th-century Hekatomnos Sarcophagus and the Aktepe Tomb
paintings, which could blur the meaning of the kline. Inscriptions
tend to be more concerned with protection of the tomb than with
funerary rites or eschatology, although some may hint at notions
of rewarding the dead (not specifying any afterlife, however).
Some examples from 4th-century Lycia, however, indicate
potential offering rites involving food and a case where there
may be deliberate play with the notion of reclining in life and
death. Archaeological remains of burials from the 8th through
the recent discovery of what may be a cult area (possibly of Hellenistic date,
though) at the foot of the monumental tomb at the Carian sanctuary of
Labraunda (Henry in Henry et al. 2013, 30110, especially 30710).
136 Baughan 2010a, especially 28694.
137 Roosevelt 2009, 18082; Baughan 2010a, 29496; Baugham, this volume.
138 Baughan 2010a, 294.
139 Delemen 2004, 2006, especially figs. 5 and 7. The tomb also contained a
silver service and there were, reportedly, remains of vessels in the fill as well as
an altar with ashes. I thank an anonymous reviewer of this paper for calling my
attention to this tomb.
Page 37 of 77
the 4th centuries do attest cases of feasting and drinking at

funerals or memorial gatherings (even if this was exceptional
rather than regular practice) as well as the act of offering and
equipping the dead with feasting and drinking equipment.
So, based on this evidence, is there scope for eschatological or
funerary understandings of the Western Anatolian banquet
scenes? Some might well argue that this is not at all enough
evidence to support an interpretation of the banqueting images
as specifically funerary banquets, whether one defines that as
feasts of the heroised dead (that is, dead who have escaped
ordinary, gloomy afterlife), banquets at funerals, memorial
mortuary banquets or a combination of the three and they
would be right. There is, on the other hand, enough evidence to
suggest that the idea of feasting and drinking was entangled
with the notion of the dead, and this opens up the possibility of
that the images were viewed with this in mind. This can at least
not be rejected.
In fact, even if there were no evidence to suggest such
entanglement, this could not be ruled out. Absence of evidence
is, after all, not evidence of absence, and even in this case, where
there seems to be a decent sample of the right kind of evidence,
and a significant absence of anything pointing to overt
eschatological beliefs, one would only be able to positively
confirm that there is no evidence for such beliefs, not that there
is evidence ruling them out. This is important to acknowledge,
but I do not want to get stuck on a straw man of logical fallacy.
It is more important to focus on the fact that the empirical
evidence itself is, more or less, equivocal and mutable. And this
is important, because one of the differences between those who
would argue for a purely princely, profane interpretation of the
banqueting images and those who would rather argue for a more
metaphysical or esoteric interpretation is scepticism. The
evidence which would support a reading of the banqueting
images of pre-Hellenistic Asia Minor as funerary in nature is
slight, and those scholars who have adopted a sceptical view
have largely done so as a reaction against what have been
perceived as more wilful, less critical interpretations. This
apparently empiricist approach perhaps over corrects, however,
excluding all meanings that are untestable, and, bound up with
this, maintaining a highly sceptical, atheistic, materialist attitude
toward explanations that appeal to the spiritual, metaphysical or
religion.140
More recent attention to multivalency (as well as hermeneutics)
adopts what might be called a more agnostic stance, admitting
unknowables, and most importantly the fleeting, slippery and
140 See also the Introduction to this volume.
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ephemeral nature of meanings.141 Although those who advocate a

harder, empiricist line might on occasion criticise this approach
for a tendency to ruminate or even reject the project of finding
contextual meanings as overly positivist, in turn refusing to
contribute toward history using images, there is an advantage in
relinquishing the idea that images have originally intended
meanings, and incorporating viewer response. This does not
mean that the patron or commissioner, or the artist did not have
ideas perhaps even quite specific ideas but a model of how art
works should have built into it the notion that these ideas may
vary in quality and sharpness in conception, in expression and in
eventual reception.142 Images, in short, always comprise
ambiguities. These ambiguities can prompt perhaps unintended
viewer associations, which could in turn affect the production of
further images, the makers either labouring to distance the
images from unintended readings, or lending them to such
readings. The use of luxury furniture and equipment in tombs
may originally have incorporated notions of repose in death
(there is a chicken-and-egg situation here), but even if not the
application of images of banqueting to tombs could encourage
associations of banqueting with the funerary realm.143 Not all
images need have the same resonances; some may be more
multivalent than others. The hunt, for instance, might not prompt
such notions as easily.144 That the Totenmahl did could explain
why it became such a successful, long-lived tomb motif, with
modifications responding to various understandings, increasingly
associated specifically with the funerary realm.145 Even if it was
not always configured to explicitly articulate ideas about death, it
became a funerary trope.
The Western Anatolian Totenmahl images could then have
comprised or taken on funerary or eschatological meanings. They
are not, however, specifically eschatological in meaning. In
principle, there are no absolute or specific meanings of these
images. Having said that, the ambiguities inherent in the images
141 See again the Introduction to the present volume. Such discussions had in
fact been included in earlier literature on the Totenmahl and funerary
banquet, as noted in Dentzer 1982, especially 15 and 19.
142 Cf. again Dentzer 1982, 15, especially on Dolgers work. For doubts on
whether images can be used toward social history, see Bal and Bryson 1991
(although they seemed particularly concerned with what one might call
historical readings of images, as opposed to the use of images toward history,
per se).
143 Cf. Kleemann 1958.
144 Cf. von Gall 1989, who suggests a range of death-related meanings, from
funeral (the convoy and banquet) to the pleasures of the afterlife (the hunt).
Here, I mean something more like the weak and strong valencies proposed in
Hurwit 2011.
145 Cf. especially Slawisch, this volume. One might also think again of DonceelVotes (1983, 10910) suggestions of potential, but not mandatory,
eschatological ways of seeing the Afirz relief (Fig. 19).
Page 39 of 77
does not preclude the fact that there are areas of emphasis
which are historically and geographically significant. In the case
of the Western Anatolian corpus of Totenmahl images, even if
an eschatological or generally funerary reception may account
for the later trajectory of the motif, it must be admitted that the
visual and textual expression of this aspect is significantly muted
(some would say even entirely absent) compared with other
places and times. And, even if these images only seem profane to
us, and actually had rich and deep meanings that went far
beyond the profane in the eyes of those who used and
encountered them, what is most evident in the images now are
the profane aspects.
To reiterate, this does not mean that they were only profane in
meaning, but it does mean that eschatological or funerary
aspects were not emphasised (in itself important) and that it is
the more profane aspects that, being more evident, are available
for analysis. What relationship types are in evidence? What
settings, furniture, gestures, manners and styles are preferred?
These various aspects distinguish the way in which banqueting
was imagined and betray social structures embedded within
that.146 Such patterns are part of the particular meaning the
motif had in, or better, has for the reconstruction of Achaemenid
Western Anatolia, even if one cannot speak of a specific
meaning.
Beyond Eschatology: Areas of Emphasis and Anatolian
Identities
In comparison to banqueting images from elsewhere, scholars
have tended to identify three main features of the Western
Anatolian examples which distinguish prevailing preferences and
priorities:
1. An Emphasis on Hierarchy and Authority
The abovementioned relief on a pillar tomb from Tse (Fig. 7)
shows two reclining figures and reliefs from the acropolis of
Xanthus could belong to more extensive friezes of banquets (Fig.
20).147 Most of the others, however, belong to the Totenmahl or
monoposiast type, with a single couch and single recliner. This
146 As of course recognised by Dentzer, who pointed out that such configuration
would be meaningful regardless of whether or not the banquet was imagined
taking place after death or in life (Dentzer 1982, 19). Cf. also Kalaitzi, this
volume. Borchhardt (1997, 13) says something similar, despite his eschatological
interpretations.
147 Two attributed to Building G, London, BM 309 and 310, and another
fragment showing legs of a piece of furniture, larger in size: B 308, limestone, h.
0.71 m (Pryce 1928, 141, fig. 85). For these, now see Draycott 2015.
Page 40 of 77
obviously focuses attention on the reclining person and scholars

have pointed out the hierarchy inherent in this type of image,
often taken as an allusion to ruler-like personal authority
possibly modelled on the Persian king (see discussion in first
section of this paper, above), compared with the commensality of
the Greek symposium.148 It is possible, as has been suggested for
monoposiast statues in Archaic Ionian and Cypriot art, that
these images should be understood as artificial constructions
which excerpt the male sympotic identity and place it in a setting
where the male home identity is also visually referenced.149 In
this way, an image constructed for display on a family tomb
monument could obliquely refer to male commensality beyond
the private house.150 In the case of Achaemenid Western Anatolia,
one might think of the status claim of gaining admission to larger
court banquets and, if anything like what is traditionally said of
the Macedonian court, the achievement of reclining status at
such banquets.151
However, there are reasons to think that even if imagined as an
excerpt from a larger banquet affair, the single figure shown in
the Totenmahl images might still be imagined as the head of a
group. The large group banquet shown on the Nereid Monument
from Xanthus in Lycia (4th century BC) shows the dynast in such
a position, and it is thought that the couches in festival dining
halls at the Carian sanctuary of Labraunda were arranged to
focus on a central figure as well.152 Beyond this centring on one
figure, Dentzer has noted as well that the high number of
servants shown also contributes to a particularly hierarchic
structure of the images; whereas the Paros and Thasos reliefs
show one nude cup boy, the reliefs and paintings from Western
Anatolia tend to show at least two and sometimes more servants
in rather mannered, flanking positions.153 Differences in servants
attributes and equipment suggest specialist roles, developing the
sense of hierarchy even further.
2. Luxurious Living
148 Explicitly addressed in Dentzer 1969; 1982. Cf. also Bernard 1969, 24;
Brosius 2011. M. Miller 2011a, 102 comments that in the images of solo seated
figures with drinking bowls on Achaemenid period seals (which could have a
ritual dimension), the absence of other drinkers signals hieratic authority.
149 See Baughan 2011.
150 This would be pertinent to Lycian reliefs especially, where the Totenmahl
could combine sympotic identity with family identity (see Tofi 2006; Lockwood,
this volume).
151 Cf. Brosius (2011), for the suggestion of upper level permissions to
participate in such representational acts, at any rate. For Macedonian banquets,
besides Stamatopoulou and Kalaitzi, this volume, see also Sawada 2010,
especially references on p. 408; S. Miller, forthcoming b.
152 Hellstrm 1989; 1996; forthcoming.
153 Dentzer 1969; 1982, 28385; Fabricius 1999, 36.
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This range of services and attributes contributes as well to the

sense of luxury on display, and the level of this luxuriousness is
another aspect picked up by scholars. Johanna Fabriciuss
section on the Greco-Persian Stockwerkstelai reliefs (the multiregister stelai which largely concentrate around Dascylium)
explicitly focuses on the ornate furnishings, which stand out as a
major area of emphasis in comparison to contemporary
symposium scenes.154 Besides the ornately worked klinai, which
are usually of Oriental Type A with turned legs, she points to
the frequently shown kylikeion the side table stacked with
vessels, calling attention to another type of service claimed by
the house: the silver service (Figs. 1213, 1516 and 18).155 Note
that although some dainties are passed between those depicted,
vessels seem to be of more importance than food when compared
with the Neo-Hittite or Egyptian offering scenes, for instance.156
Distinctive in these Totenmahl images, as well, are the textiles
which cover stools and couches in some of the images, especially
the Dascylium register stelai (see Figs. 4, 12, 1516 and 18). The
once rich colours and patterns of these textiles are now lost, but
were probably quite prominent. Such a soft setting is even more
emphasised by the lack of armour displayed on the walls, as it is
in the Thasos and Paros reliefs (Fig. 2).
3. Gender Roles: Women and Wives
It is perhaps the distinctive position of women in the Western
Anatolian images, particularly in the Dascylium stelai, which has
attracted the most scholarly attention. In the Karaburun II
painting (Fig. 3) the reclining male is not shown with a female
companion per se, but only a female standing behind him. Behind
her, on the adjacent wall (not shown in Fig. 3), another two
standing men are shown, one holding a fan flag and the other an
ovoid object and a fillet, suggesting the woman belongs with this
group of servants, discouraging an identification of her as wife or
consort. In a number of the stelai reliefs, however, a woman is
shown seated either on the couch itself or on a stool near the
head of the couch. In either case they interact closely with the
154 Fabricius 1999, 36. Cf. Ionian monoposiasts where the furniture is less
important (Baughan 2011, especially 39). On expense, see also Polat in Gusmani
and Polat 1999.
155 Fabricius 1999, 36. Note also such conspicuous displays of metal wares in
the Hellenistic Macedonian tomb painting at Agios Athanasios (Palagia 2011,
especially 48387); also side tables laden with silver service and glassware in
Roman tombs (Dunbabin 2003). On such luxury items, see zgen et al. 1996;
Dusinberre 1999; von Gall 1999; Dusinberre 2003; M. Miller 2007; 2010; Kistler
2010; Brosius 2011; M. Miller 2011a; Karagz 2013. On the spread of such
toreutics beyond the Achaemenid Empires political borders, see M. Miller 1997.
156 The Djedherbes Stele (Fig. 5), however, does flaunt a table of vessels. Note
the rejection of the term banquet by Dentzer and Lockwood, among others, n.
173, below.
Page 42 of 77
reclining man, often touching or exchanging objects. In the

Thasos and Paros reliefs (Fig. 2), in contrast, the women are
shown seated at the foot of the couch, at a distance from the
reclining male, not interacting with him. On the other hand, it is
important that although shown on couches, women are never
shown reclining in the Western Anatolian images as they can be
in Etruscan tombs and later Hellenistic and Roman reliefs,
indicating gendered behaviour ideals surrounding drinking.
Again, the poster-image for the relative prominence of women in
the Western Anatolian banquets is the relief on the stele from
Dascylium (Fig. 4). As noted above, some have seen the female
figures on the Greco-Persian stelai, and on this stele in
particular, as goddesses.157 Most, however, see them as mortal
consorts and see the position of the woman as indicative of the
relatively high status of women in the region. Again, as noted in
the first section of this paper, some have seen this as an oriental
aspect of the images, possibly related to the status of women
within the Persian court (despite the general invisibility of
women in central court art).158 The crown-like headdress of the
woman on the Dascylium Stele is used to bolster this link, since
similar headdresses are attested in other images of women on
textiles and jewellery throughout the Persian Empire.159 It may
indeed be the case that she is shown participating in court
fashions. As already discussed, however, the difficulty of seeing
the banqueting itself and the role of women within it as an
emulation of the Persian court specifically is that court models
are lacking.
Whether the women shown in these stelai should be understood
as possessing high status in general has been questioned, with
the alternative suggestion that the women in the Thasos and
Paros reliefs are shown as respectable wives, while those in the
Greco-Persian stelai are shown in positions more associated
with courtesans (hetairai).160 One might compare, as well, the
157 See n. 63, above. On the possibility of deities, see Metzger 1971, 50809.
158 Especially Noll 1992, 7988, with references to discussion in the literature.
Cf. Fehr 1971, especially 11315, no. 471; Dentzer 1969, especially 20005;
1982, 271. Both see Eastern models for the banquet in general, although not
specifically Persian. Dentzer saw the position of the woman, however, as typically
Attic, while Fehr saw Cypriot models. On Persian women generally, including at
banquets, see Brosius 1996. On seal images of enthroned women and their high
status, see Lerner 2010; Brosius 2010. Fabricius (1999, 35) notes the high status
of women more generally. Polat (in Gusmani and Polat 1999) sees women as part
of a stress on the concept of family, as do Rumscheid and Held 1994.
159 On the crown headdress bolstering the status of women, see Noll 1992, 51
52, with references. On textiles from Pazyrik in Russia showing women with
similar headdress, see Zick-Nissen 1966, 57980.
160 Alternative view suggested by Petra Amann, during her presentation at the
conference from which this book stems, and in her discussion of Etruscan and
Lycian banquet types in this volume. This is implied by Thniges-Stringaris
(1965) in her discussion of positions of women, although not directly stated.
Page 43 of 77
relief on the long side of a sarcophagus from Golgoi, Cyprus,

where a symposium with a woman in just such a position is
shown.161 It is possible that the women in either case are to some
extent to be understood as attributes of the man; another aspect
of his possessions. But on the other hand, unlike the women
shown on the Golgoi Sarcophagus where the formula is very
much that of the familiar Greek symposium with hetairai, the
veils of the women in the Greco-Persian stelai suggest that they
do not fit that status. This is particularly notable in the case of
the Dascylium stele just discussed (Fig. 4), where a crown-like
headdress is worn below the veil the very crown-like headdress
which has prompted some to identify her as a goddess, therefore
a woman of extremely high status, in the first place. It is
possible, as well, that this stele may have been made for a
woman. The argument for this is that, as already stated above, it
seems to be part of a pair, and on the other of the pair, Elnfs
Stele (Fig. 13), the carriage convoy and riders are all male, while
on this stele the figures following the carriage in the upper
register are female. There is the possibility that there is a
significant gendering here, and that this could represent the
consorts convoy, accompanying and complementing the males
shown on Elnfs Stele. This is speculation, but is worth
suggesting, because it underscores the idea that unlike the
women on the Golgoi Sarcophagus the woman shown in the
banquet image on what may be Elnafs wifes stele is just as
much the protagonist of the image as the reclining male.
As for the position of the woman implying greater status than her
Greek island or even Lycian counterparts, the greater level of
interaction with the man shown implies greater access to his
conversation, thoughts and spheres of influence. Greater political
power does not necessarily follow, although it is worth noting
that there were some notable female rulers in the Troad and
other areas of Western Anatolia during the Classical period. At
any rate, it is not really possible to quantify the difference in
status in the women on the island reliefs and those from Western
Anatolia. One can qualify the difference in the relationship as
represented, though: in both cases coupledom is emphasised
through the depiction of man and woman, often even without
accompanying children. In the case of the Greco-Persian reliefs
in Western Anatolia, however, the relationship between the two is
more intimate. Again, this is idealised, but according to a good
sample of reliefs the idea of a couple in Western Anatolia
involves this sort of closeness. The bond between the pair seems
to be an important aspect of the relationship.
That marriage, in fact, could be a key theme is suggested by the
depiction of what is more often recognised as a wedding shown
in 4th-century paintings in the dome of the Kazanlak Tomb in
161 Amann, this volume, Fig. 6.
Page 44 of 77
Bulgarian Thrace.162 In the Western Anatolian reliefs it is not

clear that what is shown is a wedding, exactly, although in the
case of the relief from demi in Lydia (Fig. 15), a man and
woman hold a wreath between them, which could specifically
refer to their wedded status.163 The depiction of a female
musician in that case is also a feature in common with the
Kazanlak Tomb painting. However, the allusion may be more
oblique; one need not go as far as seeing the couch as the
marriage bed, although it could perhaps also bring this to
mind.164 The stelai reliefs may combine motifs and activities
which allude to the achievement of this status without depicting
events, per se.
A difficulty arises where there is more than one woman shown in
similar positions. This is the case with the demi Relief, where
the reclining male turns toward a woman on the right, with
whom he exchanges the wreath, while another almost identical
woman is shown at the foot of the couch to his left, playing a
cradle kithara. One possibility is that again the image is in a way
misleading; one should see not two different women, but two
aspects of the same woman, bride and accomplished woman,
combined in one seemingly real setting. This has been suggested
in the case of another later stele from avuky near Dascylium
(Fig. 18), which shows the reclining male again interacting with
a woman on a stool on the right, while another sits on the
couch.165 In this case, roles as companion and mother could be
indicated. Another possibility, however, is that one should
imagine more than one significant woman in the house. More
than one wife is not beyond the realm of possibility, even
representing an achievement on the part of the male, or they
162 Kazanlak Tomb: Zhikova 1975; Namio 1979.
163 Cf. the wreath on Attic vases depicting weddings (Oakley and Sinos 1993).
This is the interpretation of the wreath in the case of the Hellenistic Stele of
Mokazis from Bithynia mentioned above (Rumscheid and Held 1994, especially
9899 with many references to earlier literature on wreath crowns). Cf. also
Fabricius (1999, 21416, 23746) for multiple meanings of crowns, which can
also refer to heroic honours accorded the deceased (not heroisation, per se).
Fabricius, this volume, notes that the wreath crown is common on Hellenistic
banquet reliefs from Byzantium, where it refers to a simple wreath tribute, but
she does note that the inscriptions indicate marriage was important there, as the
second name of the women is an andronym rather than a patronym. Wreaths
held by couples in depictions of banquets in Sasanian art are often interpreted as
signs of marriage (Ghirshman 1953; Harper 1978, 7475, no. 25).
164 Cf. above discussion of the possible wedding interpretation of side D of the
Polyxena Sarcophagus, nn. 122125.
165 Suggested during discussion following Petra Amanns paper at the
conference. Note that in the case of the Hellenistic Stele of Mokazis from
Bithynia, the seeming equal status of an equally sized second woman has been
interpreted as a possible result of compositional isokephalie or symmetry
(Rumscheid and Held 1994, especially 99100). In many other cases, though,
isokephalie does not rule, with servants shown in diminutive size. Dentzer on this
in the demi relief (Dentzer 1969, 197).
Page 45 of 77
could be successive wives rather than concurrent.166 In the 4thcentury Kazanlak paintings, the female kitharode is often taken
for a grown daughter also a valuable household member.167 It
seems less likely in the case of the avuky Stele that a
daughter would be shown on the couch, but the principle that
female progeny could be considered valuable is also suggested
by the three korai shown on the back of the Harpy Monument
from Xanthus as well as the three korai included in the Genelaos
Monument from the Sanctuary of Hera on Samos.168 Without
inscriptions to assist such character identification, it seems more
reasonable to simply take it that the number of women in a
household, both wives and marriageable daughters could boost
its status.
Many communities prioritise marriage as an important social
institution, but often in representations it is the family which is
emphasised progeny and the outcome of a good marriage. In
the case of the avuky Stele (Fig. 18), the group of people
shown in the relief is larger, with children shown on the right
hand side. In most cases, however, unlike Lycian reliefs, children
are omitted from the Greco-Persian banquet depictions and the
focus is restricted to the couple and their relationship. An
exception should be mentioned, however: a relief on a block from
Afirz in the Amnias valley of Paphlagonia, which seems to have
belonged to a stele-like pillar monument of some kind, depicts a
reclining male who unusually wears a soft cap with lappets of the
type usually worn outdoors, and another figure perched on the
end of the couch who seems to wear a similar hat (Fig. 19).169
The costume would be unique for a female. If a male, as the
costume suggests, the position is unusual, although not unheard
of in later Totenmahl reliefs. This could emphasise male
companionship or male succession within a family, instead of the
more usual coupling.170
166 Two successive wives are named in a Roman Thracian inscription on a stele
showing two women, discussed by Slawisch, this volume.
167 See also the comparable images in the Roman paintings thought to copy
Hellenistic royal images in the villa at Boscoreale near Naples (Smith 1994).
168 For this interpretation of the women on the Harpy Monument, see Draycott
2007, with references.
169 Donceel-Vote 1983 (where it is suggested that the block was used in a
composite pillar which would resemble the more usual Stockwerkstelai of
Achaemenid Asia Minor; one wonders if fragile stone encouraged this unusual
form of monument); von Gall 1989, fig. 2; M. Miller 2011a, 110, fig. 16. See also
Durugnul 1994, 1213; P. Johnson 2010, 24752, 34546, cat. C.22.
170 Donceel-Vote (1983, 108), identifies the figure as a male and notes that this
suggests male succession is prioritised here. Cf. von Gall 1989. Note that the
gender of a terracotta dancing figure in knee-length, long-sleeved belted tunic,
leggings and wearing a bashlyk or tiara headdress (that is, the same kind of soft
cap) found in Tomb M4 at Assos along with a group of other terracottas
representing female musicians is not clear (are and Aslan forthcoming; are
forthcoming).
Page 46 of 77
Many of the banquet images then seem to promote the

institution of marriage as one of the central tenets of elite life in
Western Anatolia. In many ways, in fact, a number of the images
could be seen more as images of couples than as images of
banqueting.171 That, however, would overlook one of if not the
key social institution promoted by these images, which can be
addressed here under a fourth heading:
4. Drinking and Drinking Culture
If anything is to be considered a core meaning of these images, it
should be drinking. This is to state the blindingly obvious, but in
studies of the Western Anatolian banquet scenes typological
comparisons and structuralist analyses have generally focussed
so much on underlying emphases that the importance of drinking
itself can be overlooked (or underlooked, as the case may be).
The first section of this paper located the genesis of the theme in
the later 6th century BC, when the representation of drinking in
the Mediterranean area was particularly intense. Notions of
funerary or mortuary banqueting, feeding the dead or repose in
death may have been entangled with the theme choice already
when the earliest images and kline tombs started to be created,
or such ideas may have been picked up and developed through
prolonged use of the image type in the sepulchral sphere. The
theme may, as well, have been particularly well-suited to the
depiction of couples, the bed/couch perhaps even alluding to the
marriage bed.172 Given the period of the themes emergence,
however, the urge to display participation in prestige, refined
drinking culture may be seen as one of its main functions. And it
should be understood as drinking culture rather than feasting
culture; although participants sometimes share dainties, the
general lack of food tables is notable.173
The importance of banqueting and commensality in the
Achaemenid courts is receiving increased attention, but
generally speaking the role of drinking in Western Anatolian
society is not as widely appreciated as it is for the neighbouring
171 Note that Rumscheid and Held (1994, 9899) suggest that in fact the
Totenmahl on the Hellenistic Mokazis Stele from Bithynia, mentioned above
several times, should be understood as an image of the harmonious family.
Indeed, they state that what they see as the crowning of the woman by the
reclining man is the most prominent aspect of the image.
172 Cf. not only the possible night before scene on the Polyxena Sarcophagus,
nn. 122125, above, but also the more literal depictions of coupling on some
4th-century Etruscan terracotta sarcophagus lids, such as two from Vulci in
Boston, MFA 1975.799 and 86.145a-b.
173 On this in the case of Lycia, see Borchhardt et al. 2012, 4771; Landskron
2012; Tofi 2006; Lockwood, this volume. The Lycian Highlands painted tombs
(Figs. 3 and 6) and Tse relief (Fig. 7) may show food tables, however. Note also
the food dishes carved into the top of the stone table next to the kline in the
early Hellenistic Naip tumulus from Thrace, n. 139, above.
Page 47 of 77
Greek world.174 The burial customs, however, and especially the

very Totenmahl reliefs under discussion here, point to how
important it was. So important, in fact, that even women might
be represented as participating in this activity, and possibly even
women alone if one sees those on the short side D of the
Polyxena Sarcophagus from the Troad (Fig. 17b) as participating
in the banquet idea rather than purely as a prenuptial rite.
Although the act of drinking is not shown (the protagonists are
not shown holding vessels) and accoutrements associated with
alcohol consumption (such as a krater) are not shown, one of the
attendants on the right of that relief carries a jug (oinochoe) and
what has been identified as a mirror.175 Based on the curved,
duck head end of the handle it could be a handled patera
(shallow bowl) for making libations, or it could be a strainer.176 If
the latter, this means that the idea of drinking was still bound up
in the image, even if there may be a strong nuptial component.
This need not reflect real drinking practice; when later on, on
Hellenistic and Roman stelai and sarcophagi, women are shown
reclining alone or in pairs the images may be seen as drawing on
traditional and largely vestigial methods of conveying prestige.177
Something similar may be the case with the Polyxena
Sarcophagus relief, where drinking implements are included
because they convey high status.178
Although Western Anatolian drinking culture has not received a
great deal of attention, at least not directly, it is emerging as an
area of interest, notably in the work of Margaret Miller.179 She
has emphasised emulation of Persian court drinking manners in
some Western Anatolian banquet images, touched on in the first
section of this essay. In particular, it is not reclining, but the
manner of holding the phiale or shallow dish on the tips of the
fingers which is the most obvious link to specifically Persian
174 For Achaemenid drinking-, especially table-wares, see, for example, Lewis
1987; Briant 2002, 277, 28697; Kistler 2010; Henkelman 2010; Brosius 2011.
See now also Khatchadourian 2014; and Rehm in press.
175 Hellenistic and Roman: Fabricius 1999; Greenland 2007; Fabricius, this
volume. Identification of item as mirror: Sevin 1996.
176 For comparable strainers in the Lydian Treasure, see zgen et al. 1996.
177 For reclining women in the Hellenistic and Roman periods, see the papers of
Fabricius and Slawisch, this volume; Greenland 2007. Indeed, by the Roman
period even a beloved pet dog could be exalted by showing it on a kline, as a
marble stele from Lesbos now in Istanbul Archaeological Museum, inv. no. 411T,
shows (Mendel 1912, no. 1085; Introduction to the present volume, Fig. 1).
178 On symbolic display and accessibility of drinking vessels, see M. Miller 2010
and especially Kistler 2010. A corollary of this is the strong connection between
the kline and drinking, as although the couch could convey other ideas and even
stand as a status symbol itself, in the images it is usually associated with
drinking. On the kline as status symbol, see especially Boardman 1990.
179 M. Miller 2007; 2010 and especially 2011a. Also Dusinberre 1999, 2003;
Baughan 2004; 2007; Tuplin 2011, 15455; Baughan, this volume. See now also
Dusinberre 2013.
Page 48 of 77
court manners.180 This is traced through a passage in Xenophons

Cyropaedia (1. 3. 8), where Cyrus remarks on this as a habit of
Median cup bearers, as well as through images on Achaemenid
period seals and earlier Assyrian palace reliefs. The clearest
example of the habit in Western Anatolian images is the painting
from the Karaburun II Tomb (Fig. 3), where both the reclining
man and the servant on the far left hold vessels in this way.
Bruno Jacobs has previously argued that the reclining figure
should be understood as an ethnic Persian, so great are the
similarities with Xenophons description of Median customs,
including among other things his rouged cheeks, earrings and his
groomed beard.181 Other banquets where bowls are held similarly
are shown in reliefs on the stelai from around Dascylium (Figs. 4,
11, 12), some or all of which were used by locals and not foreign
Persians.182
Perhaps surprisingly, the distinctive carinated bowl type which is
so visible in the reliefs at Persepolis and which is found in a
number of Achaemenid period Lydian tombs, is not so visible in
the images shown on tombs.183 More visible is the phiale, or
omphalos bowl, which is also well represented among tomb
finds.184 The phiale is also well-represented in the earlier
Phrygian tomb goods, such as the aforementioned array from
Tumulus MM at Gordion, and, considering the finger balancing
gesture appears in earlier Near Eastern images, it is possible
that the earlier Phrygians affected the same manner. Whether or
not the habit pre-existed the arrival of Persians, however, Millers
argument that the Achaemenid period examples gesture toward
the Persian court as the model of their day is convincing. As
Miller argues, the habit should not be taken lightly as Perserie,
either; drinking customs were a sensitive topic and could have a
political symbolic charge, so that the adoption of this distinctive
mode of drinking would serve to immediately place the
performer not only within the right social status group, but the
right political-cultural group.185
Besides the phiale or shallow bowl, a number of other varied
vessel types are included in the repertoire. The attendant on the
far left of the Karaburun painting holds both a phiale and a small
amphora (or an amphora-shaped rhyton, like those in some
180 See especially M. Miller 2011a, 10910. Cf. Noll 1992, especially 82 on
handling of dishes.
181 Jacobs 1987, 2932. On his ethnicity, see also M. Miller 2011a, 11719.
182 See also the seated figure on the Djedherbes Stele, Fig. 5.
183 Remarked by M. Miller 2011a, 11213. For carinated bowls, see Dusinberre
1999; 2003.
184 zgen et al. 1996.
185 M. Miller 2011a; but also M. Miller 2010 and Kistler 2010 on the political
implications of displays of Achaemenid cups, possibly restricted and ranked
within the empire. See now Dusinberre 2013.
Page 49 of 77
Thracian tomb finds). Figures can also be shown holding other

smaller, more round-bottomed bowls. Significantly, in no case is a
handled vessel used. In a number of the reliefs, the side tables
hold large container vessels. The Karaburun Tomb painting may
have included a depiction of such a well-stacked kylikeion on the
left side, which has not been preserved. On the stele paired with
Elnfs Stele from Dascylium (Fig. 4), a dinos held in a tripod
frame is shown on the right comparable to that shown on the
right end of the Paros relief (Fig. 2). In other cases there are
what look like column kraters (Fig. 12) or stamnoi (Fig. 18)
shown on the tables.
Such large container vessels are not shown among gifts brought
to the Persian king in the reliefs at Persepolis, and they may be a
more Mediterranean element of the drinking culture here.186
Bronze cauldrons can be found in earlier Phrygian tombs, and
kraters are also known from Lydian tombs, although they are not
as conspicuous as other vessels. In connection with the krater, it
might also be noted here that although vessels are conspicuously
displayed on the side tables, they are not central in the way that
the krater can be in images of the symposium.187 This may be due
to the compositional need to centre the reclining protagonist, but
it can also be seen as another part of a general lack of emphasis
on shared group commensality, or at least equal commensality.
Other vessels stacked on the kylikeia include large bowls (Fig.
15) and what look like amphorae and cups (Fig. 16). The last, on
the stele from Altnta in Western Phrygia, is particularly
significant for its lack of a krater as well as the combination of
the image with a sacrifice scene and what appears to be the
crowning of the reclining male by the attendant on the far
right.188 It could represent the consumption of different beverage
type perhaps associated with ritual.
Concerning the type of beverages consumed, one might assume
wine, but this is not so simple; what kind of wine, and even
whether it would be usefully classified as wine is a question of
crucial importance for understanding any ancient drinking
culture. Of beverages consumed in Anatolia, there is some
knowledge from testing of vessels and literary sources. A mixture
of fermented fruit juice, beer and mead is found to have been
contained in the vessels in Tumulus MM at Gordion.189 In Greek
literature, one hears of kykeon, which seems to have referred
186 As M. Miller 2011b, 329.
187 On this, see Lissarrague 1990; DAgostino 1989 (the latter on Etruscan tomb
paintings).
188 Thoniges-Stringaris (1965, 40, n. 147), compares the crowning action to
Near Eastern images.
189 McGovern et al. 1999. Note as well the elaborate drinking stands used to
hold vessels in that tomb (Simpson 2010). For recent such tests on Bronze Age
vessels on Cyprus (Crewe and Hill 2009).
Page 50 of 77
generally to special types of mixed drinks with medicinal

properties, often associated with cult and ritual. A mixed drink of
wine and grated cheese (or something of the like) is what was
put into Nestors cup in the Iliad (11. 628644).190 Xenophon
(Anabasis 4. 5. 26) describes a harsh barley wine served to his
soldiers, and Hittite records attest a mixed drink (beer-wine)
called ka-getin, although this seems to have been drunk
through straws, not shown in any of the banquet images.191 Pliny
(NH 14. 241, 248249) notes raisin wines from Cilicia and other
beverages of Galatia.192 It is likely that regional specialty wines
and drinks prevailed as much in Achaemenid Anatolia as they
later did and still do, and variations in vessels may correspond to
this. Still, it is notable that the variation is not that high; that the
phiale is found in images from Lycia to the Hellespont suggests,
perhaps, a widespread favourite or ideal drink.193
Some of the areas of emphasis outlined above the hierarchic
formality, the luxuriousness, the gender roles could be
recalibrated under the heading of drinking culture, and other
aspects added: for instance, besides the mannered gesture of
holding the phiale scholars have noted that recliners in some
reliefs are shown crossing their arms (seen best in Figs. 5, 12, 15
and 18).194 This is not unheard of in images of the Greek
symposium; it is seen in one of the reclining men on the Eurytios
Krater, who rests on his right arm while holding out a skyphos in
his left hand.195 Noll has suggested that it is a gesture retained
by sculptors thinking of models from larger symposium images,
where the gesture is appropriate for interacting diners.196 Even if
vestigial, such a gesture could potentially allude to a mannered
style of drinking related to the symposium a diacritical
gesture to use Millers term.
Drinking dress, as well, is of interest, especially the lack of
nudity. In contrast to the nude cupbearers usual in images of the
Greek symposium and shown in the Thasos and Paros reliefs, the
more numerous Western Anatolian servants are all dressed. The
torsos of male recliners are likewise generally covered; an
exception may be the 4th-century Atrastas Stele from Sardis
190 Ridgway 1997. See also Odyssey 10. 234; Homeric Hymn to Demeter;
Aristophanes Peace 5. 712.
191 McGovern 2003, especially 18688 (who notes that such straws can be
shown on Hittite seals).
192 McGovern 2003, 187. For more on the archaeology of wine, see McGovern et
al. 1996. On ancient drinking world-wide, see Dayagi-Mendeles 1999; McGovern
2009.
193 Note Tuplin (2011, 155) points out a discrepancy in ceramic drinking vessel
types found at Dascylium and Sardis, the formers high count of Greek drinking
vessels suggesting to him a penchant for Greek wine.
194 For example Fabricius 1999, 34.
195 M. Miller 2011a, 99, fig. 3.
196 Noll 1992, 8485.
Page 51 of 77
(Fig. 10).197 In other cases where the torso may seem bare, a
tight top can be imagined. Other under-robes seem to vary: the
reclining figure on the avuky Stele (Fig. 18) seems to wear a
billowy chiton, while the figure in the Karaburun II tomb painting
(Fig. 3) wears an unusual robe that some argue is a Persian
kypassis, very rarely seen outside of representations of royal,
ethnic Persians.198 Legs are normally covered with himatia;
unlike figures in later Roman period reliefs from Syria, display of
long trousers is not the norm.199 An exception may be in the relief
on the block from Afirz in Paphlagonia (Fig. 19), where
although the covering of the legs is not clear, the reclining male
and the other seated figure are shown wearing the soft cap,
usually associated with outdoor riding gear, there perhaps to fit
in references to more than one aspect of identity.200
Women are usually heavily draped with veils covering heads or
sakkoi (hairnet- or scarf-like headdresses). Apart from the young
woman on side D of the Polyxena Sarcophagus, which is a special
case, they are usually shown interacting with their companions
rather than tugging at these veils in gestures of modesty.
Variations in the dress of the servants, who can be both male and
female, suggest a variety of roles beyond cup bearing. One of the
relief fragments from Xanthus shows a very clear distinction,
with one figure in particularly formal wear, with a tasselled
headdress or hair in pony tail (Fig. 20); this style is not well
understood, but indicates some special status and contributes to
a sense of complexity and formality.201 Servants bring not only
197 4th-century Lycian examples can also show nude torsos, indicating southern
regional differences.
198 Jacobs 1987; M. Miller 2011a.
199 Cf. some Roman period Palmyrene examples treated by Audley-Miller, this
volume.
200 On details of dress and difficulty associating it with particular role or rank,
see Donceel-Vote 1983, especially 10508. See also similar dress on reclining
male on the double-sided ivory plaque from a tomb at Demetrias in Thessaly
(Arvanitopoulos 1947; Stamatopoulou, this volume, Fig. 22). Besides referring to
their outdoor identities, it might be possible that the choice showed off gifts of
Median clothing, which like precious metal Achaemenid vessels were not
available to all (Briant 2002, 30507; Kistler 2010, on vessels). See also now
Dusinberre 2013.
201 Similar cap or hairstyle(?) on figure on far right in the banquet relief of the
Altnta Stele relief (Fig. 16). Similar hairstyles on children (or diminutive figures
interpreted as servants) shown in other 4th-century reliefs, as in the small figure
on the left of the inscribed relief from Sardis mentioned in n. 80, above
(Dusinberre 2003, 94, fig. 36); a relief of a single standing figure from Sardis
said to date between 450 and 425 BC, Izmir Archaeological Museum 690
(Hanfman and Ramage 1978, 157, no. 233, fig. 403 there interpreted as a
praying woman); possibly the small figure on the left in another stele in Manisa
Museum (MM6225) (Roosevelt 2009, 157, fig. 6.21, cat. 11.9); and Fragment D
from the south side of the Salas Monument from Kadyanda, Lycia (Borchhardt
1968b: 182, fig. 14). On this hairstyle on young girls, possibly daughters who are
shown, however, in service, see Seyer 2004, 218.
Page 52 of 77
drinks, but fans and scent bottles, and there is sometimes music,
leaving an impression of a busy environment in which the
fortunate protagonists luxuriate in an abundance of sensations.202
It might be noted that there are no instances of incense burners
associated with drinking in these tomb images, although they
can appear among tomb goods and there is a case of one
appearing in a seal showing a man seated and holding a
carinated cup, as well as in the banquet relief on the abovediscussed Vezirhan votive stele (Fig. 19).203
One could expand on such details, but I turn here to some more
pressing questions about setting and behaviour: Are we to
understand from these images that drinking took place in the
home, in private, with women and family?204 The problem of
taking these images too literally has been mentioned above. They
are not documentary evidence, but artificial constructions;
representations, not reality. As noted above, it has been
suggested that they could combine the male, sympotic identity
with the family in a quite artificial image. One might note that in
the Karaburun II tomb painting, in addition to holding the phiale
on three fingers, the reclining male performs another emphatic
gesture with his other hand, unusual among the Western
Anatolian banquet images. It appears to signal stop, but
Margaret Miller has shown that the gesture is similar to some
seen on Attic vase paintings of symposiasts. It could, therefore,
contrast with the phiale balancing to signal more Western
drinking etiquette and therefore a dual cultural identity on the
part of the town owner.205 There is no woman on the couch in this
case and one wonders, whether there could also be an allusion to
this males participation in larger symposium-like gatherings,
where women might have been excluded. As mentioned above,
there is certainly room within the chamber to have shown other
carousers, but the exclusion of all other participants could be
202 On flag-like fans, possibly another diacritical cultural tool, see especially M.
Miller 2011a. For this type of fan in the Karaburun II tomb, usually not visible in
published illustrations, see S. Miller 2010, 323, fig. 4. On the fan as not
necessarily Achaemenid, see Polat in Gusmani and Polat 1999. It also appears
on Syro-Hittite stelai and could well have been employed in the Phrygian world.
Scents are mentioned in Baughan 2010a. Perfumes could, therefore, provide
another link between merry life and death, since they can be gifted and used as
libations in funerals, the tastes and scents of the funeral therefore potentially
recalling the ambience of a banquet.
203 M. Miller 2011a, 103, fig. 8. Incense burners can be found in court
interiors, such as the kings audience, and in some depictions of seated women
as well. For a good example from a tomb, see zgen et al. 1996, no. 71.
204 On the relationship between images and domestic drinking practices in
reality, see the discussion of the later Palmyrene funerary reliefs and the Dura
Europus dining room paintings in Audley-Miller, this volume.
205 M. Miller 2011a, 117. A similar idea for the crossed arm gesture was noted
above. Note that Metzger (1976, 63536) proposed that the painting followed the
same source model as did the Andokides painter for his famous bilingual vase in
Munich showing the banqueting Herakles.
Page 53 of 77
explained as an attempt to focus on him, or even imply his

leading role within a group, rather than as a literal indication
that he drank alone in his fine rooms.
Where women are shown as participants, again, it is difficult to
know whether this should be seen as totally artificial or part of
actual practice. Since literary sources do attest women
participating in banquets in Etruria, Thrace and, sometimes,
Persia, there is no reason to dismiss this, although on the other
hand the images cannot be used as absolute evidence of this
either. One can at least say that the images do not present
drinking and coupledom as incompatible concepts. In order to
get a better sense of this, one might compare Classical Attic
grave stelai, where family is often the theme, but where drinking
is excluded until it creeps in in the few Totenmahl grave stelai
at the beginning of the Hellenistic period. Even if not real, the
Western Anatolian banquet images therefore indicate a different
attitude to drinking, which could imagine it as part of home life,
even if this was not part of normal practice.
Finally, one might call attention to the relative sobriety of these
images. One might not expect drunkenness, which while
acceptable in humorous paintings on party vessels could be seen
as out of place on a memorial monument (although it seems to
have been acceptable in Etruscan tomb paintings). The
behaviour shown is vivacious, but the gatherings shown in
Etruscan tomb paintings and even in some Middle Kingdom
Egyptian ones can look wilder.206 Among the Western Anatolian
images, the closest indications of real carousing are found in
the inscription from Apollonios 4th-century tomb (Topal Gvur)
in Lycia, and potentially in the gesture of the Karaburun recliner.
Even there, the kind of vessel used, the shallow and small bowl,
balanced on finger tips, implies a moderate intake of beverage,
with careful movements. One might even wonder whether the
phiale was really used for imbibing or for libation making, for
which such bowls were generally used in the Greek world and for
which they are really better suited.207
***
In summary, the banquet theme does not just promote luxury, but
also the idea of leisure and pleasure, contrasting effectively with
other themes appearing in tomb assemblages: hunts and battles,
where mettle and vigour would be tested. Such images put an
accent on ease and gratification in a way that Classical Attic
206 For the Etruscan tombs, see Mitterlechner, this volume; Steingrber 1986.
For Middle Kingdom Egyptian tomb paintings, see Harrington, this volume.
207 Cf. Cremers interpretation of Hellenistic Totenmahl reliefs from Mysia as
images of libation (Cremer 1991, 7172, as noted in Rumscheid and Held 1994,
98). On the emphasis on the flower over alimentary activities in the Afirz relief,
cf. also Donceel-Vote 1983, 109. The phiale is still used for pouring water in
hamams in Turkey.
Page 54 of 77
tombstones, for instance, do not. Yet they also tend to avoid

implications of hedonism. Although drinking seems to have been
an important social institution in Western Anatolia, then, the way
it is employed in memorial practice presents it as a relatively
restrained and ceremonious activity in comparison with the
contemporary Greek drinking party.
Conclusions
In response to the question of whether the Western Anatolian
Totenmahl had a specific meaning, it is not possible to isolate a
single meaning, nor should one expect to, for this would be to
insist on an unrealistic concreteness of intention on the part of
the maker and/or purchaser. One should think of images as part
of the imaginative process rather than completely worked out
concepts. One can, however, isolate themes of importance. As
argued here, if anything must be seen as a main theme, it should
be drinking. This may not necessarily be the case for the later
Hellenistic and Roman period manifestations of the banquet or
Totenmahl theme, by which time it had become a clich. But
when it first manifested in Western Anatolia the main urge seems
to have been to represent elites engaging in what was the height
of elegant behaviour. Of course drinking and reclining had been
available for some time, but the 6th century BC, especially the
second half, seems to have been a particularly intense period for
the representation of this activity. The genesis of the Totenmahl
theme and its popularity among memorial images attests its
importance for Western Anatolian elites, complementing
allusions to numerous other aspects of identity conveyed in other
images adorning their tombs.
Concerning the question of eschatological meaning, there is little
in the images or inscriptions which points to beliefs about death
and the afterlife. Remains of earlier and contemporary (albeit
smaller scale) funerary or mortuary dining and food/drink
offerings, however, as well as the construction of kline tombs and
the deposition of drinking vessels within them indicate that by
the time the Totenmahl images appeared the idea of drinking
and death were associated. The trajectory of the image as a
funerary clich in the later Hellenistic and Roman periods
suggests that an imaginative process which entangled the image
type with the notion of death could have begun by the 5th or 4th
centuries BC, if not already before.
While it is important not to dismiss eschatological beliefs
pertaining to the banquet scenes simply because they are
untestable aspects of the imaginative field, it is also important
that such ideas are not distinctively and deliberately articulated,
indicating they were not high on the expressive agenda in
Western Anatolia. What is on display allows one to grasp some
Page 55 of 77
concepts that were meaningful for the more profane aspects of

the lives of those involved in the creation of such images. As
Dentzer pointed out, the banquet images effectively convey
notions of the princely house. Within the Western Anatolian
group of banquet images one can discern a stress on the
importance of marriage and, within that again, the bond shared
by the couple. And again drinking was an important part of this
status a key part of princely life. As Margaret Miller points out,
drinking was an important forum for cultural posturing, and the
drinking culture(s) which developed in Western Anatolia,
although related to that of the Mediterranean, also included
distinctive habits, sometimes clearly Persianising. Such posturing
emphasises the public performance of drinking. The
predominance of the Totenmahl or monoposiast type from the
later 6th century through the 5th century, though,
simultaneously suggests that at this time the symposium or large
group drinking party might not have been as key here as it was
for contemporary Greeks and Etruscans. At least in memorial
representation the private group was emphasised at the expense
of wider, extra-familial commensality. Even if it cannot be
considered documentation of real practice, the Totenmahl
image type developed for these Western Anatolian memorials
represents an image of drinking that is lush, formal, ceremonial
and at the same time warm and peculiarly private.
This vision was seductive. One might note in closing that in
Classical archaeology there is still a tendency to view Western
Anatolia as a somewhat peripheral cultural zone. It would not be
right to say that the later Totenmahl reliefs were derived solely
from the Western Anatolian models, but if the image type is
considered to have first blossomed there, as most seem to
accept, then this should encourage an appreciation of the
importance of this region and period in the cultural history of the
Mediterranean. It was not necessarily just due to Persian
impact per se, but Achaemenid Anatolia seems to have provided
fertile ground for the development of powerful, distinctive
iconographies.208 This one in particular, the Totenmahl scheme,
was destined to become a Mediterranean staple for centuries to
come, continuing, variously modified, to play on a spectrum of
notions from drinking to death.
208 Cf. Mellink 1998, 60.
Page 56 of 77
Appendix: A List of BanquetIimages in and on Western

Anatolian Tombs (Excluding 4th-Century Lycian Tombs)
Monoposiast Banquet/Totenmahl Images:
1) Kzlbel Tomb paintings, Lycian Highlands, in situ, ca. 530 BC
(Fig. 6).
2) Karaburun II Tomb paintings, Lycian Highlands, stolen, ca. 470
BC (Fig. 3).
3) Hacolan Pillar Tomb 3, in situ, ca. 470 BC?; very faint traces on
faade. Image see Draycott 2007, fig. 8 (and references to
further literature in text).
4) demi Relief, Lydia, now in Izmir Archaeological Museum 4344,
ca. 460 BC? (Fig. 15).
5) Aksakal/Dascylium Stele (Noll 1992, S2), from near Dascylium,
now in Istanbul Archaeological Museum 5763, ca. 460 BC? (Fig.
4).
6) Stele of Add, Sultaniyeky, near Dascylium, now in Bursa
Archaeological Museum 8500 (Noll 1992, S3), ca. 450 BC? (Fig.
12).
7) Stele of Manes, near Dascylium, now in Bandrma
Archaeological Museum, ca. 450 BC? (Fig. 11).
8) Dereky Stele, near Dascylium, now in Bursa Archaeological
Museum (Noll 1992, S4), ca. 450 BC? (Fig. 14).
9) Altnta Stele, western edge of Phrygia, now in Afyon Museum E
1858, ca. 450 BC? (Fig. 16).
10)
Pediment with banquet from Sardis, Lydia, now in Manisa
Museum 4427 and 5526, ca. 430 BC. See Dusinberre 2003, 93,
22021, fig. 35.
11)
Relief on pillar monument block from Afirz in
Paphlagonia, now in Kastamonu Museum 438 (2192), dated to
ca. 500 BC in initial publication, but could be 5th or 4th century
BC (Fig. 19).
Reliefs Showing or Possibly Showing Multiple Reclining Drinkers:
12)
Tse Pillar Tomb, central coastal Lycia, now in Antalya
Museum, ca. 530 BC (Fig. 7).
13)
Two fragmentary reliefs attributed to Building G, Xanthus,
now in British Museum B309 and B310, ca. 460 BC (Fig. 20).
Less Certain and/or Variant Appearances:
14)
Polyxena Sarcophagus relief (Side D), Biga Plain,
Troad/Mysia, now in Canakkale Museum, ca. 480 BC (Fig. 17b);
possibly primarily a night before the wedding image.
15)
Aktepe Tomb paintings, East Lydia, now in Uak Museum,
ca. 470 BC; painted figures flanking the bed could refer more
to laying out of body than banquet, although potentially both
depending on tomb goods. See zgen et al. 1996, 4144, figs.

7482 and 7173, nos. 710; Baughan, this volume, Fig. 8.
16)
Tatarl Tomb paintings, Afyon Museum, ca. 450 BC(?);
traces of painting that may be Totenmahl. See Summerer in
Summerer and von Kienlin 2010b, 15052, figs. 16 (p. 139) and
17 (p. 145).
17)
Aksakal Stele 3 relief, Istanbul Archaeological Museum
5762 (Noll 1992, S6), ca. 430 BC? (Fig. 8); unclear if reliefs
show a banquet at all.
Theme Potentially also Included in:
18)
Harta Tomb paintings, North-West Lydia, now in Uak
Museum, ca. 460 BC?; no traces now, but could have been
included in wall paintings. See zgen et al. 1996, 6869, nos. 2
4; also 38, figs. 6264 for traces of paintings in situ in the tomb.
Some 4th-Century Greco-Persian Stelai with Totenmahl Images:
19)
Stele from avuky, near Dascylium, now in Istanbul
Archaeological Museum 1502 (Noll 1992, S7), (Fig. 18).
20)
Stele in Bursa Museum. See Noll 1992, S8, pl. 11.
21)
Stele of Atrastas son of Timles, Sardis, now in Istanbul
Archaeological Museum 4030 (Fig. 10).
22)
Stele from Sardis (with partially preserved Lydian
inscription), Sardis NoEx 77.15; IN 77.8. See Dusinberre 2003,
94, 221, fig. 36.
23)
Stele from Hayall in Manisa Museum MM 6225. See
Roosevelt 2009, 15758, fig. 6.21, cat. 11.9.
24)
Unprovenanced stele in Manisa Museum MM 172. See
Roosevelt 2009, 15758, fig. 6.22, cat. 23.2.
NB. The Afirz relief (no. 11, above), could belong to 4th century BC.
Page 57 of 77
Page 58 of 77
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Figure 1. The Garden Party Relief of Assurbanipal, from Room S

of the North Palace at Ninevah, mod. Iraq. British Museum ME
124920. L. 1.397 m. Circa 645 BC. Source: photo from Trustees of
the British Museum. Copyright British Museum.
Figure 2. Marble relief from Paros. Paros Archaeological Museum.

H. 0.73 m. Circa 500 BC. Source: photo by Gosta Hellner, DAI
Athens ATH-Paros-0595A, all rights reserved.
Figure 3. Painting on the rear wall of the Karaburun II tumulus

chamber in the Elmal Plain, North Lycia, southwest Turkey. In situ
until recently stolen. H. of wall 2.66 m. H. of painting 1.61 m. L.
2.61 m. Circa 475 BC. Source: Bingl 1997, fig. 7.1. Reproduced
with kind permission of Stella G. Miller.
Figures 4 a and b. Marble stele showing convoy and banquet, found

lining a Byzantine period grave at Aksakal, near Daskyleion, along
with Figs 8 and 13. Istanbul Archaeological Museum 5763. H. 2.21
m. Banquet relief h. 0.42 m. Circa 460 BC. Source: DAI Istanbul
negs 68/77 (a) and 68/89 (b).
Page 73 of 77
Figure 5. Drawing of the Stele of Djedherbes, founded reused in a

later grave (Grave 11) in the necropolis of Memphis, Saqqara,
Egypt. Cario, Museum of Egyptian Antiquities. Probably 27th
Dynasty (525404 BC). Source: Mathieson et al. 1995, 80, fig. 3.
Reproduced with the kind permission of Elizabeth Bettles.
Figure 6. Line drawing of the paintings on the west wall of the

Kzlbel painted tomb chamber in the Elmal plain, North Lycia,
southwest Turkey, showing traces of a banquet scene on the lower
right. In situ. H. of banquet painting on right side of wall (W4) 0.57
m. L. circa 0.80 m. Circa 530 BC. Source: Mellink 1998, guide
sheet A. Reproduced with kind permission of Stella G. Miller. See
also Baughan, this volume, figs 5a and b.
Figure 7. Drawing of the fragmentary relief showing two reclining

figures and a servant, from a pillar tomb at Tse (mod. Dzkale
Tepesi), central Lycia, southwest Turkey. Antalya Museum.
Limestone. H. 0.53 m. Circa 530 BC. Source: after Geppert 1998,
218, fig. 62. With the kind permission of F. Kolb.
Page 74 of 77
Figure 8. Reliefs on a marble stelai found lining a later, Byzantine

period tomb at Aksakal, near Daskyleion, along with Figs 4 and 13.
Istanbul Archaeological Museum 5762. H. of stele 2.22 m, h. of
reliefs circa 0.82 m. 5th century BC. Source: DAI Istanbul neg
68/80.
Figures 9 a and b. Marble stele from Glmbe Baheleri, Verzirhan,

Balekisar Province, northwest Turkey (not far from Daskyleion).
Istanbul Archaeological Museum 6219+71.27 T. 5th or 4th century
BC (?). Source: DAI Istanbul negs 73/6 (a) and R6204 (b).
Figure 10. The inscribed Stele of Atrastas son of Timles, found

reused in a wall at Sardis. Istanbul Archaeological Museum 4030.
Marble. H. 0.61 m. 330/29 BC. Source: DAI Istanbul neg. 73/5.
Figure 11. Preserved upper section of the Stele of Manes, found in

the Karadere stream bed, near Daskyleion. Bandrma
Archaeological Museum. Marble. Total h. 1.95 m preserved, relief
Page 75 of 77
h. 0.205 m. 5th century BC. Source: Bakr 2001, 179, fig. 7.

Reproduced with kind permission of Gurcan Polat.
Figure 12. Drawing of the Stele of Add, said to have been found at
a tumulus known as Helvatepe, in the vicinity of Sultaniyeky.
Bursa Museum 8500. Marble. Total h. of stele 2.42 m. 5th century
BC. Source: tracing by author after own photograph.
Figure 13. The Stele of Elnf, found in the Byzantine grave at

Aksakal, near Daskyleion, along with Figs 4 and 8. Istanbul
Archaeological Museum 5764. Marble. H. 3.08 m. Circa 460 BC.
Source: DAI Istanbul neg R 25.530.
Figure 14. Drawing of a fragment of a relief (stele?) from Dereky,

north east of Daskyleion, northwest Turkey. Bursa Museum.
Marble. H. 0.51 m. 5th century BC. Source: tracing after Noll
1992: pl. 7a.
Page 76 of 77
Figure 15. Drawing of marble relief (from stele?) found at

demi/Hypaipa, on the south side of the Tmolos Mountains, south
of Sardis, Lydia. Izmir Archaeological Museum 4344 (formerly
Basmahane Museum 4338). H. 0.64 m. 5th century BC. Source:
tracing after Akurgal 1966, pl. 39, 3.
Figure 16. Drawing of a marble stele from Altnta, western

Phrygia, showing a banquet in the central register and traces of a
sacrificial procession below. Afyon Museum E 1858. H. 0.96 m. 5th
century BC. Source: tracing after Asgari et al. 1983, 59, cat. B145.
Figures 17 a and b. Sides C (a) and D (b) of the Polyxena

Sarcophagus from the Kizldn Tumulus, Gmay, in the
Granicus (mod. Biga) Plain, northwest Turkey. anakkale
Archaeological Museum. Marble. H. 0.80, w. 2.80 and 1.10 m. Circa
500460 BC. Source: C. Brian Rose, reproduced with his kind
permission.
Page 77 of 77
Figure 18. Fragments from a large marble stele found at avuky,

near Daskyleion. Istanbul Archaeological Museum 1502. H. 1.08 m.
4th century BC. Source: DAI Istanbul 68/87.
Figure 19. Relief on a block from a pillar-stele monument found in a

necropolis area around Afirz, Amnias Valley in Paphlagonia,
north Turkey. Kastamonu Museum 438 (2192). Limestone? H. 0.27
m, l. 0.43 m. 5th or 4th century BC. Source: photo by author.
Figures 20 a and b. Drawings of reliefs attributed to an interior

chamber of Building G, one of the heroa on the acropolis of
Xanthos, Lycia, southwest Turkey. British Museum B309 and 310
respectively. Limestone. H. 0.848 m. Circa 460 BC. Source: author,
after photos by author.

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Dining&Death: Interdisciplinary persepctives on the funerary banquet in ancient art, burial and belief

Paper 7, C.M. Draycott

NB. Pre-proof version. Please do not cite. Please only cite

Paper 7, C.M. Draycott

The Totenmahl, or perhaps better monoposiast iconographic

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the Tatarl Tomb in South-Western Phrygia.9 There are a number

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thought, but unfortunately cannot be addressed within the scope

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rocky outcrops in the Phrygian Highlands, where settlement

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underscored by the case of the paintings in the Tatarl Tomb near

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Pasargadae, which is said to have included a rich kline, the main

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Literary sources attest that banqueting was an important feature

Paper 7, C.M. Draycott

stele from Saqqara in Egypt, set up in memory of Djedherbes, a

Paper 7, C.M. Draycott

Paper 7, C.M. Draycott

the abovementioned pillar tomb at Tse (Fig. 7), were made in

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artificial image created to fit limited display spaces.44 A limited

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the Totenmahl is both Western and Persian, rather than either/or.

Paper 7, C.M. Draycott

Paper 7, C.M. Draycott

also pointed to Herodotus tales of human sacrifice still current

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however, this view has been only partially embraced. Some

Paper 7, C.M. Draycott

burial customs, looking for any clues which might prompt

Paper 7, C.M. Draycott

interacting and holding food or vessels, with no sign of any

Paper 7, C.M. Draycott

Paper 7, C.M. Draycott

theron) or Cybele, primarily because of the lions and birds,

Paper 7, C.M. Draycott

Western Anatolia.73 Although it must be stressed that

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2. laqrisak qelak kudkit ist es vn[a]

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7. RTMW ZY KLW WPY TRB H BYTH

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2. to increase on behalf of his brother

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4. may Levs be kindly [to him], and if anyone destroys this

2. ..]es va nais manuka odeketoy meros ke manes is

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3. [W] KN RYBM B WHMR ZYLH

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2. He himself made his stele. I implore you

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to care for the tomb along with imprecations.94 Although this

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members, recalling the Salas Monument, albeit in a slightly

Translation (following Neumann as above):

This (grave was erected by X)

None of these point to particularly eschatological ideas, even if

Paper 7, C.M. Draycott

Paper 7, C.M. Draycott

death in a way that tied in with current Hedonistic or developing