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Oppose Warmongering by
BJP Govt., Foil Communal
Conspiracies of RSS-BJP
Saddled with continuing eruption of mass struggle of the people of Kashmir and rising disaffection of the different strata of the people in the country on the failure of Modi led BJP-RSS Govt. to fulfill its electoral promises, Modi Govt. is trying to unleash war hysteria directed against
neighbouring Pakistan. These efforts have been intensified utilizing the
attack on the Army camp in Uri. The target of this hysteria is not only the
struggle of the people of Kashmir, but peoples struggles throughout the
country which RSS-BJP plan to counter through warmongering. This hysteria is also aimed at deepening communal polarization to shore up support for the Hindutva forces ruling the country. Warmongering by Modi Govt.
and BJP-RSS is aimed at cloaking their communal and fascist designs in
nationalist garb. It is aimed at justifying brutal repression of people's
struggles by the security forces and suppression of all voices in support of
the people's struggles and people's aspirations.
Chest thumping by ruling BJP leaders over the so-called surgical strikes
carried out by Indian Army on the morning of September 29, 2016 have
been publicized for effect. Prime Minister Modi, Defense Minister Parriker
and a host of ministers and BJP & RSS leaders have claimed these to be
proof of the new assertiveness of the BJP Govt. against Pakistan,
abandoning what is being termed as strategic restraint. Since these claims
by the Govt. functionaries, other ruling class politicians have doubted the
veracity of these strikes on the one hand and on the other, Congress and
other erstwhile UPA constituents have claimed that such strikes were carried
out earlier by the UPA Govt. Denial of any such strike by Pakistan, even
carrying a large posse of foreign journalists to the sites claimed to have
been hit in these strikes and the statement of UN Monitoring Mission in
Kashmir that no LoC violation had occurred at the time claimed for the said
surgical strikes, has resulted in confusion further confounded. Moreover,
the claim by Govt. ministers and BJP leaders that this was the first time
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distress, rising unemployment among and declining conditions of these
sections. Tribals and Dalits are being targeted in different parts of the
country. Attacks against these oppressed sections have intensified, their
legitimate rights are being violated and their struggles being suppressed.
While Hindutva groups are attacking Dalits, Govt. and the security forces
are attacking the tribals to evict them from their land, deprive them of their
traditional sources of livelihood and natural habitat. In these attacks the
land issue is at the base. Despite much talk of giving land to Dalits, they
are seldom given possession of the promised land. Their raising this demand
and building struggles on this issue is brutally suppressed by the landlords
and the police. On the other hand, tribals are sought to be evicted from
forests to hand over these mineral rich lands to the MNCs and domestic
corporate. With the bankruptcy of 'Make in India' slogan becoming apparent,
'Plunder India' is coming to the fore.
Not only has agrarian crisis deepened, the industrial sector, particularly
manufacturing, is stagnant, even declining and with these the
unemployment problem has worsened. Govt. has sought to increase the
tax burden on the people in the name of making tax rates uniform through
GST. Overall, people have realized that the jumla of Achhe Din was the
worst hoax perpetrated on them by the corporate media controlled by foreign
and domestic big business. With nearly half the term of Modi Govt.
completed, people are only seeing Bure Din with worse to come. With
peoples dissatisfaction rising, Modi led BJP has to face elections in several
states in the coming months, including in the most populous state of Uttar
Pradesh (UP). The coming elections are playing an important role in the
calculation of RSS-BJP; it is aiming to capture majority in the Rajya Sabha
thereby gaining complete control over the legislative process while it has
already captured the executive power at the Centre by winning a majority
of seats in the Lok Sabha. To this end, RSS-BJP is whipping up communal
passions in the garb of nationalism, trying to portray Pakistan as the enemy
and extrapolating that against the Muslims of the country. In the propaganda
of the Indian ruling classes particularly in that of RSS-BJP, Muslims are
protrayed as sympathetic to Pakistan, as the eternal fifth column of this all
weather enemy. RSS-BJP know very well that all talk of development is
only for fooling the people, their real vote catcher is communal polarization.
Any way all tasks of development are to be left to big capital from imperialist
countries and Indian big business in alliance with them. By dividing the
people on communal basis RSS-BJP serve these classes to pre-empt and
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threat to the democratic rights of the people. The more its reach increases,
the more dangerous its impact becomes. Its aggressive approach has
become a real threat to the democratic rights and interests of the people.
This big media is in fact an instrument of big capital- foreign and domestic
corporate- and works in their interest. Its so-called sensationalism,
frivolousness and sidelining of the real concerns and issues of the people,
all are in the interest of their financers. What is touted as people's right to
know is in fact media barons' right to tell.
Unleashing of this hysteria has international dimensions too. Modi Govt.
has been openly and brazenly aligning itself with the US Admn. and its
strategic interests. Modis likening of the 'strikes' to actions by Zionist
Israeli Govt. only further strengthens the impression of Modis inspiration.
It has been officially admitted that Modi Govt.s National Security Advisor,
Doval, had talked to his counterpart in USA, Susan Rice, before the claimed
strikes. However, given the decline of US imperialism and the multi-polar
nature of todays world with contradictions among imperialist powers rising
and conflicts around the world sharpening, Modi Govt.s alliance with US
imperialism is being viewed with deep suspicion by other powers in the
world. What Modi Govt. intends to gain by aligning closely with US would
be offset by suspicions of other powers. Moreover, in aligning with US
imperialism, Modi Govt. is making India share the burden of a declining
superpower which is intent on fomenting troubles in different parts of the
world. US imperialism, overstretched as it is, would like to pressurize
Pakistan to snap its closer ties with China. However, US imperialism has
enough interests to care for in this part of the world. Modi Govt.'s efforts to
rally other countries of the world against Pakistan, whom Modi termed the
"mothership of terrorism", were rebuffed at the recent BRICS summit where
he was reminded that BRICS was constituted to meet the economic
challenges of the western dominated world. Even on counter-terrorism,
inclusion of terms like 'respect for international law' and 'human rights' was
a clear rebuff to Modi Govt.'s agenda.
CPI(ML)-New Democracy calls upon the people to oppose warmongering
by Modi Govt., support the struggle of Kashmiri people and foil the
communal conspiracies of RSS-BJP. We should mobilize the people and
build a broad-based movement on these issues. The seriousness of the
danger posed by fascist forces led by RSS requires a broad-based and
determined struggle. This challenge must be met by resolute action.
October, 2016
War on Adi
vasis in Teleng
ana
Adiv
elengana
Drive away Adivasi peoples from the forests this has been the aim
of rulers for centuries. The Adivasi people bore the brunt during the 200
year loot and plunder of British imperialists. Their right to exist and live,
their inalienable right to forest resources were sought to be deprived.
The scenario remained the same in the aftermath of transfer of power.
The ruling parties in power at both central and state levels have been
continuing the legacy the horrendous British rule. The attack on the rights
of Adivasi people continues unabated. The current attack assumes special
significance in that it is perpetrated in the name of saving Adivasis and
protecting the forests and the environment. In reality these actions are
meant to further the interests of imperialists, Multi-National Corporations
(MNCs), Corporate and their henchmen. These actions result in severing
the link between Adivasis and the forest. In essence their existence itself
is under the threat. The experience of the last two years rule in Telangana
proves that it is no exception. Even as its deeds reflect the continuation of
the legacy, the new government promises three acres of land for each
Adivasi family. It even proclaims that the land would be cultivable and will
have irrigation facilities. But let us see the reality of these promises on the
ground.
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are few instances from Khammam and Warangal districts.
Bandlagudem is a remote village in the Tekulapally mandal.
Adivasis and other have been cultivating their lands for the past few decades.
They raised maize and cotton this year as they have been doing for years.
Just when they were about to harvest the crop, the officials of forest
department attacked to destroy the crop. This heinous act was carried out
under the aegis of the government orders with the help of police. As the
people resisted the attempts to destroy the crops, they were attacked
indiscriminately. False cases were foisted on 28 people. 11 of them were
women. The village was attacked repeatedly. Even women were not spared
from the attack as the police kicked them brutally. Mamatha, a pregnant
Adivasi woman, was kicked in her abdomen. Easam Narsamma was abused,
beaten black and blue, and was forcibly taken in to police jeep. After taking
her round the village in the jeep, she was detained at Bodu police station.
Yet, people gathered in hundreds and came on to the roads with their
destroyed crops.
Mittapalli is another remote village in the Yellandu mandal. The Adivasis
were cultivating 1200 acres prior to the promulgation of Forest Rights Act.
Some even possess title deeds with them. An attack was made on June
14, 2016 to destroy the crops. The government launched a series of attacks
to drive the people from their lands. Suvarnapaka Bayamma, a woman,
tried to resist. One of police officers assaulted and hit her breasts. People
were angered by his behavior and revolted. False cases were foisted on 29
members and more than half of them are women. Leader of our party
Suvarnapaka Nageswararao was also implicated in the case.
People of Kasturinagar village in Bayyyaram mandal have been 175
acres for the last 40 years. Forest department officials resorted to destruction
of the crops. People protesting the destruction were abused and cases
were filed against them. People have restarted the cultivation defying all
the odds.
People of Kothapeta Dharmapuram have been cultivating 1100 acres
under the leadership of communist revolutionaries. They were even provided
the title deeds for the lands under cultivation. The officials of forest
department are now obstructing the cultivation in these lands.
The police swooped in on the Bhadrutanda
Bhadrutanda, near Komararam of Yellandu
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forcibly. Hundreds of people resisted the attack on R.C.Pet village for 3
days. They questioned the DFO valiantly.
Vuyyoor village the officials tried plant saplings in the agricultural lands of
Adivasis.
Komararam
Komararamabout 1200 acres is being cultivated by 670 Adivasi families
and 30 families belonging to backward classes. These families were
cultivating the lands since before year 2005. The lands fall under 10 villages
and their livelihood is dependent on farming. Now the forest department
officials are scheming to dispossess them from their lands with the help of
police. The people have been resisting to hold on their lands.
The government officials are trying to drive away Adivasi people from
the lands they have been cultivating in the villages of Kachanapalli,
Mamakannu, Batannanagar, Muttapur and Allapalli in Gundala mandal.
The people remain unyielding.
Crops were destroyed in Yerraguntapadu village, Bhadrachalam area.
This was again done to drive Adivasis away from the lands they attained
through their struggle 40 years ago.
In another attempt, the officials tried to convert the lands cultivated by
Adivasis and rural poor in to plantations in Matcharla and Teegalaveg
Teegalavegi
villages of Gudur mandal in Warangal district. These attempts were foiled
by the people.
The officials sought to fill up irrigation wells and seal them with the help
of Poclian machinery in Komatlagudem, Yellapuram and Katinagar
Kothaguda mandal.
Five villages inhabited by Adivasis of Gotti Koya community in
Mulugumandal of Warangal district were gutted. Some houses were
demolished with the help of machinery.
Adivasis of Lingala village Tadvayi mandal are being forced to part
with the lands they have been cultivating. Inspired by the struggles of
neighbouring villages, the people have started to fight back.
The forest department officials are digging trenches around the Adivasi
villages and are threatening the people not to cross those for cultivation. In
October, 2016
Meeting in Komararam
The meeting in Komararam village turned in to a tug of war between the
officials and the people. As the people are being denied all democratic
rights, the police refused permission to public meetings. The people decided
to display their resolve to defy through a meeting in Komararam. A rally
with 370 motor cycles was conducted in the area to express solidarity and
sustain the morale of the people. A protest meeting was organised in front
of Telangana Bhavan in New Delhi by the party. Protest was in the air.
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Teams from organizations of women, peasant and agricultural labourers,
students and youth, and organizations for democratic rights, political parties
toured the agency area and expressed their solidarity to the fighting people.
They condemned the repression unleashed by the government on the
people. The party stood firmly with the people. The people are refusing to
budge as they are steeled in the forty years of struggles for the rights of
Adivasis, dalits and other rural poor. The struggle is supported by the people
in the plains and urban areas.
The government feels that disposing Adivasis from their lands would
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13
Hindu Rashtra
Not all Hindu majority communalism is Hindutva. The Congress in India
practices a soft brand of majority communalism. It includes allowing attacks
on minorities especially Muslims. But it also involves taking along minorities
as an electoral base showing the fear of the hard variety or Hindutva or
Hindu nationalist forces out to form a Hindu Rashtra.. The RSS BJP Central
Govt. is the coming to parliamentary power of the latter forces. In
considering the effect on women, the penetration and even hold of these
forces in all other wings of the Indian state- the judiciary including its highest
levels, the armed wings and police and in the bureaucracy- must be kept in
perspective.
The concept of Hindu Rashtra has more to it than simply the dominance
of Hindus who anyway are an overwhelming four fifth of the population. It is
a concept which treats all minorities- especially Muslims as enemies
(and also considers that the Dalits are not meant to be considered as humans
at all). Thus, its characteristic is that it keeps its followers busy targeting
internal enemies, while foreign colonial powers earlier and imperialists now
are to be befriended. Thus, it is a very useful tool for ruling classes of India
to distract peoples anger against the pro imperialist policies on which all
parliamentary parties are one.
The first clear conception of this concept of Hindu Rashtra was given
by Bankim Chandra Chatterjee in his novel Anand Math. This was written
in the second half of the nineteenth century after the defeat of the first war
for Indias independence in 1857. This war was a shining example of Hindu
Muslim unity and as the British themselves acknowledged, almost
succeeded in uprooting them from India had it not been for the collaborator
Indian feudal kings e.g. the Raja of Scindia , whose help the Governor
General of that time gratefully mentioned.
Anandmath is historically placed in the Santhan or Sanyasi rebellion in
the late 18th century which occurred in North Bengal. The novel has two
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distinct features- admiration for the British and hatred for the Muslims.
Bankim wrote about the Santan rebels in the novel that they would go to
the villages and ask if people wanted to worship Vishnu. When the crowd
collected they would torch the houses of the muslims..the Santhans
would plunder all their assets and distribute the spoils to the new converts.
In the last paras of the book, it is stated Our mission has come to an end
to which the protagonist states that Yes, the Mussalman rule has come to
an end but the power of the Hindu is not yet established. To this he is
given various reassurances. There is no hope of a revival of the True
Faith if the English be not our rulers It is then explained that the True Faith
has a subjective part and an objective one. While we know the subjective
part of the True Faith it is the English who know the objective partThe
English are great in objective sciences and they are apt as teachers. The
protagonist is reassured, Your mission has been fulfilled. You have done
good to your mother and established the English Rule. In the course of the
book, the mother is identified as the country and is shown in three formsall forms of Hindu goddesses. It was in praise of this mother that the
Vande Mataram was written. It would be relevant to know a little bit about
the author, Bankim Chandra. He was appointed directly to the post of Deputy
Magistrate in 1858 by the then British Lt Governor of West Bengal, becoming
the first Indian to be given such a post after the War of 1857. When he
retired in 1891 as DM, he was given the titles of Rai Bahadur and CIE by
the British crown.
The RSS was established in 1925, conceived as a militant wing of Hindu
Nationalism. The Hindutva forces conceptualize the establishment of a
Hindu rashtra, which in essence is upper caste patriarchal, chauvinist rule.
The RSS has several organizations including its electoral wing, the BJP.
British colonialism was looked on by it as a liberator from Muslim rule.
Similarly, Imperialism is not among its targets in semi colonial India which
is groaning under imperialist loot. Another notable feature is that these
forces were patronized by the feudal kings who were supporters of colonial
rule. Hindutva forces glorify feudal Hindu kings and use several of them as
their symbols even now. As will be detailed later, their vision of Bharat
Mata is also picturized on these lines.
The Manusmriti
The Hindutva attitude to women is defined essentially by the Hindu
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If a Brahmin marries a Shudra woman, he will be thrown out of his caste
and so also will his children.
Verse 5/150 specifies that women (a female child, a young woman and
old women too) may not work independently even at their place of residence.
Verses specify that a womans main role is to obey/worship her husband
and do his bidding alone even if he is a pervert, is immoral and has no good
qualities. If a woman is proud of her family and antecedents and does not
honour her husband the King should have her thrown to the dogs. Women
cannot be independent, and must be in the custody of their fathers as
children, in the husbands when married and in that of sons when widowed.(5/
151 and also9/3)Women also do not have the right to perform religious
rituals, nor take religious vows nor observe fasts.(5/158). Another wonderful
specification (9/80) says that a barren wife can be superseded in the 8th
year, one whose children die in the 10th year, one who has only daughters
in the 11th year but a quarrelsome wife can be superseded without delay.
Thus the role of upper caste women is clearly to be confined to the
domestic sphere and totally subservient there too to the men in the
household. Given the Manu Smritis view about womens nature, this would
be of predominant necessity to curb womens freedom in order to ensure
absolute purity of the caste line and prevent it being sullied by Dalit lines.
For Dalit women, of course, it is implied that the only role expected is of
absolute subservience to the upper castes. The importance of listing so
much detail about the Manu Smriti also lies in the fact that under the current
RSS BJP Govt. this ancient dogma for bigoted Hindu upper castes has
been elevated to a symbol of nationalism.
In order to fully understand the logic of certain issues concerning women
in various aspects which are being stridently raised under the RSS BJP
Govt., it is necessary to dwell on other aspects of the Hindutva outlook.
The Hindutva forces had nothing to do with the anti colonial struggle of the
Indian people; rather, as mentioned, they looked on the British as the force
which liberated India from Muslim rule. The RSS particularly, uses the
terms nationalism and patriotism to defend an upper caste, patriarchal,
chauvinist viewpoint and to completely break in public perception the actual
relation of these terms to the concrete anti imperialist task of the people of
India in this semi colonial country. Thus its invocations of nationalism are
to cover up the desperate pro imperialist drive of its Govts. It is important
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railways). Chanting the name of Bharat Mata, the BJP Govt. beseeches
foreign capital to make in India and repatriate profits while employing
women workers also in low paid contractual jobs with no implementation of
statutory laws like ESI and PF both of which empower women, and without
equal pay for equal work. BJPs policies displace Adivasi women from
forests and women peasants from land, to hand over land and resources
to corporate. The Bharat Mata invoked by RSS BJP seems to have
absolutely no objection to exploitation, humiliation and repression of Dalit
women or women of the minorities. Obviously, the thought of her also
does not hamper their identifying with caste panchayats and khap
panchayats who order killings of upper caste girls for exercising choice in
marriage, their opinion that upper caste educated women must adhere to
family ordained caste directives absolutely in marriage, that young girls
should not be given cell phones, that unmarried upper caste girls should
be beaten and dragged by the hair by Sita and Durga brigades for going out
with male friends, wearing nontraditional dresses or having a Muslim or
Dalit companion, that Satis could be facilitated but worshipped definitely.
The issue for the womens movements to seriously ponder and also to
take to the masses of Indias women is the irony. Calls to worship Bharat
Mata and to hail her are to coexist with the rule of a patriarchal order
supported by the framework of semi feudal India. The exploitation of the
bodies quite apart from the labour of dalit women by upper castes,
patriarchal casteist codes for bahu -betis, khap panchayat ordained killings,
sexual harassment by power centres at work place, feudal cultural
practices, female foeticide and infanticide, sati worship, flourishing of
anaemia in nearly 50% women, legalizing of surrogacy, all go along with
demanding public hailing of Bharat Mata.
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and communalization of society is done away with, i.e. a new democratic
society.
21
On the issue of Love Jihad it should be recounted that the Nazis too
would not let any aryan woman cohabit with Jews or others in order to
protect the Aryan race. But the more desperate problem of the patriarchal
Hindutva forces is the issue of bahu beti izzat. This term has to be seen
with what is happening in India especially rural North India. The crisis in
Indian agriculture is also increasing the demand for educated working girls
for marriages. Girls go to school in tremendously increasing number, not
just for better marriages but for careers, for higher education and jobs.
Women are preferred in jobs as they are more sincere, less likely to organize
and willing to work for lesser pay than they deserve or which is their right.
They are coming to small towns and even living in larger cities in hostels,
in rented accommodation in groups, in order to acquire higher education
and skills for jobs and also to do these jobs in the bigger cities and in
metros. Simultaneously has come an explosion in communications primarily
the mobile phones and internet. This has made it much simpler for youth to
develop contacts and maintain communications overcoming several barriers
that the patriarchal norms impose including also barriers of caste and religion.
This also is a period marked with changes in the expectations of girls and
young women, to their exposure to different types of people, to different
cities, and their increasing assertiveness about the kind of future they want,
the sort of life they wish to lead and importantly, their choices in marriage.
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th
Surrogacy
Now comes the latest concrete example of what RSS BJP is willing to
do with Bharats matas. The Central Govt. plans to enact a Surrogacy law
which says that surrogacy for commercial reasons will be prohibited but
can be done within the family for no monetary consideration other than
what is needed to care for the surrogate pregnancy. Now see what the
patriarchal Govt. is going to inflict on women in India. Who does not know
how easy it is to prove anyone and everyone to be family in India. Why,
one can go through all levels of high powered Authorization Committees of
top hospitals in the metros of Delhi and Mumbai to get a strangers kidney
in the name of family donation, so why not a surrogate baby? Second and
equally important, are relations within the family such that a womans opinion
would count? Within the patriarchal Indian family, this sort of license will
ensure all sorts of pressures on women. Obviously the Govt. is aware of
these loopholes and that is why the law has been framed thus- to confuse
those opposing surrogacy while indicating to interested parties that it would
be business as usual; even better maybe, because the surrogate would
not even be able to fix monetary issues for fear of being exposed.
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Conclusion
Some of the aspects of the understanding of Hindutva forces which
have a bearing on the status of women and on their hard won rights have
been delineated in this booklet. It is reiterated that the issue is not just the
feudal patriarchal understanding of women as a secondary sex. That
understanding is the prevalent understanding of our society, and percolates
the functioning of all Govts. of all parliamentary parties and also of all
wings of the state i.e. the police, the judiciary, the bureaucracy. The semi
feudal semi colonial structure of Indias society provides the basis for this
and abolishing of this alone can provide a framework of equality for women
by abolishing the basis of male domination and which will allow the struggle
for elimination of patriarchal values and attitudes to be waged at a new
level. Therefore all the aspects of womens oppression and exploitation
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are not the subject here and also have not been touched upon apart from
being indicated as a background.
This booklet has focused on the special issues which have come into
ascendancy for women as a result of the BJP RSS Govt. coming to power
alone in the central Govt. for the first time in India. As has been stated,
Hindutva is essentially an upper caste, patriarchal chauvinism which sub
serves imperialism also by dividing the people including women on
communal and caste lines thereby derailing peoples movements on their
common democratic issues. In line with its understanding it pushes an
absolutely feudal and casteist agenda for women. Thus their Govt. does
not focus on the real issues confronting the vast majority of women and
also seeks to dissipate the struggles on the real issues facing the womens
movement. The modus operandi includes having militant and/or armed
groups backed by compliant police to enforce their agenda, eg. vigilante
groups of gau rakshaks attacking Muslims and Dalits, vigilante sita and
durga senas enforcing patriarchal codes for women, etc. It is essential to
remember that Hindutva forces have significant penetration in judiciary
and officialdom. Thus, while developing the struggles of women against
pro imperialist, anti women policies and against patriarchal values, the
womens movement must also expose and fight the divisive, patriarchal
designs of the casteist, communal and pro imperialist Hindutva forces.
The R
ele
vance of the
Rele
elev
Gr
ea
oletarian Cultur
al
Grea
eatt Pr
Proletarian
Cultural
Revolution in the Light of
China and R
ussia
Russia
becoming Capitalist
Pao-yu Ching
On May 16 1966 the Chinese Communist Party under the leadership of
Chairman Mao Zedong launched the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.
We are gathering here today to celebrate this historical event. Why are we
celebrating the launching of the Cultural Revolution half a century later?
The reason is, of course, the Cultural Revolution is as relevant today as it
was in 1966.
First of all, if it had not been for the Cultural Revolution, Liu Shaoqi and
Deng Xiaoping would have been able to carry out their capitalist development
a decade earlier. The Cultural Revolution blocked the capitalist roaders
from carrying out their plan, so it provided ten additional years to develop
socialism and demonstrate its superiority. Chinas socialist construction
from 1956 to 1976, a period of merely 20 years, showed us that socialism
was not just an abstract concept, but a shining example of what could be
accomplished when the proletarian class was in charge.
Before the Cultural Revolution was launched in 1966 the Revisionists in
China were gathering strength to attack socialism on all fronts. They
furiously attacked the Great Leap Forward and the formation of the Peoples
Communes. After the Communes were established in 1958, they employed
many different strategies to sabotage Chinas collectivized agriculture
including schemes such as the Three-self and One contract campaign,
designed to use profit motive to encourage peasants to leave the Commune.
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In the industrial sector, after public ownership was established in 1956, the
Revisionists worked relentlessly to dissolve the workers permanent
employment system in industrial enterprises and used various material
incentives including the piece wage rates to divide workers. They argued
that the permanent employment system prevented industrial enterprises
from recruiting workers from the countryside to keep wages low and profits
high. The Revisionists also encouraged individual enterprises to impose
rigid work rules to increase labor intensity in order to raise labor productivity
and profits.
In hindsight we can understand more clearly how the Revisionists
strategized to subvert socialist construction. The Peoples Republic of China
won the revolution against feudal landlords, foreign capitalists, and
compradors by building a close alliance between workers and peasants.
The socialist construction could only succeed by consolidating the workerpeasant alliance on a new material basis. The ownership by the whole
people in the industrial sector and the collective ownership of agriculture
provided the necessary conditions for this new material basis. However,
the Revisionists tried at every turn to prevent this alliance from being
consolidated.
Before the Cultural Revolution, there were fierce struggles between the
socialist line and the capitalist line within the Communist Party but most
people in China were not aware of it. After Liberation the attitude of workers
and peasants toward the Communist Party was generally one of
overwhelming gratitude. They were grateful to the Communist Party for
leading them to their liberation from oppression, exploitation, and suffering.
The peasants were grateful for the significant improvements in their standard
of living, including better diet, healthcare, and education. Workers were
grateful for the rights and benefits they received including job security,
decent housing, healthcare, education, and a secure retirement. However,
workers and peasants were not aware that what seemed to be the
endowment of the Party could be easily taken away, and that they had to
engage in struggle to protect them. Mao Zedong saw that the only way for
the revolutionary line to win was to expose the Revisionists and to mobilize
the masses to struggle against them.
The Cultural Revolution successfully exposed the Revisionists plan;
the masses learned how Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping attempted to carry
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Maos education reform. This reform fundamentally changed the rules of
selecting who could receive higher education. During Chinas 3000 years
under feudalism, education was reserved for the privileged few. These elites,
whose education was supported by the surpluses produced by the working
people then used their education to rule the working people. Actually this
has always been true in all societies divided by class. Education reform
during the Cultural Revolution turned this system upside down for the first
time in Chinese history and in the history of the world. The education reform
instituted a new system of selecting workers, peasants and revolutionary
soldiers for higher education by their co-workers. The State paid for their
education and living expenses and a monthly stipend while they were in
school. Upon graduation they went back to work in the same factory or
collective. The Reform also revolutionized the content of college courses
and with much more emphasis on practice. Students learned science and
technology as well as Marxism, Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought in order
to change the material world and to transform themselves with the goal of
serving the people. From this new education system sprouted a new
generation of integrated working class intellectuals ready to take leadership
in running the Worker State. The new education system that emerged from
the Cultural Revolution demonstrated concretely how the next generation
of proletarian leadership could be trained and cultivated to continue the
revolution.
Another breakthrough was the practice of the broadest and most
comprehensive democracy. Democracy was something completely alien
in China because of its long history of feudalism. The ordinary people had
to pledge their absolute loyalty and obedience toward the emperor and to
all his officials. During the Revolutionary War, democracy was practiced to
a limited extent in the revolutionary bases; people were encouraged to
speak their mind and made suggestions and posed criticisms to the
revolutionary leaders. Cadres also engaged in the practice of criticism and
self-criticism. The revolution succeeded because peasants and workers
trusted the Communist Party and recognized that Party leaders were
qualitatively different from past rulers. After Liberation all major changes in
China were made by first mobilizing the masses: from the mass movement
to end the feudal land tenure, to the Anti-graft and Anti-rightist Movements,
to the campaign to eliminate pests and diseases, and to the Great Leap
Forward, launched to establish the Peoples Communes and industrialize
Chinas countryside. Then in 1966 the launch of the Cultural Revolution
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socialist China were literally thrown out onto the streets with barely enough
income to survive and without any medical insurance. When I visited the
workers districts in a major Northeast city, I saw stores, kindergartens,
barbershops, and bathhouses all closed down. Former State factory workers
lined the streets and trying to sell their labour to do odd jobs.
Dengs Reform has two main components: capitalist reform in China
and linking China to the world capitalist system. As the new regime dissolved
the public ownership of the means of production, it moved to open up Chinas
economy to foreign capital. It used low taxes, low wages, generous
subsidies, and lax labour and environmental laws to attract foreign capital.
Foreign capital investing in China has had two goals: the first is to occupy
the Chinese market and the second is to take advantage of Chinas cheap
labour, cheap resources, and the freedom to pollute. American, European
and Japanese multinationals first formed joint ventures with Chinese
companies but eventually 70% of them became 100% foreign owned. Most
of the Fortune 500 companies set up shop in China. According to one
report, of the 28 Chinese industries that are open to foreign investment, 21
have fallen under foreign control. (Economic News , June 4, 2005) Among
the foreign-controlled industries include pharmaceutical, automobile, soft
drink, beer, bicycle, elevator, cement, glass, rubber and tire, agricultural
machinery, agricultural processing, retail, and delivery service. In the
process, many of formerly well-known Chinese brands have disappeared
from the market.
Another major way to take advantage of Chinas cheap labour has been
for the multinationals to hugely expand processing production in China.
Capitalists from Taiwan and Hong Kong set up processing firms first in
Shenzhen and other Southern coastal cities later they moved into Chinas
interior. These firms do processing work for the multinationals and the
range of products has expanded from clothing, shoes, toys, furniture, and
household items to electronics, such as computers, printers, iPhones and
tablets. Chinas Capitalist Opening Up Reform came at almost exactly
the same time as global monopoly capitals new strategy of imperialist
globalization to restructure the world economy. Global monopoly capital
expanded its domination over production and distribution by forcibly opening
all national borders. International trade and financial organizations, such
as GATT (later the WTO), the IMF and the World Bank helped to rewrite
and enforce new trading and investment laws. These changes enabled global
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on a per capita basis Chinas access to fresh water is merely 25% of the
worlds average. Industrial water use has deprived people adequate water
supply. Currently, 400 out of 600 major cities in China do not have adequate
water for their residents. China is depleting its underground water so rapidly
that is causing the desertification to advance at the rate of 2,000 square
kilometers a year. 1
On top of rapid depletion of Chinas limited resources, Chinas
environment has been damaged to the point of almost no return. 80% of
Chinas rivers are severely polluted. In many major Chinese cities where
the air is so heavily polluted, particles smaller than 2.5 microns (PM2.5),
the most toxic smog, reached 40 times the maximum level allowed by the
World Health Organization. The effects of these and other conditions have
resulted premature death of cancer and other diseases.2 A large part of
Chinas resource depletion and pollution can be traced back to its
manufacturing for exports, because in 2011 Chinese people only consumed
35% of Chinas GDP. (APCO Worldwide, http://www.apcoworldwide.com/
content/PDFs/npc_briefing_2011.pdf)
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and allowing the destruction of thousands of hectares of precious forests
of the country. After the beginning of NEP this process has been accelerated
and many dense natural forests and biodiversities were handed over to
different corporate houses. In their idea this destruction of the forests can
be compensated by the compensatory afforestation drive. But it is not
true. There is no way to compensate for the destruction of a natural forest.
We have reverted to the colonial view of seeing forests as a resource to
be exploited and then compensated merely by planting trees. That is a
lesson that ought to have been learnt long before we in India began
discussing the idea of compensatory afforestation. From the beginning,
the concept was fraught because it was premised on the belief that if you
replace one hectare of dense foliage with another hectare planted with
trees, you have compensated for the loss of a forest. That a natural forest
is much more than the trees it hosts, that it is a repository of biodiversity,
that it plays a crucial role in replenishing underground water aquifiers, that
it is now recognised as a vital carbon sink for greenhouse gases and that
above all it has been the home for millions of forest dwellers, is still not
appreciated by those who make policies to compensate for the loss of
these natural forests.
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communities. That the fund has grown from Rs 1200 crore to about Rs
40,000 crore in the past decade is a measure of the scale of forest
destruction underway in the country. It is also a grim indicator of whose
resource base is getting destroyed in this process, with little or no
compensation.
Third, it ensures that grassroot conflicts persist, as Forest Departments
will use the vast additional resources at their command to stymie the FRA,
and the spaces it creates for empowerment and participation for rural
citizens.
Fourth, it will lead to ecologically counter-productive outcomes as
perverse incentives are created for the bureaucracy to spend money on
afforestation, by cutting natural forests or creating ghost plantations. The
environment ministry has itself noted instances, some times as large as
over 1000 hectares, where land identified for compensatory afforestation
by local forest officials is found, when checked, to be already having very
dense forest vegetation.
The funds are earmarked for afforestation, wildlife protection and to
regenerate degraded forests. Although CAMPA disbursed funds to different
states, a Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) report in 2013 revealed
that only 61% of the released funds had been used. In fact, the CAG report
was quite damning. It stated: We noticed serious shortcomings in regulatory
issues related to diversion of forest land, the abject failure to promote
compensatory afforestation, the unauthorised diversion of forest land in
the case of mining and the attendant violation of the environmental regime
Numerous instances of unauthorised renewal of leases, illegal mining,
continuance of mining leases despite adverse comments in the monitoring
reports, projects operating without environmental clearances, unauthorised
change of status of forest land and arbitrariness in decisions of forestry
clearances were observed.
The biggest question with regard to the CAMPA fund is where would the
plantation be done? As per the 1980 Forest Conservation Act, if one acre
of forest land is diverted to non-forest use, the same amount of revenue
land needs to be notified as protected forest and plantation has to be done
over there, and the plantation area would be doubled if it is done on a
degraded forest land. In this context, it is argued that it would not be so
easy for the State governments to take up plantation using CAMPA fund.
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and IFR titles have been issued haphazardly. Many states governments
have used FRA as a land distribution schemes, IFR claims over reserve
forest, Podu land were discouraged and were not considered. In the Yellendu
area of Khammam district of Telengana state, inspite of applying for years,
forest right titles were not issued and with the help of armed police standing
crops on those lands were destroyed by using tractors in the name of
afforestation drive. As said earlier, despite many decades of occupation
over forest land, IFR claims of the other non tribal forest dwellers (OTFD)
have been discouraged and denied. The real authority, the Gram Sabha,
was looked down upon by government officials and their power to verify
IFR claims, approve IFR claims and to take independent resolution were
usurped.
Besides, while forest land is available in all most all revenue villages of
States and whoever is occupying that land before 31st December 2005 is
eligible to get IFR rights over that land, in almost all states, FRA
implementation, to whatever extent, has been limited to forest and tribal
concentrated villages only, depriving large number of eligible claimants in
different villages inhabited for even 300 to 500 years.
Since no constitutional provisions/laws other than Panchayats
(Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act (PESA), 1996 and FRA 2006 could
respect and recognise the Gram Sabha as authority of its resources before,
Gram Sabha could not manage and regulate and control these common/
community lands. As a result most of the community lands were encroached
upon/occupied by individuals in villages without any fear. As a result the
same situation prevails over revenue common lands mostly recorded as
government land in revenue villages.
And leaving some exceptional cases, the 'encroachers' of revenue land
who are marginal land holders are legally landless and are eligible to get
that land regularized. However, despite the fact that some of the so called
government land is under possession of the eligible landless, the authority
for notification of those revenue lands as protected forest against forest
land diverted for non-forest purposes under 1980s Forest Conservation Act,
is vested in the District Collector. Under the laws there is no scope for the
landless encroachers to establish right over that the patch of land which
they have occupied for generations, nor is there any role of the Gram Sabha,
which is the real authority over that common land in Schedule 5th areas.
Thus, there are serious lacunae in the process of notifying revenue land as
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Conclusion
The CFR areas shown in the Report against different States is too
confusing. As per the estimation of Rights Resource Initiative (an
international agency working on indigenous rights over natural resources),
as per FRA, 2006, in India about 1,77,000 villages have established rights
over at least 4 million hectares of forest land by April 2016 lands, which is
only 10% of 40 million hectares. Across the States, the Forest Department
has been accused of not cooperating with Gram Sabhas in getting community
rights over forests, rather the Forest Department has been an obstruction
in the way of CFR recognition.
In many places, Gram Sabhas have started using FRA and asserting
their community rights over their CFR area and forming Forest Protection
and Management Committee (FP&MC) dissolving VSS. Using FRA,
communities have taking control over forests and are also planning on
their own to protect and manage their CFR area, demanding funds from
different departments to develop their CFR area.
After the FRA, 2006, forest land has been redefined, and the forest
areas which any community of people have been depending on and
protecting for generations, have been renamed as CFR over which the
community people have exclusive rights and the Forest Department has
no rights over it. But despite the provision of FRA, 2006 the Forest
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Dalits in Sangrur district of Punjab have been fighting for their share of
Panchayat land since 2014. They have been able to get their share of land
in many villages and are cultivating in many places in co operative form.
This year, Dalits in 44 villages started struggle on this issue. After a pitched
struggle, braving police lathis and jail and all sorts of state repression,
Dalits of nearly forty villages succeeded in getting land. In three villages
i.e. Jhanerhi, Kalaudi and Jalhoor, the struggle did not succeed .In Kalaudi
the matter is in the Court but in Jhanerhi the landlord is a goonda and a
henchman of the local MLA. In Jalhoor, the landlords mobilized along caste
lines. The Dalits continued the struggle and took to symbolic harvesting in
Jalhoor. The landlords attacked their houses and injured some men and
women. Police, instead of arresting the landlords, filed cases against the
Dalits. Zameen Prapti Sangharsh Committee held a Dharna on October 5th,
2016 at Lehragaga in front of the SDM office .Even during the Dharna, the
landlords and their goons threatened the people and made a public
announcement in the village that the Dalits would be taught a lesson when
they returned from the Dharna. ZPSC leaders and leaders of fraternal
organizations who were present at the Dharna brought this to the notice of
the Tehsildar, who came to receive the memorandum in place of the SDM.
He assured full protection, but when the Dalits reached the village along
with the leaders and people from other villages, the landlords, who had
mobilized the upper castes, started attacking them. Houses of leaders and
activists were selectively attacked. Old and young, men and women, were
cruelly beaten and attacked with sharp edged weapons. More than 50 people
were severely injured, houses were ransacked and plundered. Police
remained silent spectators, thus helping the landlords in executing this
carnage. In the name of rescuing people from outside the village, such
people were asked to come out. The men were arrested and women were
left in the open, vulnerable to attack. Those injured who had been admitted
to the Civil hospital were arrested, while some managed to leave the hospital
stealthily. Though more than fifty Dalits were injured but none is in hospital
except the mother of Balwinder Singh, Dist. committee member of ZPSC,
who is unable to move and is in a serious condition. Sixty eight people,
including those from outside the village as well as activists and leaders of
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denied a felicitation for the throne by Bramhins as they held him to belong
to the Kunbi caste and hence a non-Kshatriya.
Land owning Marathas among the peasant sections, those belonging to
small and middle peasants, have suffered a major economic crisis on
account of the drought like situation in the last couple of years. This
prompted them to commit suicides in a big way. The numbers from the
Maratha community are highest among the suicide cases in the state.
Exploitative pricing policies of the agricultural produce, policy of relying on
imports rather than encouraging the market for the local produce, lack of
irrigation facilities, power cuts, high costs of inputs etc. is making agriculture
non viable as a livelihood option. In these conditions, the Maratha youth
sees no future in agriculture and is seeking employment opportunities in
the cities. In such a situation the elite Marathas do not encourage the
youth to fight for the betterment of agriculture. When the Maratha youth
seeks seats in institutes of education or employment in Government jobs,
they feel discriminated on account of the present reservation policy. On
the other hand, high fees in private professional institutions are placing a
lot of burden on these peasant families and lack of jobs after such training
further places economic burden on them.
Even if Marathas are given reservation as per their demand, it can hardly
improve their employment situation. The Employment figure for government
related jobs has shrunk to slightly less than half the number in the last few
years. As such reservation becomes irrelevant for better prospects.
Educational institutions are also privatized in a big way and as such
reservation in admissions too does not better their chance for higher
education. It has been a widely held social belief among the peasantry
that, in the order of hierarchy, agriculture ranks first as a livelihood option,
next at the medium level is trade and lowest ranking is employment. These
sentiments are conveniently sidelined by the initiators of the current agitation
for reservation. The youth is not encouraged to fight for saving agriculture
from its plight today. Instead urban life and employment for livelihood is
projected as the alternative to survive the agricultural distress.
Maratha community has a sizable share of 32% in the population of
Maharashtra. It has been traditionally powerful in economy as well as politics
of Maharashtra. In both these fields they have become comparatively weaker
in the recent times. The Marathas have an unparalleled social clout at the
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Kopardi event gave a vent to these frustrations among the Marathas.
It all started with the condemnable rape of a Maratha school girl by
some alleged Dalit goondas in a Taluk called Kopardi in Maharashtra. The
success of the Marathi film Sairat had hurt the sentiments of the sectarian
sections of Marathas. In this film Marathas are shown to be wielding power
in a criminal manner against an inter-caste marriage of a Maratha girl with
a Dalit boy. The Maratha family of the girl is shown in a negative light and
the Maratha leader from the family is shown as a villain in the film. The
incident of rape of a Maratha girl by certain Dalits thus provided an
opportunity for the Maratha elite to hit back at Dalits and claim a moral
high ground.
An ex-employee of a multinational company and an electrical engineer
by name Sanjay Patil took initiative to register the names of the accused
in the police station on the very next day of the incident. The day after that
he gave a call for a Kopardi Bandh. He is one of the important leaders of
the movement. A certain Bhaiyyu Maharaj generally in close relation with
the Maratha elites was another person who visited Kopardi after the incident.
As the image of any existing political Maratha stalwart is not very credible,
such non party faces are more acceptable to the Maratha community at
large. Seeing the response to the initiative taken at Kopardi a Bandh call
was given in Aurangabad city of Maharashtra. The response to this second
call was tremendous. It was a kind of spontaneous response. After that
various cities took initiatives for such rallies. There is no doubt that Kopardi
was only a trigger point and the rape of the a Maratha girl became an
incident of challenge to the Maratha pride and a demand was made to
amend the SCs & STs (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. The issue of
unemployment was subsequently added to the agenda to attract the
unemployed youth from the community. Reservation was then projected
as a solution to this malady of unemployment. Seeing the rising spontaneous
response and mobilization of Marathas on these demands, Maratha leaders
across the party lines have jumped into the fray.
The non-political puritanism craftily exhibited during various marches
in the state are hypocritical at the best. Without the active participation
and support of the Maratha stalwarts from the sugar cooperative, financial
institutions and educational institutions and without the mobilization and
support from political leaders across party lines, the huge mobilizations
would not be possible. At present Maratha lobby is deprived of the CMs
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in Maharashtra is that nobody is raising even a whimper about the
cancellation of 5% reservation for Muslims which was declared through an
ordinance of the previous UPA government in the state and which was
allowed to lapse by the present Government.
The Maratha youth should concentrate on a struggle for equitable
distribution of land, water resources, fair price for the produce etc. They
should take up cudgels against the penetration of Multinationals. Maratha
youth should fight against the growing urbanization of rural areas at the
cost of agriculture. It is very important for the right thinking Maratha
community to grow out of their caste shell. They should not fall prey to the
machinations of the elite political Maratha class. It is absolutely necessary
that Maratha oppressed community should make common cause with the
other sections of peasantry and wage a consistent struggle against the
outdated patriarchal, communal and casteist tendencies within their own
community. Without shaking off the elites from the leadership positions
and without joining forces with the country wide class struggle, the actual
kranti would remain a distant dream for them.
CPI(ML) Or
g ans
Org
New Democracy
Pratirodh Ka Swar
Voice of New Democracy
New Democracy Bulletin
Biplabi Ganaline
Inquilabi Sada Rah
Lok Yudh
Sangrami Ekta
October, 2016
English
Hindi
Telugu
(Telengana)
Telugu
(Andhra Pradesh)
Bengali
Punjabi
Marathi
Oriya
53
Man
uf
acturing Truth : The w
ay
Manuf
ufacturing
wa
Imperialists combated Chinese
Revolution & GPCR
Amit Chakraborty
On 1st October, 1949 Com. Mao Ze Dong proclaimed the creation of the
People's Republic of China and declared liberation of one fourth of mankind.
Eight months to this great victory in February 1949, Com. Mao had his
maiden appearance in the Time magazine with the headline Communist
boss learned tyranny as a boy. The western world campaigned for Chiang
Kai Shek as the representative of Chinese nationalism and Mao was
completely ignored. The pioneering writing of Edgar Snow Red Star over
China in 1937 introduced Mao Ze Dong to a wider circle in the western
world. The famous western journalists, authors and economists like Jack
Belden, Theodore White, Rewi Alley, Felix Greene, Jan Myrdal, Joan
Robinson, John Gurley, William Hinton and Dr Josua Horn have given
accounts of the Chinese revolution and its leaders in a positive way.
John Gurley of Stanford was so much influenced by the Chinese
revolution that he changed his world outlook. In 1976 Gurley wrote : "The
basic overriding economic fact about China is that for twenty years it has
fed, clothed and housed everyone, has kept them healthy and has educated
most. Millions have not starved, sidewalks and streets have not been
covered with multitudes of sleeping, begging, hungry and illiterate human
beings; millions are not disease-ridden. To find such deplorable conditions,
one does not look into China these days but rather to India, Pakistan, and
almost anywhere in the underdeveloped world."
The first World Bank report on China in 1980-81 states : "Nonetheless,
and despite slow growth of the average level of consumption, Chinas
most remarkable achievement during the past three decades has been to
make low income groups far better off in terms of basic needs than their
counterparts in most of the poor countries. They all have work; their food
supply is guaranteed through a mixture of state rationing and collective
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self insurance; most of their children are not only at school but being
comparatively well taught; and the great majority have access to basic
health care and family planning services. Life expectancy - whose
dependence on other economic & social variables makes it probably the
best single indicator of the extent of real poverty in a country - is
outstandingly high for a country at Chinas per capita income level."
These achievements of Chinese revolution led Fox Butterfield to write
an obituary on Mao in New York Times mentioning 'Mao Tse-tung, who
began as an obscure peasant, died one of historys great revolutionary
figures.
But after 1980s these assessments from western capitalist world have
vanished. It is very interesting to note that from this period the capitalist
world has organized two pronged attacks against socialist China, one against
Great Leap Forward (GLF) and the other against Great Proletarian Cultural
Revolution (GPCR). At the same time they are maligning Com. Mao and
other great communist leaders of China.
Just take the example of the personal lives of Com. Mao and Com.
Zhou En Lai. These two leaders had no personal properties. They paid rent
for the government houses they lived in, their furnitures were also rented,
their salaries were no higher than a full professor's salary during that period.
Most communist leaders did not accumulate any wealth and all their money,
if left, were given to the party. In an article published in Peoples net,
December 10, 2013 we find that-Chairman Mao had only 500 yuan left in
his account at the time he died. All his royalties from his writings were
converted into membership dues to the party, Such a humble life of a
revolutionary has been maligned by the outright false memoirs of Chairman
Maos physician, Dr. Li Zhisui, in his book The private life of Chairman
Mao. This doctor wants to make us believe that the man who led the
liberation struggle of one fourth of mankind was a promiscuous man. We
shall deal with the lies of Dr. Li later on in our article.
BBC website on Com. Mao mentions Mao was a Chinese communist
leader and founder of the People's Republic of China. He was responsible
for the disastrous policies of the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural
Revolution. Readers may be delighted to find the wonderful similarity
between BBCs statement and present CPC leaderships understanding on
the history of Chinas socialist transition which states that: "All the
successes in these ten years were achieved under the collective leadership
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mentioned that some authors speculate this to be around 50-60 million.
Chang & Hallidays book reads:Mao Tse-tung .was responsible for well
over 70 million deaths in peace time. More than one lakh copies of Frank
Dikotters books were sold and the book won the Samuel Johnson nonfiction
prize in 2011. Anthony Garnaut in 2013 has shown that the book has serious
problems with research methodology and Warren Sun alleged Dikotter has
deliberately distorted documentary evidence. So much so that this 2 million
Dollar scholarship winner Dikotter's books cover page depicting the great
famine during GLF was found to be copied from a picture of the famine of
1946 in China which was printed in Life Magazine. When Dikotter was
asked about this he answered that he did not get any picture of the famine
during GLF, thats why he printed that picture. Frank Dikotter claimed that
Chairman Mao was willing to starve half of the Chinese people to death.
When he was challenged to provide evidence he initially said he had an
agreement to not divulge the source but finally under pressure he showed
a document which was a speech by Com. Mao about launching an industrial
project where Com Mao had said China would cut off half of the projects in
1960 so that the other half is quickly finished. Just imagine the level of
distortion!
Joseph Ball and Utsa Patnaik have analytically countered the claims of
these scoundrels at length. In her Revisiting Alleged 30 Million Famine
Deaths during Chinas Great Leap, Utsa Patnaik stated :
There was a rise in the officially measured death rate from 12 in 1958 to
14.6 in 1959, followed by a sharp rise in 1960 to 25.4 per thousand, again
falling the next year to 14.2 and further to 10 in 1962. In 1960 there were
about 8 million deaths in excess of the 1958 level. But this peak official
famine death rate of 25.4 per thousand in China was little different from
Indias 24.8 death rate in the same year which was considered quite normal
and attracted no criticism from these scholars. Considering the low death
rate that China had achieved by 1958 as the benchmark and calculating
the deaths in excess of this over the period 1959 to 1961 totals 11.5 million
which is the maximal estimate of so called famine deaths. Even this
figure is puzzling given the egalitarian distribution in China, since its average
grain output per head was considerably above Indias level even in the
worst year, and India had no generalized famine in the mid-1960s.
These data did not satisfy the aim to oppose socialism. Coales and
Banisters estimates gave them the ammunition to attack the communes.
The figure was manufactured by using the 1982 census where there was a
survey on fertility covering one million persons or a mere 0.1 per cent
sample of the population. They concluded from the very high total fertility
rate obtained from this 1982 survey that millions more were actually born
between the two census years, 1953 and 1964, than were officially recorded.
They ignored the birth rate of 37 per thousand derived from a very much
larger 1953 sample which had covered five percent of all households and
was specially designed to collect the information on births and deaths used
in the official estimates. They imputed birth rates of 43 to 44 per thousand
to the 1950s, using the 1982 survey with a smaller sample size. The irony
is that although all official birth and death rates are rejected by them, the
official population of 1964, a total of 694.6 million, are accepted. This
opportunistic assumption was clearly necessary for their purpose because
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it allowed them to assert that the same number of extra people died between
1953 and 1964, as the extra people they claim were born. A serious reader
who does not have any conflict of interest unlike Bharatratna Amartya
Sen, will surely understand the emptiness of his remark.
Joseph Ball pointed out that there seems to be no way of independently
authenticating these figures due to the great mystery about how they were
gathered and preserved twenty years before being released to the general
public.
Mobo Gao & Dongping Han, the two famous Chinese scholars, have
shown the utter falsity of this claim of famine deaths by their field study.
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rate during that period was closer to 6 or 7 than to 3.7. The figures did not
take into account the decline of the dollar itself. Comparing the yuan against
a representative list of commodities on sale in China, the deterioration was
also substantial because the yuan in post reform period would buy less
than half the goods it bought in 1978. In Shanxi province a few years ago,
corn sold for 9 cents and in post reform period it sold for 24 cents. Hinton
has shown that Prereform and postreform figures cannot be directly
compared. They describe different things. Whereas in the postreform period
money income represents most of the income received, in the prereform
period money income (paid out as cash or as grain with a fixed cash value)
made up only 60 to 75 percent of total income. Brigade members, as
shareholders in the collective, received most or all of their housing, medical
care, fuel, electricity, and other goods and services free. The total value
of these fringe benefits is hard to estimate, but figured at prereform prices
it will be worth at least 50 yuan per capita per annum.
these projects produced 92,000 yuan worth of income that no longer comes
in. All these data we are presenting have been presented in greater detail
by William Hinton in his Great Reversal.
Clearly the gap between 1978 earnings and 1986 earnings is not as
great as the highly selective figures and accounting procedures behind
current reports suggest. Another big reason why pre and postreform figures
cannot be directly compared is that the labour pool tapped in the two periods
has not only significantly expanded but also has undergone qualitative
change.
Moreover while new enterprises have indeed brought in large amounts
of added income, other prereform projects have declined or even collapsed.
The truth is, if it were not for the coal mines, Dazhai income, corrected for
inflation, could well be below that of 1978. It can be because the village
abandoned several profitable collective enterprises after 1983 and at the
same time failed to maintain the high standards of field and crop care that
made Dazhai famous. The list of abandoned enterprises includes a bean
noodle factory that earned 10,000 yuan and supplied by-product feed for a
pig-raising project that earned 20,000; a blacksmith and welding shop that
earned 7,000; a wine plant that earned 5,000; and a horse-raising project
making use of range land elsewhere that earned 40,000 to 50,000. Altogether
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Since the official CPC line is that Dazhai in the past paid attention only
to grain production, the village today introduces a number of still-functioning
enterprises that were built long ago as if they were new, as if they were
another result of the reform. These include the brick kiln which previously
earned 20,000 yuan (Hinton family members worked there in 1971), the
soysauce and vinegar plant which contributed 10,000, and several tractors
which contributed 10,000, earned by hauling freight on the road.
The deterioration of agriculture since the reform is found to be serious,
crop yields are falling. The new policy required only a challenge of Maos
model. Reports must show that the responsibility system of decollectivization works better than the collective.
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NEW DEMOCRACY
Deng Xiao Ping were sentenced or arrested. Liu Shao Qis wife said that
Com. Mao was very keen to work jointly with Liu Shao Qi even when the
conflict of line was very intense. But if we look at post-Mao practice we
find that at the earliest opportunity their political opponents were arrested
and sentenced by branding them as Gang of Four. Therefore the outcry of
democratic centralism and democracy by these revisionists is a hoax.
William Hinton in Turning point in China has given a vivid description
of attack and counterattack between revolutionaries and capitalist roaders
during GPCR. But nowhere was Army used. PLA participated in political
struggle but never in armed conflicts except in Wuhan incident in July
1967 when counterrevolutionaries arrested two delegates and tried to combat
Premier Zhou En Lai in Hupei.
It was during Com. Maos leadership that the famous socialist
constitution accepted the right of workers to strike in a workers' state.
Raymond Lota in his book Maos last battle talked about Com. Maos
intense agony and great initiative during that period to get this clause
accepted.
Educational reform and extension of primary, secondary schools in rural
areas of China during GLF and GPCR empowered toiling masses. Before
GLF, the party elites, intellectuals and representatives of propertied classes
used to be admitted in universities. During GLF there was intense struggle
by Com. Mao and other comrades to change the scenario, which was
successful in first phase of GPCR. The elitist admission test was given up
and students were admitted according to recommendation of workers' and
peasants' communes and admission was related to serving the people and
workers' state. If this is not democracy what is it then?
Now comes the question of mass killings during GPCR. Even the
revisionists in their History Resolution have not mentioned this but there
are many articles talking about the chronology of mass killings during GPCR,
published mostly from western universities or Hong Kong's open
universities. If you check the references you will find forums like Beijing
Spring formed by US backed Chinese democrats who took asylum in US
and are infamous for their support to US in Iraq war. All the foreign journalists
and delegates in their memoirs, even the CIA secret report on Lin Biao
issue, have never mentioned these sorts of mass killings. We have already
seen the truthfulness of western intellectuals on Great Famine issue; here
also the authenticity is dubious.
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