Counseling Across Cultures

Seventh Edition

Counseling Across Cultures

Seventh Edition
Edited by
Paul B. Pedersen
Syracuse University (Emeritus); University of Hawaii (Visiting); Maastricht School of
Management
Walter J. Lonner
Western Washington University (Emeritus)
Juris G. Draguns
Pennsylvania State University (Emeritus)
Joseph E. Trimble
Western Washington University
Mara R. Scharrn-del Ro
Brooklyn College City University of New York

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Contents
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.
11.
12.

Acknowledgments
Foreword
Dedication
Introduction: Learning From Our Culture Teachers
PART I. ESSENTIAL COMPONENTS OF CROSS-CULTURAL COUNSELING
1. 1. Toward Effectiveness Through Empathy
2. 2. Counseling Encounters in Multicultural Contexts: An Introduction
3. 3. Assessment of Persons in Cross-Cultural Counseling
4. 4. Multicultural Counseling Foundations: A Synthesis of Research Findings on Selected
Topics
PART II. ETHNOCULTURAL CONTEXTS AND CROSS-CULTURAL COUNSELING
1. 5. Counseling North American Indigenous Peoples
2. 6. Counseling Asian Americans: Client and Therapist Variables
3. 7. Counseling Persons of Black African Ancestry
4. 8. Counseling the Latino/a From Guiding Theory to Practice: Adelante!
5. 9. Counseling Arab and Muslim Clients
PART III. COUNSELING ISSUES IN BROADLY DEFINED CULTURAL CATEGORIES
1. 10. Gender, Sexism, Heterosexism, and Privilege Across Cultures
2. 11. Counseling the Marginalized
3. 12. Counseling in Schools: Issues and Practice
4. 13. Reflective Clinical Practice With People of Marginalized Sexual Identities
PART IV. COUNSELING INDIVIDUALS IN TRANSITIONAL, TRAUMATIC, OR
EMERGENT SITUATIONS
1. 14. Counseling International Students in the Context of Cross-Cultural Transitions
2. 15. Counseling Immigrants and Refugees
3. 16. Counseling Survivors of Disaster
4. 17. Counseling in the Context of Poverty
5. 18. The Ecology of Acculturation: Implications for Counseling Across Cultures
PART V. PROFESSIONAL COUNSELING IN A SELECTION OF CULTURE-MEDIATED
HUMAN CONDITIONS AND CIRCUMSTANCES
1. 19. Health Psychology and Cultural Competence
2. 20. Well-Being and Health
3. 21. Family Counseling and Therapy With Diverse Ethnocultural Groups
4. 22. Religion, Spirituality, and Culture-Oriented Counseling
5. 23. Drug and Alcohol Abuse and Health Promotion in Cross-Cultural Counseling
6. 24. Group Dynamics in a Multicultural World
Index
About the Editors
About the Contributors

Elder Wisdom
An elder Lakota was teaching his grandchildren about life. He said to them, A fight is going on
inside me... it is a terrible fight and it is between two wolves.
One wolf represents fear, anger, envy, sorrow, regret, greed, arrogance, self-pity, guilt, resentment,
inferiority, lies, false pride, superiority, and ego.
The other stands for joy, peace, love, hope, sharing, serenity, humility, kindness, benevolence,
friendship, empathy, generosity, truth, compassion, and faith.
This same fight is going on inside you, and inside every other person, too.
The grandchildren thought about it for a minute, and then one child asked her grandfather,
Which wolf will win?
The Elder replied simply, The one you feed.
The Western conception of the person as a bounded, unique, more or less integrated motivational
and cognitive universe, a dynamic center of awareness, emotion, judgment, and action, organized
into a distinctive whole and set contrastivelyboth against other such wholes and against social
and natural backgroundis however incorrigible it may seem to us, a rather peculiar idea within
the context of the worlds cultures. (p. 34)
Geertz, C. (1973). The interpretation of cultures: Selected essays. New York: Basic Books.
The first peace, which is the most important, is that which comes within the souls of men when they
realize their relationship, their oneness, with the universe and all its Powers, and when they
realize that at the center of the universe dwells Wakan-Tanka, and that this center is everywhere,it
is within each of us. This is the real Peace, and the others are but reflections of this.
The second peace is that which is made between two individuals, and the third is that which is
made between two nations. But above all you should understand that there can never be peace
between nations until there is first known that true peace which... is within the souls of men. (p.
198)
Black Elk, in Neihardt, J. G. (1961). Black Elk speaks: Being the life story of the holy man of the
Oglala Sioux. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.
Conscientization does not consist, therefore, of a simple change of mind about reality, of a change
in individual subjectivity that leaves intact the objective context; conscientization supposes a
change in people in the process of changing their relationship with the environment, and above all,
with others.

True knowledge is essentially bound with transformative social action and involves a change in
the relationship between human beings.
Martn-Bar, I., & Blanco Abarca, A. (1998). Psicologa de la liberacin. Madrid: Editorial Trotta.

Acknowledgments
Nearly every academic book ever published has acknowledged individuals who in some way played
important roles in the books development. In this book we depart from the usual custom and
acknowledge those who, on one hand, were important in organizing, editing, and producing the book,
as well as those who, on the other hand, played important roles in the lives of the five coeditors. The
former can be considered general acknowledgments that we all share. The latter are necessarily
different for each of us. Thus we have agreed to contribute individually.
In the general category we want to thank SAGE Publications for the confidence it has shown in us
throughout the years. The two key SAGE people with whom we have worked are Kassie Graves, who
has been part of this effort for many years, and her assistant, Carrie Baarnes. Although a relative
newcomer to SAGE, Carrie was a big help in the latter stages. We were flattered that Claudia
Hoffman, SAGEs director of U.S. book production, pointedly selected Counseling Across Cultures
as a book she wanted to usher through its final copyediting and production stages. In characteristic
good judgment, Claudia chose Judy Selhorst to be copy editor for the book. It is remarkable how
careful and efficient Judy was during the latter part of the process, when it is so important to be
complete and precise. Candace Harman and her crew in the graphics department did an excellent job
with the cover. Further north, on the campus of Western Washington University, is Genavee Brown. A
graduate student in the Department of Psychology and a most promising young scholar, Genavee was
the organizer in crucial stages. When the book is published, the first copy will go to Paul Pedersen
and the second will go to Genavee.
On the personal side, we offer the following highly individualized acknowledgments:
Paul B. Pedersen. I would like to acknowledge and to dedicate my role in the preparation of this
book to Anthony J. Tony Marsella, professor emeritus of the University of Hawaii. Tony was my
prime teacher at so many different levels. He was as comfortable in the village council of a Borneo
community as he was, for example, during a World Health Organization committee meeting many
years ago, or as he was in his lectures throughout his illustrious career. The classes he taught would
frequently end with standing ovations by his students. He originated the awareness, knowledge, and
skill model, which became the basis of the measures for competence within the field of multicultural
counseling. Many other examples of his influence come to mind. Most important, he has in recent
years become a first-class friend and co-traveler in lifes journey. In the metaphor of family, Tony has
fathered many children among his students, his colleagues, and his other brothers and sisters. For all
that you have given, Tony, I send you my thanks.
Walter J. Lonner. Above all else I want to thank my immediate family, consisting of many people,
both living and dead. Among the living are my everything-and-then-some wife, Marilyn, and our three
great children (Jay, Alyssa, and Andrea), each of whom has two daughters with terrific spouses. The
world had better watch out for those six little dynamos. By name and current age they are Sika (14)
and Brenna (11) Lonner, Sophia (11) and Alena (8) Naviaux, and Nina (7) and Sage (4) Howards. I
was blessed with great parents and two brothers: Terry, the youngest of us, who is a beacon of honor
and dependability and a jack-of-all-trades; and George, the oldest. We grew up in beautiful and

generous western Montana. George died October 8, 2012, about midway through the work on this
book. George was the familys Don Quixote, dreaming big things and imagining the impossible. It is
he, not I, who should have been a university professor, for he would have dazzled thousands of
students with his talent of mixing fact with fantasy. The encouragement and praise that Terry and
George and the rest of my family piled upon me, through thick and thin, has always kept me going. I
also want to acknowledge the multidimensional influence that an international network of scholars has
had on my 50-plus years of trying to understand the nature of cultures influence on everything we say,
think, and do. Part of this network consists of the many talented people, including the current slate of
coeditors, who have contributed to one or more of the seven editions of Counseling Across Cultures.
Juris G. Draguns. Throughout the seven editions of Counseling Across Cultures, I have enjoyed
marvelous support, encouragement, and understanding from my wife, Marie. We have shared 52
wonderful years, and Maries love and empathy have helped me overcome whatever obstacles have
stood in my way, sometimes tangible, more often subjective. As I thought about, wrote, and edited
Counseling Across Cultures, I would temporally disappear into the book, and Marie was always
there to welcome me when I reemerged from its pages. My two children, Julie and George, were
young when Counseling Across Cultures first appeared. They grew up as the book evolved through
its several transformations, and the two processes intertwined. What has remained constant is our
mutual love and my vicarious enjoyment of and pride over Julies and Georges families, careers, and
achievements. Thinking back on my early years, I gratefully remember my parents, especially my
mother, who instilled in me a curiosity and love of learning and protected me from the dangerous
world outside our home. It is thanks to her that I survived and was able to work toward the realization
of my version of the American Dream. And in the course of the ensuing multiple transitions I
benefited from a host of culture teachers who helped me become more empathetic and perhaps more
helpful across cultural barriers. They are too numerous to mention, but my sincerest thanks go to them
all.
Joseph E. Trimble. I owe Paul Pedersen a special measure of personal gratitude and appreciation. In
August 1972 Paul met with me and my wife, Molly, at a lanai in Honolulu. Over a late-morning
breakfast he vividly described his new triad theory of counseling training to underscore his strong
growing interest in culture and psychological counseling. It was a memorable occasion for the three
of us. A few years later, Paul invited me to give a symposium paper on counseling American Indians
and later publish a chapter in the first edition of Counseling Across Cultures. Molly was extremely
helpful when I wrote that first chapter and continues to be insightful and helpful in almost all of my
writing activities. She has a keen eye for detail and a spirited mind for novel concepts and ideas.
Throughout the course of each of the Counseling Across Cultures editions our three lovely and
talented daughters, Genevieve, Lee Erin, and Casey Ann, have been with me when each edition
arrived home for their review and comment, and it has always been a proud moment for me when they
read their names in the acknowledgments and commented on it. Also, I am deeply grateful for all of
the people who have provided me with guidance, advice, and collaboration on the contents of the
various chapters put together for the seven editions. Thank you especially to Candace Fleming, Fred
Beauvais, Pamela Jumper Thurman, and John Gonzales.
Mara R. Scharrn-del Ro. I am very grateful for the love, guidance, and support of mi familia. My
mother, Rosarito, and my sister Marilia housed and fed me in Puerto Rico as I was finishing the final

editing process for this book. My sister Marichi also assisted me with her commentary during this
time, and my father, Rafael, accompanied me on a couple of hour-long mental health escapades to the
ocean. I am also grateful to my partner, Yvonne, for her love, support, and understanding, and for
providing a home for me in Germany during part of my sabbatical. Many thanks also to my chosen
family in New York CityCody, Mara, Barb, Wayne, Paul, and Flowho helped in too many ways
to count. I owe a special thanks to Joseph Trimble and Guillermo Bernal, who have been outstanding
mentors and friends since I was an undergraduate student in the Career Opportunities in Research
(NIMH-COR) program at the University of Puerto Rico. I also want to thank Eliza Ada Dragowski
for her exceptional work and support in the completion of this book. Finally, my thanks to the
wonderful group of people who provided additional guidance on the content of various chapters of
the book: Priscilla Dass-Brailsford, Stuart Chen-Hayes, Hollyce Giles, Vic Muoz, Delida Snchez,
and Avi Skolnik.
Paul B. Pedersen
Walter J. Lonner
Juris G. Draguns
Joseph E. Trimble
Mara R. Scharrn-del Ro

Foreword
During a lifetime of more than four score and four years, I have seen culture change before my eyes
like a fast-moving kaleidoscope. Old ways of being are replaced rapidly by new ones. Each
generation upgrades its relationships with the various environments that affect its existence. As I
developed and acquired more information about my time-and-space world, I understood the
complexity of culture. In high school, I heard it discussed in connection with geography. My teachers
talked about how the natural environments in which people live necessarily influence their ways of
life. Their environments determine the kinds of homes they build to protect themselves from outside
elements. Since climates vary from one time zone to another, it is tenable to conclude that the
structures in which people live and work also differ from one part of the world to another.
In undergraduate school, I learned other things about culture. People in various groups often dress
differently from one another and may speak languages other than English. They often observe
religious practices different from the ones I knew. From the social science classes I took, I acquired a
general understanding of culture. After graduating from college, I spent two years in Europe. There I
saw up close what my professors had meant about people being different from one part of the world
to another. I kept journals on places I visited and people I met that confirmed the content of my
professors lectures. Notable among my experiences was the day I encountered Jean-Paul Sartre and
his companion Simone de Beauvoir in a small Parisian caf where they were reading some of their
works. When I entered graduate school at Indiana University, understanding culture was my passion. I
read as much as I could about it; I took as many sociology courses as I could work into my academic
program. I learned that there were more than a hundred definitions of culture and that cultural
theorists used a variety of concepts to highlight ideas that they deemed uniquely theirs. I learned that
culture is not only material but also immaterial. That is, there are objects in our environment that
determine the nature of our existence. There are also many things we cannot see. For example, we
have values and attitudes about everybody and everything. People interact with their surroundings.
The individuals behavior is influenced by that of others. Culture is learned. It is experienced and
internalized. This internalization is often referred to as personality. It is conscious and unconscious,
affective and cognitive, perceptible and imperceptible, and much more.
When I became a practicing psychologist and counselor educator, I felt the need to understand the
cultures of my clients, because I soon became aware that their problems were usually related to the
cultural contexts in which they grew up and resided. By the 1960s, the civil rights movement in the
United States was going full blast. Integration was becoming a reality for African Americans who had
previously lived in an apartheid-like society. They had always lived in segregated communities and
attended segregated schools. After the changes of the 1960s, African Americans began showing up in
formerly all-White classrooms and in the offices of school counselors. The American Personnel and
Guidance Association (now called the American Counseling Association, or ACA), officially
organized in 1952, soon found itself in the midst of the turmoil of a dramatically changing society.
Throughout the country, White counselors were expected to help Black clients; Black counselors
were expected to help White clients. It was out of the new clienteles and the different cultures they
represented that a new interest area emerged in the counseling profession. Paul Pedersen was among
the first educators to take the lead in helping counselors and psychologists to meet more effectively

the needs of clients who came to be referred to as culturally different. As I got to know Paul, I
recognized that he was visionary and just the right person to convene a panel of counselors, counselor
educators, and psychologists to discuss cross-cultural counseling at the 1973 convention of the
American Psychological Association in Montreal. Out of the panel presentations came the first
edition of Counseling Across Cultures, published in 1976. Becoming a classic in cross-cultural
counseling, it has contributed significantly to what is now the fastest-growing movement in
counseling. I am proud to have been one of the participants on the APA Montreal panel and a chapter
contributor to the first edition of the book.
After the Montreal panel presentation, I conceptualized a model of culture designed to help
counselors meet the needs of their culturally challenging clients. I argue that most human beings are
molded by five concentric cultures: (1) universal, (2) ecological, (3) national, (4) regional, and (5)
racio-ethnic. The human being is at the core of these cultures, which are neither separate nor equal.
The first and most external layer is the universal culture, or the way of life that is determined by the
physiology of the human species. People are conceived in a given way, they consume nourishment to
live, they grow into adulthood, they contribute to the group, and they grow old and die. These and
other ways of life are invariable dimensions of human existence. During the course of the social
development of the species, people learn to play a variety of roles essential for survival. These are
internalized and transmitted from one generation to another. It seems important that counselors
recognize themselves and their clients as members of this culture that is common to all humanity. The
recognition helps counselors to identify with and assist all clients, regardless of their cultural and
socioeconomic heritage.
Human existence is also shaped by the ecosystem, which is the lifeline for everybody. Climatic
conditions, indigenous vegetation, animal life, seasonal changes, and other factors determine how
people interact with nature and themselves. People who use dogsleds to go to the grocery store
experience life differently from those who need only to gather foodstuffs from the trees and plants in
their backyards. Inhabitants of Arabian deserts wear loose body coverings and headgear to protect
themselves from the dangerously hot rays of the sun and from unexpected sandstorms. The way of life
that people develop in order to survive in a specific geographical area of the world may be called the
ecological culture, the second layer of culture.
The third environment that molds human beings is the national culture. It is reasonable to
conceptualize a national culture for several reasons. Most people are born into particular nations. In
general, each country has a national language, basic institutions, and a form of government, and the
residents of the country have a way of seeing the rest of the world and particular values and attitudes
about themselves and their fellows. Individuals born within the confines of a countrys borders are
usually socialized to adjust to the rules and regulations of that country. They learn to fit into the
prevailing way of life. People first start learning to fit into the national social order in the home, and
they continue their socialization in school and other settings. Although a country may contain several
national subcultural groups, members of all such groups cannot escape the influence of the
overarching national culture.
A fourth influence on the lives of people is regional culture. In many countries, individuals identify
not just with the national culture but also with the cultures of specific parts of their countries. For

example, Americans who live along the U.S.Mexico border may feel as Mexican as they do
American. Many such residents speak Spanish and enjoy the food, music, and way of life common to
Mexico. Regional cultures are evident in many African countries. In the north of Nigeria, where the
country borders Niger, the Housas, one of the countrys largest ethnic groups, straddle the border that
separates the two countries, thereby causing the same regional culture to exist in both countries.
The final layer is racio-ethnic culture. It is based on the recognition that racially or ethnically
different groups often reside in areas separate from those in which a countrys dominant racial or
ethnic group live. People inhabiting such racial or ethnic enclaves usually develop and maintain
cultures that are unique to the communities in which they live. Although citizens of and participants in
the national culture, they may also identify strongly with their racial or ethnic group and its way of
life. For example, because of their slave heritage, African Americans have developed and continue to
maintain a culture that is in many ways different from the national culture. Many institutions, such as
the Black church, which dates back to slavery, contribute to the continuation of a Black culture in
some communities.
The fivefold concentric conception of culture indicates that people are the products of several
influences over which they have little or no control. No individual should be considered only a
member of a single national, racial, or ethnic culture. People are often simultaneously members of
several culturesthey are individually multicultural. Even so, across all cultures, people are more
alike than they are different. Counselors who recognize the commonalities that humans share are apt
to be more effective in helping all clients than those who focus on perceived cultural differences.
Universal and ecological cultures unify the human group more than regional, national, or racio-ethnic
differences separate the species.
Readers who compare this seventh edition of Counseling Across Cultures with the earlier editions
will be able to appreciate how much the study of culture and counseling has evolved over the years.
One thing that I notice is how many more clienteles described as needing cross-cultural intervention
exist today than in 1973. Culture is no longer just an esoteric concept discussed in sociology classes
and texts. It has now become an idea appreciated, espoused, expanded, and exploited by most
counselors and counselor educators. In graduate school, I mentioned to my major professor an interest
in writing my dissertation on a topic related to the effect of culture on the outcomes of counseling. He
discouraged me from pursuing that research topic and added, Everybody knows that counseling is
counseling. Feeling downhearted, I pursued a dissertation topic more in keeping with his view of
what was an appropriate research idea. However, since receiving the PhD in 1965, I have written
countless articles, chapters, and books on how culture influences the counseling process. Culture has
become the linchpin of counseling throughout the world.
Having devoted my career to studying the relationship of culture and counseling, I am understandably
pleased to write the foreword to this significant contribution to the increasingly large literature on
cross-cultural counseling. The seventh edition of Counseling Across Cultures is a historical
landmark. It is noteworthy because it, along with the previous editions, provides a long view of
culture and counseling as they have evolved in a rapidly changing profession. It is evident that culture
has taken on a more inclusive meaning today than it had more than 50 years ago, when I was in
graduate school. Then, some of my sociology professors talked unabashedly about certain segments of

our society being culturally deprived or disadvantaged. Being the only African American in most
of my classes, I was shocked and hurt to hear such assertions, because I had learned in undergraduate
school that everybody has a culture. I now understand that my professors were talking about the
culture of White Americans. It was their way of being, not that of most Americans of Native, Asian,
African, or Hispanic descent, or a host of other citizens who were identified with a hyphen in their
group designations to set them apart from the dominant cultural group.
Counseling has also evolved since the formation of the American Counseling Association in 1952 as
the Personnel and Guidance Association. Subsuming the National Vocational Guidance Association,
the National Association of Guidance and Counselor Trainers, the Student Personnel Association for
Teacher Education, and the American College Personnel Association, the newly formed organization
extended the work of social workers, teachers, and vocational counselors. Today, ACA consists of 20
chartered divisions and 56 branches in the United States and abroad. The divisional membership
breakdown usually reflects the clienteles in which the various professionals specialize. Moreover,
there are wide variations in how counselors identity themselves. Some see themselves as guidance
counselors similar to how most school counselors saw themselves in the 1950s. Others consider
themselves psychologists. Still others identify with psychiatrists. In spite of the broad definitions of
culture and counseling and the wide range of counselor identifications, multiculturalism became what
Paul Pedersen calls the fourth force in counseling. It continues to be the most important thrust of
counseling in the 21st century. This new edition of Counseling Across Cultures is, in effect, a status
report on this very important aspect of counseling. The chapters in this book were written by some of
the most outstanding counseling authorities in the United States and abroad. The information contained
in them is a godsend for graduate students, professors, and therapeutic professionals working in a
variety of settings.
Clemmont E. Vontress, PhD
Professor Emeritus of Counseling
George Washington University

Our Deepest Thanks to Paul B. PedersenFriend, Scholar, and

Gentleman
Paul Pedersens fervent passion about counseling across cultures began at a time when few
psychologists and mental health practitioners considered the importance of the cultural dimension in
any significant way. The inclusion and subsequently the infusion of the cultural dimension in
counseling and clinical psychology became a longtime commitment for Paul when he was a graduate
student and quite possibly even before then. In the late 1960s, Paul developed and carefully nurtured
what he eventually called the triad training model of counseling, which emphasized the training of
counselors in settings where cultural similarities and differences were the centerpiece for counselor
education. It was controversial at the time, yet it resonated with many who were the early innovators
and leaders in the emerging field of cross-cultural psychology. In essence, Paul describes triad
training as a self-supervision model in which the counselor processes both positive and negative
messages a client is thinking but not saying in counseling. Articulating these hidden messages and
checking out their validity helps the counselor (1) see the problem from the clients viewpoint, (2)
identify specific sources of resistance, (3) diminish the need for defensiveness, and (4) identify
culturally resonant recovery skills.
If there was a pivotal moment in the history of counseling across cultures, it happened at the 88th
annual convention of the American Psychological Association, held in September 1980 in Montreal,
Canada. Paul organized what we believe was the first, and certainly the most visible, symposium
focusing on counseling across cultures. The hour-long symposium involved several psychologists
who were making seminal contributions to the field, including Edward Stewart, Walt Lonner, Julian
Wohl, Joseph Trimble, Juris Draguns, and Clemmont Vontress. In 60 short minutes the panel discussed
various cross-cultural counseling topics. Eventually all of the panelists wrote chapters for the seminal
cross-cultural counseling textbook that we now present in its seventh editionwhat we believe to be
a record for a book of its kind.
Pauls career-long commitment to promoting the importance of culture in psychology was sparked by
his early travels hitchhiking across Europe and his academic appointments beginning in 1962 as a
Visiting Lecturer in Ethics and Philosophy and the Chaplain at Nommensen University in Medan,
Sumatra, Indonesia. He studied Mandarin Chinese full-time in 1968 in Taiwan. From 1969 to 1971,
Paul was a part-time Visiting Lecturer in the Faculty of Education at the University of Malaya; also,
he was the Youth Research Director for the Lutheran Church of Malaysia and Singapore. While in
Indonesia and Malaysia Paul quickly realized that what he had learned about conventional counseling
in graduate school didnt accommodate the worldviews of Malaysians, Chinese, and Indonesians,
among many others. The daily dose of rich and deep cultural experiences combined with the
challenges associated with understanding culturally unique lifeways and thoughtways quietly planted
the seeds for his plans to develop, advocate, and promote the value and significance of considering
cultural differences in the counseling and clinical psychology professions.
In 1971, Paul accepted the position of Assistant Professor in the Department of Psycho-educational
Studies at the University of Minnesota in Minneapolis; he also held a joint appointment as an adviser

in the International Student Office. Drawing mainly on his experiences in Indonesia, Malaysia, and
Taiwan and his daily counseling sessions with international students at Minnesota, Paul became
increasingly concerned about the relevance of conventional counseling approaches and began to
consider more culturally sensitive counseling strategies. As an alternative to the use of conventional
counseling education approaches, Paul devised and implemented his aforementioned triad training
model.
In 1975, Paul became a Senior Fellow at the Culture Learning Institute at the East-West Center in
Honolulu, Hawaii. In 19781981, he was director of a large predoctoral training grant from the U.S.
National Institute of Mental Health titled Developing Interculturally Skilled Counselors. With eight
predoctoral trainees, Paul conducted training programs that emphasized cross-cultural counseling
approaches through use of the triad training model. Paul closely maintained his Hawaiian
appointments and ties for the rest of his illustrious career by serving as a Visiting Professor of
Psychology at the University of Hawaii, Manoa, and as a Fellow at the East-West Center.
In 1982, Paul accepted an appointment at Syracuse University as Professor and Chair of the
Department of Counselor Education. In 1995, he earned the title of Professor Emeritus at Syracuse
and subsequently became a Professor in the Department of Human Studies at the University of
Alabama, Birmingham. In 2001, after a year as a Senior Fulbright Scholar at Taiwan National
University, Paul formally retired from academic life and moved back to his much beloved Hawaii to
continue his writing, traveling, and scholarly interests. He retained his appointment as a Visiting
Professor in the Department of Psychology at the University of Hawaii, Manoa.
Pauls remarkable career includes the publication of more than 40 books and more than 150 book
chapters and journal articles; the concept of culture is the common thread that runs through all of them.
In reviewing Pauls extraordinary accomplishments, one quickly realizes that he is imaginative,
farsighted, and truly a pioneer in the field of multicultural counseling.
Scholars in the counseling and psychotherapy fields generally consider Pauls edited book
Multiculturalism as a Fourth Force, published in 1999, to be a milestone in the history of
psychology. The book surveyed the prospect that we are moving toward a universal theory of
multiculturalism that recognizes the psychological consequences of each cultural context. Paul and his
colleagues argued that the fourth force supplements the three forces of humanism, behaviorism, and
psychodynamism for psychology.
Service to the professional community is an important value for Paul, and thus he has found time to
serve on numerous boards and committees. His activities have included 3 years as President of the
Society for Intercultural Education, Training and Research (SIETAR), Senior Editor for the SAGE
Publications book series Multicultural Aspects of Counseling (MAC), and Advising Editor for a
Greenwood Press book series in education and psychology. Additionally, Paul is a Board Member of
the Micronesian Institute, located in Washington, D.C., and an External Examiner for Universiti Putra
Malaysia, University Kebangsaan, and Universiti Malaysia Sabah in psychology. In the American
Psychological Association, Paul was a member of the Committee for International Relations in
Psychology (CIRP) from 2001 to 2003. In 2010 he was the recipient of CIRPs Distinguished
Contributions to the International Advancement of Psychology Award. In 1994 he was invited to give
a master lecture at the American Psychological Associations annual meeting in Los Angeles. Paul

also is a Fellow in Divisions 9, 17, 45, and 52 of the American Psychological Association.
About a decade ago Paul was unfortunately stricken with Parkinsons disease. His mental abilities
and all of his fine personal qualities remain intact, but the affliction has affected his vision and ability
to type or use computers effectively. With Pauls permission, we want all who do not yet know about
his condition to understand why his work on this edition of Counseling Across Cultures has been
somewhat curtailed. In discussing this with Paul we lamented the fact that in this edition there is no
chapter that deals directly with what could be called something like the culture of the afflicted.
Chapters 19 and 20 get into some of these concerns and matters, dealing as they do with health issues.
However, Paul reminded us of an intuitively insightful fact: When one is burdened with a physical
condition that has no known cureParkinsons is an excellent and tragic exampleone enters a new
and entirely unexpected culture. Adjustments must be made, old and familiar abilities must be
replaced by new ones, and ones interpersonal network can be radically changed. In a very real
sense, then, Pauls condition has given him, through us, the opportunity to seize another teaching
moment. Paul, a magnificent teacher and adviser throughout his career and this project, would
appreciate that characterization.
By all professional and personal standards, Paul is a visionary. He has contributed significantly to the
emergence of multiculturalism in psychology and in related disciplines. His commitment to
multiculturalism extends well beyond the mental health professions. In thinking about the future of
multicultural counseling and social justice, Paul firmly believes that the multicultural perspective will
evolve into a perspective that acknowledges how people may share the same common-ground
expectations, positive intentions, and constructive values even though they express those expectations
and positive intentions through different and seemingly unacceptable behaviors. He also maintains
that we must generate a balanced perspective in which both similarities and differences of people are
valued and at the same time hope we can avoid partisan quarreling among ourselves and get on with
the important task of finding social justice across cultures.
We dedicate this seventh edition of Counseling Across Cultures to our dear friend and colleague Paul
Bodholdt Pedersen, a true trailblazer, mentor, and leader in making counseling cultural.
Walter J. Lonner
Juris G. Draguns
Joseph E. Trimble
Mara R. Scharrn-del Ro

Introduction Learning From Our Culture Teachers

This seventh edition of Counseling Across Cultures is largely guided by the fundamental premise that
it shares with most books at the interface of social realities and psychological principles: All
behaviors and thoughts are learned in specific cultural contexts. If you can accept that simple premise
you are ready to tackle one that is much more complex: While people are much more similar than they
are different, the differences are fascinating and sometimes difficult to understand without
considerable exposure to and interaction with people from different cultures and ethnic groups.
How do these similarities and, especially, differences come about? Paul Pedersen has used a colorful
image that is based on the idea that all humans have culture teachers, and while some of these
teachers have similar characteristics, each is also totally unique. Capture, suggests Pedersen, a
panorama of a thousand persons sitting around you. The large gathering consists of some people you
have chosen, or who have chosen you, over a lifetime of many interactions. This gathering of people
includes parents, siblings, grandparents, close friends, teachers, enemies, heroes, heroines, scientific
pioneers, religious figures, political leaders, revolutionaries, poets, entertainers, athletes, individuals
with disabilities, and many others who have influenced you in sometimes subtle but often profound
ways. Either directly or indirectly, they have all helped to shape who you are. They will likely
continue to do so, even those who have been dead for years. Getting to know another person well is a
riveting, complex, and exhausting process, but it can also be exhilarating and fulfilling.
We believe, therefore, that before we can make accurate assessments, provide meaningful
understanding, and offer appropriate interventions, we must learn more about our own cultural
contexts and the culture teachers who shaped our lives. Reciprocally, in interactions with othersand
especially in counseling and therapeutic relationshipsit is imperative that we learn as much as we
can about each person with whom we interact. To ignore an individuals culture teachers and the
cultural context that shaped his or her life is to invite little or no progress in professional
interventions. You are probably reading this book because, either intuitively or from direct
experience, you already know this to be true. Moreover, you probably agree with us that it would be
impossible for a counselor to know, in depth and in great detail, everything about all clients with
whom he or she interacts. However, by using the precepts of inclusive cultural empathy (ICE), which
is a theme running through this book and a concept explained in Chapter 1, we can emphatically
endorse the idea that we try to understand each and every client. Such understanding does not
necessarily have to be in great depth. In many cases it may be close to impossible to understand the
worldviews, values, and background of a client in a short period of time. It may be difficult to fathom
the plight of a homeless person, or an immigrant from Vietnam, or a transvestite, or a religious zealot.
Despite these scenarios and hundreds others like them, it is imperative that we employ ICE and make
a sincere attempt to know the other person, even if it is through a glass, darkly. Consistent with the
demands of what can be a challenging task, it is our job as the editors of this volume, as well as the
job of the chapter authors, to help hone your skills and talents in our shared kaleidoscopic
multicultural world. All the chapters in this book have been written by dedicated professionals who
can inform and advise you. Welcome them all as newcomers to your circle of culture teachers.
Covet their advice.

Since the first edition of Counseling Across Cultures was published in 1976, thousands of
publications and research projects have increased our understanding of the roles of culture teachers.
Many of these sources are listed in the reference sections of the chapters in this book. We owe a great
debt to our culture teachers for the wisdom we have gained from them, and we are pleased to
introduce them to you. As recently as 1973, when we presented a seminal symposium at the American
Psychological Association titled Counseling Across Cultures and subsequently planned the first
edition of this book, the terms cross-cultural and multiculturalism were largely neglected or
unknown to counseling professionals. The University of Hawaii Press agreed to publish that initial
book, provided we waived royalties. The book went through five printings the first year and then
through five more editionsin 1981, 1989, 1996, 2002, and 2008. This, the seventh edition, gives
testimony to the continued popularity of counseling across cultures, which has evolved into a
burgeoning and multifaceted enterprise.
The culture-centered or multicultural perspective provides us with at least 12 uniquely valuable goals
and outcomes:
1. Accuracy: All behaviors are learned and displayed in specific cultural contexts.
2. Common ground: The basic values in which we believe are expressed through different
attitudes, behaviors, and worldviews across cultures and ethnic groups.
3. Identity: We learn who we are from the thousands of culture teachers in our lives as we
integrate these multiple threads of experience.
4. Health: Our socio-ecosystems require a diversified gene pool.
5. Protection: Psychology has been culturally encapsulated through much of its history, and we
need to identify our own biases to protect ourselves from failure.
6. Survival: Our best preparation for life in the global village is to learn from persons who are
culturally different from ourselves.
7. Social justice: History documents that injustices can be expected when a monocultural,
dominant group is allowed to define the rules of living for everyone; shifting to a multicultural
orientation curbs this tendency.
8. Out of the box thinking: Progress in understanding the problems of others is often
constrained by traditional linear thinking; we should frequently consider nontraditional,
nonlinear alternatives. A multitude of insiders and outsiders perspectives can help us develop a
more differentiated and flexible view of the world.
9. Learning: Effective learning that results in change is also likely to result in our both
experiencing and overcoming culture shock and adapting to innovation and transformation.
10. Spirituality: All humans experience the same Ultimate Reality in different ways; there is no
single right way, and it is ethnocentric folly to assume that there is.
11. Political stability: Some form of cultural pluralism is the only alternative to either anarchy or
oppression.
12. Competence: Multiculturalism is generic to a genuine and realistic understanding of human
behavior in all counseling and communication.
Above and beyond these 12 points, culturally informed counseling can be likened to a bridge that
helps transcend the gulf or chasm of differences in practices, expectations, and modes of
communication that separate persons whose backgrounds and outlooks have been molded by their

respective cultures. That is the reason a photo of a bridge adorns the cover of this book. Effective
multicultural counseling will likely not obliterate the need for the bridge, but it may shorten the
journey substantially.
The present edition includes many new authors and a new coeditor52 individuals in alland
offers ideas that have emerged since the appearance of the sixth edition, which was published in
2008. Like the sixth, this edition is divided into five parts and a total of 24 chapters. Each part
opening features an introduction that briefly surveys the content of the chapters within the part. All
chapters begin by identifying primary and secondary objectives, and all (with the exceptions of
Chapters 1 and 2) include critical incident discussions to illustrate key points at the hypothetical
case level. Most of the critical incidents are highlighted at the ends of the chapters, but some are
integrated into the text in other ways. Discussion questions are also included. We concede that not all
of the incidents presented are critical in the strict sense of the term. All are, however, designed to
make abstract concepts concrete and to exemplify, often in a vivid way, the interface between culture
and counseling. In addition to this feature, the contributors to the present edition have been liberal in
describing instances and offering vignettes of culturally distinctive ways of presenting personal
dilemmas, seeking relief from distress, and, in the optimal case, reducing suffering and resolving
quandaries and problems of living. On the theoretical plane, the authors of these chapters have
contributed several explicit models of culturally sensitive intervention in a variety of contexts.
Moreover, the results of several major multinational research projects have been brought to bear on
the current multicultural counseling enterprise. In this manner, the contributors to this volume have
endeavored to narrow the gap between basic cross-cultural research findings and culturally
appropriate intervention at the case level.
In what ways is the current edition different from its predecessors? For one, it is more case centered.
As already alluded to above, several of the chapter authors have gone well beyond critical or
illustrative incidents to build their contributions around a limited number of detailed case studies, an
approach that has enabled them to explore cultural issues in counseling in depth. For example,
Chapter 20 includes a detailed account of a client overcoming clinical problems by recapturing the
themes and values of his original culture. In the process of presenting this account, the authors bridge
the gap between culture teaching and therapy. Chapter 23 highlights the traumatic effect of culture
loss, or deculturation, and, conversely, demonstrates how the previously suppressed strands of
cultural experience may help a counselee achieve more effective functioning and more rewarding
experience. Chapter 14 relates the experiences of two international students as they seek and find
their way through the maze of the host culture, illustrating the vicissitudes of culture learning and the
impact of a multiplicity of culture teachers.
The second theme that receives increased emphasis in the current edition is that of promotion of
social justice. There was a time when many counseling and mental health professionals considered
their interventions to be sharply distinct, or even mutually exclusive, from the work of the advocates
for persons in various disadvantaged, oppressed, or poorly understood cultural categories. The
recognition that the reformist and the therapeutic thrusts of improving the lives of culturally
distinctive counselees are compatible and mutually complementary pervades this edition, and is
especially prominent in Chapters 59, 1011, and 1417.

A third theme that is also highlighted in this edition is the importance of considering and examining
the intersectionality of identities, privileges, and oppressions. Many of the chapters challenge the
reader to critically examine and consider the impacts of intersecting systematic oppressions and
privileges in themselves and in their clients as a key step in ICE. Becoming aware of our own
privileges and how they affect our lives and our clinical work can be an overwhelming task.
Privilege protects those of us who hold it from a lot of psychological struggle (i.e., not having to deal
with external and internalized oppression), but it also robs us of gaining knowledge about the world
and about ourselves in relation to the world. Privilege is a blind spot in our awareness that slows
down the road toward ICE; thus, many of the chapters in this book provide readers with information
and questions that can help them to bridge this gap in awareness, knowledge, and empathy.
Concurrent with the promotion of ICE, this edition also emphasizes the increasing role of culturally
adapted evidence-based procedures, a topic to which Chapter 4 is principally devoted. In several
other chapters, the authors describe specific evidence-based procedures that have been successfully
applied in various domains of counseling across culture. As these approaches spread and multiply,
the challenge is to combine demonstrated effectiveness with empathetic cultural sensitivity, fusing
subjectivity with objectivity. Not an easy task, to be sure, but not an unattainable goal either.
Although this edition introduces many new topics and approaches, it also reaffirms the relevance of
major contributions from earlier editions. In the fourth edition of Counseling Across Cultures, David
Sue and Norman Sundberg contributed an important chapter titled Research and Research
Hypotheses About Effectiveness in Intercultural Counseling. It contained 15 research hypotheses that
have held up remarkably well across the intervening decades. For that reason, we reproduce them
here:
1. Entry into the counseling system is affected by cultural conceptualization of mental disorders and
by the socialization of help-seeking behavior.
2. The more similar the expectations of the intercultural client and counselor in regard to the goals
and process of counseling, the more effective the counseling will be.
3. Of special importance in intercultural counseling effectiveness is the degree of congruence
between the counselor and client in their orientations in philosophical values and views toward
dependency, authority, power, openness of communication, and other special relationships
inherent in counseling.
4. The more the aims and desires of the client can be appropriately simplified and formulated as
objective behavior or information (such as university course requirements or specific tasks), the
more effective the intercultural counseling will be.
5. Culture-sensitive empathy and rapport are important in establishing a working alliance between
the counselor and the culturally different client.
6. Effectiveness is enhanced by the counselors general sensitivity to communications, both verbal
and nonverbal. The more personal and emotionally laden the counseling becomes, the more the
client will rely on words and concepts learned early in life, and the more helpful it will be for
the counselor to be knowledgeable about socialization and communication styles in the clients
culture.
7. The less familiar the client is with the counseling process, the more the counselor or the
counseling program will need to instruct the client in what counseling is and in the role of the

8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.

client.
Culture-specific modes of counseling will be found that work more effectively with certain
cultural and ethnic groups than with others.
Ethnic similarity between counselor and client increases the probability of a positive outcome.
Within-group differences on variables such as acculturation and stage of racial identity may
influence receptivity to counseling.
Credibility can be enhanced through acknowledgment of cultural factors in cross-cultural
encounters.
In general, women respond more positively than men to Western-style counseling.
Persons who act with intentionality have a sense of capability and can generate alternative
behaviors in a given situation to approach a problem from different vantage points.
Identity-related characteristics of White counselors can influence their reaction to ethnic
minority clients.
Despite great differences in cultural contexts in language and the implicit theory of the
counseling process, a majority of the important elements of intercultural counseling are common
across cultures and clients.

The infusion of multiculturalism into the theory and practice of counseling is a long process that
requires the understanding of new rules. Clients in counseling and psychotherapy come from a
multitude of cultures and ethnicities, each with his or her own unique assortment of culture teachers.
The imposition of a one-size-fits-all approach to counseling is no longer acceptable for clients who
represent a substantial number of diverse cultural contexts. The counselor who thinks there are only
two people involved in a transactionthe client and the counseloris already in great difficulty.
In addressing these wide-ranging and key issues, we seek to articulate in this volume the positive
contributions that can be realized when multicultural awareness is incorporated into the training of
counselors. Properly understood and applied, this awareness of our culture teachers will make our
work as counselors easier rather than harder, more satisfying rather than frustrating, and more
efficient rather than inefficient and cumbersome.
Paul B. Pedersen
Walter J. Lonner
Juris G. Draguns
Joseph A. Trimble
Mara R. Scharrn-del Ro

Part I Essential Components of Cross-Cultural Counseling

A quick look at the table of contents of this text reveals that almost 80% of the chaptersthe 20
chapters that make up Parts II through Vfocus on specifically targeted perspectives and topics that
are systematically spread across important clusters of interrelated chapters. Thus, the operative
phrase that they share is specificity of function. All of these 20 chapters feature topics that can, if one
desires, be read as unified independent presentations. For instance, if a counselor wishes to review
key aspects of counseling Asian clients, or refugees, or issues pertaining to families, specific chapters
can serve as informative packages in and of themselves. The operative phrase in Part I, in contrast, is
foundational perspectives. The intent of this beginning group of four chapters is to provide a broader
view that will help form a coherent basis for the rest of the text. We strongly believe that all
approaches used in cross-cultural counseling are best implemented when important generic areas,
fundamentally related to all other counseling-oriented topics, are woven into the fabric of counselors
specific purposes. In that sense, Part I has an integrative function for the text. We recommend reading
it first. In this introduction we present only fragmentary comments on the four chapters.
Chapter 1 focuses on inclusive cultural empathy, or ICE. Empathy, like related concepts such as
sympathy and compassion, is a human universal. It has almost certainly been part of the collective
human psyche across countless millennia. A temporary state of emotional symbiosis seems to
characterize empathy. One has only to study Rembrandts 17th-century masterpiece The Return of the
Prodigal Son to see and even feel that acts of empathy, compassion, and sympathy predate the
introduction of the root German word Einfhlung, which means in-feeling or feeling in. It was
first used more than a century ago in the psychology of aesthetics. Robert Vischer and then Theodor
Lipps introduced it as an interpersonal phenomenon. Freud and others employed the term extensively.
Thus it is useless to argue whether or not we have the capacity for empathy. Rather, the question is, To
what extent do we have it? That leads to other questions, such as Can it be enhanced by experience
and training? and Is too much of this feeling in dangerous in counseling relationships?
Culture-oriented perspectives in psychology are currently popular and inclusive, and we believe they
will remain that way. Whether it is cross-cultural psychology, cultural psychology, indigenous
psychology, psychological anthropology, or multiculturalism, psychology has become much more
inclusive. Gone are the hegemonic days of Western-based psychology that largely ignored the
phenomenon of culture and its multitude of forms. Leave culture in the hands of anthropologists was
a frequent directive issued by orthodox behaviorists. That narrow vision has almost entirely
disappeared. Many of the basic principles of psychology remain, as well they should, because
psychology is an important academic and practical discipline with transcendent conceptual and
methodological principles. Organized cross-cultural psychology, one of the antidotes to scholarly
myopia, is now half a century old, with new developments certain to continue. (For a chronological
overview of initiatives that have been heavily influenced by culture-oriented psychologists, see
Lonner, 2013.) Inclusive cultural empathy is a concept that stands on the shoulders of these efforts.
ICE is such a compelling idea that it serves as the hub for the several spokes that constitute the
remaining chapters in this text. In Chapter 1, Paul B. Pedersen and Mark Pope take the experience of
empathy, with its roots in Western conceptualizations of self, values, and other popular constructs that
make up personhood, to a level made possible by the contributions of thousands of psychologists and

counselors throughout the world.

Pedersen and Pope note that inclusion comes from research in the hard sciences, where something
can be both right and wrong, good and bad, true and false at the same time through both/and
thinking. This supplants the rules of exclusion, which, as they point out, have depended on
either/or thinking, wherein one alternative explanation is entirely excluded and its opposite is
entirely accepted. Thus, from this quantum perspective, empathy is both a pattern and a process at
the same time. It is elegantly clear, therefore, that in counseling across cultures, taking both the
perspective of the counselor and that of the client, much more can be gained by adopting a two-way
attitude than by accepting a traditional either/or perspective. Psychotherapy is not a laboratory
experiment in which a null hypothesis is either accepted or rejected. This dichotomy would mean that
accepting one perspective (usually the counselors) over the other would block progress. No doubt
thousands of counseling sessions have ended abruptly when one in the dyad (usually the counselor)
looked at the problem through culture-colored glasses. It was out of these procedural concerns that
Pedersen developed his well-known triad training model. ICE is also central to Pedersens idea that
multiculturalism is a fourth force in psychotherapy and, as such, is as influential as behaviorism,
humanism, and psychodynamic approaches. These pioneering viewpoints are briefly discussed in
Chapter 1.
The intent of Chapter 2 is to examine the basic elements of counseling and to explain how counseling
in any cultural setting can be effective. In the chapter, Juris G. Draguns gives examples of classic
definitions of counseling, all of which can readily be applied to counseling across cultures. The idea
that counseling is principally concerned with facilitating, rather than more directively bringing
about, adaptive coping in order to alleviate distress, eliminate dysfunction, and promote effective
problem solving and optimal decision making is sufficiently transcendent to be used in any
relationship that can be described as counseling. An additional comment Draguns makes, that
counseling proceeds between two (or sometimes more than two) individuals and is embedded in
distinctive sociocultural milieus, correct as it is, must be considered in connection with ICE, for
two, and not just one, cultural milieus will inevitably be involved. This is the sauce that gives
meaning to the notion of cross in cross-cultural counseling, for these relationships cut both ways.
Draguns gives cogent examples of what Pedersen has told us: that a multitude of culture teachers
have strongly influenced, and continue to influence, all culture-oriented counselors. Like homunculi
sitting on a counselors shoulder during counseling sessions, these teachers affect what is said and
done in each and every encounter. This analogy is in line with the broad sweep of ICE. The more
influence these teachers have in a counseling session, the more likely it is they will contribute to a
successful outcome. Another consideration of empathy is that it works best if understood as a
constantly reciprocating relationship. The counselor will have to be attuned to the many ways that the
client has learned his or her own culture, and the client will have to pay attention to what the
counselor says and does, for just as the counselor has culture teachers, so does the client. This is
part of what the therapeutic alliance is all about.
Chapter 2 also covers a range of other considerations that to varying degrees cut across all the other
chapters in the text. Culturally adapted cognitive-behavioral therapy and its possible convergence
with evidence-based treatments have entered culture-oriented counseling. The issues surrounding this

convergence are discussed. The latter part of the chapter shifts from the nature of cross-cultural
counseling as a process that differs from routine counseling to several generalizable characteristics
of clients. While it is true that each individual is unique, there are certain domains of personhood that
transcend culture and ethnicity. Foremost among these domains is the construct of self. Consistent
with aspects of self that are important in assessing persons (see the discussion below regarding
Chapter 3), in culture-oriented counseling it is important to keep in mind that the nature of a clients
self is largely shaped by cultural and ethnic factors that leave their indelible imprints on everyone.
The most widely researched aspect of the self places all of us on a continuum. On one end we find
those who are highly independent and autonomous in thought and action (think of the stereotypic
strong male, or of the notion of self-sufficiency). The other end is populated by individuals whose
selves are conditioned by a strong sense of belonging to some sort of collectivity, such as a caste,
clan, family, or other group (think of the stereotypic female, for whom family, friends, and community
come first). The continuum of allocentrismidiocentrismor group orientation as opposed to selfreliancehas been used as another way to view opposing configurations of personality traits that
help explain how individuals differ. Highly related to this useful concept is the dichotomy of
individualism and collectivism. A number of culture-oriented psychological researchers have spent
most of their careers studying the roots and dynamics of this hypothetical continuum, which is mostly
used at a high level of abstraction, such as a clan or an entire country. It is such a robust construct that
one can envision it as being highly related to the bifurcation of extroversion and introversion, an oftused dichotomy that operates at the level of the individual. Draguns also discusses four other
dimensions that Hofstede and a large network of fellow researchers have used in hundreds of
research projects. He closes the chapter by discussing universal, cultural, and individual threads in
counseling. He also includes a helpful list of brief dos and donts that can help guide counselors in
their interactions with clients whose cultural or ethnic backgrounds differ from their own.
Chapter 3 gives an overview of issues, problems, and perspectives in the area of psychological
assessment. The assessment or appraisal of a person who, for any reason, becomes a counseling
client begins the instant that counselor and client meet. The assessment can be quick and
impressionistic, involving no formal assessment procedures. On the other hand, it can, and usually
does, involve an array of psychological tests and other measurement devices and procedures that help
the counselor understand the clients abilities, personality, values, and virtually any other dimension
of personhood that the counselor deems important. Perhaps the key question to be asked and answered
is the one that the author of the chapter, Walter J. Lonner, proposes: Is the assessment of this person,
in these circumstances, with these methods, and at this time as complete and accurate as possible?
The field of psychological measurement and testing has a rich and lengthy history, and it is one of the
more ubiquitous areas in the discipline. Lord Kelvin once made a claim that cements the importance
of tests and measurements: If you havent measured it you dont know what you are talking about.
Years later, E. L. Thorndike backed him up with this well-known proclamation: If a thing exists, it
exists in some amount; and if it exists in some amount, it can be measured. Thus, one dimension in
assessmentand arguably the most important in the area of professional counselinginvolves
carefully planned psychological testing. All counseling clients, regardless of presenting problems and
the focus of counseling, are assessed in some fashion, and many of them will be required or asked to
take one or more psychological tests. Tests that measure aptitude, abilities, intelligence, personality,
interests, values, and other aspects of the person are most common. Most of these psychometric

devices originated in the United States, Canada, and their territorial extensions, such as Great Britain,
Australia, New Zealand, and Western Europe. Furthermore, most of them were originally conceived
by academic psychologists and educational experts who represent a fairly narrow swath of vast
populations and normed on captive audiences or samples of convenience. And therein lies a
question that begs an answer in almost any counseling encounter with people for whom the tests may
not have been originally normed: What must be done to ensure that the test results are equivalent and
unbiased? The ideas of fairness and cultural validity are pervasively on the minds of cross-cultural
psychologists, whose careers have been dedicated to the assessment of various dimensions of
personhood. As Lonner points out, numerous technical resources are readily available in the literature
to help therapists translate and otherwise adapt psychological tests for use in counseling.
Counselors can choose between quantitative (nomothetic) and qualitative (idiographic) methods in
assessment or use some combination of the two. Because both of these approaches have attractive
features, the use of mixed methods is steadily increasing, especially in counseling and clinical work.
Neuropsychological testing, briefly surveyed in Chapter 3, is often important in the assessment of
acculturating or displaced individuals who have been victims of wars, physical or psychological
abuse, malnutrition, or other horrid human conditions.
The overriding theme of inclusive cultural empathy that characterizes this book can be extended to
inclusivity in empathetic assessment. For this reason, Lonner suggests the use of knowledge-based
assessment (KBA). Usually having nothing to do with more traditional and formal assessment
devices, KBA includes the knowledge that the counselor has accumulated in all walks of life and
especially from reading and becoming familiar with culture-oriented research that, for years, has
focused on hypothesized universal personality traits and the ways in which culture helps to shape
various dimensions of self as well as values. A clients personality, conceptions of self, and
preferences for certain values over others will always be among the mixture of things that emerge in
the process of counseling. The counselors ability to use the results of a great deal of culture-driven
research in such areas of personhood extends the notion of psychological assessment beyond its more
formal and traditional techniques.
Counseling across cultures as a recognized professional activity has a lengthy history but a short past.
One can imagine thousands of scenarios in the distant past where a person from, for example, Homer,
Alaska, was discussing a personal problem presented by an immigrant from rural Norway. The
counselor may have little or no psychological background, and both the counselor and the client may
have limited fluency in the others language. These kinds of conundrums take us back a few pages in
this introduction to our brief discussion of assessment across cultures. Thus, in this hypothetical
context, one can ask: Is my counseling of this person, in these circumstances, with the methods at my
level of competence, and at this time and place as practicable and ethical as possible? The authors of
Chapter 4 ask this multifaceted question in the context of a fundamental issue in multicultural
counselingan issue that transcends all 20 chapters in Parts IIV. Timothy B. Smith, Alberto Soto,
Derek Griner, and Joseph E. Trimble summarize the current status of research on multicultural
counseling. As they note, research in this area has increased exponentially over the past several
decades. Clearly, even as recently as 1976, when the first edition of this book appeared, very little
research had been conducted bearing on the effectiveness of counseling across cultures. This is
especially true with respect to evidence-based psychological treatments, which are currently at a

premium.
Focusing primarily on the powerful method of meta-analysis, in which the findings of numerous
individual studies are integrated prior to analysis in an effort to make sense of the effectiveness (or
lack thereof) of counseling across cultures, Smith et al. look into the characteristics of counselors
who demonstrate competence in the field. Intercultural competence is clearly the silver chalice for
anyone who aspires to reach a recognized level of effectiveness in multicultural competence. An
increasing array of research and literature on the topic is coalescing to an extent not heretofore
reached. For instance, in 2013 the Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology published a special issue
containing nine articles that are fine examples of current thinking in this area (Chiu, Lonner,
Matsumoto, & Ward, 2013). The issue focuses on cross-cultural competence in general, with a
decided nod in the direction of cross-cultural competence in the international workplace (among
managers, consultants, negotiators, and so on), and not specifically multicultural counseling
competence. However, sensitivity, open-mindedness, social initiative, flexibility, cultural empathy
(which in this book is essentially equivalent to ICE), critical thinking, emotional stability, emotion
regulation, awareness, abilities, knowledge, and skills are descriptors that often surface in attempts to
pinpoint the components of cross-cultural competence. It seems to us that if a person is crossculturally competent, that competence should transfer well across all domains of interpersonal
interaction. The package of the above descriptors a person possesses would, if realized in sufficient
quantities, define ICE. Numerous attempts to measure the concept have been attempted (Deardorff,
2009; Matsumoto & Hwang, 2013).
While all chapters in this book can be enhanced and informed by this foundational chapter, perhaps
the contribution that is closest to Chapter 4 conceptually and practically is Chapter 18, which focuses
exclusively on acculturation, a topic that by definition is saturated with an assortment of counseling
needs. This is especially true in North America, which for generations has been the promised land
for many. Smith et al. mention this as well. A high percentage of the works cited in the abovementioned special issue come from journals such as the International Journal of Intercultural
Relations; just a handful are journal articles and books that typically are read by counselors and
clinicians. With so much to offer each other, readers of this text are encouraged to do something about
this unfortunate territorial bifurcation. The latter pages of Chapter 4 discuss a number of factors that
have been researched by culture-oriented practitioners. They include racial and ethnic matching of
client and culture and ways in which general theories of counseling have been adapted for
multicultural counseling.

References
Chiu, C. Y., Lonner, W. J., Matsumoto, D., & Ward, C. (Eds.). (2013). Cross-cultural competence
[Special issue]. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 44(6).
Deardorff, D. K. (Ed.). (2009). The SAGE handbook of intercultural competence. Thousand Oaks,
CA: Sage.
Lonner, W. J. (2013). Foreword. In K. D. Keith (Ed.), The encyclopedia of cross-cultural psychology.
Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell. (Also in Online Readings in Psychology and Culture,

http://dx.doi.org/10.9707/23070919.1124)
Matsumoto, D., & Hwang, H. C. (2013). Assessing cross-cultural competence: A review of available
tests. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 44(6), 849873.

1 Toward Effectiveness Through Empathy

Paul B. Pedersen
Mark Pope

Primary Objective
To provide an overview of the significance and importance of inclusive cultural empathy

Secondary Objectives
To reframe the counseling concept of individualistic empathy into inclusive cultural empathy
To develop a more relationship-centered alternative based on Asian ways of knowing and
healing
Good relationships in counseling psychotherapy emerge as a necessary but not sufficient condition in
all research about effective mental health services. Good relationships depend on establishing
empathy. Empathy occurs when one person vicariously experiences the feelings, perceptions, and
thoughts of another. Most of the research on empathy is predicated on the shared understanding of
emotions, thoughts, and actions of one person by another. In Western cultures, psychologists typically
focus exclusively on the individual, whereas in traditional non-Western cultures, empathy more
typically involves an inclusive perspective focusing on the individual and significant others in the
societal context. This chapter explores the reframing of empathy, based on an individualistic
perspective, into inclusive cultural empathy, based on a more relationship-centered perspective, as
an alternative interpretation of the empathetic process (Pedersen, Crethar, & Carlson, 2008).
The world has changed to make us totally interdependent on a diversified model of society, requiring
us to find new ways of adaptation. Globalization, migration, demographic changes, poverty, war,
famine, and changes in the environment have led to increased diversity across the globe. Our
responses to that diversity, through sociotechnical changes, competition for limited resources, and
anger and resentment at the intranational and international levels, all of which depend on conventional
Western models, have been inadequate:
Powerful global efforts to reduce diversity conflicts by the hegemonic imposition of Western
economic, political, and cultural systems is not a solution to the emerging diversity conflict
issues. Rather, the global monoculturalism being promoted represents an exacerbation of the
problem as evidenced by the growing radicalization of individuals, groups, and nations seeking
to resist the homogenization pressures. (Marsella, 2009, p. 119)
In this context, empathyreframed as inclusive cultural empathyprovides an alternative

perspective to conventional individualism. We believe that psychologists are part of both the problem
and the solution to this dilemma, and we call upon the field to take leadership around the world in
applying this inclusive cultural empathy model.

Cultural Foundations
Moodley and West (2005) integrated traditional healing practices into counseling and psychotherapy.
They described a rich healing tradition from around the world, going back more than 1,000 years, that
is being used today alongside contemporary health care. They
explore the complexities of the various approaches and argue for the inclusion and integration of
traditional and indigenous healing practices in counseling and psychotherapy. This need to look
outside the boundaries of Western psychology is a direct result of the failures of multicultural
counseling or the way psychotherapy is practiced in a multicultural context. It seems that
multicultural counseling and psychotherapy is in crisis. (Moodley & West, 2005, pp. xvxvi)
Mental health care providers and educators can no longer pretend that counseling and psychotherapy
were invented in the last 200 years by European Americans in a Western cultural context. The
recognition of indigenous resources for holistic healing and the search for harmony have been
recognized in the literature about complementary and alternative medicine. The true history of mental
health care includes contributors from around the world during the last several thousand years,
although these progenitors are seldom if ever mentioned in the textbooks for training mental health
care providers. This omission, however unintentional, is inexcusable and has resulted in violations of
intellectual property rights and unnecessary misunderstanding. Although Asia and Africa have been
struggling to interface traditional approaches with Western approaches for a long time, this task has
only recently emerged as a priority in the United States (Incayawar, Wintrob, & Bouchard, 2009).
The practice of psychotherapy is a political action with sociopolitical consequences. Psychologists,
counselors, and scholars from Western cultures have presented a history of protecting the status quo
against change, as perceived by people in minority cultures (i.e., racial minorities, women, and those
who perceive themselves as disempowered by the majority). The lack of trust in people who provide
counseling services and the belief that the status quo is being protected are documented in the
literature about scientific racism and European American ethnocentrism (Pedersen, Draguns,
Lonner, & Trimble, 2008; D. W. Sue & Sue, 2003). Cultural differences were explained by some
through a genetic deficiency model that promoted the superiority of dominant European American
cultures. The genetic deficiency approach was matched to a cultural deficit model that described
minorities as deprived or disadvantaged by their culture. Minorities were underrepresented among
professional counselors and therapists, the topic of culture was trivialized in professional
communications, and minority views were underrepresented in the research literature. Members of
the counseling profession were discredited among minority client populations because they viewed
counseling as a tool to maintain the boundary differences between those who had power and/or
access to resources and those who did not.

These cultural differences have resulted in racial microaggressions in the everyday contacts between
groups. Racial microaggressions are brief and commonplace daily verbal, behavioral, or
environmental indignities, whether intentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory,
or negative racial slights and insults toward people of color (D. W. Sue et al., 2007, p. 271).
Inclusive cultural empathy seeks to minimize or eliminate racial microaggressions from multicultural
contacts by emphasizing the importance of context.

Alternative Indigenous Psychologies

There are already indigenous alternatives to individualistic psychotherapy. China provides examples
of indigenous alternatives that de-emphasize individualism. Yang (1995, 1999), Yang, Hwang,
Pedersen, and Daibo (2003), and Hwang (2006) conceptualized the Chinese social orientation in two
waysfirst as a system of social psychological interactions and second as a pattern of inclinations or
natural tendencies based on past experience. This interaction between the person and the
environment is demonstrated in the tension between isolated or independent tendencies and relational
or connected tendencies. Although the individuated approach works well in some cultures to facilitate
measurement and treatment, for example, it excludes valuable data from other cultures.
Santee (2007) described an integrative approach to psychotherapy that bridges Chinese thought,
evolutionary theory, and stress management. This approach provides an
opportunity to view the culturally diverse perspectives of Buddhism, Daoism, and Confucianism
in a context that will allow for the integration of these teachings into Western counseling and
psychotherapy. This integration will, it is hoped, contribute to resolving the problems facing
contemporary counseling and psychotherapy caused by its own ethnocentric perspective and the
need to access cultural diversity. It is a move toward embracing a new paradigm. It is a bamboo
bridge. (Santee, 2007, pp. 1011)
The family orientation metaphor constitutes the core building block of Chinese society, rather than
the isolated individual, as in Western cultures. The Chinese people tend to generalize or extend their
familistic experiences and habits acquired in the family to other groups so that the latter may be
regarded as quasi-familial organizations. Chinese familism (or familistic collectivism), as
generalized to other social organizations, may be named generalized familism or pan familism
(Yang, 1995, p. 23). This family perspective is significantly different from Western psychologys
focus on the scientific study of individual behavior.
Yang had the dream of an alternative to using inappropriate Western psychology to understand balance
in Chinese society. He described the consequences of imposing Western psychology on non-Western
cultures:
What has been created via this highly Westernized research activity is a highly Westernized
social science that is incompatible with the native cultures, peoples and phenomena studied in

non-Western societies. The detrimental over-dominance of Western social sciences in the

development of corresponding sciences in non-Western societies is the outcome of a worldwide
academic hegemony of Western learning in at least the last hundred years. (Yang, 1999, p. 182)
Liu and Liu (1999) pointed out that interconnectedness is a difficult concept to pin down because it
involves synthesizing opposites, contradictions, paradox, and complex patterns that resemble the
dynamic, self-regulating process of complexity theory: In Eastern traditions of scholarship, what is
valued most is not truth. In broad outline, the pursuit of objective knowledge is subordinate to the
quest for spiritual interconnectedness (p. 10).
Yang (1997) described his thinking as it evolved toward understanding North American psychology
as its own kind of indigenous psychology, developing out of European intellectual traditions but much
influenced by American society. He developed a list of seven nos that a Chinese psychologist
should not do so that his or her research can become indigenous:
Not to habitually or uncritically adopt Western psychological concepts, theories, and methods;
Not to overlook Western psychologists important experiences in developing their concepts,
theories, and methods;
Not to reject useful indigenous concepts, theories, and methods developed by other Chinese
psychologists;
Not to adopt any cross-cultural research strategy with a Western-dominant imposed etic or
pseudo-etic approach . . . ;
Not to use concepts, variables, or units of analysis that are too broad or abstract;
Not to think out research problems in terms of English or other foreign languages; and
Not to conceptualise academic research in political terms, that is, not to politicise research. (pp.
7172)
Along with the seven nos Yang (1997) also suggested 10 yes assertions to guide the psychologist
in a more positive direction:
To tolerate vague or ambiguous conditions and to suspend ones decisions as long as possible in
dealing with conceptual, theoretical, and methodological problems until something indigenous
emerges in his or her phenomenological field;
To be a typical Chinese when functioning as a researcher [letting Chinese ideas be reflected in
the research];
To take the psychological or behavioural phenomenon to be studied and its concrete, specific
setting into careful consideration...;
To take its local, social, cultural, and historical contexts into careful consideration whenever
conceptualizing a phenomenon and designing a study;
To give priority to the study of culturally unique psychological and behavioural phenomena or
characteristics of the Chinese people;
To make it a rule to begin any research with a thorough immersion into the natural, concrete
details of the phenomenon to be studied;
To investigate, if possible, both the specific content (or structure) and the involved process (or
mechanism) of the phenomenon in any study;

To let research be based upon the Chinese intellectual tradition rather than the Western
intellectual tradition;
To study not only the traditional aspects or elements of Chinese psychological functioning but
also the modern ones...;
To study not only the psychological functioning of contemporary, living Chinese but also that of
the ancient Chinese. (p. 72)
The consequences of extreme individualism in psychotherapy are very dangerous to modern societies.
Westernized values that became popular in the 19th and 20th centuries have sponsored destructive
attitudes and lifestyles; to prevent an ecological disaster, urgent changes are needed in these values.
Howard (2000, p. 515) identified nine killer thoughts based on Western psychological values and
assumptions: (a) Consumption produces happiness; (b) we dont need to think (or worry) about the
future; (c) short-term rewards and punishments are more important than long-term goals; (d) growth is
good; (e) we should all get as much of lifes limited resources as we can; (f) keeping the price of
energy low is a good thing; (g) if it aint broke, dont fix it; (h) we dont need to change until
scientific proof is found; and (i) we will always find new solutions in time to expand limited
resources. The dangers of exclusively imposing dominant-culture values have led psychotherapists to
better understand the values of other, contrasting cultures.
One example of imposing Westernized, individualistic, dominant-culture values is the primacy of
self-interest. Miller (1999) examined the self-interest motive and the self-confirming role of
assuming that a norm exists in Western cultures that specifies self-interest both is and ought to be a
powerful determinant of behavior. This norm influences peoples actions and opinions as well as the
accounts they give for their actions and opinions. In particular, it leads people to act and speak as
though they care more about their material self-interest than they do (p. 1053). The more powerful
this norm of self-interest is assumed to be, the more self-fulfilling psychological evidence will be
found to support that premise.

Inclusive Cultural Empathy

The importance of inclusion comes from research in the hard sciences, where quantum physics
demonstrates the importance of opposites, proving that something can be both right and wrong, good
and bad, true and false at the same time through both/and thinking. The rules of exclusion have
depended on either/or thinking, in which one alternative interpretation is entirely excluded and the
opposite is entirely accepted. From this quantum perspective, empathy is both a pattern and a process
at the same time.
The intellectual construct of empathy developed in a context that favored individualism and described
the connection of one individual to another individual. However, globalization is changing that
perspective. The individuated self, which is rooted in individualism, is being overtaken by a more
familial concept of self, best described by Clifford Geertz (1975):
The Western conception of the person as a bounded, unique, more or less integrated motivational
and cognitive universe, a dynamic center of awareness, emotion, judgment and action organized

into a distinctive whole and set contrastively both against other such wholes and against a social
and natural background is, however incorrigible it may seem to us, a rather peculiar idea within
the context of the worlds cultures. (p. 48)
In the more collectivist non-Western cultures, relationships are defined inclusively to address not
only the individual but the many culture teachers of that individual in a network of significant
others. Being empathetic in that indigenous cultural context requires a more inclusive perspective than
that found in the typically more individualistic Western cultures. In identifying the individual, the
question should not be Where do you come from? but rather Who do you come from?
Inclusive cultural empathy is an alternative to the conventional empathy concept applied to a culturecentered perspective of counseling (Pedersen, Crethar, & Carlson, 2008). Conventional empathy
typically develops out of similarities between two people. Inclusive cultural empathy has two
defining features: (1) Culture is defined broadly to include culture teachers from the clients
ethnographic (ethnicity and nationality), demographic (age, gender, lifestyle broadly defined,
residence), status (social, educational, economic), and affiliation (formal or informal) backgrounds;
and (2) the empathetic counseling relationship values the full range of differences and similarities or
positive and negative features as contributing to the quality and meaningfulness of that relationship in
a dynamic balance. Inclusive cultural empathy describes a dynamic perspective that balances both
similarities and differences at the same time and was developed to nurture a deep comprehensive
understanding of the counseling relationship in its cultural context. It goes beyond the exclusive
interaction of a counselor with a client to include the comprehensive network of interrelationships
with culture teachers in both the clients and the counselors cultural contexts.
The inclusive relationship is illustrated by the intrapersonal cultural grid shown in Table 1.1. This
visual display shows how a persons behavior is linked to culturally learned expectations that justify
the persons behavior and the cultural values on which those expectations are based. Table 1.1 shows
how each persons cultural context influences that persons behavior through the thousands of culture
teachers from which each person has learned how to respond appropriately in different situations. To
understand the persons behavior, one must first understand the cultural context.

Empathy is constructed over a period of time during counseling as the foundation of a strong and
positive working relationship. The conventional description of empathy moves from a broadly

defined context to the individual person convergently, like an upside-down pyramid. Inclusive
cultural empathy moves from the individual person toward inclusion of the divergent, broadly defined
cultural context in which that individuals many culture teachers live, like a right-side-up pyramid.
The conventional definition of empathy has emphasized similarities as the basis of comembership in a
one-directional focus on similarities that does not include differences (Ridley & Lingle, 1996; Ridley
& Udipi, 2002). The new construct of cultural empathy presented in much of the literature appears to
be indistinguishable from generic empathy except that it is used in multicultural contexts to achieve an
understanding of the clients cultural experience (Ridley & Lingle, 1996, p. 30). Inclusive cultural
empathy goes beyond conventional empathy to understand accurately and respond appropriately to the
clients comprehensive cultural relationships to his or her culture teachers, some of whom are similar
to and others of whom are different from the counselor.
By reframing the counseling relationship into multicultural categories, it becomes possible for the
counselor and the client to accept the counseling relationship as it isambiguous and complex
without first having to change it toward the counselors own neatly organized self-reference and
exclusionary cultural perspective. This complex and somewhat chaotic perspective is what
distinguishes inclusive cultural empathy from the more conventional descriptions of empathy. We can
best manage the complexity of inclusive cultural empathy in a comprehensive and inclusive
framework. This comprehensive and inclusive framework has been referred to as multiculturalism.
The ultimate outcome of multicultural awareness, as Segall, Dasen, Berry, and Poortinga (1990)
suggested, is a contextual understanding: There may well come a time when we will no longer speak
of cross-cultural psychology as such. The basic premise of this fieldthat to understand human
behavior, we must study it in its sociocultural contextmay become so widely accepted that all
psychology will be inherently cultural (p. 352). During the last 20 years, multiculturalism has
usually become recognized as a powerful force, not just for understanding specific groups but for
understanding ourselves and those with whom we work (D. W. Sue, Ivey, & Pedersen, 1996).

Increasing Multicultural Awareness

Cultural patterns of thinking and acting were being prepared for us even before we were born, to
guide our lives, to shape our decisions, and to put our lives in order. We inherited these culturally
learned assumptions from our parents and teachers, who taught us the rules of life. As we learned
more about ourselves and others, we learned that our own way of thinking was one of many different
ways. By that time, however, we had come to believe that our way was the best of all possible ways,
and even when we found new or better ways it was not always possible to change. We are more
likely to see the world through our own eyes and to assume that others see the same world in the same
way using a self-reference criterion. As the world becomes more obviously multicultural, this
one-size-fits-all perspective has become a problem.
During the last 20 years, multiculturalism has become a powerful force in mental health services, not
just for understanding foreign-based nationality groups or ethnic minority groups but for constructing
accurate and intentional counseling relationships generally. Multiculturalism has gained the status of a
generic component of competence, complementing other competencies to explain human behavior by

highlighting the importance of the cultural context. Culture is more complex than these assumptions
suggest. Imagine that there are a thousand culture teachers sitting in your chair with you and another
thousand in your clients chair, collected over a lifetime from friends, enemies, relatives, strangers,
heroes, and heroines. That is the visual image of culture in the multicultural counseling interview.
Psychotherapy in the not-so-far-away future promises to become an inclusive science that routinely
takes cultural variables into account. In contrast, much of todays mainstream psychotherapy routinely
neglects and underestimates the power of cultural variables. Soon, there will appear in connection
with many psychological theories and methods a series of questions:
Under what circumstances and in which culturally circumscribed situations does a given
psychological theory or methodology provide valid explanations for the origins and maintenance
of behavior? What are the cultural boundary conditions potentially limiting the generalizability
of psychological theories and methodologies? Which psychological phenomena are culturally
robust in character, and which phenomena appear only under specified cultural conditions?
(Gielen, 1994, p. 38)
The underlying principle of multicultural awareness is to emphasize at the same time both the culturespecific characteristics that differentiate and the culture-general characteristics that unite. The
inclusive accommodation of both within-group differences and between-groups differences is
required for a comprehensive understanding of each complicated cultural context.

Comprehending Multicultural Knowledge

Accurate information, comprehensive documentation, and verifiable evidence are important to the
protection of the health sciences as a reliable and valid resource. Knowledge requires an inclusive
understanding of all our multiple selves. By defining culture broadly to include ethnographic
variables, demographic variables, status, and affiliations, the construct multicultural becomes
generic to all counseling relationships. The narrow definition of culture has limited multiculturalism
to what might more appropriately be called multiethnic or multinational relationships between groups
with a shared sociocultural heritage that includes similarities of religion, history, and common
ancestry. Ethnicity and nationality are important to individual and familial identity as aspects of
culture, but the construct of culturebroadly definedgoes beyond national and/or ethnic
boundaries. Persons from the same ethnic or nationality group may still experience cultural
differences that include a variety of within-group differences.
This collectivist understanding of culture is more commonly found in non-Western cultures. There are
several assumptions that distinguish non-Western therapies (Nakamura, 1964): (a) Self, the substance
of individuality, and the reality of belonging to an absolute cosmic self are intimately related. Illness
is related to a lack of balance in the cosmos as much as to physical ailments. (b) Asian theories of
personality generally de-emphasize individualism and emphasize social relationships. Collectivism
more than individualism describes the majority of the worlds cultures. (c) Interdependence or even
dependency relationships in Hindu and Chinese cultures are valued as healthy. Independence is much

more dysfunctional in a collectivist culture. (d) Experience rather than logic can serve as the basis for
interpreting psychological phenomena. Subjectivity as well as objectivity are perceived as
psychologically valid approaches to data. In spite of these differences, Western and non-Western
approaches are complementary to one another as psychotherapies increasingly include attention to
non-Western therapies.
Therapies based on non-Western worldviews provide examples of inclusion in understanding the
context for any therapeutic intervention: Ayurvedic therapies from India combine the root of the
words for life, vitality, health, and longevity (dyus) with the word for science or knowledge (veda)
and focus on promoting a comprehensive and spiritual notion of health and life rather than healing or
curing any specific illness. Ayurvedic treatments are combined with conventional therapies more
frequently in Europe than in the United States. Health is treated as more than the absence of disease
and involves a spiritual reciprocity between mind and body. Western-based research has documented
the efficacy of Ayurvedic therapies.
Yoga has a history of thousands of years as a viable therapy. The word yoga is based on the Sanskrit
root yuj, meaning to yoke or bind the bodymindsoul to God. Yoga has its main source in the
Bhagavad Gita in understanding the connection of the individual to the cosmos. Research on yoga has
demonstrated its benefits in lowering blood pressure and stress levels through meditation, personality
change, and therapeutic self-discovery.
Chinese therapies include an elegant array of approaches based on the concepts of the Tao, or the
way; chi, or the energy force; and yin/yang, or the balance of opposites. The various systems of
Chinese therapies are grounded in religion and philosophy by the mystical union with God or the
cosmos and nature. The Tao describes those patterns that lead toward harmony. Chi describes a
system of pathways called meridians in the body through which energy flows. Yin/yang describes the
balance of paradoxes, each essential to the other.
Buddhist therapy is based on the absence of a separate self, the impermanence of all things, and the
fact of sorrow. People suffer from desiring and striving to possess things, which are impermanent.
The cure is to reach a higher state of being to eliminate delusion, attachment, and desire in the
interrelationship of mind and body. Elements of cognitive restructuring, behavioral techniques, and
insight-oriented methods are involved in the healing process.
Sufism is the mystical aspect of Islam addressing what is inside the person. The outward dimension,
or sharia, is like the circumference of a circle, with the inner truth, or haqiqa, being the circles
center and the path, tariqa, to that center going beyond rituals to ultimate peace and health. The goal
in Sufism is to enable people to live simple, harmonious, and happy lives. Jungs analytical
psychology and Freuds interpretation of the fragmented person are similar but more objective in their
emphasis than Sufism, which seeks to go beyond the limited understanding of objective knowledge.
Japanese therapies of Zen Buddhism, Naikan, and Morita focus on constructive living, and their aim
is for people to become more natural. Morita was a professor of psychiatry at Jikei University School
of Medicine in Tokyo who developed principles of Zen Buddhist psychology. Yoshimoto was a
successful businessman who became a lay priest at Nara and developed Naikan therapy in the Jodo
Shinshu Buddhist psychology. Morita therapy is a way to accept and embrace our feelings rather than

ignore them or attempt to escape from them. Naikan therapy emphasizes how many good things we
have received from others and the inadequacy of our repayment.
Shamanism encompasses a family of therapies involving altered states of consciousness in which
people experience their spiritual beings to heal themselves or others. Shamanism is found in cultures
from Siberian and Native American cultures to Australian and African cultures, going back perhaps
25,000 years in South Africa. The focus is healing through spirit travel, soul flights, or soul journeys,
which distinguish shamans from priests, mediums, or medicine men. These altered states include
psychological, social, and physiological approaches that constitute perhaps the worlds earliest
technologies for modifying consciousness.
Native American healers recognize four main causes of illness: offending the spirits or breaking
taboos, intrusion of a spirit into the body, soul loss, and witchcraft. Illness can be a divine retribution
for breaking a taboo or offending divine powers, requiring that the patient be purified with song,
prayers, and rituals. In the same way, the removal of objects or spirits from the body by a healer
restores health. When the soul is separated from the body or possessed by harmful powers it must be
brought back to energize the patient, and sometimes the shaman must travel to the land of the dead to
bring the soul back. Finally, witchcraft causes illness by projecting toxic substances into the patient.
Elements of dissociative reaction, depression, compulsive disorder, and paranoia are present.
African healing, as described by Airhihenbuwa (1995), is based on cultural values and is available,
acceptable, and affordable; even today African divinities, diviners, and healers continue to be
popular in a religious or psychosocial dimension of health care that goes beyond medical care.
Beliefs include symbolic representations of tribal realities, illness resulting from hot/cold imbalance,
dislocation of internal organs, impure blood, unclean air, moral transgression, interpersonal struggle,
and conflict with the spirit world. Health depends on a balance both within the individual and
between the individual and the environment or cosmos. Similarities with allopathic medicine are
evident.
A great variety of other non-Western systems of health care exist, such as Christian mysticism,
homeopathy, osteopathy, chiropractic, herbalism, healing touch, naturopathic medicine, qigong,
curanderismo, and Tibetan medicine, among many others. Each of these systems is, in turn, divided
into a great variety of different traditions. However, many of the same patterns of spiritual reality,
mindbody relationships, balance, and subjective reality run through many if not all of these nonWestern therapies.
The cultural context provides a force field of contrasting influences, which can be kept in balance
through culturally inclusive empathy. There are several implications of considering culturally
inclusive empathy to be necessary for competent counseling to occur. Each implication contributes
toward a capability for understanding and facilitating a balanced perspective in multicultural
counseling. Can a counselor hope to know about all possible cultures to which the client belongs?
Probably not, but the counselor can still aspire to know about as many cultural identities as possible,
just as in aspirational ethics the counselor tries always to do good but never expects to achieve
absolute goodness.
Westernized perspectives, which have dominated the field of mental health, must not become the

exclusive criteria of modernized psychotherapy. While non-Western cultures have had a profound
impact on the West in recent years, many less industrialized non-Western cultures seem more
determined than ever to emulate the West as a social model. There is also evidence that the more
modernized a society, the more its problems and solutions resemble those of a Westernized society.
Although industrialized societies are fearful of technological domination that might contribute to the
deterioration of social values and destroy the meaning of traditional culture, less industrialized
societies are frequently more concerned that Western technology will not be available to them. The
task for psychologists is one of differentiating between modernized alternatives outside the Western
model. Otherwise we end up teaching Westernization in the name of modernization. We need
indigenous, non-Western models of modernity to escape from our own reductionistic assumptions.

Inclusive Cultural Empathy Skills

Developing appropriate social action skills depends on accurate assumptions and meaningful
knowledge to promote a balanced perspective. Balance involves the identification of different or
even conflicting culturally learned perspectives without necessarily resolving that difference or
dissonance in favor of either viewpoint. Healthy functioning in a multicultural or pluralistic context
may require a person to maintain multiple conflicting and culturally learned roles or viewpoints
without the opportunity to resolve the resulting dissonance.
Chinese indigenous psychologists have worked to adapt Americanized individualism to make it
applicable in both the Western individualistic and the Asian collectivist contexts. David Ho (1999)
used the term relational counseling to describe the uniquely Asian indigenous perspective based on a
relational self in the Confucian tradition:
This relational conception takes full recognition of the individuals embeddedness in the social
network. The social arena is alive with many actors connected directly or indirectly with one
another in a multiplicity of relationships. It is a dynamic field of forces and counter-forces in
which the stature and significance of the individual actor appears to be diminished. Yet, selfhood
is realized through harmonizing ones relationships with others. (p. 100).
Hwang (2000) has also written extensively on relationalism in his face and favor model as a
manifestation of Confucianism as part of indigenous psychology in China. The process of indigenizing
psychology has become a powerful force for psychological change in counseling (Kaitibai, 1996).
Western counseling and psychotherapy have promoted the separated self as the healthy prototype
across cultures, making counseling and psychology part of the problem, through an emphasis on
selfishness and a lack of commitment to the group, rather than part of the solution.
Inclusive cultural empathy recognizes that the same behaviors may have different meanings and that
different behaviors may have the same meaning. By establishing the shared positive expectations
between and among people, the accurate interpretation of behaviors becomes possible. The
interpersonal cultural grid shown in Table 1.2 is useful in understanding how cultural differences
influence the interaction of two or more individuals (Pedersen, 2000b). It is important to interpret

behaviors accurately in terms of the intended expectations and values expressed by those behaviors.
If two persons are accurate in their interpretations of one anothers expectations, they do not always
need to display the same behavior. The two people may agree to disagree about which behavior is
appropriate and may continue to work together in harmony in spite of their different styles of
behavior.
Table 1.2 provides a visual display of these relationships. In the first quadrant, two individuals have
similar behaviors and similar positive expectations. There is a high level of accuracy in both
individuals interpretations of one anothers behaviors and expectations. This relationship would be
congruent and probably harmonious. We are focusing exclusively on positive expectations here. If the
two individuals share the same negative expectations (I hate you) and behavior (attacking the other
person), the relationship may be congruent but certainly not harmonious.
In the second quadrant, two individuals have different behaviors (loud/soft, direct/indirect,
casual/formal, and so on) but share the same positive expectations. There is a high level of agreement
that the two people both expect trust and friendliness, for example, but there is a low level of
accuracy because each person perceives and interprets the other individuals behavior incorrectly.
This relationship is characteristic of multicultural conflict, in which each person is applying a selfreference criterion to interpret the other individuals behavior in terms of his or her own expectations
and values. The conditions described in Quadrant II are very unstable, and unless the shared positive
expectations are quickly made explicit, the relationship is likely to change toward that in Quadrant III.

In the third quadrant, two people have the same behaviors but differ greatly in their expectations.
There is actually a low level of agreement in positive expectations between the two people even
though similar or congruent behaviors give the appearance of harmony and agreement. For example,
one person may continue to expect trust and friendliness while the other person is secretly distrustful
and unfriendly. Both persons are, however, presenting the same smiling, glad-handing behaviors.
If these two persons discover that the reason for their conflict is their differences in expectations, and
if they are then able to return their relationship to an earlier stage in which they did perhaps share the
same positive expectations of trust and friendliness, for example, then their interaction may return to
the type described by the second quadrant. This would require each person to adjust his or her
interpretation of the others different behavior to fit their shared positive expectations of friendship
and trust. If, however, their expectations remain different, then even though their behaviors are similar
and congruent, the conflict is likely to increase until their interaction moves to one described by the
fourth quadrant.

In the fourth quadrant, the two people have different behaviors and also different or negative
expectations. Not only do they disagree in their behaviors toward one another, but now they also
disagree on their expectations of friendship and trust. This relationship is likely to result in hostile
disengagement. They are at war. If the two persons can be coached to increase their accuracy in
identifying one anothers previously positive expectations, however, there may still be a chance for
them to return to an earlier stage of their relationship in which their positive expectations were
similar even though their behaviors might have been very different, as in the second quadrant.
The perspectives of two persons may be and usually are both similar (in expectations) and different
(in behaviors). In this way, the interpersonal cultural grid provides a conceptual road map for
inclusive cultural empathy to interpret another persons behavior accurately in the context of that
persons culturally learned expectations. It is not always necessary for the counselor and the client to
share the same behaviors as long as they share the same positive expectations.
The psychological study of culture has conventionally assumed that there is a fixed state of mind
whose observation is obscured by cultural distortions. The underlying assumption is that there is a
single universal definition of normal behavior from the psychological perspective. A contrasting
anthropological position assumed that cultural differences were clues to divergent attitudes, values,
or perspectives that were different across cultures and based on culture-specific perspectives. The
anthropological perspective assumed that different groups or individuals had somewhat different
definitions of normal behavior resulting from their unique cultural contexts. Anthropologists have
tended to take a relativist position when classifying and interpreting behavior across cultures.
Psychologists, by contrast, have linked social characteristics and psychological phenomena with
minimum attention to the diversity of cultural viewpoints. When counseling psychologists have
applied the same interpretation to the same behavior regardless of the cultural context, cultural bias
has resulted (Pedersen, 2000a).
Try to imagine a dimension with conventional psychology anchoring the extreme end of the scale on
one end and conventional anthropology anchoring the extreme other end of the scale. The area
between these two extremes is occupied by a variety of theoretical positions that tend to favor one or
the other perspective in part but not completely. There is a great deal of controversy about the exact
placement of these theoretical positions. Multiculturalism encompasses a collection of different
potentially salient perspectives all along the dimension.

The Triad Training Model for Interpreting Self-Talk

Our internal dialogues are perhaps the most meaningful indicators of our culture, as we listen to our
different culture teachers, accepting some of those teachings and challenging others in our internal
conversations with them. A measure of empathetic competence is the ability to hear what the client
is thinking as well as talking about. The more cultural difference there is between the counselor and
the client, the more difficult it will be for the counselor to hear what the client is thinking. The triad
training model (TTM) helps prepare counselors to be more accurate in their hypotheses about what a
culturally different client is thinking but not saying.
In the triad training model, a four-person role-played interview is presented to a counselor trainee in

which three conversations will be heard. First, the client and counselor will have a verbal
conversation that they both hear. Second, the counselor will have her or his own internal dialogue
exploring related and/or unrelated factors that the counselor can monitor but the client cannot hear.
Third, the client will have her or his own internal dialogue exploring related or unrelated factors that
the client can monitor but the counselor cannot hear. The counselor does not know what the client is
thinking, but the counselor can assume that some of the clients internal dialogue will be negative and
some will be positive.
Internal dialogue is not a new idea. The works of Vygotsky (1962) and Luria (1961) in Russia during
the early 1930s on the connection between thought and behavior provided the basis for analyzing
private speech. The idea of an inner forum (Mead, 1934), self-talk (Ellis, 1962), and internal
dialogue (Meichenbaum, 1977) goes back at least as far as Plato, who described thinking as a
discourse the mind carries on with itself. As mentioned earlier, each persons behavior is influenced
by as many as a thousand culture teachers in the clients experiences. The triad training model
provides limited access to the influence of these culture teachers by including a procounselor and an
anticounselor in the role-played interview. Through immediate and continuous feedback from the
anticounselor, the counselor hears the negative messages a client is thinking but not saying. Through
continuous and immediate feedback from the procounselor, the counselor hears the positive messages
a client is thinking but not saying.
In the triad training model, the role of the anticounselor is deliberately subversive; the anticounselor
exaggerates mistakes by the counselor during the interview by pointing out differences in behavior
that drive the counselor farther apart from the client. The counselor trainee can be expected to gain
insight in cultural self-awareness as perceived from the clients culturally different viewpoint. The
procounselor is a deliberately positive force to articulate the clients positive unspoken messages that
emphasize the common ground between the counselor and client. The persons who are role-playing
the procounselor and anticounselor are ideally as culturally similar to the client as possible. As a
result of participating in a role-played four-person TTM interview, the counselor can be expected to
(a) see the problem more accurately from the clients cultural viewpoint, (b) recognize culture-based
resistance in specific rather than vague general terms, (c) reduce his or her need to be defensive when
confronted by a culturally different client, and (d) learn recovery skills for what to do after having
done the wrong thing with a culturally different client (Pedersen, 2000a, 2000b).

Multiculturalism as a Fourth Force

There is a great deal of controversy surrounding the term multicultural: Thus, in the current debate,
some advocates in the field strongly support the relevance and necessity of multiculturalism in theory
and practice with diverse populations, whereas others have suggested that multiculturalism is of
minimal importance and should be treated as a fringe interest so as not to interfere with meaningful
research and practice (Reese & Vera, 2007, p. 763). In this chapter we suggest that multiculturalism
influences psychotherapy to the same degree that humanism, psychodynamics, and behaviorism
influenced psychotherapy in the past and that it therefore presents a fourth force or dimension to
modern psychotherapy.
A culture-centered perspective that applies cultural theories to the counseling process is illustrated in

a book on multicultural theory by D. W. Sue et al. (1996). The books approach is based on six
propositions that demonstrate the fundamental importance of a culture-centered perspective:
Each Western or non-Western theory represents a different worldview.
The complex totality of interrelationships in the clientcounselor experiences and the dynamic
changing context must be the focus of counseling, however inconvenient that may become.
A counselor or clients racial/cultural identity will influence how problems are defined and
dictate or define appropriate counseling goals or processes.
The ultimate goal of a culture-centered approach is to expand the repertoire of helping
responses available to counselors.
Conventional roles of counseling are only some of the many alternative-helping roles
available from a variety of cultural contexts.
Multicultural theory emphasizes the importance of expanding personal, family, group, and
organizational consciousness in a contextual orientation.
As these multicultural theory propositions are tested in practice, they will raise new questions about
competencies of multicultural awareness, knowledge, and skill in combining cultural factors with
psychological processes. How does one know that a particular psychological test or theory provides
valid explanations for behavior in a particular cultural context? What are the cultural boundaries that
prevent generalization of psychological theories and methods? Which psychological theories, tests,
and methods can best be used across cultures? Which psychological theories, tests, and methods
require specific cultural conditions?
Culture is emerging as one of the most important and perhaps most misunderstood constructs in the
contemporary counseling and psychotherapy literature. Culture may be defined narrowly as limited to
ethnicity and nationality or defined broadly to include any and all potentially salient ethnographic,
demographic, status, or affiliation variables (Pope, 1995). Given the broader definition of culture, it
is possible to identify at least a dozen assets that are available exclusively through the development
of a multicultural awareness of culture-centered psychology (Pedersen, 2000b; Pedersen & Ivey,
1993):
First, accuracy, because all behaviors are learned and displayed in a cultural context.
Second, conflict management, because the common ground of shared values or expectations
will be expressed differently in contrasting culturally learned behaviors across cultures, and
reframing conflict in a culture-centered perspective will allow two people or groups to disagree
on the appropriate behavior without disagreeing on their underlying shared values.
Third, identity, as we become aware of the thousands of culture teachers we have
accumulated in our own internal dialogues from both friends and enemies.
Fourth, a healthy society, through cultural diversity, just as, by analogy, a healthy biosystem
requires a diverse gene pool.
Fifth, encapsulation protection, because we will not inappropriately impose our own
culturally encapsulated self-reference criteria on others.
Sixth, survival, with the opportunity to rehearse adaptive functioning across cultures for our
own future in the increasingly global village where we will live.
Seventh, social justice, because applying measures of justice and moral development across

cultures helps us differentiate absolute principles from culturally relative strategies.

Eighth, right thinking, through the application of quantum thinking and complementarity, in
which both linear and nonlinear thinking can be applied appropriately.
Ninth, personalized learning, because all learning and change involves some culture shock
when perceived from a multicultural perspective.
Tenth, spirituality, because the multicultural perspective enhances the completeness of
spiritual understanding toward the same shared ultimate reality from different paths.
Eleventh, political stability in developing pluralism as an alternative to either authoritarian
or anarchic political systems.
Twelfth, a more robust psychology, because psychological theories, tests, and methods are
strengthened by accommodating the psychological perspectives of different cultures.
The culture-centered perspective describes the function of making culture central rather than
marginal or trivial to psychological analysis (Pedersen, 2000b; Pedersen & Ivey, 1993). Much of the
political controversy surrounding the term multicultural can be avoided by the culture-centered
description without diminishing the central importance of culture to psychology.
There is considerable resistance to characterizing multiculturalism as a fourth force. Tart (1975)
claimed that transpersonal psychology was the fourth force in psychology, and transpersonal
psychologists sometimes resent the movement to describe multiculturalism as a fourth force. Stanley
Sue (1998) identified other sources of resistance to the term multiculturalism as a fourth force. He
pointed out the tendency to misunderstand or misrepresent the notion of multiculturalism and the
dangers of that misunderstanding. Since all behaviors are learned and displayed in a particular
cultural context, accurate assessment, meaningful understanding, and appropriate intervention require
attention to the clients cultural or, perhaps better yet, multicultural context. All psychological service
providers share the same ultimate goal of accurate assessment, meaningful understanding, and
appropriate intervention, regardless of cultural similarities or differences.

Conclusion
We are at the starting point in developing culture-centered balance as the criterion for inclusive
cultural empathy in our comprehension of effective counseling and psychotherapy. Only those who are
able to escape being caught up in the self-referential web of their own assumptions and maintain a
balanced perspective will be able to communicate effectively with persons from other cultures. The
dangers of cultural encapsulation and the dogma of increasingly technique-oriented definitions of
social services have been mentioned frequently in the recent rhetoric of professional associations in
the social services as criteria for competence (Pedersen, Draguns, et al., 2008).
Moodley and West (2005) attributed recent explorations of traditional ways of healing to failures in
the ways that we are practicing multicultural counseling and psychotherapy. We think that such
explorations are a direct result of the maturing of such practice and, as such, are not an attack on the
fundamentals. Even the proponents of multicultural counseling are not immune to criticism for their
failures to have a larger, more international worldview that transcends European American theories
and techniques. The inclusive cultural empathy skills and approach that we have described here are a
way forward. Mental health care providers and educators have pretended for too long that counseling

and psychotherapy were invented in the last 200 years by European Americans in a Western cultural
context. Successful global leadership by psychologists must come from an understanding of the
complexity of our planet, of the limits of our own worldviews, and of the necessity for redefining our
historically quite narrow interpretation of empathy. This, however, is only the beginning of cultural
sensitivity and knowledge in our field.
Arthur and Pedersen (2008) provided examples of 19 case incidents of counseling from different
national contexts along with two reactions to each incident articulating positive and/or negative
feedback to the counselor for how each case was presented. At least two dozen nontraditional
approaches to counseling were included in the case examples incorporating indigenous
characteristics of each context. One consistent theme throughout the book was the importance of
balance in harmonizing relationships and discovering inclusive cultural empathy. The notion of
balance is familiar in Asian culturesfor example, the harmonious tension between yin and yang and
the female and male principles of Chinese philosophy. This emphasis on harmonious balance of
forces once more underlines the basic theme of this chapterunderstanding human behavior in Asian
countries requires an understanding of relational units as an alternative to the individualistic
assumptions of Western psychological theories (Kim, Yang, & Hwang, 2006).
Inclusive cultural empathy as described in this chapter involves increased awareness to prevent false
assumptions, increased knowledge to protect against incomplete comprehension, and increased skill
to promote right actions. The temptation is to define boundaries in psychology artificially in a
homogenization of theories or, worse yet, to impose an Americanization model that presents a partial
perspective as the whole field, thereby excluding alternative perspectives. Psychology then becomes
only a subset of national/political interests.
While we cannot hope to accumulate all relevant knowledge across national/cultural boundaries
broadly defined, we can still aspire to take on the complex task as best we can. The task of being
inclusive is to acknowledge the validity of a complex and dynamic balance of tendencies that a
competent counselor or psychotherapist can manage in order to measure competence. Like the Greek
god Janus, who has two faces, one laughing and the other crying, the Janusian skills required for
inclusive cultural empathy involve managing a comprehensive balance of essential similarities and
differences at the same time. Our task is the saving of psychology from the psychologists! Special
interests have come dangerously close to capturing and domesticating the field of psychology by
excluding the inconvenient data from a larger international context. Mental health care providers and
educators have pretended for too long that counseling and psychotherapy were invented in the last
200 years by European Americans in a Western cultural context. Successful global leadership by
psychologists must come from an understanding of the complexity of our planet, of the limits of our
own worldviews, and of the necessity for redefining our historically quite narrow interpretation of
empathy. This, however, is only the beginning.

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Editors Note: Paul B. Pedersen received the Award for Distinguished Contributions to the
International Advancement of Psychology. Award winners are invited to deliver an award address at
the APAs annual convention. The original article was prepared for presentation as an award address
at the 118th annual meeting, held August 1215, 2010, in San Diego, California. Articles based on
award addresses are reviewed, but they differ from unsolicited articles in that they are expressions of
the winners reflections on their work and their views of the field. The original reference citation is
as follows: Pedersen, P. B., & Pope, M. (2010). Inclusive cultural empathy for successful global
leadership. American Psychologist, 65(8), 841854. Copyright 2010 by the American
Psychological Association. The article is reprinted as a chapter in this edited book with the
permission of the American Psychological Association.

2 Counseling Encounters in Multicultural Contexts An

Introduction
Juris G. Draguns

Primary Objective
To help make counseling both more effective and more culturally sensitive

Secondary Objectives
To respond to the challenge of evidence-based treatments in counseling within and across
cultures
To emphasize the importance of relationship-based aspects of culturally oriented counseling,
such as the therapeutic alliance and empathy
To highlight the importance of cultural adaptations of counseling in delivering services to
culturally diverse populations
To narrow the gulf between research and practice by encouraging the further investigation of
independent versus interdependent self, individualismcollectivism across and within cultures,
and other relevant topics
To integrate universal, cultural, and individual strands of counseling into a practically
applicable model of delivering human services to a culturally heterogeneous population

Preliminary Considerations
The Nature of Counseling
In Launganis (2004) pithy definition, the gist of counseling has been equated with helping people to
help themselves (p. 97). Although the contemporary repertoire of counseling interventions features a
great many specific and directive techniques, its ethos remains unchanged: Counseling is principally
concerned with facilitating, rather than more directively bringing about, adaptive coping in order to
alleviate distress, eliminate dysfunction, and promote effective problem solving and optimal decision
making. The more general and ambitious objectives of counseling are the fulfillment of personal
aspirations and the actualization of personal potentials. Counseling achieves all of these goals by
marshaling the persons own resources while scrupulously trying to avoid the imposition of the
counselors solutions, values, and attitudes on the client. The counselors role can then be likened to
that of a catalyst; his or her actions are geared to help the counselee seek, find, and apply his or her
own most fitting answers to the dilemmas of living.
Together with the gamut of overlapping and interrelated human helping services, such as
psychotherapy, guidance, and personal coaching, counseling is prototypically an interpersonal

experience between a professional counselor and a help-seeking counselee.1 Encounter and dialogue
are the two cardinal features of counseling. Counseling proceeds between two (or sometimes more
than two) individuals and is embedded in distinctive sociocultural milieus. Each participant in a
counseling project brings to it his or her assumptions, expectations, aspirations, and apprehensions,
and many of these are widely shared within the participants respective cultural settings. The cultural
component, then, can be plausibly construed as an interpersonal experience between a counselor and
a counselee extended over time, in which culture is the third, implicit and silent, yet essential,
participant (Draguns, 1975).
Two Canadian psychologists, Arthur and Collins (2010), have introduced the new term cultureinfused counseling, which they describe as the conscious and purposeful infusion of cultural
awareness and sensitivity into all aspects of the counseling process (p. 18). This definition is
especially apposite to the culturally diverse environments in Canada and the United States that are the
focus of this book, which is primarily addressed to and designed for the practitioners and students of
counseling in these two countries who work with culturally diverse clienteles.

Multicultural Diversity: The Populations to Which It Pertains

Cultural diversity is prominently manifested in the provision of counseling services to persons in the
major ethnoculturally distinctive groupingsNative Americans, Asian Americans, African
Americans, Latina/os, and Arabs and other Middle Easternersto which Chapters 59 are devoted.
Challenging and stressful cultural transitions across time and space, exemplified by voluntary
migrations or forcible displacements, discussed in Chapter 15, and by extended sojourns abroad by
international students, discussed in Chapter 14, bring to the fore special problems in counseling and
demand innovative solutions. So do the experiences of trauma and disaster, naturally caused or
human-made, that are addressed in Chapter 16. Population segments that have been historically
excluded from full participation in the American culture, such as lesbians and gays, now seek to
assert themselves in dignity and freedom and to benefit from appropriate and sensitive counseling
services, as discussed in Chapters 10 and 13. Programs have also been developed and applied to the
broader categories of culturally marginalized persons, addressed in Chapter 11, and even though the
population of North America and elsewhere is more or less evenly divided between males and
females, counseling and other helping services began as a male-dominated endeavor. The current
state of the efforts to correct this imbalance is the subject of Chapter 10, while the special problems
and challenges in counseling families are presented in Chapter 21, and those encountered in the
school setting are the focus of Chapter 12. The process of acculturation, or coming to terms with a
new and different culture, is the subject of Chapter 18. Finally, the authors of Chapter 19 remind us
that not only psychological but also physical symptoms are the result of the interaction between
stressful experiences and ethnocultural factors as they present a rich panorama of research
approaches and findings.

The Ubiquity of Cultural Concerns

Pressing as these various concerns are, they do not exhaust the relevance of culture in the conduct and
delivery of counseling services. Especially in countries such as the United States and Canada,

composed of both native populations and multiple waves of immigrants over several centuries,
several strands of cultural memory and tradition intertwine in complex and unique ways to shape
experience, conduct, and adaptation. Oftentimes, these threads find their way into counseling
encounters. Paul Pedersen has proposed that culture is transmitted by a multitude of culture teachers.
His key statement, from the introduction to the sixth edition of Counseling Across Cultures, is
reproduced here:
Capture the visual image of a thousand persons sitting around you. People that you have chosen,
or have chosen you, over a lifetime from friends, enemies, heroes, heroines, mentors, family
members, and fantasy figures that influenced you in sometimes subtle but often profound ways.
As these culture teachers talk with one another and sometimes include you in their
conversations, they provide a vivid and concrete image of multiculturalism. Many if not all
our decisions are controlled or at least influenced by imagined conversations with our culture
teachers. They broadly define the cultural context in which we live through ethnographic,
demographic, status-oriented, and personal affiliations. All behaviors are learned and displayed
in specific cultural contexts. (Pedersen, Draguns, Lonner, & Trimble, 2008, p. xi)2
In the course of culturally sensitive counseling the lessons of culture teachers are brought to light,
disentangled, reassembled, and integrated, presumably in the service of a more fulfilling selfexperience and more effective coping. Thus, all personal counseling stands to benefit from cultural
exploration and inquiry, and culturally sensitive services should become the norm in North America
and throughout the multicultural societies of the world. Assessment procedures should not only
encompass a persons family background but also attempt to incorporate some of the diverse threads
of cultural influence, perhaps by expanding on Kleinmans (1992) Eight Questions and, more
generally, on knowledge-based assessment procedures, as discussed in greater detail in Chapter 3.

The Scope of This Chapter

Beyond the specific concerns related to assessment, this introductory chapter seeks to identify the
humanly universal, culturally distinctive, and personally unique aspects of counseling. In pursuit of
this goal, I shall attempt to convey information on recent developments in the investigation of
counseling and psychotherapy, especially as these pertain to cultural variations. I will introduce and
partially explicate the complexities of the concept of culture and then proceed to deal with some of
the key features of multicultural counseling, especially as they pertain to the self, individualism, and
other cultural dimensions and personality traits. I shall then conclude by attempting to integrate the
current state of knowledge on counseling with the culturally diverse North American environment.

Cultures: Multiple, Complex, National, and Global

Culture is a complex concept with an elusive core and fuzzy boundaries. Most social scientists start
with two prototypes: the traditional tribal cultures investigated by the pioneering anthropologists of
the 19th and 20th centuries, and the cultures of the current and historic nation-states, from Somalia to

Iceland and from Thailand to Portugal. In both cases, culture refers to the distinctive, human-made
part of the environment (Herskovits, 1948) that encompasses both the artifacts created by the human
species and the mental products that have accrued over many millennia. Marsella (1988) has
elaborated on these two aspects as follows: Shared learned behavior which is transmitted from one
generation to another for purposes of individual and societal growth, adjustment, and adaptation,
culture is represented externally as artifacts, roles, and institutions, and is represented internally as
values, beliefs, attitudes, epistemology, consciousness, and biological functioning (pp. 89).
Consonant with the above statement, Hofstede and Hofstede (2005) have equated culture with the
software of the mind, and Brislin (2000) has construed culture as enabling its members to fill in
gaps in their observations and impressions on the basis of shared and accumulated knowledge and
experience.
As described, the concept of culture is primarily applicable to the geographically removed and
linguistically separate national cultures, including that of the United States. The term culture is,
however, also frequently extended to the ethnically, linguistically, and/or racially distinctive segments
of the American society. Thus, we often refer to Mexican Americans, Lebanese Americans, and other
groups, labeled on the basis of their historical and linguistic descent. In dynamic multicultural
societies an additional issue must be faced. Individuals in Canada, the United States, and other
pluralistic countries have been socialized both within their respective ethnocultural milieus and
within the inclusive national culture. Thus, multiculturalism exists not only in interpersonal contacts
but in intrapsychic experience as well. In the course of counseling, it is important for the therapist to
ascertain the impact on the client of both the generic or dominant American culture and the persons
distinctive cultural heritage.
Finally, globalization is a vague, if often invoked, term that refers to a number of trends toward
worldwide convergence and homogenization that often engender a sense of insecurity and threat and
pose a challenge to traditional modes of adaptation rooted in specific cultures. Globalization may
first affect persons whose work and family lives require shuttling between two or more sites in as
many countries, with concurrent demands to adapt to several cultures and to balance simultaneously
multiple contacts, practices, and relationships. Such situations may tax the resources of even highly
adaptable and flexible individuals (Hermans & Kempen, 1998). At the same time, the speed and
spread of global communications technology produces virtually instant opportunities for awareness,
contact, and communication, generating something like a virtual global village that in the optimal case
could provide meaningful sources of needed personal, social, and economic support (Marsella,
1998). Although there has been much speculation on the pathogenic and maladaptive consequences of
globalization, I have not yet seen any systematic clinical documentation of such problems.

Culturally Oriented Counseling: Its Current State

Evidence-Based and/or Culturally Sensitive Services: Isolation,
Divergence, or Integration
The last decade and a half has been an eventful period in the development, adaptation, and
application of culturally sensitive services. At the beginning of the new millennium, Hall (2001)

noted a curious disjunction in the field of culturally sensitive mental health services: Empirically
supported treatments had only rarely been investigated for their effectiveness in culturally diverse
populations, while culturally adapted treatment approaches had been infrequently subjected to
examination concerning their efficacy and effectiveness. More than a decade later, this gulf has begun
to be bridged.
Two developments should be noted: Evidence-based treatments (EBTs) have spread and multiplied,
making the uniform application of therapeutic procedures feasible across space and time (APA
Presidential Task Force on Evidence-Based Practice in Psychology, 2006; Chambless & Ollendick,
2001; Kazdin, 2008; Norcross, 2011), and meta-analyses of culturally modified psychotherapy
programs have demonstrated a moderately strong contribution of culture to the effectiveness of
psychotherapy (Griner & Smith, 2006; Huey & Polo, 2008; Smith, Domenech Rodrguez, & Bernal,
2011). The details of these findings are the central topic of Chapter 4, and I will also address their
implications later in this chapter. At first glance, culturally oriented counseling appears to be
simultaneously pulled in two opposite directions: toward homogeneity and toward cultural
variability. To elaborate, in some observers minds EBT is prototypically equated with the
standardized and manualized application of therapy techniques. At the same time, cultural adaptations
of therapy evoke, perhaps in an oversimplified manner, a thoroughgoing transformation of the
therapists modus operandi in both techniques and conceptions of psychotherapy. In fact, there are a
lot of shades of gray between these two extremes and a lot of room for rapprochement and
convergence.
The official and oft-quoted definition by the APA Presidential Task Force on Evidence-Based
Practice in Psychology (2006) describes EBPP as the integration of the best available research with
clinical expertise in the context of patient characteristics, culture, and preference (p. 273). Culture
has been explicitly incorporated into this statement as a contextual variable that must be taken into
account in the actual application of EBTs. Norcross and Wampold (2011a) conclude that evidencebased practice rests on three pillars: best available research, clinical expertise (of the practitioner),
and patient characteristics. In fact, evidence-based practice resides at the intersection of overlap of
these three evidentiary sources. The patient, the therapist and the research all need to be in an
alignment on the same page (p. 27).
It should be added that the patient (or client) characteristics within this triad prominently include
those mediated by the individuals ethnocultural background and experience. Norcross and Wampold
(2011b) completed a prodigious number of meta-analyses of psychotherapy in order to identify
relationships that work. To this end, they ascertained the effect sizes for the numerous likely
components of the therapy relationship. The results point to empathy and the therapeutic alliance as
the two major contributors to variance, both of them moderate in size. These two variables appear to
be linked to culture, a point that remains to be explored further.

Relationships That Work: The Therapeutic Alliance

The therapeutic alliance is a venerable clinical concept that is traceable to Freuds pioneering
contribution, although it has acquired increasing prominence as a subject of systematic research over
the last four decades (Horvath, Del Re, Fluckinger, & Symonds, 2011). According to Horvath et al.

(2011), the therapeutic alliance encompasses the constructive, reality-based, aspects of the
relationship between the therapist (or counselor) and the client. Bordin (1976) describes its three
interconnected foundations: agreement on therapeutic goals, consensus on the tasks that make up
therapy, and a bond between the client and the therapist.
In counseling relationships that are established across a cultural barrier, a special effort may be
required to assure a collaborative stance on these three issues. For example, an anxious, confused,
highly traumatized immigrant may be intensely motivated to seek immediate relief and may be baffled
and confused by the therapy process, including the quest for biographical and personal information.
What does that have to do with my feeling wretched and miserable, helpless and inadequate? he or
she may well ask. Wolfgang Pfeiffer (1996), a prominent German transcultural psychiatrist, identified
several clashes of expectations between Turkish guest workers and German therapists. The clients
sought relief from counseling here and now; their therapists insisted on a more extensive exploration.
The clients also expected authoritative guidance and directions; their therapists emphasized personal
choices. The clients expressed distress in somatic terms (see Chapter 19); their therapists focused on
feelings and personal experiences.
A therapeutic alliance may be difficult to establish because of lack of trust on the part of ethnocultural
and racial minority members, who in many instances may have experienced rejection, insensitivity,
and misunderstanding from majority group members, including those in the helping professions (Sue
& Sue, 2008). Being interviewed by a member of ones own cultural group may facilitate the
formation of a therapeutic alliance, especially in its early stages. Recent case studies of two women,
a severely traumatized American Indian (King, 2012) and an anxious Mexican immigrant (Salgado,
2012), illustrate the confidence-building process during and following intake that helps to solidify the
therapeutic alliance. In both cases, therapists expanded their roles to include active advocacy on
behalf of their clients; such action is often helpful in demonstrating the genuineness of a therapists
concern for the clients well-being.
On the therapeutic plane, it is important to separate the therapeutic alliance from the better-known, but
less rational and conscious, manifestations of transference and countertransference that may obtrude
upon and complicate the therapeutic relationship and may require resolution. The results of metaanalyses, though based on a small number of studies, suggest that ruptures of the therapeutic alliance
should be promptly repaired; uncorrected disruptions of the tie between the therapist and client may
lead to further, cumulative, complications (Safran, Muran, & Eubanks-Carter, 2011).

Empathy: A Pivotal Component of Therapeutic Influence

In further meta-analyses, therapists empathy with the client, broadly defined as the ability to tune in
to and experience and communicate another individuals emotional and cognitive states, was found to
be a moderately strong predictor of therapy outcome (Elliot, Bohart, Watson, & Greenberg, 2011).
Rogers (1957) posited the experience and communication of empathy as one of the necessary
conditions of therapeutic personality change, and empathy has had a history of investigation extending
over several decades (Bachellor & Horvath, 1999; Bohart & Greenberg, 1997; Draguns, 2007; Duan
& Hill, 1996). Empathy has transcended the phenomenological framework within which it originated
and is now widely recognized as a major active ingredient of psychotherapy and counseling by

psychologists of diverse theoretical orientations (Clark, 2007).

Several aspects of empathy may differ across cultures. Heinz Kohut (1971), the foremost
psychoanalytic conceptualizer of empathy, proposed that empathy declines as the agents and
recipients of therapy become less similar, and in my own work I have suggested that empathy may not
travel well beyond the empathizers accustomed sociocultural milieu (Draguns, 1973). These
assertions have not yet been systematically or rigorously tested in cultural counseling or
psychotherapy situations. Practitioners should be observant and perceptive of the vicissitudes of
communicating and experiencing empathy in culturally relevant helping relationships, yet be cautious
and tentative in their case-based conclusions.
Researchers have made noteworthy contributions in helping practitioners to employ empathetic
sensitivity and responsiveness beneficially across cultural gulfs and barriers. Scott and Borodowsky
(1990) developed a training procedure for enhancing culturally sensitive therapy by means of role
taking. They also introduced techniques designed to overcome obstacles based on unfamiliar language
styles, distinctive ethnic identities, divergent expectations, and discrepant values and worldviews.
Ridley and Udipi (2002) have urged counselors to address and work through any prejudices they may
harbor against some or all of their culturally diverse clientele, some of which may be hidden but
deeply ingrained in cultural environments in which, until recently, discriminatory practices and
prejudicial attitudes were the norm (Sue & Sue, 2008). Even though stereotyping should not be
equated with prejudice (see Jussim, McCauley, & Lee, 1995), Ridley and Udipi (2002) warn against
unchecked stereotyping of social and cultural groups in the course of counseling a culturally diverse
clientele. More recently, Ridley, Ethington, and Heppner (2008) broke new ground in helping
counselees explore their place in the world in order to confront their cultural values and identify and
resolve conflicts within them.
These novel and possibly controversial extensions of the concept of empathy go well beyond the
classic modes of intuitively experiencing and communicating empathetic understanding. In a sense, the
techniques that encourage counselees to work toward the development of coherent cultural value
systems within themselves anticipate Pedersen, Crethar, and Carlsons (2008) development of
inclusive cultural empathy (ICE) as a series of systematically trainable counseling skills. The details
of this major contribution are presented in Chapter 1. It should be pointed out, however, that ICE
constitutes the first set of empirically pretested training procedures that make it possible for
counselors to incorporate empathy systematically as a major culturally sensitive component of
therapeutic influence. ICE is explicitly designed to scale all cultural barriers: ethnic barriers to be
sure, but also those based on race, gender, class, sexual orientation, disability, and stigma. Thus,
empathy has been transformed from a somewhat unpredictable, spontaneously occurring, phenomenon
into a set of interpersonal competencies that can be systematically applied in counseling and
elsewhere without any loss of authenticity in the process. In line with this recognition, Elliott et al.
(2011) state: We encourage psychotherapists to value empathy as both an ingredient of a healthy
therapeutic relationship as well as a specific response that strengthens the self and deeper
exploration (p. 147).

The Impact of Culture on Mental Health Services

Cultural accommodation of mental health services is increasingly being implemented in the United
States and elsewhere (McCabe & Christian, 2011; Tanaka-Matsumi, 2011). Until recently, however,
there was relatively little information on the effectiveness of such procedures. Griner and Smith
(2006) completed a landmark meta-analysis of 76 studies of culturally adapted mental health
treatment programs with a total of 25,255 participants. Exceeding expectations, they obtained an
average random effect size of 0.45, indicative of a moderately strong effect of culturally modifying
mental health treatment programs. The implications of these findings are thoroughly discussed in
Chapter 4. At this point it is worth noting that the effects on outcomes were more substantial when the
adaptations were targeted to ethnoculturally specific groups rather than to a generic composite of
various ethnicities. Moreover, interventions offered in the clients first or preferred language were
twice as effective as those that were presented in English. Griner and Smiths (2006) findings were
confirmed and extended in further meta-analyses by Smith et al. (2011), who found that the
effectiveness of adapted treatment programs increased with the greater number of cultural
adaptations. Smith et al. also reported that older clients and Asian Americans were more responsive
to culturally adapted treatments than other segments of the culturally and demographically diverse
research population, and they concluded that culturally adapted mental health services are
moderately superior to those that do not explicitly incorporate cultural considerations and should be
considered EBPs (p. 172). McCabe and Christian (2011) distinguish three degrees of such
adaptation, from minimal, in which only a few features, such as language and interpersonal style, are
adjusted to clients needs and expectations, through substantial modifications of a great many therapy
techniques, to treatment programs that incorporate culturally meaningful and fitting components that
are unique to a circumscribed cultural milieu.
As yet there are no systematic data indicating what degree of modification is optimal for what kind of
group with what kinds of treatment needs and presenting problems. In the initial interview, these
options must be faced, negotiated, and bilaterally resolved on the basis of the clients needs and
expectations and the counselors professional expertise and judgment (Tanaka-Matsumi, 2011).

Culturally Adapted Cognitive-Behavioral Therapy and EBT: A

Case of Convergence
A remarkable degree of affinity exists between EBTs and the modi operandi of the investigators and
practitioners of cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT). A high proportion of techniques designated as
EBTs for specific categories of mental disorder are CBTs (Roth & Fonagy, 2005; Tanaka-Matsumi,
2011). Both CBTs and EBTs proceed from the same premise: They are based on systematic collection
of empirical data, and they eschew speculation. Functional analysis is the privileged procedure in
CBT; it involves pinpointing links between a persons behavior and her or his environment or, more
specifically, between a response and its antecedents and consequents. The major tool for investigating
EBTs is meta-analysis; its objective is to establish the relationship between the components of
psychotherapy and outcome.
In preparing for the application of culturally sensitive CBTs, van de Vijver and Tanaka-Matsumi
(2008) proposed systematically collecting comprehensive information on such topics as cultural
identity and acculturation, conflict over values, modes of expressing distress, explanations of causes

of presenting problems, metaphors of health and well-being, motivation for change, and social
support networks. This information is elicited by means of the Culturally Informed Functional
Assessment (CIFA) structured interview schedule (Tanaka-Matsumi, Seiden, & Lam, 1996). Its
originators regard CIFA as a process of negotiating between the therapist and the client that continues
throughout CBT. An extensive body of writing has accrued on the adaptation of CBT to the various
ethnically distinctive components of the U.S. population (Hays & Iwamasa, 2006; Hinton, 2006;
Hwang, Wood, Lin, & Cheung, 2006; Tanaka-Matsumi, 2008, 2011; Tanaka-Matsumi, Higginbotham,
& Chang, 2002). Collectively, these studies document the variety of flexible and innovative uses of
the cognitive-behavioral framework with culturally diverse help seekers, many of whom have found
themselves in new and unfamiliar environments as refugees and immigrants. Thus, traumatized
Cambodian and Vietnamese newcomers present a mixture of somatic and mental symptoms with many
folk explanations that therapists should take seriously and use as points of departure in initiating CBT
and monitoring its effects (Hinton, 2006).
Beyond CBT, the notion of assessment as a process that is contiguous with treatment and not just a
prelude to it is consistent with the basic tenet, discussed in Chapter 3, of regarding the counselee as
an active participant in, rather than an inert object of, preintervention planning. The counselee
voluntarily contributes information; he or she does not passively allow the counselor to extract it.
Objectives and procedures of counseling are decided jointly through negotiation and explanation
rather than imposed on the basis of the counselors authority or expertise.

EBT and Culturally Sensitive Approaches: Toward Resolving

Issues and Arriving at Conclusions
Across several theoretical frameworks of service delivery, Gallardo, Parham, Trimble, and Yeh
(2012) endorse evidence-based practice in psychology for the culturally diverse portions of the
counseling clientele, with the proviso that EBPP be initiated from the bottom up and be developed on
the basis of observations and data within the communities in which the clientele resides. Gallardo,
Parham, et al. warn against the top-down importation of EBTs developed within the mainstream
Caucasian American culture without modification or pretesting at the new site. The skills
identification model (SIM) that these authors propose aspires to provide the highest standard of
service for counseling and mental health services for the culturally distinctive segments of the U.S.
population. In their edited book, Gallardo, Yeh, Trimble, and Parham (2012) include 10 case studies
and eight general chapters that illustrate SIM and elaborate on it. It is impossible to do justice to this
complex and multifaceted model within the scope of the present chapter. Gallardo, Parham, et al.
(2012) emphasize that, within SIM, social issues of justice and power are considered inseparable
from personal concerns with competence and well-being. Particularly informative and useful for both
majority and minority counselors is Gallardo, Parham, et al.s Table 1.1, which is designed to
represent the five domains of cultural characteristics (pp. 911).
A major dilemma that confronts counselors and clinicians in applying EBTs has been pointed out by
Zeldow (2009). Especially when EBTs involve prescriptive manualized application and when they
are used in preference to other, less empirically grounded forms of intervention, reliance on EBTs
reduces flexibility, interferes with spontaneity, and impedes reflection, which, according to Zeldow,

is the crux of the therapists activity. The professional judgment of a seasoned counselor may
supersede the research-validated course of action recommended in EBT, especially in the unforeseen
and ambiguous situations that are inevitably encountered in therapy. Zeldows points are not explicitly
advanced in relation to helping services for culturally distinctive clients, but they are relevant to such
services. As Petermann (2005), a German psychologist, has stated, EBTs should be an aid, not a
shackle. They should enable, and not constrain, professionals working with a multicultural clientele.
In fairness, however, it should be added that through their brief history EBTs have grown in flexibility
and have in large measure transcended their early limitations.
The tension between technique and relationship and between rules and context, articulated as a major
theme of psychotherapy conceptualization and research by Wampold (2001), has not been definitively
resolved, although the balance has been tipped toward context and flexibility. Yet, as Norcross and
Wampold (2011b) remind us, practitioners can become overly flexible without any research
evidence or when adapting a treatment in ways that would markedly deviate from its established
effectiveness. While the research supports adaptation in many cases, the research also recommends
fidelity to treatments as found effective in controlled research. We need to balance flexibility and
fidelity (pp. 428429). Specifically, Norcross and Wampold encourage practitioners to adopt a
person-centered, open-ended style of inquiry combined with readiness to adapt interventions to
clients needs. There are also therapy relationships and techniques that demonstrably do not work and
should be avoided. These include confrontation as well as expressions of hostility, criticism,
rejection, or blame. Moreover, such interventions may have especially negative consequences in
multicultural contexts, laden as they are with the potential for misunderstanding and the risk of
premature termination. Further, some clients may require more information and guidance about the
specifics of the counseling experience, while others may want to cut short such preliminaries. In
general, the less familiar the nature of the service and its setting, the greater the need for the initial
orientation. In no case should the counselor authoritatively and unilaterally impose the structure on the
client.

Counseling in Multicultural Contexts: An Overview of General

Issues
The preceding sections emphasized counseling with the multicultural clientele of the contemporary
United States. I now propose to shift the perspective and proceed from counseling to the person. To
this end, I introduce below the central concept of the self, followed by individualism and other
interfaces between the person and culture. I shall then conclude with the presentation of an integrative
model of counseling and psychotherapy within culture.

Self in Culture
The self is a key concept at the borderline between psychology and philosophy. It is not amenable to
observation or measurement and is exceedingly difficult to define. William Jamess (1891/1952)
classical description of the self as all that a person can call his (p. 188) is overinclusive and bears
the mark of its place and time. Contemporary psychologists have generally shied away from this task
and have less ambitiously limited themselves to defining the self-concept. Miserandino (2012) simply

describes the self as the set of ideas and inferences we hold about ourselves (p. 405). In cultural
psychology what matters is not only the nature or content of the notions of the self but also the mode
and manner of how they are held.
A multiplicity of proposals, presented in greater detail in Chapter 3, have sought to capture the
characteristic features of self-construal and self-experience across cultures. One of the most farreaching and influential such formulations, by Markus and Kitayama (1991, 1998), juxtaposes the
independent or autonomous self purportedly prevalent in Euro-American countries with the
interdependent or relational self-concept that allegedly holds sway in East Asia and in many other
non-Western regions of the world. This contrast should not be regarded as dichotomous or absolute.
Rather, these two modes of experiencing oneself are expected to vary in prevalence in their
respective regions. Over the past several decades, the contrast between the interdependent self and
the independent self has dominated conceptualization and investigation in cross-cultural psychology
and has spilled over into applied areas, including counseling and psychotherapy. It is not yet known to
what extent this axis of appraisal is pertinent to the ethnocultural macrocosm of North America. In
their summary representation of cultural characteristics of the five principal nonmajority groups in
North America (African, Latino/a, Asian, American Indian, Middle Eastern), Gallardo, Parham, et al.
(2012) assign an interpersonal orientation and imply a relational self to all of these population
segments. This characterization should be regarded as plausible but hypothetical. It should be
seriously and systematically pursued in both research and practice without any assumptions regarding
the universality of interpersonal self experience in all clients of these ethnic backgrounds.
In metaphorical terms, the interdependent self can be likened to a bridge, and the independent self, to
a wall; the former connects, the latter separates (Chang, 1988). The independent self is crystallized,
explicit, differentiated, and slow and difficult to change; the interdependent self is malleable in
response to situations and experiences. Interdependent selves are primarily based on bonds,
allegiances, and commitments to persons, families, and communities; independent selves shelter the
unique attributes of the person. In the multicultural context of the United States conflict may be
experienced within the person, pitting the nationally dominant push toward independence against the
predilection for interdependence favored within the individuals ethnocultural group. Alternatively
and more benignly, the two strands of self-construal may coexist within the person and may be
integrated into his or her personality and identity. Thus, a person may feel American in his or her
strivings for the realization of professional goals and personal aspirations and may at the same time
experience a virtually inextricable sense of belonging to his or her nuclear and extended family and
ethnic community.

IndividualismCollectivism in Persons and Cultures

In one of the largest psychological studies ever conducted, both in numbers of participants and in
numbers of countries included, Geert Hofstede (1980), an international industrial organizational
psychologist based in the Netherlands, succeeded in identifying four statistically independent factors
that accounted for intercountry differences in work-related values. In the ensuing decades, Hofstedes
findings sparked worldwide interdisciplinary research on the correlates of these four dimensions and
their implications. More than 20 years after the appearance of his original monograph, Hofstede
(2001) reviewed and interpreted the aggregate of these accumulated findings.

Of the four factors that Hofstede identified, the bipolar axis of individualismcollectivism has
generated the greatest amount of interest among researchers and theoreticians alike. In the words of
Hofstede and Hofstede (2005), Individualism pertains to societies in which the ties between the
individuals are loose; everyone is expected to look after himself or herself and his or her immediate
family. Collectivism as its opposite pertains to societies in which persons from birth onward are
integrated into strong cohesive in-groups which throughout peoples lifetimes continue to protect them
in exchange for unquestioning loyalty (p. 78). Across nations, the United States leads the pack in
individualism, followed by Australia, the United Kingdom, Canada, the Netherlands, and New
Zealand. East Asian, Middle Eastern, most Latin American, and several Mediterranean cultures
cluster toward the collectivistic end of the continuum.
In my own work, I further hypothesized that counseling in individualistic cultures would be focused
on intrapsychic factors and would aim at increasing self-understanding or insight; counselors in
collectivistic settings would place emphasis on social harmony and on enhancing intrafamilial and
other close human relationships (Draguns, 2004). Individualists counseling experiences would
revolve around the uniqueness and primacy of the counselees inner lives, while the collectivists
concerns would center on social acceptance and harmonious human relationships. These predictions,
however, have not been systematically or extensively tested.
In addition to Hofstedes research, another major investigator in social psychology, Harry Triandis
(1995), has pursued a systematic program of studies on individualismcollectivism for several
decades. According to Triandis, collectivism holds a number of advantages in social interaction
within small groups, such as teams and families. Individualists, in contrast, tend to function more
effectively in impersonal institutions such as corporations and government offices. However, they
tend to be susceptible to alienation and loneliness, whereas collectivists may feel thwarted in the
realization of their personal aspirations. Triandis (1995) has observed that we need societies that
would do well both in the citizen-authorities and person-to-person fronts, that provide both freedom
and security, that have something for their most competent members, but also for the majority of their
members (p. 187). This reasoning also applies to counseling. It may be helpful for counselors to
encourage some of their individualistic, but unfulfilled, clients to become more aware of their
submerged and overlooked affiliative strivings, while their collectivistic counterparts may derive
benefit from working toward the realization of their habitually subordinated individualistic
aspirations.
Historically, an individualistic ethos has been deeply ingrained in American counseling since its
inception (Katz, 1985). Pioneers of American counseling proceeded from the assumption that
individuals are the primary recipients of intervention and that they are responsible for their
circumstances. In the counseling process, the individual is helped to exercise mastery over the
environment. Thus, independence and autonomy are prized; personal problems are construed as
intrapsychic and are often traced to the formative socialization experience early in life. Counseling is
viewed as work that requires energy, effort, and perseverance. Passivity is decried and
interdependence de-emphasized. These values may sometimes be imposed on counselees whose
socialization may not be compatible with them.
Culturally sensitive counselors urge greater awareness of the assumptions on which mainstream

American culture rests. They advocate an open-ended and flexible counseling process in which
counselees set their own goals proceeding from their cultural outlooks, sometimes coupled with a
recognition of the need to come to terms with the expectations of the mainstream culture. These
recommendations are consonant with the suggestions developed earlier in this chapter on the basis of
recent research on promoting effective therapy relationships.

Hofstedes Other Dimensions

A few words should be added about Hofstedes other four dimensions. Although the relevance of
these four factors for the realm of counseling and psychotherapy has not yet been demonstrated,
predictions have been made about the roles they may play in clinical practice (Draguns, 2008). These
will be spelled out below. First, however, these dimensions must be defined. To this end, we turn to
Keiths (2011) concise and informative description:
PD [power distance] reflects the degree to which the group members accept an unequal
distribution of power, or the difference in power between more or less powerful members of the
group; UA [uncertainty avoidance] is the degree to which a group develops processes to reduce
uncertainty or ambiguity, or to deal with risk and unfamiliarity in everyday life; MA
[masculinity] is the extent to which gender roles and distinctions are traditional, and masculine
(e.g., aggression) or feminine (e.g., cooperation) traits are viewed favorably; and LTO [longterm orientation] suggests the level of willingness of members of the culture to forego short-term
rewards in the interest of long-term goals. (p. 13)
I have posited that high PD would be expected to be associated with emphasis on counselors
officially recognized expertise, authority, and credentials, and low PD with emphasis on such
personal qualities as authenticity, egalitarianism, and informality (Draguns, 2008). High PD and
social distance would go hand in hand, as would low PD and low social barriers. High UA would
bring with it the valuation of scientifically demonstrated effectiveness of treatment, with
comprehensive and rigorous legal and administrative control over counseling services. I would
venture the prediction that biologically or behaviorally oriented interventions would hold sway over
psychodynamic and humanistic ones. At the low end of UA, a multiplicity of orientations would not
only be accepted but also celebrated, along with subjective, intuitive, and artistic approaches to
human services. High-MA cultures would promote responsibility, conformity, competence, and
efficiency; in low-MA or feminine cultures, caring, sensitivity, and compassion would be cultivated.
High LTO would concentrate on social harmony and self-subordination; low LTO (or short-term
orientation) would accord greater importance to subjective experience, self-assertion, and the pursuit
of pleasure. These ideas, however, remain to be subjected to systematic research scrutiny.

Toward Integrating Universal, Cultural, and Individual Threads in

Counseling
Leong (1996) has reminded us of Kluckhohn and Murrays (1949) dictum that each person is like all

other persons, like some other persons, and like no other person. The interplay of the universal,
cultural, and individual components poses a special challenge for a counselor dealing with a
culturally heterogeneous clientele. In response to this challenge, Leong (1996) has proposed and
Leong and Lee (2006) have expanded a comprehensive model of counseling and psychotherapy. In
their formulation, culture accommodation is focused on two variables that have also been emphasized
in this chapter: self-construal and individualismcollectivism. To these, Leong and Lee have added
the persons current and specific self-defined identity and his or her communication style, high or low
in context. High-context communication is characterized by avoidance of confrontation and of verbal
assertiveness; low-context communication features a freer, more spontaneous, and less controlled
style of expression.
Leong (1996) cautions counselors against imputing homogeneity or similarity to their clients from a
specific ethnocultural group. At the same time, he emphasizes complementarity, which calls for a
differentiated and fitting response to the needs that a counselee brings to the counseling relationship.
Culture matters to different degrees and in different ways across individuals, and the counselor
should at all times maintain awareness of the unique interaction between a counselee and his or her
culturally mediated experience. Leongs argument is exceedingly subtle and complex, and it defies
being adequately recapitulated within the confines of this chapter. With the practical concerns of
working counselors in mind, it may be useful to recapitulate the following implications of Leongs
points:
1. Do not assume that the presenting problems of a culturally distinct client are necessarily related
to or centered on his or her cultural experience or background.
2. Be prepared to switch levels, from cultural to individual and/or universal, and vice versa, as the
clients needs and situation may require.
3. The extent and nature of a persons relationship to his or her culture or cultures is likely to be an
important area of inquiry in the course of counseling.
4. Complementarity involves empathy, sensitivity, and responsiveness to the client in the context of
the counselors and counselees respective roles within the counseling transaction;
complementarity also involves the application of the counselors expertise and skill in
effectively and fittingly responding to the clients experience of distress.
5. In the optimal case, counseling may represent human interaction at its most subtle and sensitive,
and there is no effective way to simplify it without distorting or reducing its impact.
6. Maximal flexibility, spontaneity, openness to experience, and authenticity are called for during
all counseling experience.
7. Do not limit yourself to a single perspective or irrevocably commit yourself to a specific
hypothesis or explanation.
8. Remember at all times that each person is unique, yet shaped by his or her culture, and is like all
other persons both biologically and existentially.
9. Be aware of the clients multiple distinctive facets, but do not lose sight of the fact that he or she
is a whole and integrated human being.

Conclusions
Increasingly, counseling across cultures is based on a growing number of thoroughly investigated

evidence-based procedures, which, however, are sometimes applied to culturally distinct populations
in which they have not been adequately tested. At its source, however, counseling rests on the
encounter between two individuals engaged in a subtle and genuine personal contact. The two aspects
of counseling, the empirically researched and the subjectively experienced, remain to be fused and
integrated. They do not necessarily pull counseling in divergent directions, nor do they invariably
operate in tandem. For that to happen, human sensitivity has to fuse with systematically acquired
replicable knowledge. In its probably relatively infrequent stellar moments, counseling may represent
the actualization of human potential for a genuine encounter: two human beings interacting at their
best, and one of them, the counselee, significantly benefiting from the experience.
Research evidence has accumulated to demonstrate that empathy and the therapeutic alliance are two
of the major active ingredients of therapeutic change. Techniques, interventions, and procedures
certainly matter, but they are secondary to the bond between the counselor and the counselee and to
the counselees experience of being genuinely understood. Researchers and practitioners have
proposed and implemented a multitude of approaches aimed at making the benefits of counseling
available to all of the culturally diverse segments of the population of the United States, Canada, and,
presumably, a host of other multicultural nations around the world. It has been amply demonstrated
that cultural adaptations increase the effectiveness of counseling and that counseling programs work
best if the community of the potential users participates in planning, designing, and executing these
services. On the individual level, negotiation between a potential counselee and his or her counselor
is the procedure of choice, much preferred to the unilateral or authoritarian imposition of services on
an overtly compliant, yet possibly reluctant and/or bewildered, client.
Research-based information has also accrued on what kinds of clients benefit from, and prefer, what
services. Researchers and practitioners now know that the persons self, the aggregate of her or his
personal experience, is relevant to the counseling transaction. Is the self construed as a loose network
of bonds and links to the significant persons in an individuals life, as is apparently the case in many
Eastern cultures? Or is the self a tightly enclosed nucleus of cherished attributes that contains
everything that is deemed to be essential about the person? And, of course, there is plenty of room
between these two metaphoric extremes.
As yet, little is known about the personality traits of individuals or about the dimensions and
attributes of cultures that are associated with preferences for and responsiveness to the various modes
and experiences of counseling. This topic and many others remain to be investigated as the enterprise
of multicultural counseling continues on its slow progression of disentangling that which is universal,
particular, or unique about the human experiences of distress and dysfunction and as the
armamentarium of techniques, procedures, and approaches for the relief of human suffering gathers
momentum and increases in both sensitivity and effectiveness.

Discussion Questions
1. What are the relationships that work as demonstrated on the basis of the meta-analyses of
psychotherapy research? What is the relevance of these findings for culturally oriented
counseling?
2. How can the concept of culture teachers be incorporated into all counseling so as to make it

3.

4.
5.
6.
7.

more culturally sensitive and personally effective?

What is the role of empathy in culturally oriented counseling? What kinds of adaptations and
modifications, if any, may the expression and communication of empathy require in the delivery
of counseling services across cultures?
Are the experiential and evidence-based aspects of culturally oriented counseling necessarily in
conflict? If they are not, how can they be reconciled and integrated?
Are Hofstedes five dimensions relevant to multicultural counseling in the United States and
Canada? What is their potential and what are their limitations?
What are the counseling implications of working with members of a culturally diverse clientele
whose selves differ on the independent versus interdependent axis?
How can the goal of helping immigrants and sojourners adapt to U.S. culture be combined with
the goal of helping them to preserve their cultural distinctiveness and identity?

Notes
1. Because of their extensive overlap in meaning and usage, the terms counseling and psychotherapy
and their derivatives are used interchangeably throughout this chapter.
2. This quotation is from the introduction to the sixth edition of Counseling Across Cultures by the
four editors. The passage quoted, however, was written by Paul B. Pedersen and represents the gist of
the concept of culture teachers that he originated.

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3 Assessment of Persons in Cross-Cultural Counseling

Walter J. Lonner

Primary Objective
To present a general overview of contemporary issues and perspectives associated with the
assessment of individuals whose cultural or ethnic origins differ from those of the professional
counselors conducting the assessment

Secondary Objective
To provide counselors and other professionals with resources designed to increase their
competence in a broad spectrum of culture-sensitive assessment
Half a century ago there was an unprecedented flurry of activity involving the translation of many
popular, and almost entirely American, tests, scales, and inventories for first-time use in other
countries and among U.S. ethnic groups (see Lonner, 1976, in the first edition of Counseling Across
Cultures, for an earlier description of this activity). Much has been learned since then about how such
adaptations should be done correctly and fairly. But, despite its importance, psychological testing is
not the only perspective that will be discussed in this chapter. Psychological assessment in various
facets of the mental health field should not be limited to Western-based psychometric devices that
employ a variety of formats designed to provide information that can be analyzed statistically and, of
utmost importance, help counselors understand their clients. As they conduct their multifaceted jobs,
mental health professionals are constantly assessing and evaluating clients in numerous ways, many of
which have little or nothing to do with measurement of the kind traditionally used by test-oriented
psychologists. Additionally, professional counselors should be assessing and monitoring themselves
in terms of possible biases or prejudices that may surface in specific cases. Assessment across
culturestestingis still a necessary and vibrant activity in the field of counseling, but assessment
in general has become much broader and more informed, thanks to advances made by thousands of
culture-oriented psychologists.

Chapter Orientation
Psychological practitioners use a variety of formats to measure such things as a clients personality,
values, intelligence, and mental health status. To avoid mistakes in adapting any one of thousands of
devices chosen to assess persons who belong to myriad cultures and ethnicities, practitioners must
recognize the paramount importance of the answer to one crucial question in regard to each unique
client: Is the assessment of this person, in these circumstances, with these methods, and at this
time as complete and accurate as possible?
A wide range of conceptual and methodological hurdles involving the assessment of persons crossculturally has challenged both practitioners and theorists persistently for more than half a century
(Brislin, Lonner, & Thorndike, 1973; Dana, 2005; Paniagua, 2010, 2013). Below is a small sample of
the questions that counselors who interact with clients from different cultures or ethnic backgrounds
will want to consider:
To what extent can intelligence tests originally developed by White American psychologists
be validly used with individuals who identify with different ethnic groups, or who hail from
other cultures? Should such tests be used at all? If not, what, if anything, should replace them?
Are components of personality, self, or values so meaningful and tangible across cultures and
ethnic groups that they lend themselves to accurate measurement?
In educational settings, are tests of achievement and abilities fair to all children and adults
who take them, including many whose cultural or ethnic backgrounds may emphasize different
learning styles, or who may object to invasive psychometric probing?
While the basic issues in traditional cross-cultural assessment remain remarkably stable, the
accessibility and sophistication used by researchers and practitioners to explore them have increased
dramatically (Byrne et al., 2009). Many texts that have been written to help educate and inform
counselors about the range of problems and issues in multicultural counseling have grappled with the
question of psychological assessment and where it belongs in the counselors toolbox for gathering
meaningful information. When culture, ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, and other ways to
differentiate people from each other enter the picture, a variety of quandaries are certain to surface.
How practitioners approach and resolve these quandaries will greatly affect culturally appropriate
assessment as well as counseling strategies.
The goal of assessment is to contribute to the counselors professional competence when dealing with
diverse clientele (Deardorff, 2009; Lonner & Hayes, 2004; Paniagua, 2010; Sternberg & Grigorenko,
2004; Sue, Arredondo, & McDavis, 1992). This process aims to bring people who are culturally or
ethnically diverse (the clients) together with psychologists and others in the helping professions
(the experts) who themselves differ from the clients culturally or ethnically. Counselors and
therapists should be acutely aware of the responsibility they have in the assessment of persons as
well as in the proper delivery of their professional skills (American Psychiatric Association, 2000,
2013; American Psychological Association, 2003; Draguns, 1998).

The Enigmatic Other

Human beings are often perplexing, even to insightful scholars. The late esteemed cultural
psychologist Ernest Boesch noted that any personthe enigmatic other, he called her or himis
forever difficult for even highly trained professionals to understand completely (Lonner & Hayes,
2007). For Boesch, the other (a patient, a client, a confused student, an anxious immigrant) is
always encapsulated in his or her unique world of thoughts, emotions, reflections, and behaviors, all
of which are shaped by the culture(s) or ethnic group(s) in which the individual was nurtured. The
enigma can be considerably compounded when the other is from a nonisomorphic cultural or
ethnic group that, as explained below, may be radically different from the culture of another, thereby
presenting a secondand quite possibly the most complexlevel of difficulty in professional
interactions.
A common problem faced by professionals who attempt to assess and diagnose other people lies in
the imperfections that all humans experience, both as clients and as experts. Human beings tend to be
complex and enigmatic, and so are human cultures and the wide assortment of ethnicities that are
found in any pluralistic country. Unraveling these complexities and enigmas is a constant challenge.

The Cultural Isomorphism of Human Assessment

A frequent lamentation of culturally oriented psychologists is that most of the pioneering work in this
area involved a rather narrow slice of humanity (Segall, Lonner, & Berry, 1998). Psychologists have
dealt primarily with readily available and opportunistic samples of convenience from the WEIRD
worldthat is, from Western, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic nations (Henrich, Heine,
& Norenzayan, 2010). The language and reasoning used by members of the scientific establishment in
such efforts are generally mutually understandable, dealing as they do with the lingua franca of the
guild and the people in the guild whom they serve. In other words, the great similarity in form and
function shared by professionals and their clientstheir isomorphism, or the extent of their
congruency in thought and actionminimizes some important barriers. Common sense tells us that the
most effective counseling takes place in settings that are culturally isomorphic (White clients and
White counselors living in rural Kansas, for instance, or Hispanic clients and Hispanic counselors
living in New Mexico). This has been called the cultural compatibility hypothesis. High
isomorphism (high compatibility) seemingly ensures that individuals, when all barriers are minimized
or eliminated in such relationships, will generally be on the same page. High compatibility would
obviously facilitate (but not guarantee) accurate assessment and communication, even if the presenting
problems are complex. At its best, this facilitation would be enhanced because those in the
therapeutic relationship would have learned the same language, been socialized in the same country
or culture, and shared a common fate in a similar social, ecological, economic, familial, and
political milieu in which the counseling relationship takes place. But this clinical matching
hypothesis may not always be the best route. The universalist position argues that assessment, as well
as treatment, is independent of any issues involving cultural or ethnic differences. Some researchers
have addressed the compatibility versus universalism issue (see Paniagua, 2013, Chapter 2;
Zane, Hall, Sue, Young, & Nunez, 2004). Chapter 2 in this book discusses this topic in more detail. In
any case, all professional interactions should involve accurate assessment and sensitive
understanding of the other in his or her unique and enigmatic form, all of which is shaped by
cultural and ethnic forces.

An Example of Radical Nonisomorphism/Incongruence

A case study wonderfully told by Anne Fadiman in her award-winning book The Spirit Catches You
and You Fall Down (1997) provides an excellent example of radical incongruence between patient
and doctor. Fadimans book is structured around the problems that a Hmong child, Lia Lee,
experienced in her adopted United States and the clash of two medical systemsessentially two
worldviewsin their attempts to explain the childs behavior. Lia, who died in August 2012, had
severe epilepsy (a uniformly accepted condition in the modern world with a number of known
symptoms and behaviors). To her refugee parents, however, she suffered from quag dab peg, a
culture-bound illness in which the spirit catches you and you fall down. Fadimans book has
become required reading in many medical schools.
This fascinating case study challenges the efficacy of two systems of causalitythe Western
paradigm and the Hmong belief system. Getting out of the WEIRD box, which can seriously constrain
thinking, is the key to progress. The case study serves as a showcase for what have been called
Arthur Kleinmans (1992) Eight Questions. These questions are often used as a tool of preliminary
assessment in many intake interviews, where the beliefs held by different cultures and ethnicities may
clash with the Western model:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.

What do you call the problem?

What do you think has caused the problem?
Why do you think it started when it did?
What do you think the sickness does? How does it work?
How severe is the sickness? Will it have a short or long course?
What kind of treatment do you think the patient should receive? What are the most important
results you hope the patient will receive from this treatment?
7. What are the chief problems the sickness has caused?
8. What do you fear most about the sickness?
These questions emerged in the context of exotic ethnopsychiatric conditions and anthropological
perspectives. Except for those who work with people who are in various stages of acculturation, not
many professional mental health workers in the Western world routinely confront the problems faced
by an unacculturated Hmong child. Kleinman (1980), after all, has spent a career in ethnopsychiatry
and medical anthropology. His model for cultural assessment was designed to cover all facets of a
clients cultural experience (Kleinman, 1992). Also containing eight points, the model has been useful
in professional interactions where cultural differences may be relevant. But the eight questions can be
modified slightly for use in various relatively modern and Western counseling settings rather than in
specific and exotic ethnopsychiatric circumstances where baffling medical conditions may be
involved. Words such as patient and sickness can be replaced by client and psychological condition,
thus making the eight questions part of an appropriate and somewhat more isomorphic assessment tool
in virtually all multicultural counseling settings. Perhaps accurate answers to these questions could be
used as criteria for successful assessment and empathetic understanding in any counseling scenario,
regardless of how radically incongruent a given setting may be.

Four Approaches to Assessment in Multicultural Counseling

There are four different approaches in the assessment toolbox with which all culture-oriented
practitioners are involved to varying extents: quantitative, qualitative, mixed-methods, and
knowledge-based approaches. Which of these, or combination thereof, a counselor takes will depend
on the nature of the individual case as well as on the background and intentions of the counselor.
Traditionally, the two main approachesqualitative (or idiographic) and quantitative (or nomothetic)
have been centerpieces in an ongoing debate about which is better (Draguns, 1996; Draguns &
Tanaka-Matsumi, 2001; Ponterotto, Gretchen, & Chauhan, 2001). This debate is the entire focus of
Meehls classic 1954 book Clinical Versus Statistical Prediction, which notes that both approaches
have had strong supporters and outspoken opponents. For instance, the clinical (qualitative) method
has been described as rich, contextual, sensitive, open-minded, deep, genuine, insightful, flexible, and
meaningful. It has also been pejoratively described as mystical, hazy, unverifiable, sloppy, crude,
primitive, and intuitive. On the other hand, the statistical (quantitative) approach has been described
by its adherents as communicable, testable, reliable, rigorous, precise, and empirical. Its detractors
use such adjectives as mechanical, forced, superficial, rigid, pseudoscientific, and blind.
Historical and scientific posturing aside, psychology as a field is moving toward a third approach in
assessment, which usually is considered to consist of mixed methods in research and evaluation.
Similarly, assessment usually involves both quantitative and qualitative perspectives. Further, the
guidelines for practice endorsed by the American Psychiatric Association (2013), the American
Psychological Association (2003), and the American Counseling Association (2005) all emphasize
that in working with culturally different clients, it is very important for counselors to use culturally
impressionistic approaches to identify the clients norm groups, so that quantitative assessments can
be conducted ethically. Effective assessment involving individuals from other cultures or ethnic
groups can be accomplished only after the persons doing the assessment have accumulated significant
knowledge about the histories, customs, and modes of interaction of the groups in question. That kind
of assessment, the fourth approach, is here called knowledge-based assessment (KBA) because it
relies on the accumulation of increasingly deep understanding of a clients cultural background. The
knowledge-based approach draws heavily from the work of cultural and cross-cultural psychologists
who have offered numerous ways to understand entire cultures as well as individuals within them.
Much of the remainder of this chapter is built around these four dimensions and the issues that have
followed them.

The Quantitative Approach

Guided by logical positivism, nomothetic (putatively universally lawful) approaches tend to be
favored by most psychologists, whether or not their focus is on culture or ethnicity. Psychological
testing can provide the counselor with the kind of data-oriented information that conforms to the
canons of orthodox psychological science. A preference for normative objective data over
idiographic clinical interpretation, standardization in both method and scoring, and efficiency of
administering and interpreting tests and scales over on-the-spot constructivist approaches tend to be
some of the hallmarks of this dimension in the assessment of persons. Some call it the gold standard
in assessment.

Methodological Culture-Centered Concerns in Quantitative

Research
Numerous problems have been found to be associated with the use of the many data-gathering devices
that are designed to assess clients from various cultural and ethnic groups. The measurement of
intelligence, for example, continues to be fraught with considerable difficulties when particular tests
are applied to individuals from different cultures or ethnic groups (Suzuki, Naqvi, & Hill, 2014). In
short, the quest for a truly culture-fair intelligence test has been severely damaged on the rocky
shoals of rigorous examination. While concepts such as cultural intelligence (CQ), emotional
intelligence (EI), and street smarts are currently in vogue, they too demand explication and some
kind of measurement. In the domain of personality assessment, psychologists who favor such widely
used devices as the NEO Personality InventoryRevised (NEO-PI-R), the five-factor model
(McCrae & Allik, 2002; McCrae & Costa, 1997), the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory
(MMPI; Butcher, 1996), and various values scales (see Dana, 2005) have been especially careful to
address the methodological problems of such multi-item scales and inventories when these are
extended to other cultures.
Methodological concerns tend to center on two major areas: (1) the equivalence (mutual
meaningfulness) of assessment devices and (2) the bias that may be inherent in many, if not all,
quantitative approaches. Bias and equivalence are highly related because they are mirror concepts,
with bias being synonymous with nonequivalence and, conversely, equivalence referring to the
absence of bias (van de Vijver, 2001). In their edited volume devoted to cross-cultural counseling,
Gerstein, Heppner, gisdttir, Leung, and Norsworthy (2009) correctly assert that many conceptual
and methodological issues face counselors across the globe. A chapter in that text by gisdttir,
Gerstein, Leung, Kwan, and Lonner (2009) and a popular online readings article by He and van de
Vijver (2012) summarize the essence of equivalence and bias in their various forms. Similarly,
Kwan, Gong, and Maestas (2010) and van de Vijver and Leung (2011) provide overviews of
significant concerns facing scholars and practitioners who wish to adapt psychological tests for use in
multicultural counseling. The same concerns must be addressed in research using any kind of
psychological measurement involving the admixture of culture/ethnicity and individual differences.
The following section summarizes the essence of these issues.

Types of Equivalence
Conceptual (or Construct) Equivalence
Psychological concepts or constructs may never have totally equivalent meanings across different
cultures or ethnic groups. Many diagnostic categories, descriptions of syndromes, and adjectives used
to describe people do not transfer well across different groups in such a way that their meanings are
identical. Even in a homogeneous culture there will be individual differences in understandings of
certain words or phrases, or in attaching certain meanings or emotions to them. We should, therefore,
expect even more such variation between individuals in different cultural or ethnic groups. In
culturally sensitive psychological assessment the goal is to find enough equivalence between

disparate cultural or ethnic groups so that the elimination of any bias that favors one group or
individual over another is possible.
Hofstede (2001) asserts that culture is the collective programming of the mind that distinguishes the
members of one group or category of people from others (p. 9). In other words, every culture, either
explicitly or implicitly, teaches its citizens to process concepts and constructs in ways that may differ
substantially from those used by members of other cultures. If differences are present, one of the
counselors tasks is to try to understand why and how this cultural programming occurs and to
assess people accordingly. For instance, cultures that are highly individualistic tend to foster
autonomy and independence among their citizens. The concept of dependency, therefore, when
manifested by a client socialized in the individualistic Western world, could be viewed as weak or
as indicating an adjustment problem. In contrast, in cultures that do not nudge people toward
autonomy and independence, dependency and conformity may be the norm.
Even specific cultures and ethnic groups within multiethnic societies are usually not homogeneous.
There can be, and often are, subtle variations in cultures between regions in specific countries. For
instance, Vandello and Cohen (1999) found patterns of individualism and collectivism within the
United States, with people in the Deep South being generally more collectivistic than the typically
more individualistic residents of the Midwest and Far West. The main theme of a recent best-selling
book by the historian and journalist Colin Woodard (2011) is that the United States is not one large
and undivided monolithic nation but rather 11 nations, each with its own historical roots that go back
centuries. For instance, Woodward names among them the Left Coast, Yankeedom, Greater
Appalachia, and the Deep South, where some are still fighting the Civil War. He even includes
large parts of Canada in his argument (e.g., First Nation and New France). In multicultural
Canada one can find plenty of differences in attitudes and other variables between the Francophones
in Quebec and the Anglophones in British Columbia or Saskatchewan. In any pluralistic society one
can generally expect to find numerous differences among individuals from different native groups,
geographic regions, or generations of immigrants. In fact, one line of contemporary research on values
suggests that there may be more differences within than between cultures (see below in the discussion
of values). A caution: While these demographic and historical perspectives are generally interesting
and broadly historically informative and insightful, it may be a stretch for counselors to rely on them
to assess any given individual who resides in one particular culture or identifies with one particular
ethnic group. To do so may be to perpetuate stereotypes.
Before a counselor uses any data-gathering device to assess or diagnose an individual from another
culture or ethnic group, he or she should consider the extent to which his or her own definitions of
important concepts, both intrapersonal and interpersonal, match those of the client. In other words,
cultural validity and meaningfulness should be established. Unfortunately, there is no objective
checklist to guide the counselor in establishing such validity. However, most tests and scales
designed or adapted for use in cross-cultural research have a significant body of research to guide the
professional counselor. A search of the literature will usually pay off. Dana (2005), for instance,
provides an excellent overview of multicultural assessment. Likewise, Gamst, Liang, and DerKarabetian (2011) present an extensive list of multicultural measures. These researchers pedagogical
goal was to place as many multicultural instruments summaries as we could create within one text;
at the same time, however, they note that such one-stop shopping can often yield a double-edged

sword; convenience must be tempered by the realization that any multicultural measurement
compendium is but a beginning of a serious and thorough literature review (p. xvii). Gamst et al.
touch on many of the salient dimensions that will be of some interest in virtually any multicultural
counseling encounter. They describe measures of counselor competence, racial and ethnic identity,
and acculturation, as well as racism- and prejudice-related, gender-related, sexual orientation
related, and disability attitude measures.

Structural (or Functional) Equivalence

Structural equivalence is satisfied if an instrument measures the same construct in different cultural or
ethnic groups. Somewhat similar to conceptual equivalence is linguistic, or translation, equivalence
this area addresses all aspects of the language(s) used in assessment devices. Psychologists who
plan to make comparisons across cultures, and others who simply want to render tests or scales
usable in particular cultural or ethnic settings, often spend a great deal of time translating the devices
to be used. Back-translation is an almost obligatory procedure to ascertain the linguistic equivalence
of scales. Brislin (1986) and Hambleton and Zenisky (2011) provide overviews of the problems
associated with translating and adapting tests for use across cultures and ethnic groups. Extensive
cross-cultural adaptations of the famous MMPI incorporate lessons learned over many years in this
domain of test adaptation (see, for example, Butcher & Williams, 2009).

Measurement Unit Equivalence

As Marsella (1987) notes in his discussion of depressive experience and disorder across cultures,
virtually everyone in Western society is exposed to Likert-type scales, Thurstone scales, truefalse
ratings, and other efforts to quantify life experiences, opinions, attitudes, and behavior patterns (p.
387). Moreover, it is usually assumed that people will readily rate themselves and others, and that
they have the ability to be self-reflective, with little or no regard for their right to privacy or concerns
about how culture has influenced the individuals tendency to disclose themselves to strangers or
counselors. Van de Vijver and Leung (1997) give a cogent example of this problem that employs two
different scales used to measure temperaturethe Kelvin and Celsius scales. If used for two groups,
the measurement unit would be identical. However, the origins of the scales are not. As van de Vijver
and Leung explain it, By subtracting 273 from the temperatures in Celsius, these will be converted
into degrees Kelvin. Unfortunately, we hardly ever know the offset of scales in cross-cultural
research (p. 8). Suppose, for example, that a scale to measure anxiety is developed in Canada and is
subsequently translated and administered to recent immigrants from Vietnam. The original (Canadian)
scale may contain a number of implicit and explicit references to the Canadian culture. These
references will put Vietnamese respondents at a disadvantage. As a consequence, van de Vijver and
Leung note, the (supposedly) interval-level scores in each group do not constitute comparability at
the ratio level (p. 8).

Scalar Equivalence, or Full-Score Comparability

Scalar equivalence, the highest level, is the only type of equivalence that permits direct cross-cultural

comparisons. It can be achieved only with methods or scales that use the same ratio scale in each
cultural group, because this would allow one to conclude that scores obtained in two cultures or
ethnic groups are different or equal. Van de Vijver and Leung (1997) use the measurement of body
length or weight (using any standard measure in either case) as an example. In a similar context, van
de Vijver and Leung (2011) point out that scalar equivalence assumes both an identical interval or
ratio scale and an identical scale origin across cultural groups. Psychological constructs are often
opaque and slippery. Perhaps scalar equivalence across cultures can be most reliably achieved with
biometric scales such as blood pressure readings or eye pressure tests for glaucoma. For reasons
already given, it would be much more problematic to develop a totally useful psychological scale to
measure, for example, feelings of inferiority across cultural or ethnic lines.

Bias in Assessment and Appraisal

A large number of unwanted nuisance factors can threaten the validity and therefore usefulness of
assessment devices when they are used with cultural and ethnic groups other than those for which they
were developed. Bias is the general term used to refer to such threats. Van de Vijver and Poortinga
(1997; see also van de Vijver & Leung, 1997, 2011) assert that there are three types of bias:
construct, method, and item.
Construct bias can occur, for example, when
definitions of a construct across cultures do not completely overlap;
there is poor sampling of all relevant behaviors (such as in short questionnaires or scales); or
there is incomplete coverage of the construct.
Method bias is a potential problem when, for instance,
those who take a test are unequally familiar with the items;
the person giving the test has differential effects on the participants, such as in communication
problems;
the samples are incomparable; or
the physical conditions or test administration procedures differ.
Item bias occurs when, for instance,
one or more items are poorly translated;
there is complex wording in items; or
there are incidental or inappropriate differences in the content of test items (e.g., the topic of
an item in an educational test is absent in the curriculum of one of the cultural groups).
Detailed information about the use of tests across cultures, as well as in research designs requiring
the use of tests, is readily available. The International Test Commission (ITC) is one highly
recommended source of such information. In 1999, the ITC formally adapted guidelines for test usage,
and the European Federation of Professional Associations Task Force on Tests and Testing endorsed
the guidelines that year. Copies of the current guidelines can be obtained from the ITC website

(http://www.intestcom.org). A recent book edited by Matsumoto and van de Vijver (2011) contains
numerous chapters by specialists in cross-cultural research. Among the topics it covers are the
translation and adaptation of tests, sampling, survey research, and multilevel modeling, as well as an
assortment of other concerns and problems. Gamst et al. (2011) cover some of this ground as well.

The Qualitative Approach

Qualitative assessment relies heavily on idiographic, informal, impressionistic, and often
unstructured procedures or approaches. In-depth interviews and autobiographies are classic
examples. This approach almost completely eschews traditional psychometrics and techniques that
tend to objectify and reduce people to standard scores, percentiles, personality profiles, or points
on Likert-type scales.
The qualitative approach includes the assessment of what may well be the most important aspect of a
persons mode of thought and behavior: his or her worldview. Koltko-Rivera (2004) defines
worldviews as sets of beliefs and assumptions that describe reality (p. 3). (See also the Scale to
Assess World View, a social psychological instrument; Ibrahim & Kahn, 1987; Ibrahim, RoysircarSodowsky, & Ohnishi, 2001.) A persons worldview (Weltanschauung), which is certainly shaped by
culture, encompasses a wide range of topics, including morality, appropriate social behavior,
political stances, ethical matters, the nature of the universe, ad infinitum. Yet, while a person is the
child of one specific culture, he or she of course does not necessarily represent a pristine example of
everyone in that particular group. On the other hand, it is highly likely the worldviews of most people
from a given culture will be more similar than different. Recent research on social axioms supports
the view that there is widespread agreement among people in a given culture regarding how the world
works. Conceptually similar to the measurement of cultural syndromes (Triandis, 1996) or the
popular mode of dimensionalizing cultures via work-related values (Hofstede, 2001, 2011), social
axioms represent a way to assess a persons view of the world (Bond et al., 2004; Leung et al., 2002;
Malham & Saucier, 2014). According to Leung et al. (2002), social axioms are generalized beliefs
about oneself, the social and physical environment, or the spiritual world, and are in the form of an
assertion about the relationship between two entities or concepts (p. 289). Detailed, multicultural
factor analysis has unearthed a quintet of social axioms:
Cynicism: a negative view of human nature, a belief that life produces unhappiness
Social complexity: a belief in multiple ways of doing things
Reward for application: a belief that hard work and careful planning will lead to positive
outcomes
Spirituality (or religiousness): a belief in a supreme being and the positive functions of
religious practice
Fate control: a belief that life events are predetermined and that people have some influence
over the outcomes
Qualitative approaches include the notion that the person and the culture in which he or she lives are
co-constructedthey literally define each other. Constructivist assessment emphasizes local
(emic) as opposed to universal (etic) meanings and beliefs shared by individuals in a
circumscribed culture (Neimeyer, 1993; Raskin, 2002); it also embraces a fluid and flexible style in

constructing meaning.
More than a decade ago, Carr, Marsella, and Purcell (2002) noted that interest in the use of
qualitative research methods was on the increase. This continues to be true. The key ideas shared by
those who tend to favor such methods include a strong desire to preserve and study life in its genuine
and earthy form, to examine the essence and nature of things, and to understand the dynamics of
phenomena in their natural and nonmanipulated settings. The cultural psychologist Cole (1996) argues
that the analysis of everyday life events, the fact that individuals are active agents in their own
development, and the examination of mediated action in a context are, among other factors, quite
important. Cultural psychologists and constructivists in general tend to reject, as Cole puts it, causeeffect, stimulus-response, explanatory science in favor of a science that emphasizes the emergent
nature of mind in activity and that acknowledges a central role for interpretation in its explanatory
framework. He also endorses the use of methodologies from the humanities as well as from the
social and biological sciences (p. 104). Cultural psychologists are far more likely to use qualitative
methods than are their cross-cultural colleagues (also see Shweder, 1991). The phenomenological
nature of the human being and the belief that there are multiple realities rather than a uniform and
completely objective and well-ordered world are other themes in qualitative approaches in general
(Denzin & Lincoln, 2011) and also in research methodology (J. Smith, 2003).

Mixed Methods and Models of Assessment in Multicultural

Counseling
Many culture-oriented practitioners use both quantitative and qualitative methods. Several models
and approaches have recently evolved that are additive. Essentially, this represents the collective
thinking of researchers (Dana, 1998; Karasz, 2011).
The earliest modular framework took the form of Kleinmans (1992) Eight Questions to guide the
assessment process (as listed above). Kleinman developed these questions to understand the clients
explanatory rationale for the problem in both physical and mental health. This approach was quite
revolutionary at the time because it included the client in the problem-solving process, focusing on
understanding what the client believed was the genesis of the problem, what function it was serving in
the clients context, and how it might be treated. This model has provided the framework for ethical
cross-cultural diagnosis and assessment such as the cultural formulation of the clients problem
espoused by the American Psychiatric Association (2000, 2013). Castillo (1997) expanded on
Kleinmans questions to include the client and the context as the central components in the assessment
and diagnosis process.
A closely related approach is the ADDRESSING framework proposed by Hays (2001). The letters of
the ADDRESSING acronym serve as prompts for the counselor to address, if desired: age,
developmental and acquired disabilities, religion and spirituality, ethnicity, socioeconomic status,
sexual orientation, indigenous heritage, national origin, and gender.
Mixed methods and models help to clarify what is normal and abnormal in specific cultural contexts,
thus reducing fears of misdiagnosis and cultural malpractice. The counselor must make key decisions

in planning his or her assessment strategy when using tools of this kind. The decisions pertain to
identifying the most salient features for the client that must be assessed before an intervention can be
conducted. The determination of key variables depends on several factors, such as deciding if the
issues the client is facing are relevant to his or her core values and culture.
Dana (2005) has developed an ethnically sensitive model he calls the multicultural assessmentintervention process (MAIP). Using a seven-step procedure, this model incorporates a process
whereby the counselor must make frequent and careful selections from among traditional and
appropriate psychometric devices (see Figure 3.1). Using MAIP, the therapist
1. identifies the clients cultural identity;
2. determines the clients level of acculturation;
3. provides a culture-specific service delivery style in which he or she phrases questions in
accordance with cultural etiquette;
4. uses the clients language (or preferred language), if possible;
5. selects assessment devices or modes that are culturally appropriate to the client or that the client
prefers; and
6. uses culture-specific strategies in informing the client about the results of the assessment.
The MAIP has been used in conjunction with the California Brief Multicultural Competence Scale
(CBMCS). It also includes the possible use of traditional psychological tests, especially in steps 3
and 4. Dana (2005) reports that Ponterotto et al. (2001) have identified the MAIP as his six-step
cultural assessment model. He further notes that Morris (2000) has expanded his model to propose a
hybrid model for African Americans that combines MAIP with Helmss (1990) racial identity
development process (see also Spengler, Strohmer, Dixon, & Shivy, 1995).

Figure 3.1 Schematic Flowchart of MAIP Model Components

Source: Gamst, G. C., Liang, C.T.H., & Der-Karabetian, A. (2011). Handbook of multicultural
measures. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Ridley, Li, and Hill (1998) have proposed a model they call the multicultural assessment procedure
(MAP). It focuses on the incorporation of the clients culture in the assessment decision-making
process. In addition, Ridley et al. emphasize the role of cognitive flexibility in clinical judgment and
practice, as well as the role of language in assessments. The main goal of MAP is to enhance the
cultural competence of psychologists and other mental health professionals in culture-sensitive
assessment. One of the biggest strengths of this model is that it actively engages the client in the
assessment process. This can help to avoid misunderstandings and culturally biased judgments by
helping therapists engage their clients and get an accurate sense of the clients issues and symptoms.
Paniagua (2010) notes that the American Psychiatric Association endorses a five-step assessment
protocol: (1) Identify the clients primary racial or ethnic group, (2) record the origin of how the

client explains the presenting mental disorder or condition, (3) determine how cultural factors in the
psychological environment (e.g., family, church) affect the client, (4) note any potentially significant
differences between the counselor and the client that could affect assessment and diagnosis, and (5)
summarize major findings in the assessment that appear to be related to culture and ethnicity. Paniagua
also discusses how the mental status exam can play a role in assessment and diagnosis.

An Interim Perspective: Neuropsychological Assessment and

Culture
An important approach that merits consideration is neuropsychological assessment. From a medical
perspective, assessing patients from diverse cultural and linguistic backgrounds presents unique
ethical challenges (Brickman, Cabo, & Manly, 2006) as well as many potentially complex
measurement problems (Pedraza & Mungas, 2008). Many neuropsychological measures do not meet
acceptable standards when used with most if not all ethnic groups in the United States.
Recognized as a specialization within the field of clinical neuropsychology, this type of assessment
generally focuses on brain disorders. Many individuals in need of some kind of professional
psychological help are foreign-born and not fluent in English (or the dominant language where the
professional encounter occurs); they may be victims of human-made or natural disasters or of
physical or mental abuse and may be severely malnourished. Several chapters in this book discuss
counseling with peoplesuch as immigrants, the impoverished, the marginalized, and substance
abuserswho may be in desperate need of neuropsychological evaluation. Unfortunately, most
counseling psychologists do not receive detailed training in this highly specialized area.
Consequently, they often have to refer clients to medical facilities for proper assessment, diagnosis,
and treatment. Counselors are advised to learn as much as possible about such resources in their
communities. Assessment in this domain features the use of specialized neuropsychological tests. As
such, the same issuesvalidity, reliability, equivalence, and biasthat are part of routine
quantitative procedures must be considered in the assessment of brain disorders, along with unique
challenges and how they may interact with culture-mediated factors. Judd and Beggs (2005) note that
a number of specific cultural factors are most relevant to neuropsychological evaluation; these
include worldview, values, religion and beliefs, family structures, social roles (age, gender, class,
and so on), recent history, epidemiology, differential responses to psychotropic medications, attitudes
and beliefs about health and illness, communication and interpersonal style, and the nature of any
educational system that the client has experienced.
Nell (2000) presents an overview of culture-sensitive neuropsychological assessment. Currently
more than 500 tests are available to the clinical neuropsychologist. It would be easy to dismiss the
universalist argument in the use of any of these devices. It is nearly certain that some cultural
differences can be found in the employment of all of these tests. However, finding differences is not
that important. What is important is whether the differences are based on solid methodology and, if
they are, why the differences exist. This inherently challenging domain of clinical assessment and
diagnosis is on the radar screen of neuropsychologists, many of whom are aware of the various
problems associated with the measurement of cognitive abilities across diverse cultural, racial, and
ethnic groups (Pedraza & Mungas, 2008). This includes attention given to the multicultural

neuropsychological assessment of children (Byrd, Arentoft, Scheiner, Westerveld, & Baron, 2008).
Because culture or ethnicity may mask neuropsychological conditions, professional counselors should
enhance their competency by becoming familiar with the current literature in this area, as well as with
local medical resources. Important sources of information are the Handbook of Cross-Cultural
Neuropsychology (Fletcher-Janzen, Strickland, & Reynolds, 2000) and Assessment and Culture:
Psychological Tests With Minority Populations (Gopaul-McNicol & Armour-Thomas, 2002).
Neuropsychology and the Hispanic Patient: A Clinical Handbook (Pontn & Len-Carrin, 2001) is
an excellent methodological and forensic resource for counselors working with Hispanic clients, as is
Minority and Cross-Cultural Aspects of Neuropsychological Assessment (Ferraro, 2002). More
broadly, the International Handbook of Cross-Cultural Neuropsychology (Uzzell, Pontn, & Ardila,
2007) is a helpful source of information regarding progress in this relatively new field. The website
of the National Academy of Neuropsychology (http://www.nanonline.org) is also an excellent
resource in this area of individual assessment. The academys Culture and Diversity Committee is
especially active in such efforts. The American Psychological Association, American Psychological
Society, and Canadian Psychological Association are good sources of information, as is the
California Association of Psychologys Cultural Neuropsychology Subcommittee of Culture and
Diversity. Brickman et al. (2006) address ethical issues in cross-cultural neuropsychology.

Knowledge-Based Assessment
A fourth type of culture-centered assessment is offered as a more general path to competent crosscultural assessment. It usually does not rely on traditional modes of psychological testing. Instead, it
draws on the rapidly increasing efforts of culture-oriented psychologists over several decades (Berry,
Poortinga, Breugelmans, Chasiotis, & Sam, 2011; Keith, 2013; Lonner, 2013; Matsumoto & Juang,
2008; P. B. Smith & Best, 2009; Valsiner, 2012). By becoming familiar with contemporary
developments in the psychological study of culture, counselors can greatly enrich their interactions
with clients who are culturally different from themselves.
KBA is highly related to a number of recent models of and perspectives on cross-cultural
competence, several of which focus on motivation, skills, and knowledge (Deardorff, 2009), which
are, in turn, related to cultural intelligence, or CQ (Ang & Van Dyne, 2008). A special issue of the
Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology (Chiu, Lonner, Matsumoto, & Ward, 2013) addresses a
variety of theoretical and measurement perspectives on cross-cultural competence. This type of
assessment also embraces the profound simplicity of what Kahneman (2011) reminds us is part of our
biological and cognitive endowment: an ability to evaluate crucial features of present circumstances
so that proper action may take place. Knowingly or unknowingly, we always appraise and assess
those we meet. Such evaluation, done broadly and deeply and linked to contemporary research, will
contribute immensely to empathetic assessment.
Predicated on the proposition that counselors appraisal of their clients potentially involves all facets
of their lives, KBA is informed by the knowledge that counselors have gained over the years in
various academic disciplines; in their travels; in the books, poems, movies, and music they have
appreciated; in the conferences they have attended, the classes they have taught, and the friendships
they have madein other words, life as it evolves over time and place, life as it is lived in the raw

context of everyday discourse, not as it is represented by static and often lifeless psychometric
devices. Additionally, interviews, systematic observation in naturalistic settings, personal documents
and archives, and unobtrusive measures are aspects of this approach. The assessment of persons
regardless of settingis a dynamic, automatic, and constantly ubiquitous human process. Abundant
knowledge accumulated by the counselor enhances and enriches other forms of assessment. The
chapters in this text are excellent examples of the input needed for this type of assessment.

Patterns, Categorization, and Dimensionalizing

Most culture-oriented psychologists tend to gravitate toward, and create, frameworks or perspectives
designed to categorize and dimensionalize culture-related patterns of behavior. While it is often
practical to use such frameworks, even if only heuristically, this is a perilous approach in an
increasingly complex and globalized world (Hermans & Kempen, 1998; Stewart & Bennett, 1991).
When assessing patterns of behavior based on a persons culture or ethnic group, a counselor must
address a problem. This problem includes the unwarranted assumption that the highest level of
abstraction (e.g., an entire culture or ethnic group) translates directly to the lowest level of
abstraction (the unique individual and his or her specific behaviors). It is tempting, as P. B. Smith
(2004) cautions, to test the plausibility of hypotheses by thinking about how the variables of interest
[at the country or ethnic group level] relate at the individual level of analysis (p. 9). To do so is to
commit what Hofstede (2001) calls the ecological fallacy, for there is no logical reason why
relationships between any two variables at one level of analysis should be exactly the same at
another level of analysis (Hofstede, 1980; Leung, 1989). Nor is there any convincing reason to use
such descriptions as national character or the typical Asian or the modal Hispanic personality
pattern in assessing individuals. There is just too much diversity, too much shifting from region to
region, and too much interplay between and among people to be so sweepingly reductionistic. It may
be tempting to inch toward unwittingly committing an ecological fallacy. To avoid this, the counselor
would be wise to believe that the individual and his or her unique behavioral tendencies trump all
higher levels of abstraction. The higher the level of abstraction (e.g., Asia), the greater potential for
errors at the lowest level (a specific Asian student).
The search for patterns of behavior that may be related to culture embraces a research tradition in the
social and behavioral sciences that has been central to the understanding of persons for many decades
(Lonner, 2009, 2011). One example of this search for regularities is the recent research on social
axioms, described earlier. Three other examples of this culture-oriented research are summarized
below: understanding personality traits, grappling with the nature of self, and mapping human
values.

Understanding Personality Traits

The NEO-PI-R purports to measure the everyday Big Five dimensions of personality within the
general framework of the five-factor model (FFM). The five components of personality emerged from
dozens of factor analytical studies showing that consistent regularities, or patterns, were evident in
numerous measures of personality. Arguably, the five derived factors are universal and therefore

transcend languages, making all items in the 240-item inventory relatively easy to translate. The five
factorsOpenness, Conscientiousness, Extroversion, Agreeableness, and Neuroticismare often
referred to with the acronym OCEAN (see McCrae & Allik, 2002; McCrae & Costa, 1997, 2008;
McCrae, Terracciano, et al., 2005).
Proponents of the FFM believe that these components of personality are as universal and real as
blood type or other biological markers. In assessing personality, perhaps counselors, who also share
these traits to varying degrees, quite naturally cue in on manifestations of these factors in everyday
interactions as well as in counseling sessions. After just one session with a new client the adept
counselor could probably construct a convincing profile of the client by using these salient commondenominator factors, which may help constitute a lingua franca of interpersonal understanding. But
because of the plasticity of personality and the cacophony of cultures and ethnic groups, it is difficult
to confirm the universality of these factors and even more difficult to exclude other factors that may
prove to be equally robust. Nevertheless, all sentient humans may well be hardwired to assess
people by using these facets of personality.
A counselor will only occasionally have a clients NEO-PI-R profile in front of him or her before or
during a counseling session. So how does this relate to this dimension of KBA? One answer is that by
considering patterns of these traits, a counselor can enhance his or her knowledge of a client and the
clients cultural background. For instance, Americans, Canadians, New Zealanders, and Australians
tend to be high on Extroversion and at midscale on Neuroticism. Knowing that these patterns exist, at
least in the academic world, may provide a counselor with some confirmatory evidence about the
general nature of a particular client in a counseling setting.

Grappling With the Self

It is quintessentially human to comprehend, reflect upon, and assess oneself. Theory and research on
selfself-concept, self-efficacy, self-enhancement, self-disclosure, and self-esteem, among many
other aspects of self-nesshas received enormous attention from scholars for centuries. Counseling
obviously concerns the clients self and all of its philosophical and psychological underpinnings.
Tell me a little about yourself is a common opening gambit that professional counselors use. Many
attempts to assess aspects of self have dotted the literature for decades. One of the most popular
devices, and one of the simplest, is the twenty statements test, or TST, which simply asks a client or
student to complete the phrase I am ______ 20 times, after which this self-report is analyzed. Since
its development (Kuhn & McPartland, 1954), the TST has been used in countless projects, many of
which have looked into cultural and ethnic aspects of self-construal (e.g., del Prado et al., 2007).
The most prevalent perspective on matters relating to culture and self has involved the highest level
of abstraction: culture. The heavily studied concept of individualism versus collectivism is
everyones favorite example. Within this great divide, individualist and collectivist orientations
tend to comprehend self quite differently. Generally, a person from a highly individualistic culture
such as the United States or Australia will likely differ substantially from a person who grew up in a
collectivistic culture such as China or Egypt. The heart of the difference is that the individualist will
be primarily concerned about his or her self while the collectivist will tend to focus more on the
group(s) to which he or she belongs. Within the increasingly complex contemporary American

culture, however, care should be used in employing the individualismcollectivism bifurcation

(Vargas & Kemmelmeier, 2013). Counseling strategies that aim to promote self-actualization and selfenhancement, as might typically be employed in individualistic settings, may not work so well in
settings where the group, and especially the family, is central to the conceptualization of self.
Hofstedes other cultural dimensions, incidentally, include power distance, uncertainty avoidance,
and masculinityfemininity. A fifth dimension, long-term versus short-term orientation, was added
more recently. The cultural dynamics associated with these dimensions in counseling encounters
would be worth studying (see also Chapter 2).
Somewhat along the same lines are the polarities of the independent self versus the interdependent
self. Markus and Kitayama (1991) have argued that an individuals motivation, emotion, and
cognition differ depending on the extent to which the persons culture or ethnic group has fostered a
self-construal that is independent (self-centered) as opposed to interdependent (group-centered).
By contrasting a rugged individualist farm boy from rural Iowa with a group-centered boy raised
in an interdependent and clannish Native American tribe, one can easily see how counseling
strategies would have to be altered. Similarly, Nisbett (2003) and Nisbett, Peng, Choi, and
Norenzayan (2001) have addressed the matter of differences in thought as a function of geography
(which is a reasonable proxy for culture). Thus, we have the polarity of alleged holistic thinking
among Asians versus Western analytic thinking. However, caution must again be urged regarding the
use of such facile dimensionalizing and pigeonholing. As explained earlier, assessing an individual
strictly on the basis of his or her belonging to some demographic group, culture, caste, or clan could
be an error with unfortunate consequences. But culture does matter, and how an individual has been
socialized certainly affects how that person thinks about him- or herself, especially in interpersonal
relationships. Markus and Conner (2013) make everyday use of such dimensionalizing, pointing out
that culture clashes (as they call them) involving polarizing demographic end points are genuine.
But the world is not structured along neat dichotomies such as independentinterdependent, East
West, BlackWhite, richpoor, religiousagnostic, malefemale, or any other demographic
bifurcation. Such dichotomies can, however, be salient talking points whenever and wherever
interpersonal interactions, such as counseling, take place.

Mapping Human Values

Either explicitly or implicitly, counseling involves the interplay of human values, the third example of
the KBA perspective. Scholars who study human values assert that they are points of view taken by a
culture, or members of that culture, that influence action toward both desirable means and ends. A
common conception of human values is that they are beliefs and transsituational goals that, while
varying in importance and activation, serve as guiding principles throughout the lives of persons (see
Schwartz, 2011, 2012; P. B. Smith & Schwartz, 1997). Cross-cultural research on values has shown
that values often differ across cultures, but differences in values held by people within a society are
typically larger than differences found between societies (Berry et al., 2011, p. 92).
While there have been hundreds of attempts to define and measure valuesthe individualism
collectivism paradigm discussed earlier is one of the most influentialcurrently the most popular
approach is that taken by the Israeli psychologist Shalom Schwartz. Using his Value Survey, Schwartz
suggests a prototypical structure of 10 universal values: Power, Achievement, Hedonism, Stimulation,

Self-Direction, Universalism, Benevolence, Tradition, Conformity, and Security.

These values are arranged in circular order, whereby juxtaposed values such as Power and
Achievement or Benevolence and Universalism are highly correlated, and oppositional juxtaposed
values such as Security and Self-Direction or Benevolence and Achievement receive low
correlations. Research with the Schwartz model has been robust, especially on an international scale
(see P. B. Smith & Best, 2009). In recent refinements of this model, 19 values have been posited
(Cieciuch, Schwartz, & Vecchione, 2013; Schwartz et al., 2012; for further details, see Keith, 2013,
Vol. 3). The Schwartz paradigm has not yet played a significant role in multicultural counseling
research and practice. However, given the importance of values in clinical and counseling practice,
there is no reason why it should not.
The intent of this brief overview of culture-oriented perspectives and research in three important
areas of scholarshippersonality, self, and valuesis to underscore how important they are in the
clinic, in interviews, and in the general assessment of a persons life and current circumstances.
Learning more about them will certainly enhance a counselors competence. However, nothing in the
broad domain of human assessment can replace the skill with which the empathetic counselor
understands the essence of humanness and how it plays out in the frequently tangled and unique
circumstances of an individuals life.

Summary and Conclusions

The unbiased and accurate assessment of clients who have been socialized in cultures or ethnic
groups that differ from that of the counselor presents a number of formidable problems. Regardless of
culture of origin, ethnic identity, and other dimensions of human diversity that contribute to a persons
unique identity, the usual psychometric concerns, such as validity, reliability, practicality, and ethical
treatment of clients, are involved in all psychological assessment. Added to these concerns are
specific, culture-related considerations regarding appropriateness, meaningfulness, and equivalence
of numerous constructs, syndromes, and psychological dimensions that counselors and clinicians use
in their attempts to understand their clients. Professionals must be constantly aware of these
interactions and of all the methodological and conceptual factors that contribute to how clients must
be understood and respected, regardless of their cultures of origin or how their ethnic identities were
shaped.

Critical Incident
Suppose that a multicultural counselor wants to assess possible differences in self-concept(s)
between two of her female clients, both 19 years old, who recently enrolled in a Wisconsin
community college. One client is from a rural Black community in Alabama, the other an immigrant
from Sri Lanka who reportedly was the victim of poverty and abuse when she was younger. Neither is
doing well in her studies, despite getting reasonably high scores on aptitude and achievement tests
routinely taken by incoming students. Also, both clients have taken the same inventory, which purports
to measure various facets of self. The young woman from Alabama took the original inventory, which
was developed by a counseling psychologist from the University of Kansas and normed on freshmen

at that university. A British-trained counseling psychologist who was on sabbatical leave in Sri Lanka
had earlier translated the inventory into Tamil, one of Sri Lankas major languages, and normed it on a
small sample of Tamil-speaking students. The Sri Lankan student, who was not yet fluent in English,
took that version. Both clients took the inventory in their senior year in high school. The present
counselor notes that the young womens scores on the inventory strongly suggest that the client from
Alabama has a much higher self-concept than does the Sri Lanka student.

Discussion Questions
This brief, fictional example encompasses some important issues and problems associated with
cross-cultural assessment. If you were the counselor in the community college that these two young
women are attending, how might you handle the following questions?
1. Considering the problems associated with equivalence and bias in psychological assessment, do
you think that the two versions of the same measure are fair? If not, what concerns you the most?
2. Do you think the test has low or high cultural validity? Why?
3. How important is the discrepancy between the scores of the two students? Do you think the
difference is significant enough to examine in further detail?
4. If you completely discounted the validity of the two measures but were still interested in looking
into how the two students seem to differ substantially in self-concept, what steps might you take
to complete more trustworthy pictures of their individual perceptions of self?
5. Do you think that the counselor should learn more about Sri Lankan culture, or perhaps consult
with Tamil-speaking adults?
6. Of the four approaches to assessment outlined in this chapterquantitative, qualitative, mixed
methods, and knowledge-basedwhich would you trust most to help you pinpoint the reasons
for the differences in the two students scores? What are the strengths and weaknesses of each?

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4 Multicultural Counseling Foundations A Synthesis of Research

Findings on Selected Topics
Timothy B. Smith
Alberto Soto
Derek Griner
Joseph E. Trimble

Primary Objective
To review and synthesize selected multicultural counseling research regarding counselor
attributes, client attributes, and counseling methods to illustrate how research can inform
counseling practice

Secondary Objectives
To provide research evidence regarding the effectiveness of multicultural training for
counselors to reduce personal biases and enhance their multicultural competence
To identify and describe how clients experiences of acculturation, racial and ethnic identity,
and perceived racism can affect their well-being and perceptions of counseling
To present research evidence regarding clients and counselor match according to race and
ethnicity and regarding cultural adaptations to counseling that facilitate positive client outcomes
Riza had never attended counseling and was nervous. She had trusted the advice of a coworker
and made the appointment, but now that she had entered the counselors office, she did not know
what to say. Her problems seemed impossible to overcome and were so complex. She loved her
husband, but they fought bitterly. Her husbands family entrusted her with caring for two
nephews, who had become like sons to her. She had felt sadness since the boys parents died, yet
the children provided her with some joy. Most of all, she felt terribly alone since emigrating
from her native country. Would the counselor understand anything of her Filipino culture, her
religious faith, and her secret yet to be shared?
Effective counseling requires trust and mutual understanding between counselor and client. A client
cannot be expected to trust the counselor automatically, so the counselor is primarily responsible for
facilitating a relationship of trust. Trust is enhanced when the counselor demonstrates understanding
of and sensitivity to the multiple cultural contexts influencing the well-being of the client. What would
happen if the counselor in the scenario above did not understand Rizas experiences that intersect
cultural and religious values relative to her family dynamics and social introversion? Counseling that

is congruent and resonant with Rizas worldview would be counseling that she could understand and
appreciate.
If you have engaged in counseling, you can relate to Rizas initial dilemma: Should I engage or not?
The following questions might be others that Riza contemplates: Can a male counselor help me
respond to the sexual harassment I experience in public as a woman? Can a White counselor validate
my pain from racial prejudice in the workplace without assuming that Im overly sensitive? If I chose
to remain with my verbally abusive partner, how will my counselor respond? Differences between
client and counselor are inevitable. Enabling counselors to understand and work across value
differences to promote the well-being of their clients is one principal aim of this book. Helping
counselors to understand some of the research-based foundations for doing so is the fundamental aim
of this chapter.

Research on Multicultural Counseling

Professional counseling practices are based on psychological theories that have received research
support. More than a century of accumulated scientific evidence supports the effectiveness of
professional counseling (e.g., Beutler, Forrester, Gallagher-Thompson, Thompson, & Tomlins, 2012),
with the profession increasingly emphasizing evidenced-based psychological treatments (McHugh &
Barlow, 2010).
Which counseling methods work best with different populations? How can counselors best acquire
the skills necessary to work effectively across different populations? Answers to questions such as
these will help improve client utilization of services, client retention after initiating counseling, and
ultimately, client well-being. Thus, research findings can help to improve the practice of multicultural
counseling (Trimble, 2009).
The amount of research on multicultural issues in counseling and psychology has increased
exponentially over the past several decades. For example, the number of citations found in PsycINFO
that reference African Americans or Blacks increased from fewer than 2,000 during the years 1960
1969 to almost 29,000 during 20002009 and 4,500 in 2012 alone. Since the year 2000, more than
1,800 articles have referenced acculturation and mental health, more than 4,000 have referenced
ethnicity and mental health, and more than 10,000 have referenced culture and mental health. Both
scholars and practitioners can benefit from these scholarly findings.
However, much of the multicultural counseling literature remains disorganized. There can be so many
research findings in a given topic area that trends in the data may be difficult to discern accurately.
Students, instructors, and practitioners could all benefit from a concise summary of existing research
findings.
Given the large volume of research studies on multicultural counseling available in the professional
literature, traditional narrative review methods are inadequate to summarize the data accurately.
Meta-analytic methods offer clear advantages over qualitative, interpretive summaries of research
findings.

Meta-analysis... [is] the statistical analysis of a large collection of analysis results from
individual studies for the purpose of integrating the findings. It connotes a rigorous alternative to
the casual, narrative discussions of research studies which typify our attempts to make sense of
the rapidly expanding research literature. (Glass, 1976, p. 3)
We rely on the findings of meta-analyses to provide summaries across topics in this chapter.
However, the multicultural counseling literature includes many facets of human experience, including
macro-level social dynamics (e.g., sexism), environment and circumstances (e.g., access to resources
and residential status), and personal attributes (e.g., age), and we cannot even attempt such broad
coverage in this chapter. So, after first examining the general concept of multicultural counseling
competence, we limit our discussion to race and ethnicity. We have chosen to focus on race and
ethnicity because they receive the greatest attention in the multicultural research literature and
because they clearly influence many of the other conditions and circumstances that receive specific
attention in other chapters of this book. In this chapter we describe selected aspects of multicultural
counseling research relevant to counselor attributes, client attributes, and the counseling context itself.

Selected Multicultural Counseling Research on Counselor

Characteristics
In this section we explore how attributes of the counselor may affect the quality of counseling
provided for culturally diverse clients. Specifically, we consider the impacts of multicultural
competence and multicultural training.

Counselor Multicultural Competence

Mental health professionals have an ethical responsibility to provide effective interventions to all
clients, which necessarily entails adjusting their practices to align with the needs of people who are
culturally different from themselves (S. Sue, 2003; Trimble, 2010; Trimble & Fisher, 2006). Although
few, if any, counselors would intentionally mistreat clients of different racial and ethnic backgrounds,
many counselors are unfamiliar with other groups worldviews, lifestyles, and experiences (Gone &
Trimble, 2012). Even with substantial professional attention to multicultural issues, contemporary
counseling continues to reflect Western cultural values (e.g., Benish, Quintana, & Wampold, 2011).
Counselors may give inadequate consideration to contextual factors such as gender, sexual
orientation, race and ethnicity, socioeconomic status, religion, and environment (e.g., Chao & Nath,
2011; S. Sue & Zane, 1987).
To improve counseling utilization, retention, and outcomes among clients from historically
disadvantaged backgrounds, scholars and professional associations have repeatedly emphasized the
need for multiculturally competent mental health practices (American Psychological Association,
2003; Arredondo & Toporek, 2004; S. Sue, 2003). Multicultural competencies include awareness,
knowledge, and skills (e.g., Constantine, 2002), each of which we describe briefly in the following
paragraphs; full descriptions are readily available in the literature (American Psychological
Association, 2003; Arredondo et al., 1996).

A counselors multicultural awareness includes an understanding of his or her own assumptions,

biases, values, worldview, theoretical orientation, privileges, and so forth. Without this awareness,
counselors may unintentionally project their own values and assumptions onto clients, fail to realize
how their own actions are perceived by their clients, misinterpret clients actions/intentions, and so
on. For instance, a counselor who fails to account for his or her own discomfort about working with a
client originally from Ghana who speaks English with an accent could conjecture that the client would
prefer counseling in another language and raise that topic in session, insulting the client who has
spoken English since early childhood. Examples of counselor multicultural awareness include the
following (Arredondo et al., 1996):
Understanding how ones own cultural heritage shapes ones personal values, assumptions,
perceptions, and biases toward clients and their work in therapy
Awareness of how ones theoretical orientation and treatment approach may affect work with
people from various multicultural backgrounds
Awareness of ones own discomfort, effectiveness, and defensiveness when working with
clients
A counselors multicultural knowledge involves an understanding of the experiences and worldviews
of other people, specifically the differences and similarities across persons of different
races/ethnicities, genders, sexual orientations, religions, and so on. Without this knowledge,
counselors cannot accurately contextualize or interpret the meanings of others actions/perceptions.
For instance, a counselor unfamiliar with traditional Din (Navajo) communication styles may
incorrectly conclude that a Din client lacks social skills because of the clients infrequent eye
contact and brief speech with frequent pauses. Examples of counselor multicultural knowledge
include the following (Arredondo et al., 1996):
Knowledge of how psychological theory, methods of inquiry, and professional practices are
historically and culturally embedded
Knowledge of clients family structures, roles, values, and worldviews, including the history
and manifestation of prejudice that they have encountered
Knowledge of the attitudes and perceptions clients have about mental health services
A counselors multicultural skills involve the ability to work effectively with others while applying
multicultural awareness and knowledge (Arredondo et al., 1996). Without these skills, counselors
may fail to adapt their work to the needs of culturally diverse clientele. For instance, a counselor who
unintentionally offends a client from another race or ethnic group may lack recovery skills to repair
the therapeutic relationship. When the counselor cannot adapt to the needs/experiences of the client
and maintain a strong therapeutic alliance, counseling can be both frustrating and ineffective. The
following are some of the multicultural skills recommended by Arredondo and colleagues (1996):
Ability to see individuals holisticallyaccounting for historical, sociopolitical, and economic
contexts
Ability to show respect for client beliefs and values that differ from ones own beliefs and
values
Ability to modify assessment and treatment methods according to the needs of multicultural
clientele

Research findings on counselor multicultural competence.

Abundant research has shown that the therapeutic alliance between client and counselor improves the
effectiveness of counseling (e.g., Wampold, 2001). Multicultural competencies are essential for
enhancing the quality of the therapeutic alliance and bridging the gap between traditional
psychotherapy and the needs of culturally diverse clients (e.g., Arredondo & Arciniega, 2001; Ito &
Maramba, 2002; S. Sue, 1998). However, limited research has specifically investigated the
association between counselors multicultural competence and the counseling outcomes of clients.
Across 11 studies with data that we located in the literature, the average correlation coefficient
between counselor multicultural competence and client ratings of the counselor was r = 0.30,
indicating a moderately strong relationship. When counselor multicultural competence was correlated
with client outcomes, the value was r = 0.15, which indicated a very modest association, but it should
be kept in mind that only about 8% of variance in client outcomes is attributable to counselors (e.g.,
Kim, Wampold, & Bolt, 2006). In any case, additional research on counselor multicultural
competence is clearly needed to ascertain which specific competencies are most conducive to
positive client outcomes in counseling.

Implications for counseling practice.

Counselors can move toward multicultural competence by reviewing the specific qualities listed in
professional guidelines (e.g., Arredondo et al., 1996) and then systematically improving their
abilities through ongoing professional development. For instance, counselors can learn about and
practice different styles of communication that are effective with clients whose preferred methods of
communication differ from the counselors own.
In acquiring multicultural competence, there is no substitute for experiential learning. Self-reflection
is an essential part of that learning, but even self-reflection must be based on concrete experiences to
be useful. Purposefully seeking out professional consultation and supervision that attends to
multicultural issues can help (Constantine, 2001; Lassiter, Napolitano, Culbreth, & Ng, 2008), as can
engaging in cultural immersion experiences (Tomlinson-Clarke, 2010). Reading, engaging in dialogue
with culturally different peers, and attending multicultural community events and activities, such as
film screenings and public forums, can help raise awareness and knowledge. Counselors unfamiliar
with particular cultural groups can identify community leaders or other key stakeholders within those
communities and proactively seek consultation. Irrespective of the methods they use to acquire
multicultural competencies, counselors should keep in mind that gaining such competencies is an
ongoing process involving emotional, cognitive, and experiential components, not simply an
academic endeavor. This learning continues across a lifetime. No one is free from bias.

Multicultural Training for Counselors

Professional associations require graduate training programs to address multicultural issues, and
training in multicultural competencies requires specialized instruction (Cates, Schaefle, Smaby,
Maddux, & LeBeauf, 2007). Hence, graduate and postgraduate classes and workshops in multicultural
counseling constitute one of the primary strategies for improving counselors capacity to serve

diverse populations effectively (Abreu, Chung, & Atkinson, 2000). Multicultural education for mental
health professionals has become commonplace; as Ponterotto and Austin (2005) observe, The
critical importance of training psychologists and mental health professionals for work in an
increasingly multicultural society is unquestioned (p. 19).
A key assumption is that that awareness, knowledge, and skills surrounding multicultural issues can
be taught and learned (Abreu et al., 2000). To what degree is this specialized instruction in
multicultural issues effective? How much do students gain by taking a typical class in multicultural
counseling?

Research findings on multicultural training for counselors.

Just as there is no single form of counseling, there is no single type of training to enhance
multicultural competence. There are a multiplicity of effective training sequences that vary in their
content, format, duration, intensity, and techniques (Ponterotto & Austin, 2005). The majority of the
published literature addresses graduate program coursework; however, the research is clear that it is
essential for practicing clinicians to engage in ongoing professional development in this domain
(Rogers-Sirin, 2008).
A meta-analysis of studies of multicultural education for mental health students and professionals
yielded a large average effect size of d = 0.92 (Smith, Constantine, Dunn, Dinehart, & Montoya,
2006), meaning that there is a strong correspondence between training and multicultural sensitivity
and competence. Mental health professionals clearly benefit from multicultural education.
Counselors and trainees self-reported abilities, self-reported racial attitudes, and clinical
performance (as rated by observers or clients) all improve as a result of multicultural education,
although there is substantial variability in the quality and effectiveness of the training provided across
programs. On average, the effectiveness of multicultural education does not differ depending on
whether it is required or voluntary, a finding that provides indirect support for the position taken by
professional associations that multicultural education must be required in accredited graduate
programs. Similarly, no significant difference was found between participants who were trainees and
those who were working professionals. Multicultural education benefits both equally, although
training explicitly based on multicultural theories is much more effective than training not grounded in
the professional literature.

Implications for professional development.

Although multicultural education has been shown to be on average at least moderately effective, it is
important to reemphasize the finding that the quality of such training varies substantially across
settings and programs. Given the variability in training quality, trainees should seek out (or request)
training that focuses explicitly on the development of multicultural competence. Obtaining
multicultural competence is the objective of participation in multicultural education (e.g., Abreu et
al., 2000; Ridley, Mollen, & Kelly, 2011), and aspects of multicultural education that do not directly
facilitate multicultural competence should be replaced with more specific learning objectives and
activities.

The development of multicultural competencies is more than an academic pursuit. Experiential and
performance-based evaluations can help ensure that skills are internalized. Case studies, service
learning, and training accompanied by supervised practice can be useful to that end. Regardless of the
specific methods used, training programs should emphasize general factors conducive to personal and
professional development (e.g., high student expectations about their own competence, positive
relationships between instructors and trainees, immediate application of material learned).
In addition, a common limitation of multicultural education needs to be addressed squarely:
Multicultural education should emphasize how counselors can work effectively with
ambiguity/complexity; it should not reinforce categorical thinking that perpetuates stereotypes. Often,
when trainees acquire general knowledge about a cultural group with which they have had limited
prior experience, such as immigrants from Haiti, they tend to believe (falsely) that having learned the
material is sufficient for them to work effectively with members of that population, and they may
attempt to apply their new knowledge without careful consideration of the individual client. Not all
members of a given group hold or even value the attributes common to that group. Not all Haitian
immigrants have experienced trauma, for example. Hence, multicultural education must teach not only
culturally specific elements but also dynamic sizing and scientific-mindedness so that trainees know
how to individualize counseling appropriately (S. Sue, 1998).
Too many multicultural training programs focus on awareness and knowledge to the exclusion of
incorporating skill development (Pieterse, Evans, Risner-Butner, Collins, & Mason, 2009). Rather
than simply talking about historically oppressed groups or promoting trainees insight into their
personal feelings about those groups, effective training encourages counselors to gain the skills they
need to work effectively with clients from diverse groups. An honest self-evaluation of multicultural
competence can help students identify areas in which personal skill development is needed
(Arredondo et al., 1996; D. W. Sue, Arredondo, & McDavis, 1992). Ultimately, the best multicultural
training helps fill gaps in personal skills.

Selected Multicultural Research on Client Characteristics

Can I let myself enter fully into the world of his feelings and personal meanings and see these
as he does?... Can I sense it so accurately that I can catch not only the meanings of his
experience which are obvious to him, but those meanings which are only implicit?
Carl R. Rogers, On Becoming a Person, 1961
In this section we direct attention to the subjective world of clients of color, whose daily experiences
and cultural worldviews may be misunderstood by counselors from other racial and ethnic
backgrounds. We ask three questions related to these clients unique racial or ethnic experiences:
What effect does received racism have on client well-being? What is the relationship between racial
and ethnic identity and well-being? To what degree is the clients level of acculturation to Western
society associated with perceptions about and experiences in counseling?

Received Racism and Client Well-Being

The landscape of North American society has changed drastically over the past several decades in
terms of racial and ethnic relations. Few readers of this book will recall the passage of the Civil
Rights Act of 1964, let alone the preceding decades/centuries of overt racial discrimination, such as
forced resettlement of Native Americans on federal reservations, and the associated struggle for
liberation, such as the civil rights marches held in the South. These events have been relegated to
history books. Given that such dramatic improvements in racial relations have taken place over time,
why should we consider the psychological effects of racism in our contemporary society?
First, we must candidly admit that racial prejudice and stereotypes have not yet been eliminated.
Many neighborhoods, schools, and occupations show clear divisions along racial and ethnic lines. It
is true that racism is becoming less overt over time, yet it persists in our institutions, our educational
system, and our workplaces (Blume, Lovato, Thyken, & Denny, 2012; D. W. Sue et al., 2007; Yosso,
Smith, Ceja, & Solrzano, 2009). People of color may be asked, What are you? by someone
attempting to ascertain race/ethnicity, or they may often hear, Where are you from? or You speak
English so well! These and many other seemingly harmless questions or forms of praise produce
negative emotional reactions: The subtle messages of differentiation are insulting. Scholars have
called these events racial microaggressions, a social maintenance of racial hierarchy (D. W. Sue et
al., 2007). Although this kind of treatment may be subtle, how many of these microaggressions does a
person of color experience in one week? If counselors are truly to enter the personal worlds of their
clients, they must be sensitive to the experiences those clients have with discriminatory acts. Even the
most mundane, nuanced hint of racial or ethnic hierarchy can result in psychological distress, selfdeprecation, anger, withdrawal, and so forth.

Research findings on the association of perceived racism with well-being.

Self-reported perceived racism has been shown to be associated with higher blood pressure,
maladaptive coping strategies such as binge drinking, lower self-esteem, and higher levels of
psychological distress and anxiety (Blume et al., 2012; Huynh, 2012; Moradi & Risco, 2006; Steffen,
McNeilly, Anderson, & Sherwood, 2003). While perceived racism has adverse effects on members
of all ethnic and racial groups, experiences with perceived racism differ across groups. Specifically,
African Americans tend to report higher levels of exposure to racial discrimination than do members
of other racial and ethnic groups (Pieterse, Carter, Evans, & Walter, 2010; Thompson, 2006).
Latinas/os tend to have experiences with perceived racism based on assumptions regarding their legal
status, language abilities, and level of acculturation (Moradi & Risco, 2006). Other groups, such as
Arab Americans, experience racism based on false stereotypes and misinformation specific to their
particular groups. Regardless of the uniqueness of the perceived racism, several meta-analytic
findings support the connection between perceived racism and psychological distress across various
racial and ethnic minority groups. One study found an adverse relationship between perceived
discrimination and mental health (r = 0.16) across 105 studies (Pascoe & Smart Richman, 2009).
Another found a correlation of r = 0.23 between perceived racism and psychological distress in
Asian and Asian American participants in 23 studies (Lee & Ahn, 2011). A third found that perceived
racism correlated r = 0.20 with psychological distress across 66 studies with African American
participants (Pieterse, Todd, Neville, & Carter, 2012). Although the association between perceived

racism and well-being is consistently negative, indicating adverse psychological outcomes, there is
great variability in the degree to which individuals and groups cope effectively with such racism, thus
counselors should seek to understand the experiences and reaction of their clients.

Implications for counseling practice.

A professional counselor must first consider how his or her own actions may unwittingly perpetuate
perceived racism or microaggressions. Will the client see the counselor as yet one more
professional to mistrust (Moody-Ayers, Stewart, Covinsky, & Inouye, 2005)? Understanding
received racism will help counselors to foster a deeper level of understanding between their clients
and themselves; by opening dialogue about received racism, counselors can better understand the
experiences of their clients of color and thus be able to help these clients confront and otherwise cope
with the negative events. A counselor may also, after establishing sufficient rapport, ask the client
about possible microaggressions that have occurred in counseling (Constantine, 2007). Perceived
racist events matter to the client, even if they appear to the counselor to be small or taken out of
context, so the counselor should avoid perpetuating them, such as by denying their existence. In
addition, the counselor can help the client develop a strong sense of community and an affirmative
ethnic identity, which can help to buffer some of the adverse effects of received racism
(Mossakowski, 2003; Yosso et al., 2009). How a strong ethnic identity may facilitate client wellbeing is the topic we consider next.

Racial and Ethnic Identity Development and Well-Being

What does it mean to be a Latino/a, an Egyptian American, a White/European American, or an Alaska
Native? Is the notion of racial and ethnic identity important in a diverse society? As one example of
how race/ethnicity continues to matter in contemporary settings, Peggy McIntosh (2003) has written
about how being White in North America confers on her unearned privileges that benefit her daily life
and psychological well-being. She acknowledges that it took purposeful examination for her to
identify these privileges, but people of other races/ethnicities likely see them more easily. We can see
in others what we have difficulty seeing in ourselves, and our own racial or ethnic identity is
influenced by our interactions with others (Smith & Draper, 2004).
As clients of color negotiate responses to mainstream White culture, they simultaneously negotiate
identification with their own racial or ethnic groups. When they act in ways appreciated by Whites,
they may sometimes diminish the cultural values of their own groups (e.g., autonomy/assertiveness
versus respectful deference to elders), creating problems in their interactions with members of those
groups. The balance and trade-offs between relating with Whites and relating to people of their own
groups can make identity issues quite prominent for people of color (Murray, Neal-Barnett,
Demmings, & Stadulis, 2012).
Scholars have differentiated ethnic identity and racial identity as two distinct constructs. Racial
identity refers to the development of an identity within a particular racial group (e.g., African
Americans); the construct of racial identity takes into account social oppression and an internalization
of certain preconceived notions about the racial group (Helms, 1990). Ethnic identity, on the other
hand, is not unique to a particular racial group and can be defined as the subjective sense of

belonging to a group or culture; this sense of belonging tends to center on the sharing of cultural
values or beliefs (Phinney, 1990; Phinney, Horenczyk, Liebkind, & Vedder, 2001). Whereas racial
identity focuses on the influence of societal oppression on a particular racial group, and how the
individual associates him- or herself within that racial group, ethnic identity takes into account a
broad range of cultural values that contribute to identity (language, religion, race, and so on).
Encounters with racism may trigger explorations of what it means to be a member of a particular
racial group (Cross, 1991), but prolonged exposure to perceived racism can contribute to a persons
downplaying his or her racial or ethnic background (Romero & Roberts, 1998). Scholars have
suggested that racial/ethnic socialization, learning from family members, peers, and role models, can
encourage an individuals internalization of racial or ethnic heritage, with an accompanying sense of
belonging (Bennett, 2006; Seaton, Yip, Morgan-Lopez, & Sellers, 2012).

Research findings on the association of racial and ethnic identity with well-being.
Researchers have explored the protective nature of racial and ethnic identity and have sought to
establish the relationship between a strong racial or ethnic identity and psychological well-being. For
instance, African American individuals who report a higher level of racial identity development tend
to display less depressive symptoms and report higher levels of well-being; in addition, a strong
racial identity has been shown to lessen the effects of race-related stress and to predict mental health
(Franklin-Jackson & Carter, 2007; Seaton, Scottham, & Sellers, 2006). Scholars have also suggested
that ethnic identity may serve as a predictor of positive self-esteem for Latino adolescents and
African American college students, as well as serving as a protective factor against depressive
symptoms for Latino adolescents (Phelps, Taylor, & Gerard, 2001; Umaa-Taylor & Updegraff,
2007).
A recent meta-analysis found that individuals strength of ethnic identity was mildly positively related
(r = 0.18) with their psychological well-being (Smith & Silva, 2011). There was substantial
variability across studies, such that ethnic identity was more predictive of well-being in some
circumstances than in others. Ethnic identity was not strongly related to measures of distress or
symptoms of mental illness; thus, it may not provide as strong a buffering effect as had been
previously believed. Overall, the research findings about ethnic identity and well-being suggest that
the relationship is not as straightforward as had been previously thought; counselors must rely on
individual clients experiences rather than on clear-cut trends in research findings.

Implications for counseling.

Clients from all backgrounds vary in terms of their ethnic or racial identity development. How
strongly a client associates with her or his racial or ethnic group depends on several factors,
including prior socialization, current social networks, and local intergroup dynamics. Taking these
factors into account, the counselor can actively consider: How does my client relate to his or her own
racial or ethnic background? Additionally, how does my client benefit, or possibly stand to benefit,
from a strong(er) racial or ethnic identity? The counselor might facilitate rapport and open
exploration about racial and ethnic identity development through self-disclosure (e.g., social
reciprocity is normative in Latino cultures) or by exploring with the client potentially valued topics,

such as family, friends, and even music and entertainment preferences. Every client has a story to tell,
and the counselors taking the time to ask the client what it means to be a part of his or her racial or
ethnic group can possibly facilitate counseling.

Client Acculturation and Counseling Utilization/Outcomes

What is life like for a person who is faced with adapting to a radically different culture? Individuals
who move to locations with cultural norms different from their own, whether through
emigration/immigration or simple relocation from one neighborhood to another, often struggle to
adapt to their new cultural surroundings. Imagine individuals who find themselves living in places
where the foods, customs, and perhaps even languages are very much different from what they were
accustomed to previously. These individuals cannot simply expect for others to understand their
customs or values, so often they undergo the difficult process of trying to adjust and fit into their new
environments.
Acculturation is the process of cultural adaptation that occurs when a person encounters a culture that
is different from his or her own and begins to internalize some of the values or customs of the new
environment (Berry, 1997). This process can be different across racial, ethnic, and national groups,
as some individuals may need to acculturate only toward the values and customs of their host country,
while others may have to adopt the language of the majority. The pressure to adapt to the customs of
the majority culture may lead some individuals to speak their native language only at home and to
abandon some of their prior customs/values. Scholars have termed this pressure acculturative stress
(Cervantes, Padilla, & Salgado de Snyder, 1991). This stress is not solely due to social pressure and
values conflicts; even small tasks, if unfamiliar, may be stressful to individuals adjusting to a new
culture. For instance, when they go to the bank, will the teller be bilingual? The acculturative process
pervades daily life.

Research findings on the association of client level of acculturation with wellbeing and experiences with mental health services.
Abundant research has examined the association of the acculturation process and acculturative stress
with a wide range of behaviors/indices of psychological well-being. With regard to acculturative
stress, researchers have found a positive relationship between such stress and anxiety, depression,
and body image disturbance (Menon & Harter, 2012; Revollo, Qureshi, Collazos, Valero, & Casas,
2011). Additionally, acculturative stress has been shown to be associated with suicidal ideation,
suicide attempts, maladaptive stress responses (e.g., binge drinking, eating disorders), and lower
reported qualities of life (Belizaire & Fuertes, 2011; Cachelin, Phinney, Schug, & Striegel-Moore,
2006; Gomez, Miranda, & Polanco, 2011).
With regard to the acculturation process itself, acculturation to Western society has been shown to
affect psychological well-being, increasing the incidence of depression and elevated blood pressure
(Steffen, Smith, Larson, & Butler, 2006; Torres & Rollock, 2007). The process of acculturation is
stressful, and individuals with low levels of acculturation may feel culturally incompetent because of
lack of language mastery, understanding of social systems, and so on.

Level of acculturation can influence how individuals perceive professional counseling. Professional
counseling is rarely used outside Australia, New Zealand, Europe, and North America. Moreover,
cultures have different beliefs about mental health and the disclosure of mental illness to strangers,
with great variability in the degree to which someone unfamiliar with Western modes of counseling
will actively engage in it. For instance, differences in parent and adolescent acculturation levels (i.e.,
the adolescent is more acculturated while the parent is less so) are associated with weaker treatment
outcomes across depression and delinquency, indicating that a large difference in parentchild
acculturation levels can pose a threat to treatment outcomes (Crane, Ngai, Larson, & Hafen, 2005).
Treatments for positive behavior changes (i.e., smoking cessation) have been shown to be less
effective for less acculturated individuals (Hooper, Baker, de Ybarra, McNutt, & Ahluwalia, 2012).
However, among clients who have made the commitment to attend therapy, acculturation levels do not
seem to be associated with levels of client attrition or nonattendance of initial intake appointments
(Akutsu, Tsuru, & Chu, 2004; McCabe, 2002). Overall, our meta-analytic review of more than 60
studies revealed a high degree of variability in research findings, with the overall association
between clients levels of acculturation and their experiences in and perceptions of mental health
counseling being negligible, except among immigrant populations. Hence, counselors need to attend to
individual clients perceptions and experiences in counseling rather than make general assumptions
about how acculturation may influence those perceptions and experiences.

Implications for counseling.

By seeking to understand how the acculturation process influences the clients well-being, the
counselor can facilitate a stronger therapeutic alliance and a more holistic conceptualization of the
presenting problem(s). How has the client coped with unfamiliar environments and ways of doing
things? What supports have been most helpful in the clients adjustment process? Seeking that kind of
information will be more helpful for both counselor and client than counseling that focuses
exclusively on the presenting problem and thus ignores critical life circumstances, existing methods of
coping, and support systems.
Clients with low levels of acculturation may benefit from outside referrals/resources that can assist
them with adjustment processes. By providing information that decreases language barriers,
facilitates financial management, or supports clients religious/spiritual well-being, counselors can
help clients access resources that they may not have known existed.
Counselors should also address differences in parentchild acculturation levels. For instance,
attending a parentteacher meeting may be a very novel situation for a less acculturated parent and
possibly embarrassing for the more acculturated child when the parents expectations differ from
those of the teacher.
Counselors must also keep in mind that they may have to work to overcome a clients negative
preconceived notions about therapy or mental health providers that could affect the therapeutic
alliance (Vasquez, 2007). Particularly, counselors may find that clients from diverse racial and ethnic
backgrounds may benefit from culturally adapted methods of counseling.

Selected Multicultural Research on Counseling Factors

The previous sections have described how counselor and client characteristics can influence clients
experiences in counseling and their psychological well-being. In this section, we consider the
interaction between counselor and client. Specifically, we ask two questions about counseling itself:
Does it matter whether the client and counselor share the same race/ethnicity? Does it matter whether
the counseling content and processes explicitly align with the clients culture?

Racial and Ethnic Matching of Client and Counselor

Professionals have consistently emphasized the need for cultural congruence between counselors and
clients (Pope-Davis, Coleman, Liu, & Toporek, 2003). So, does this mean that clients have better
counseling outcomes when they work with counselors who share their own racial or ethnic
backgrounds? Who better than a counselor who has immigrated herself to understand the experiences
of a client who recently immigrated? The benefits of racial and ethnic matching of client and
counselor seem obvious: The counselor has instant credibility with the client and deep understanding
of the nuances of the clients lived experiences that should enhance the therapeutic alliance and client
outcomes.
But is it that simple? Interpersonal differences (e.g., socioeconomic status, religion) remain even
when counselor and client have identical racial or ethnic backgrounds. Thus, a presumption of client
counselor similarity based on race/ethnicity alone can cause overidentification, countertransference,
and so on, which may frustrate or at least disappoint the client, particularly when client and counselor
have incongruous values and experiences, as illustrated in the following account from a graduate
student counselor:
As a Native American woman raised on a reservation but later residing in many regions of the
country, I have for many years negotiated the nuances of racial and ethnic diversity. I admit to
having felt very confident in working with people across a broad range of differences. My
confidence completely failed me when I met with my first Native American client. I thought I
could build a strong therapeutic alliance with her because we shared similar experiences, right?
When I spoke about the reservation and cultural dances, I learned that she had never participated
in cultural dances and had no experience with reservation life at all. All of my assumptions had
been wrong. Most of that first session was spent rewinding and starting over again, and again,
and again.
Individuals make inaccurate assumptions about how similar they are to others (Kenny & West, 2010).
People of the same race/ethnicity may not share the same worldview, and people of different
races/cultures may have compatible worldviews. There is greater variability within racial and ethnic
groups than individuals typically conjecture.
Exact similarity of client and counselor is impossible. It is also undesirable. Differences in
perspectives promote insight, facilitate reframing, and so on. Effective counseling relationships entail
similarities and differences. The issue of racial and ethnic congruence in counseling requires careful
consideration, and an accurate understanding relies on an examination of research findings.

Research findings on racial and ethnic matching of client and counselor.

Evidence cited by reviews and meta-analyses conducted in previous decades generally indicates that
even though people prefer counselors of their own race/ethnicity, matching clients and counselors on
race/ethnicity does not improve client outcomes (Coleman, Wampold, & Casali, 1995; Karlsson,
2005; Maramba & Hall, 2002). A recent meta-analysis examined the issue in detail using a much
broader base of research findings than had been considered previously (Cabral & Smith, 2011).
Across 52 studies of individuals preferences for counselor race/ethnicity, the average effect size was
d = 0.63, indicating a moderately strong preference for a counselor of the same race/ethnicity. Across
81 studies of clients perceptions of their counselors as a function of racial and ethnic matching, the
average effect size was d = 0.32, indicating a tendency for participants to evaluate matched
counselors as somewhat better than unmatched counselors. Across 53 studies of client outcomes in
counseling under matched versus unmatched conditions, the average effect size was d = 0.09,
indicating minimal improvement in outcome when clients were matched with counselors of their own
race/ethnicity. In general, individuals tended to prefer having counselors of their own race/ethnicity
(who they likely imagined would share their own worldviews), but once they entered a therapeutic
relationship, the counselors race/ethnicity made only a little difference in how positively they
evaluated the counselors and only a very small difference in how much they benefited from the
treatment provided.
The notable exception to the overall findings of the meta-analysis just cited concerned African
Americans. On average, African Americans not only strongly preferred to be matched with African
American counselors and evaluated African American counselors more positively than other
counselors but also had mildly improved outcomes in counseling (d = 0.19) when they were matched
with African American counselors. This finding may be attributable to strong racial or ethnic
identification and concerns about bias in the mental health services provided by White counselors
(e.g., Snowden, 1999). Nevertheless, we must keep in mind that the magnitude of the observed
difference (d = 0.19) was small, explaining less than 1% of the variance in client outcomes.

Implications for counseling practice.

Despite evaluating counselors of their own race or ethnicity more positively than those of dissimilar
backgrounds, on average clients (and counselors) appear to be able to negotiate differences in
race/ethnicity such that the outcomes experienced in counseling are minimally affected. Clients
benefit from counseling with counselors whose race/ethnicity differs from their own despite their
initial preferences and despite their evaluations of the counselors traits and skills being somewhat
affected. By implication, the greatest relevance of racial and ethnic matching occurs during the initial
sessions of counseling, when the therapeutic alliance is being formed. When client and counselor
differ in race or ethnicity, the difference is immediately obvious to both. Yet in that first encounter, the
counselor and client remain unaware of the many similarities they already share. When working
across race or ethnicity, a counselor should neither become anxious about obvious differences nor
ignore them, as in so-called color-blindness (Neville, Spanierman, & Doan, 2006). Neither extreme
will engender trust in the client. The key is for the counselor to leverage sufficient interpersonal
rapport for the client to engage wholeheartedly in counseling, with the counselor seeking
understanding of and bridging differences.

Because group biases persist in society and in counseling, some clients may request to see counselors
of their own races/ethnicities, and such requests can be appropriately met. Nevertheless, professional
agencies should generally avoid policies that automatically match clients with counselors of the same
racial or ethnic background (Alladin, 1994). It is more practical to provide in-depth training for all
counselors to help them acquire multicultural competencies and thus work more effectively across
cultures. The focus of cross-cultural counseling needs to remain on its effectiveness (S. Sue, 1998),
with primary emphasis placed on the alignment of the counseling with the clients worldview.

Culturally Adapted Counseling

Many counseling strategies and techniques are based on general theories (e.g., behaviorism,
psychoanalysis, cognitive therapy), but general theories do not account for individual variation.
Clients differ in their attributes and differ in their alignment with the methods used in counseling. No
single treatment can meet the needs of every client, so it is no surprise that client factors explain most
of the variance in treatment outcome (Bohart & Tallman, 2010), much more than the type of treatment
provided (e.g., Asay & Lambert, 1999). Hence, counselors must consider client contexts and provide
treatment that is an optimal fit for each client (Beutler et al., 2012).
Counselors must adapt their own methods to align with the needs, abilities, and worldviews of
individual clients. For instance, a counselor would use different methods with a young girl
demonstrating externalizing behaviors after experiencing bullying in elementary school than she
would with a young woman demonstrating internalizing behaviors after experiencing cyberbullying;
differences in developmental status and symptoms/behavior obviously require adaptation, even when
some client characteristics remain constant (in this case, gender and encountering inappropriate
aggression). The same principle applies to differences across cultures. Counselors should align their
work with clients cultural worldviews and experiences, such as when depression is conceptualized
in terms of somatic symptoms (i.e., lack of energy, headaches, insomnia) among Chinese populations
less exposed to Western psychologization (Ryder et al., 2008). Counseling practices must account for
culture.
How does a counselor adapt counseling based on a clients culture? First, the counselor must
accurately understand the clients worldview. How does the client conceptualize the problem(s) and
previous attempts to address the problem(s)? Often, those conceptualizations will be filtered through
the lenses of cultural values. For instance, if a Guatemalan American client continually references
interpersonal relationships, that would likely reflect cultural values (familismo, personalismo,
respeto, and so on) rather than what might be incorrectly labeled enmeshment from a
White/European American perspective. Accurate understanding of a client thus requires counselor
knowledge of cultural values, but it also requires differentiation skills: What is true in general may
not be true for the individual. The Guatemalan American client might be excessively enmeshed in
relationships, particularly if the clients Latino/a peer group is reacting as if the individual is
inappropriately dependent. The counselors accurate understanding of the clients worldview and
experience necessarily informs treatment decisions.
Cultural adaptations of counseling range from superficial to extensive. To avoid superficiality,
counselors can follow professional guidelines and models for cultural adaptations of counseling

(Barrera & Castro, 2006; Bernal, Bonilla, & Bellido, 1995; Hwang, 2009; Lau, 2006; Leong, 2011;
Whitbeck, 2006). These models are multidimensional, inclusive of language (using the clients
preferred language and communication styles), goals (focusing on the clients preferred outcomes),
content (using wording and concepts familiar to the client), and methods (using procedures aligned
with the clients values/experiences). An example of culturally congruent goal setting: If a college
student from Pakistan repeatedly worries about his parents opinions, the counselor might
appropriately explore ways to increase the clients mutual trust with the parents (and thus decrease
anxiety) but should not suggest a counseling goal of assertiveness toward authority figures, because
that goal would align with the cultural value of the counselor (individualism) but not necessarily with
the values of the client unless explicitly stated. An example of culturally adapted content: Counseling
involving bibliotherapy with young Hispanic/Latino(a) Americans could be based on cuentos, folk
stories with Hispanic/Latino(a) hero/heroine models (Costantino, Malgady, & Rogler, 1986). Naikan
therapy and Morita therapy are examples of culturally adapted treatment methods from Japan that can
be modified for Japanese Americans with traditional Japanese worldviews. Naikan therapy
emphasizes introspection about relationships, and Morita therapy emphasizes acceptance of emotion
and taking constructive action (Hedstrom, 1994). All counseling methods, such as cognitivebehavioral therapy (CBT), can incorporate culturally congruent methods, such as mindfulness and
visualization with Vietnamese Americans (Hinton, Safren, Pollack, & Tran, 2006) or faith-based
coping and deconstruction of the Black superwoman myth among African American women (Kohn,
Oden, Muoz, Robinson, & Leavitt, 2002). The aim of any cultural adaptation, whether it involves
language, goals, content, or methods, should be to better align counseling with client
experiences/worldviews.

Research findings on culturally adapted counseling.

A preliminary quantitative review of research indicated that culturally adapted mental health
treatments are effective (Griner & Smith, 2006). Two subsequent meta-analyses have confirmed this
conclusion. In one of these, culturally adapted treatments compared with any type of control group
yielded an effect size of d = 0.46 (Smith, Rodrguez, & Bernal, 2011). In a more rigorous analysis,
culturally adapted treatments compared directly with other bona fide treatments (e.g., culturally
adapted CBT compared to CBT as usual) yielded an effect size of d = 0.32 (Benish et al., 2011).
Counseling is more effective when it is adapted to the cultural background of the client. And the better
those adaptations, the better the outcomes (Smith et al., 2011), particularly when they align with the
clients perceptions/explanations about the illness (Benish et al., 2011).

Implications for counseling practice.

Treatment outcomes are consistently more effective when counselors work to align themselves with
the cultural beliefs of their clients. Counselors should specifically work to align themselves with their
clients beliefs, perceptions, and explanations of their presenting illnesses. At a minimum, this entails
asking the clients about their beliefs about the nature and causes of their presenting problems, what
they have experienced as a result of their presenting problems, and how these experiences may relate
to their environments and to their cultural beliefs. With this information, counselors can identify
goals, content, and methods of counseling that are culturally appropriate for individual clients. The
key is cultural congruence: Does the client experience the counseling as appropriate, rather than

irrelevant to or disrespectful of the clients heritage and values?

Cultural adaptations to counseling should be as specific to the client and the clients cultural
worldview as possible; counselors should avoid implementing a generic approach across various
racial and ethnic groups. Counselors should follow professional guidelines for culturally adapting
counseling (Barrera & Castro, 2006; Bernal et al., 1995; Hwang, 2009; Lau, 2006; Leong, 2011;
Whitbeck, 2006). Examples of adaptations include using cultural metaphors/sayings, sharing
culturally relevant literature/quotations/legends, using different mediums of expression such as art,
and acknowledging specific cultural values that are either relevant to the presenting problem or
conducive to coping (e.g., holistic conceptualizations of experience, denoted by the medicine wheel
for many American Indian clients). When a counselor is unfamiliar with culturally appropriate
adaptations, he or she should consult with knowledgeable professionals, explore the clients
perceptions about helpful ways of coping with the presenting problem, and closely monitor the
clients experiences in counseling to avoid misalignment. Therapeutic approaches may need to change
over the course of the counseling, and the counselor should be prepared to make those changes based
on client feedback (Lambert, 2010).

Conclusion
For several decades scholars and practitioners have affirmed that counselors should focus attention
on the cultural values and worldviews of their clients. Research findings provide support for that
assertion. Culturally congruent counseling practices are more effective than practices that do not
account for clients cultural contexts. Counselors who are unfamiliar with their clients cultural
backgrounds can learn to work with them effectively and demonstrate multicultural counseling
competence. Counselors need not necessarily be of the same race/ethnicity as their clients to be
effective, but they do need to adapt their own practices to meet the needs and experiences of their
clients. Thus, culture should be a primary, not secondary, consideration in counseling, with the
information provided across the other chapters in this book building on a solid foundation of
accumulated research evidence.

Critical Incident
Steve is an experienced licensed professional counselor working in a community clinic. He is by
nature outgoing, has friends from many walks of life, and feels confident about his many years of
practice with diverse clientele. He recently completed a protracted divorce from his wife of seven
years and has no children. A fourth-generation Japanese American, Steve was raised in an uppermiddle-class area of the West Coast. When he glanced at the intake form completed by Riza (the
female client described at the start of this chapter), Steve immediately felt concerned about how a
recent immigrant from the Philippines might react to him, given that the Japanese occupation of the
Philippines in the 1940s must have affected the clients parents and extended family.
In session, Riza haltingly described her difficulties in adjusting to life in the United States. Steve
observed that Riza had adopted a coping strategy of avoidance of contact with most Americans after
several poignantly negative experiences in which she went away feeling incompetent, despite her high

level of occupational qualifications. Riza maintained close contact with friends and family members
in the Philippines via the Internet, but she did not socialize with anyone outside her immediate family
after work hours.
Steve observed that Rizas strongest emotional reactions occurred when she spoke about her husband.
She described circumstances that were very similar to those Steve had experienced in his marriage,
but when asked whether she had considered divorce, Riza strongly affirmed her commitment to her
husband and his family.
Steve was at first surprised that many of Rizas decisions stemmed from her sincere faith in
Catholicism. He fought against his initial reaction to judge Rizas daily devotions and prayers, and he
directed conversations back to what he believed were the central issues for Riza: her social isolation,
passivity, and excessive guilt, which seemed to be the primary causes of her depressed moods. Even
after specific questioning about those issues, Riza seemed to be holding something back.
Steve then raised the issue of their different ethnic backgrounds as part of checking Rizas perceptions
about how things had gone during their initial session together. Riza acknowledged that her maternal
grandfather had died during the Japanese occupation, but she said that her family seldom recounted
the past and she understood that neither Steve nor his family had any connection to her own past. In
fact, she believed that her being assigned to work with Steve was a spiritual metaphor: Having a
counselor of Japanese ancestry meant that God brought them together to prove that all things can be
healed.
After the session, Steve recognized that his personal beliefs about taking the initiative in social
settings and about family roles and divorce had made it difficult for him to follow up on Rizas
perspectives. After consultation with a Filipino colleague, Steve started to gain appreciation for the
cultural contexts influencing Rizas actions.

Discussion Questions
1. How did Steves initial assumptions and personal beliefs affect his work with this client? What
do you think about his decision to dwell on his own personal experiences and how they may
have influenced his relationship with Riza?
2. What specific strategies could Steve use to understand Riza better from her own perspective
during subsequent sessions?
3. What might be some effective strategies that Steve could use to address Rizas social
withdrawal, which seems to be associated with judgmental/prejudicial social encounters she has
experienced?
4. What specific multicultural counseling competencies will facilitate additional trust between
Riza and Steve?
5. Ethnic and racial identity and acculturative status are often noted as major factors in a clients
response to counseling, but research indicates wide variability in how those variables relate
with well-being and experiences in counseling. Discuss how those two constructs may affect a
counselors work with Riza in light of the meta-analytic findings presented in this chapter.
6. After becoming more familiar with Catholicism and Filipino culture, list a series of culturally

sensitive adaptations to counseling that might enable Steve to work effectively with Riza.

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Part II Ethnocultural Contexts and Cross-Cultural Counseling

The focus of the five chapters in Part II is an acknowledgment of the substantial contributions to the
multicultural perspective made by Arabs and Muslims, African Americans, Asian Americans,
Latinos, and Native Americans, the ethnocultural groups featured in this section. Most of the early and
contemporary writings in the field of multiculturalism have approached ethnicity from the perspective
that the persons who make up these groups are members of ethnocultural minority groups. The very
term minority, however, has become divisive and contentious because of the implicit stigma
sometimes associated with it and the fact that these groups are increasing in size; together, their
population will soon exceed that of what was once considered the majority group in the United
States.
The U.S. Census Bureau (2013) predicts that by 2050, the U.S. population will reach more than 600
million, about 47% larger than in the year 2010. The primary ethnic minority groupsnamely,
Latinos, African Americans, Asian Americans, American Indians, Alaska Natives, Native Hawaiians,
and Pacific Islanderswill constitute more than 50% of the population. About 57% of the population
younger than age 18 and 34% older than age 65 will be members of these groups. The demographic
profile based on the 2010 census indicates that during the preceding decade, the Latino population
grew at a rate eight times faster than that of Whites. Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders also had
rapid growth rates, in part due to immigration from Southeast Asia. For Latinos, increased
immigration and high birthrates explain the population increase. Projections for the year 2020 suggest
that Latinos will be the largest ethnic group, second only to White Americans, and followed by
African Americans.
Considering the increasing ethnic and cultural diversity occurring in the United States, attention
should be given to the growing Muslim population. According to a recent survey, Muslims constitute
about 2% of the U.S. population. A 2011 study conducted by the Pew Research Center found that the
majority of Muslims in the country are African Americans, Arabs, and Asians, and that overall
Muslim Americans come from 77 different countries. The U.S. Census Bureau does not collect
information on individuals religious affiliations or preferences, hence the census tallies on the
Muslim population are estimates. Most Muslims in the United States are members of immigrant
populations, and thus their cultural backgrounds contribute to the nations growing diversity.
On the 2000 and 2010 census forms, individuals had the option of marking more than one race
category and so were able to declare identification with more than one group. For example, whereas
less than 3% of the total U.S. population chose to do so, more than 5,220,579 individuals who chose
to mark multiple categories marked American Indian and Alaska Native along with one or more
others. The race alone or in combination count is much higher than the race alone count of
2,932,248 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). The discrepancy raises the question of which count is more
accurate or representative of the true Indian population, 2,932,248 or 5,220,579.
People with mixed ethnic backgrounds present interesting ethnic identity cases, as they have at least
two ethnic groups from which to claim and negotiate an ethnic declaration. Based on extensive
interviews with people of mixed ethnic backgrounds, the clinical psychologist Maria P. P. Root

(1992) identified four basic reasons why multiethnic persons would choose to identify with particular
groups regardless of how others may view them. According to Root: (a) Individuals enhance their
sense of security by understanding distinct parts of their ethnic heritage; (b) parental influences,
stimulated by the encouragement of grandparents, promote identity, thereby granting permission to the
offspring to make their choices; (c) racism and prejudice associated with certain groups lead to
sharing experiences with family, which helps multiethnic individuals to develop psychological skills
and defenses to protect themselves (the shared experiences help to build self-confidence and create
the sense of an ability to cope with the negative elements often associated with particular groups);
and (d) gender alignment between parents and children may exert influence on ethnic and racial
socialization particularly when they have good relationships and are mutually held in esteem (p. 15).
The Census Bureaus introduction of the new multiracial item created contentious debates and
problems for all who rely on the use of census outcome data. The addition of the multiracial category
presents difficult tabulation and reporting problems for health care professions, economists,
demographers, social and behavioral scientists, and others who use racial categories for their
work.
In earlier writings in the field of multicultural psychology, the groups that are the focus of Part II were
written about through the use of a broad ethnic gloss, where attention was given to the groups as
though they were homogeneous entities. They are notin fact, there may well be more heterogeneity
within these groups than within North Americas majority Euro-American population (Trimble &
Bhadra, 2013). Perhaps at one time that approach was necessary to draw general attention to
particular groups ethnic and cultural differences. However, and fortunately, the entire field of
multicultural and cross-cultural counseling has matured to such an extent that scholarly attention must
now focus on the between- and within-group variations of ethnocultural populations and the
challenges they present for counselors and clinicians. The authors of the five chapters in Part II take
that position and more as they lay out the psychological and sociocultural intricacies of their
respective populations to illustrate the increasing challenges faced by the groups and how counselors
and clinicians can respond to them in an efficacious manner. Moreover, the reader will be challenged
to consider conventional self and identity conceptualizations and how they pertain to people from
distinctive ethnocultural populations; a deep, thorough exploration of the self-construct has profound
implications for the delivery of counseling services to people who straddle multiple ethnic identities.
The following five questions serve as a constructive and summative way to introduce the chapters in
this section:
1. How adequately do conventional psychodynamic, humanistic, and behavioral approaches relate
to cross-cultural considerations in the provision of counseling services for ethnocultural
populations?
2. How does the concept of principled cultural sensitivity influence and guide the conduct of
research and the delivery of counseling services in traditional ethnocultural communities?
3. What are the influences of historical trauma and delayed grieving and their effects on the
provision of counseling services for oppressed and exploited populations?
4. How do degrees of client acculturative status, ethnic identification, and self-esteem or sense
of self-worth influence a counselors approach to providing counseling services for the groups
discussed in this section?
5. What evidence exists for the influence of cultural encapsulation in counselors understanding of

and ability to work effectively with clients from unique ethnocultural populations?
Indeed, some of these questions pertain to other topics and themes covered in this seventh edition of
Counseling Across Cultures. Moreover, there is a good chance that many readers have experienced
some or all of the circumstances and problems embedded in these questions as well as those posed
for the other sections of this book. Perhaps the discussion presented in the forthcoming chapters can
help them come to the realization that others acknowledge and avow their experiences and that there
are effective and constructive ways of dealing with them. We now turn to a summary of the topics and
themes covered in the five chapters in this part of the book.
Chapter 5 provides a description of the essential sociocultural factors that lead to effective strategies
for counseling with American Indian and Alaska Native clients. Within a specific framework, authors
John Gonzalez and Joseph E. Trimble emphasize the counselor characteristics that demonstrate
effectiveness in counseling North American indigenous peoples.
In Chapter 6, Frederick T. L. Leong, John Lee, and Zornitsa Kalibatseva address the counseling of
Asian Americans, carefully describing the cultural factors related to client and therapist variables that
may play a significant role in the provision of effective counseling for these clients. Along with this
important information, an extensive literature review provides bridges for the existing knowledge
base from research to clinical practice.
Chapter 7 presents a detailed description of the psychological, cultural, and sociopolitical issues that
counselors need to consider in working with clients of Black African ancestry. Ivory Achebe Toldson,
Kelechi C. Anyanwu, and Casilda R. Maxwell discuss unique techniques and strategies for providing
effective counseling services to African Americans and other clients of African descent.
In Chapter 8, J. Manuel Casas, A. Pati Cabrera, and Melba J. T. Vasquez advise counselors and
practitioners on how they can become more competent in working with Latino/a clients. They provide
guidance for those who work with this rapidly growing population and present an outline of a
theoretical approach that unifies theories of person, environment, and the counseling situation. They
also offer a culturally sensitive and appropriate framework that practitioners can use to direct and
drive their work with Latino/a clients; the framework includes likely sources of both friction and
possibility and how counselors can respond to them.
Finally, the last chapter in this section focuses on counseling and psychotherapy with Arab and
Muslim clients. Marwan Dwairy and Fatimah El-Jamil emphasize that practitioners will note that
Arab and Muslim clients are more family or community-oriented and therefore less individually
oriented than most Western clients. Terms such as self, self-actualization, ego, opinion, and feeling
have collective meanings for them. Arab and Muslim clients may be preoccupied by family issues,
duties, expectations, and the approval of others; in conversing with them, counselors may find it
difficult to distinguish between their personal needs or opinions and those of their families. Matching
the therapist and client on cultural or religious background needs careful attention also. As Dwairy
and El-Jamil point out, some Arabs and Muslims prefer therapists of the same ethnic identity in order
to ensure a process free of stereotypic judgments, whereas others may fear being judged or blamed by
Arab Muslim authorities as they may be in their own families. Clients in the latter group may
actually prefer therapists who are different in background from themselves.

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Pew Research Center. (2011). Muslim Americans: No signs of growth in alienation or support for
extremism. Washington, DC: Author.
Root, M. P. P. (1992). Back to the drawing board: Methodological issues in research on multiracial
people. In M. P. P. Root (Ed.), Racially mixed people in America (pp. 181189). Newbury Park, CA:
Sage.
Trimble, J. E., & Bhadra, N. (2013). Ethnic gloss. In K. D. Keith (Ed.), Encyclopedia of crosscultural psychology. New York: Wiley-Blackwell.
U.S. Census Bureau. (2010). National population by race, United States: 2010. Retrieved from
http://www.census.gov/2010census/data
U.S. Census Bureau. (2013). Newsroom: All releases from 2013. Retrieved from
http://www.census.gov/newsroom/releases/archives/2013.html

5 Counseling North American Indigenous Peoples

John Gonzalez
Joseph E. Trimble

Primary Objective
To describe the essential sociocultural factors that lead to effective strategies for counseling
with American Indian clients

Secondary Objectives
To describe counselor characteristics that demonstrate effectiveness in counseling American
Indians
To present a framework designed to guide counselors in making culturally resonant choices
when counseling American Indians
Indian life is tough. It is hard to be Indian. But, I am happy to be born an Indian. As
Anishinaabe, we want a good lifemino-bimaadiziwinbut there are always challenges. To
have mino-bimaadiziwin you must follow a certain path, like the stem of an eagle feather. As
you travel this path, there are many struggles, difficulties, and choices you must makewhich
are the barbs of the feather. Sometimes we wander off the stem of the feather and find
ourselves stuck on those barbs. It is then we must seek help and guidance to find our way
back to mino-bimaadiziwinto live a good life.
Jim Ironlegs Weaver
This quote is a reflection of a storymany stories, in fact. Stories of hardship and struggle. Stories of
genocide and oppression. Stories of loss. But also stories of pride. Stories of resilience. Stories of
hope. There are as many stories as there are American Indians, which speaks to the variable lifeways
and thoughtways of American Indians in the 21st century. What it means to be American Indian, or
what American Indian culture is, is a very difficult question to answer. We do not claim to answer this
question, but we can say that American Indian and Alaska Native cultures and the lives of every
single American Indian living today are affected by the sociopolitical history of North America. And
these things have shaped the stories embedded within the quote above. Learning about this history,
learning about those stories, and understanding the diversity in those stories will be the main tasks of
the professional counselor looking to work with and provide services to American Indian persons
and communities.
Each American Indian and Alaska Native (AI/AN) cultural group has developed a sophisticated and

elaborate set of beliefs, values, rules, and customs to help guide a person to have minobimaadiziwin. This is part of the definition of culture. In addition, each group has developed healing
practices to assist a person when he or she is out of balance, stuck on a feather barb, and needs to find
the way back to live a good life. Some of these healing practices are simple and can be done by any
tribal member, such as offering tobacco, saying a prayer, singing a song, and the burning of sage,
sweet grass, or cedar. But other more complex ceremonies and uses of medicines are to be practiced
only by trained healers who have been delegated by the spirits, often as a birthright. These
ceremonies and healing rituals vary by tribal nation and sometimes even within tribes by geography
this is a reflection of the importance of time and space for AI/AN (Deloria, 2003). These ways of
living continue to be endorsed and practiced by most AI/AN tribes today.
Mental health and wellness are integral parts of the good life for indigenous peoples, and healing
ceremonies are also performed to help individuals maintain or achieve wellness. However, not all
AI/AN choose or have the opportunity to participate in such ceremonies, owing to a number of
factors, including orthodox religious convictions marked by conformity to doctrines or practices held
as right or true by some authority, standard, or tradition or distrust of traditional healers and their
practices. Other factors might include the geographic distance of traditional healers from their home
villages or communities or lack of access to traditional healers, especially in urban settings. Finally,
an individual may lack awareness of the availability and effectiveness of traditional practices, or may
be confused concerning the choice between traditional healing and use of mental health services.
Certainly, the reasons vary from one person to another. For those who choose not to seek the services
of traditional healers, the only available alternative is to seek the assistance of professionals in the
conventional mental health fields; that choice, too, can be compounded by numerous factors, including
distrust, misunderstanding, apprehension, and the real possibility that mental health practitioners may
be insensitive to the cultural backgrounds, worldviews, and historical experiences of Native clients.
The main issues for these clients are concerns that their presenting problems may be distorted by
the results of psychological tests that are incongruent with their cultural worldviews and that
professionals may arrive at clinical diagnoses grounded in psychological theories that do not value
and consider their culture.
A variety of intercultural and interpersonal issues can arise when a counselor working with AI/AN
clients lacks the necessary cultural awareness, knowledge, and experiencethe pillars of
multicultural counseling (Sue, Ivey, & Pedersen, 1996). There is ample evidence, however, that by
using particular techniques, counselors can promote client trust and improve the counselorclient
relationship, both in general and with American Indian and Alaska Native clients specifically.
Matters relating to trust and other counseling considerations form the basis of this chapter; in the
pages that follow, we provide information aimed at helping to stimulate effective cross-cultural
contacts between mental health counselors and American Indians.

Overview: Providing Counseling to American Indians and Alaska

Natives
Contrary to stereotypes, not all Indians are alikea full and wide range of individual differences
exist among members of any ethnocultural group. This is very true for both indigenous persons who

follow their tribal lifeways and those who only marginally identify with their indigenous cultures
(Fryberg, 2003; Fryberg & Markus, 2003; Trimble, 1988). The concept of acculturation provides a
useful context for understanding this and suggests different paths that minority individuals and groups
may follow when functioning in the mainstream context. In the concepts simplest form, minority
group members have four options: integration, in which they maintain their culture of origin and also
adopt the culture of the majority, so that they function biculturally; assimilation, in which they
primarily function according the lifeways of the majority culture; separation, in which they maintain
their culture of origin with very little adoption of majority culture; and marginalization, in which they
may not strongly maintain their culture of origin or adopt the ways of the majority (Berry, 1980,
2002).
With all these possible differences in identity, is it possible to provide culturally resonant mental
health services to AI/AN populations? Is there a common set of strategies known to be effective?
How can a Western-trained counselor prepare for working with members of indigenous communities?
We will try to answer these questions, and more, below as we discuss the many factors that facilitate
successful counseling services as well as the factors that work as impediments to providing
successful mental health services to Native clients. We will present a summary review of the writings
in AI/AN mental/behavioral health, along with our own insights organized around the following
themes: the nature of AI/AN communities, counselor characteristics, client characteristics,
worldviews and values, and counseling styles, which includes the role of traditional healing
practices.
A critical component of multicultural and cross-cultural counseling is the counselors knowledge
about the group of people with whom he or she is working. Such knowledge is especially important
for counselors working with AI/AN communities, given their unique status in North America (Duran,
Firehammer, & Gonzalez, 2008; Herring, 1992; LaFromboise, Berman, & Sohi, 1994). This
knowledge cannot just come from a book, movie, or some other type of media; becoming
knowledgeable requires experience and time. Newcomers or outsiders will inevitably be met with
some suspicionin any culture. Counselors need to take the considerable time required to learn from
the community and to understand their role within it. Along the way, trust, an essential component in
all human relations, can develop. The mistrust that members of indigenous communities have for nonNatives is based on the sociopolitical historical and contemporary relations between Natives and
Whites, often described as historical or intergenerational trauma and the unresolved and continuing
grief associated with such trauma.

Historical Loss and Grief

It is vital that mental health professionals learn and understand how indigenous people have
experienced and continue to experience tremendous trauma and suffering as a consequence of
European contact. There is a cumulative sense of trauma as a result of centuries of massacres,
disease, forced relocations, forced removal of children, loss of land, broken treaties and other
betrayals, unemployment, extreme poverty, and racism. One of the most destructive forms of trauma
was perpetrated by the government- and church-run educational systems in Canada and the United
States. Thousands upon thousands of indigenous children were taken from their parents, families, and
communities and sent to residential boarding schools that were hundreds, sometimes thousands, of

miles away from their homes. Children as young as 6 were stripped of their culture and identity, and
many experienced unspeakable physical, sexual, and psychological abuse (Gonzalez, Simard, BakerDemaray, & Iron Eyes, 2014; Millar, 1996). Chrisjohn and Young (1997) discuss the long-term
effects of the residential school program in Canada and how it continues to contribute to the
unresolved grief of former residents and their children. The White Bison organizations Wellbriety
Movement is devoted to addressing the traumatizing impacts of this government policy (Coyhis &
Simonelli, 2008).
Several scholars have posited that postcolonial historical and intergenerational trauma contributes to
the high levels of social and individual problems in Native communities, such as alcoholism and
substance abuse, suicide, homicide, domestic violence, and child abuse (Brave Heart & DeBruyn,
1998; Duran, 1999, 2006; Duran & Duran, 1995; Duran et al., 2008; LaDue, 1994). We want to
emphasize here the need for counselors to acknowledge and seek to understand this intergenerational
trauma from the Native worldview. In addition, counselors should be aware that attempting to treat
the symptoms or manifestations of the trauma by using only conventional Western psychological and
psychiatric approaches often does more harm and perpetuates the trauma. Duran et al. (2008) argue
that counselors must work with Native clients to reconstruct their personal and community histories,
seeking the course of the trauma. This is important and is related to how conceptualizations of time
and history may differ between Native and Western cultures. In many Native cultures, the past,
present, and future are viewed as being unified and continuous, whereas in Western culture time and
history are not seen as having such continuity. For example, in the Ojibwe language, the word for
time, ishise, is a verb, and ishise acts upon us; in the English language time is a noun, and time is seen
as something that we possess.
Historical trauma and unresolved grief are, in part, reactions to cultural loss and involuntary change.
Although culture as a construct has multiple meanings, it represents the essential lifeways and
thoughtways of ethnic and national enclaves; culture provides meaning, structure, and direction. In
relation to trauma and grief experiences, culture serves a psychological function by providing a buffer
against terror (Salzman, 2001). If an indigenous communitys lifeways and thoughtways are under
assault, community members will turn to their rituals, ceremonies, and healers to restore balance,
fend off destruction, and protect traditions. However, when traditional lifeways and thoughtways are
suppressed or stolen, the resulting trauma may be irresolvable and subsequently may be passed along
from one generation to the next.
In response to the existence of historical trauma and unresolved grief, cultural recovery movements
are occurring among indigenous people throughout the world to reconstruct a world of meaning to act
in... and to recover ceremonies and rituals that address lifes problems (Salzman, 2001, p. 173). For
example, to illustrate how tribal rituals promote a sense of community and continuity for troubled
individuals, Brave Heart and DeBruyn (1998) and Duran, Duran, Brave Heart, and Yellow HorseDavis (1998) describe the effectiveness of a tradition-based psychoeducational intervention intended
to resolve historical trauma and grief. Results from this four-day group experience point to positive
and long-term changes that assist individuals in dealing with racism, grief contexts, and the resolution
of grief. Similar cultural recovery programs are being offered in various parts of North America, as
are Native-sponsored conferences devoted to the topic of cultural recovery. The Wellbriety
Movement is an example of one of these cultural recovery programs; it uses a healing forest

metaphor and blended medicine wheel teaching (Coyhis & Simonelli, 2008).
Morrissette (1994) has called for more clinical and counseling attention focused on the parenting
struggles of those Natives who have experienced residential-school syndrome. Gone and
colleagues have written extensively on the idea that culture is treatment in general, and in particular
in relation to addressing historical trauma and its manifestations (Gone, 2008, 2013; Gone & Calf
Looking, 2011; Hartmann & Gone, 2012; Wendt & Gone, 2012; Wexler & Gone, 2012). The value of
culture and all it represents is being elevated to a higher level of significance as community voices
gain influence and power. As Salzman (2001) points out, Empowering political movements tend to
accompany cultural recovery movements and [thus] should be supported by mental health and social
workers (p. 173). Thus, cultural recovery movements are increasingly viewed as effective responses
to the existence of historical trauma and unresolved grief among indigenous peoples throughout the
world.
Recently, we have witnessed the work of the Idle No More movement (http://www.idlenomore.ca)
and groups like the Last Real Indians (http://lastrealindians.com), which, although not directly related
to mental health services, are framed in a decolonization paradigm and are having a positive impact
on historical trauma grief. Idle No More started in Canada in response to the Harper administrations
legislation that would open protected lands and waterways for oil and mineral exploration and
essentially eliminate the water rights and protections of the First Nations peoples. It soon spread to
the United States and then to indigenous communities around the world. Last Real Indians is a
grassroots group of writers and activists from across North America that brings awareness to policies
and issues affecting Native communities. This group and one of its cofounders, Chase Iron Eyes, were
instrumental in the Lakota/Dakota Nations purchase of Pe Sla, the sacred site at the center of the
Black Hills in South Dakota.

So You Want to Work With Native People

The first pillar of multicultural counseling is awareness. A critical part of this awareness should be
self-awareness. Counselors need to examine their motives for wanting to work in mental health
settings that serve Native peoples. Related to this, they must become aware of and acknowledge their
own biases and assumptions, because everyone has biases. Helms and Cook (1999) put it succinctly:
How can counselors resolve the different manners in which counselors and clients conceptualize
mental health problems if the counselors and clients come from different culture-related life
experiences? They add, To the extent that the therapists and clients socialization histories in either
the racial or cultural domains of life have been incongruent, then one would expect differences in the
ways in which therapists and clients conceptualize the problem for which help is sought, as well as
what they consider to be appropriate treatment for the problem (p. 7). Counselors cannot ignore or
minimize these multicultural factors without jeopardizing counseling relationships and successful
outcomes.
A counselor working cross-culturally may begin to wonder if conventional methods and styles might
be legitimate and/or effective for working with culturally diverse clients. This is a fair question, and
one that a counselor should consider when working with any client. The research on therapeutic
interventions both in general and cross-culturally does provide some guidance. Effective counselors

possess personal characteristics that promote positive relationships with clients, regardless of
cultural backgroundthis is the foundation of any healing or helping process. For example,
characteristics such as empathy, genuineness, warmth, respect, congruence, and availability are likely
to be effective in any setting, including Native communities. In fact, these same characteristics often
exemplify the spiritual healers in indigenous communities (Mohatt & Eagle Elk, 2000). Reimer
(1999) collected information from Inupiat members of an Alaska Native village concerning the
characteristics they found desirable in a healer. Her respondents indicated that a healer is (a)
virtuous, kind, respectful, trustworthy, friendly, gentle, loving, clean, giving, helpful, not a gossip, and
not one who wallows in self-pity; (b) strong physically, mentally, spiritually, personally, socially, and
emotionally; (c) one who works well with others by becoming familiar with people in the community;
(d) one who has good communication skills, achieved by taking time to talk, visit, and listen; (e)
respected because of his or her knowledge, disciplined in thought and action, wise and understanding,
and willing to share knowledge by teaching and serving as an inspiration; (f) substance-free; (g) one
who knows and follows the culture; and (h) one who has faith and a strong relationship with the
Creator (p. 60). Thus, counselors working with Native clients do not need to abandon their
conventional counseling styles, but they must show a willingness to pay attention to what their clients
value in respected healers. Moreover, having the ability to suspend disbelief is helpful for counselors
working with Native clientsthat is, counselors need to be willing to listen to and hear whatever
clients may say without judging the credibility of the belief systems associated with healing
ceremonies, Indian medicine, and spiritual quests (Duran, 2006; Duran et al., 2008).
The critical lesson for counselors is that they should not make assumptions or rush into treatment
plans before listening to their clients. This lesson is further highlighted by the results of a qualitative
study by Yurkovich, Clairmont, and Grandbois (2002), who found that clinicians ability to be
culturally responsive varied and was dependent on their awareness of their own personal culture and
the diversity within and between American Indian cultures. For example, some of the mental health
providers were themselves Native and therefore perceived the client as Native and automatically
assumed they were providing culturally responsive care. Another group of providers (Native and
non-Native) acknowledged potential differences in cultural background between client and counselor
based on their own, but provided culturally relevant care only if the client requested it. Finally, a
third group of providers fully acknowledged cultural differences and actively assessed the clients
preferred treatment approach. Although some of the Native mental health providers were not of the
same tribal affiliation as the client, they still perceived the client as similar to them and seemed to
ignore the diversity that exists within Native cultures. These findings serve as reminders of several
issues discussed above. Counselors working with Indian clients need to become aware of the clients
individual as well as collective cultural backgrounds while examining their own preconceptions,
biases, and attitudes about Indians. Counselors also need to examine and be aware of their own
cultural backgrounds and how these influence the clienttherapist relationship. Such self-examination
gets at the core of what it takes to become a cross-cultural counselor.
Working in Native communities requires flexibility and the ability to be comfortable with Native
communication styles and patterns. This includes being comfortable with silence, long pauses in
responses, and what is sometimes referred to as reservation or village English. Counselors
lacking knowledge about these communication styles of Native clients often misinterpret them as
noncompliance or as evidence of cognitive deficits. Counselors must have the flexibility to allow

clients to engage in thought processes at their own pace; such flexibility is enhanced by counselors
awareness of culture-based differences in dyadic relationships (Herring, 1999; Lockhart, 1981).
There is a debate in the profession concerning whether Native clients are best served by counselors
who are Natives (Darou, 1987; Dauphinais, Dauphinais, & Rowe, 1981; M. Johnson & Lashley,
1989; Lowrey, 1983; Uhlemann, Lee, & France, 1988). Bennett and BigFoot-Sipes (1991) note that
Indian clients might actually prefer counselors whom they perceive as having attitudes and values
similar to theirs, instead of counselors who are necessarily of the same ethnicity. Indian clients who
are involved in their cultural heritage, however, have much stronger preferences for Indian counselors
and non-Western methods than do those who are not so involved or who do not identify strongly with
their Indian heritage (Gone, 2007, 2008; M. Johnson & Lashley, 1989).
As noted above, counselors who plan to work with Native clients need to have some advance
knowledge of the clients cultures (see Thomason, 1991, 2011). As part of accumulating this
knowledge, counselors should learn about what the community or potential clients believe about nonNative counselors and counseling. Native people also have biases, often as a result of actual
oppression, thus it is important that counselors inquire about and understand these biases (Peregoy,
1999). A counselor can accomplish such an assessment in many ways, formal and informal. The key
is for the counselor to engage community members in genuine conversation and to learn from them;
this allows the counselor to gather information while at the same time building trust and rapport.
Working in Indian country is more than a 9:00-to-5:00 job, and counselors need to get out of their
offices and attend events and functions in the community. As they do so, they are likely to discover
some general beliefs that (a) outsiders tend to interpret behavior and emotions in terms of norms
and expectations not shared by the tribal community, and (b) counselors will attempt to convert
Indians to a better culture or try to get them to act and think according to the outsiders worldview
(Anderson & Ellis, 1995). A final consideration we should note before moving on is that counselors
must engage in inner self-assessment and evaluation and be prepared to adjust their own values,
beliefs, and practices accordingly, to accommodate the bicultural or cultural expectations and
perspectives of their Native clients (Matheson, 1986; Thomason, 2011).

An Indian in the Room

The Native communities of North America are as culturally and psychologically diverse as any group
in the United States or around the world, and this diversity presents potential challenges for any
counselor (Gone & Trimble, 2012; Lee, 1997; Sage, 1997). Indigenous persons differ from one
another in many ways, including in acculturation status, physical appearance, and Indian ancestry. M.
T. Garrett and Pichette (2000) and Gone (2006, 2008, 2011) emphasize that counselors must conduct
an assessment of each Native clients degree of acculturation, as physical appearance may be
misleading. Degree of acculturation may influence how a particular client responds to a typical
counseling session. Some researchers have observed that Native clients who come from traditional
backgrounds are not likely to maintain direct eye contact, may avoid personalizing and disclosing
troubled thoughts, and may act shy in the presence of non-Indian counselors (Attneave, 1985). Very
traditional clients might tell counselors that Indian doctors have tended to their problems and that
they have no need for any advice or consultation. Clients whose acculturation leans more toward
mainstream U.S. culture may have a good idea of counseling goals and procedures and what is

expected of them as clients.

For any client, Native or non-Native, counseling can evoke strong emotions; in fact, this is often the
purpose of counseling. However, for the Native client working with a non-Native counselor an
additional layer of emotions may be present, related to both historical events and individual personal
experiences. Many indigenous people have had a multitude of personal experiences with White
culture that have left them feeling suspicious of outsiders offering help. There is a long, unfortunate
history of such experiences negatively affecting Indian people and communities (Deloria, 1969). A
counselor must be patient with client concerns and wait for trust to develop. A counselor in this
situation may often feel that the client is testing him or her; in fact, this is probably accurate. The
client may gradually become more self-disclosing, but only when the client senses that his or her
experiences are being heard and respected will full disclosure likely occur. Although such reluctance
to disclose has been cast as a cross-cultural issue, it occurs with many non-Indian clients as well; it is
best resolved through use of competent counseling skills and approaches (see Marsiglia, Cross, &
Mitchell-Enos, 1998).
A final note: Counselors should keep in mind that many, but not all, indigenous peoples emphasize the
importance of living in harmony and maintaining balance in life and with the environment. This may
result in a tendency to wait for the situation or the environment to offer a solution to a problem. This
tendency will vary from community to community, and counselors should consult with local
community members on what is considered the norm in this area.

Worldviews and Values

At the core of any culture are the ways the cultures members see and interpret the world around them
and the values they espouse. We all have sets of values and worldviews that guide and affect
everything we do, often in very subtle and unconscious ways. As noted above, a Native persons
degree of acculturation, as well as his or her tribal affiliation, will mediate that individuals value
system and worldview. However, there are some values and beliefs that are widely held among
Native peoples that are important to note here. Most indigenous persons and tribes are inherently
collectivistic, such that they emphasize the group over the individual, placing importance on keeping
harmony and maintaining balance in their relationships and the world around them. This value can
affect many areas of their lives as well as other values they hold. For example, family and extended
family relationships can take precedence over an individuals own needs and motivations. Many
Native people view it as natural and necessary to take time off work to attend family events, such as
when a distant relative passes into the spirit world or a cousin gets married, but doing so can create
conflicts with the non-Native world they live in. Time orientation is another value and part of
worldview that influences behavior in many ways. The Native orientation toward time is sometimes
referred to as Indian time, which unfortunately has been misconstrued to mean that Indians are
always late. The real meaning behind this orientation is that, in the Native worldview, things will
happen when they are supposed to happen. This can have profound effects on behavior in many areas
of life that conflict with Western or mainstream American values. For example, part of Indian time
acknowledges that time is really circular rather than linear, as it is viewed in Western thought. Thus,
Native people will live for the present moment, with less emphasis on, or indifference toward,
planning for the future. This can translate into the idea that if there is a future, it will take care of

itself. This concept is often in direct conflict with the Western American value that time is money or
that time is something we possess.
Sometimes value conflicts take place within individualsfor example, in Indians who leave
reservations or villages to live in cities or urban areas. Even among such urban Indians, however,
many have a strong desire to retain their Indianness while they struggle with daily contact in nonIndian lifeways and thoughtways (Witko, 2006). Thornton (1996) suggests that urban Indians can
internalize typical Native values, with some modifications, and tend to become characterized by panIndian ideologies. While pan-Indian ideologies can and do occur in urban areas, value orientation
conflicts do not necessarily occur for those who have relocated to or were born in urban settings.
Affiliation, maintenance of traditional ceremonies, and opportunities to visit ancestral homes may
reinforce the retention of traditional values. For example, some of the best drum groups and dancers
at powwows have their homes in the cities.
Many Natives exhibit a pattern of movement back and forth from the city to the reservation, often
staying for extended periods of time that may even necessitate changes in employment. This pattern
has often been interpreted as a way of avoiding stressful life events and in that sense has been seen as
a negative behavioral response. Although this is always a possibility and must be assessed as part of
the counseling process, it is also very likely that this type of mobility is adaptive. The essential lesson
here is that counselors must be sure to examine any value differences with Native clients. A careful
analysis of client worldview and value system may allow both client and counselor to discover
whether it is a value conflict that is leading to the clients difficulty.

Counseling Approaches
While we have provided some basic information and suggestions thus far for counselors working
with Native clients, we cannot offer a simple and specific recommendation regarding which
counseling style, orientation, or technique is most effective. There is an ongoing debate in Native
communities and the mental health profession on whether traditional healing methods or Western
counseling methods should be used with Native clients (for some discussions in this debate, see
Duran, 2006; Duran et al., 2008; Gone, 2010; Gone & Trimble, 2012; LaFromboise, Trimble, &
Mohatt, 1990). There are philosophical, professional, practical, and ethical reasons for such a
debate, but a thorough and in-depth discussion of these reasons is beyond the scope of this chapter. A
quick example may help. Many in the Native community believe that mental health (all health) has a
spiritual component, such that any treatment or healing needs to be embedded within the culture by
means of some type of ceremony or traditional healing process that should be performed only by a
person who has the power and authority to do so. While there is surely some validity to this, where
does this leave the non-Native counselor or practitioner who does not have the power or authority to
perform such treatments or ceremonies?
Instead of attempting to provide a recommendation regarding the most effective counseling approach
for work with Native clients, we present below a review of the limited literature on counseling and
mental health services with Native clients and communities by means of both Western and traditional
healing methods, offering our own suggestions and examples when appropriate. As noted above, in
the section on counselor characteristics, the foundation for any counseling approach utilized must

include some basic skill sets and the ability to show warmth, empathy, genuineness, and respect for
the Native clients cultural values and beliefs.
Arguably the most frequently cited work recommending a specific approach to counseling with
Native clients is that of LaFromboise et al. (1990). These scholars strongly advocate the use of a
directive style, presumably in the form of more cognitive or behavioral brief counseling. This
position matches with clinical experience: The directive style seems to be more effective because
many Indian clients, especially more culturally traditional ones, are likely to be reticent and taciturn
during the early stages of counseling, if not throughout the entire course of treatment. Quite often,
traditional Indian clients are very reluctant to seek conventional counseling because they may
perceive the experience as intolerable and inconsistent with their understanding of a helping
relationship. At that point, they may feel very helpless and burdened. It is important to note that
traditional Native clients initial expectation of the counseling experience may be that it will offer
them an opportunity to obtain advice from elders (those with greater wisdom and knowledge). For
this reason, by beginning with brief, directive therapy, counselors may be more apt to meet such
clients expectations concerning the helping relationship.
Similarly, Renfrey (1992) and McDonald and Gonzalez (2006) provide evidence that cognitivebehavioral approaches can be effective with Native clients. These directive approaches appear to be
effective when the counselor relies on the cultural context of the clients thoughts and behavioral
patterns. This blends well with aspects of the indigenous worldview discussed above, those
concerning balance, harmony, and all things being related, including thoughts, behaviors, and the
environments or situations in which they occur. In these studies, the clinicians did not rigidly apply
Becks or Elliss frameworks in a manualized manner. For example, if a client has thoughts that
others are always watching him or her, the counselor does not simply discount this as irrational.
Perhaps there is a cultural and spiritual nature to these others, thus the counselor engages in a
discussion with the client on whether this is a thought that needs to be changed and/or how this fits
within the clients worldview and can potentially have positive influences on other aspects of his or
her life.
Given that clients problems are often situational and contextual, Trimble and Hayes (1984)
recommend that non-Indian counselors of American Indians attempt to understand the cultural contexts
in which their clients problems are embedded. Familial patterns, peer group relationships, and
community relationships are a few of the ecological processes that counselors need to understand and
incorporate into their intervention plans (Trimble & LaFromboise, 1985). Family counseling, thus, is
an approach that makes a good deal of sense. Attneave (1969, 1977), McWhirter and Ryan (1991),
and C. Johnson and Johnson (1998) recommend that counselors and therapists account for the social
and network characteristics of Indian families and involve family members in the counseling process.
Napoli and Gonzalez-Santin (2001) describe an intensive home-based wellness model of care for
families living on the reservation. This four-phase model seeks input and assistance not only from
nuclear family members but also from extended family and community members. While this approach
can certainly apply to non-Indian families and communities, a counselor would greatly benefit from
acknowledging this cultural factor when working with Indian clients.
The use of counseling strategies and techniques that resonate with Indian traditions and customs can

be effective. Herring (1994) recommends that counselors use humor, especially in the form of
storytelling. M. T. Garrett, Garrett, Torres-Rivera, Wilbur, and Roberts-Wilbur (2005) provide a
brief discussion of humor in Native cultures and offer recommendations for incorporating humor into
counseling sessions with Native clients. Others note the importance of art for Indian clients and its
role in promoting well-being and healing (Appleton & Dykeman, 1996; Dufrene & Coleman, 1994).
Humor and art are important parts of many traditional healing practices. Thus, these recommendations
make good sense because they tie counseling procedures to the clients traditions and customs.
The majority of recommendations proffered by the scholars cited above and others tend to be based
on a view of Indian clients taken together; that is, they make no distinctions based on individual
Indians unique psychological conditions and physical characteristics. Degree of ethnic identity and
acculturation, residential situation, and tribal background are but a few of the areas that counselors
must account for in determining suitable counseling techniques. In addition to these client descriptors,
counselors must consider gender, sexual orientation, disability, and history of sexual and physical
abuse. Black Bear (1988) draws attention to the special case of counseling with Indian women,
whose situations often include child-care and family responsibilities as well as additional layers of
oppression. For example, in researching Native ethnic identity, Gonzalez and Bennett (2000) found
that Native women reported feeling less valued by mainstream society than their male counterparts.
This finding is highlighted by Malone (2000), who discusses the importance of counselors integrating
feminist theory with multicultural counseling perspectives when working with Native women, in large
part because these clients presenting problems have as much to do with gender issues as with
cultural ones. Mangelson-Standers (2000) work with Indian women in recovery from personal
trauma amplifies this recommendation. Mangelson-Stander also found differences between urban and
reservation women in their participation in traditional spiritual practices, activities provided by
recovery centers, and in the value of family members providing care for the womens children while
they were in recovery.
Finally, Indian clients with alcohol and drug abuse problems also may require unique attention
(Moran & Reaman, 2002; Oetting & Beauvais, 1990; Trimble, 1984, 1992; Trimble & Beauvais,
2000). Intervention and treatment techniques that follow the recommendations made earlier in this
chapter may be effective in many cases, but because of the complexity of the problem of substance
abuse among Native populations, treatment effectiveness may be compromised. An example of the
unique attention this problem may require is that substance abuse counselors may need to develop a
respect and appreciation for the spirituality that is strongly entrenched in indigenous communities.
Research has shown that infusing spirituality in alcohol recovery programs for Natives, coupled with
a multicultural counseling perspective, can enhance outcome effectiveness (M. T. Garrett & Carroll,
2000; Hazel & Mohatt, 2001; Navarro, Wilson, Berger, & Taylor, 1997; Noe, Fleming, & Manson,
2003).

Native Healing Approaches

Related to the discussion above on substance use and alcohol treatments with Native clients is the
emphasis that culture as treatment should be the paradigm of choice for counseling with Native
individuals and communities (Gone, 2008, 2011; Gone & Calf Looking, 2011; Herring, 1999;
Pedersen, 1999). The argument is that counselors should not focus on how to adapt or use Western

models of therapy; rather, they should use traditional healing methods from the Native perspective
(M. T. Garrett, Garrett, & Brotherton, 2001; Lewis, Duran, & Woodis, 1999; Tafoya, 1989;
Thomason, 1991). As we noted earlier, this leaves non-Native counselors in a conundrum, as they are
not knowledgeable in such healing methods or authorized to conduct them. We recommend that nonNative counselors establish working relationships with traditional healers and spiritual advisers in
Native communities. Such collaboration with an indigenous healing system can take several forms:
The counselor may (a) support the viability of traditional healing as an effective treatment system, (b)
actively refer clients to indigenous healers, or (c) actively work together with indigenous healers.
Increasingly, researchers have been examining the worth of introducing Native beliefs and
ceremonies into the conventional counseling setting (Dufrene & Coleman, 1992; M. T. Garrett et al.,
2001; Gray, 1984; Heilbron & Guttman, 2000; Roberts, Harper, Tuttle-Eagle Bull, & HeidemanProvost, 1998). In general, the recommendations and examples arising from this research follow the
wisdom and advice offered by LaFromboise et al. (1990) concerning the importance of blending
culturally unique and conventional psychological interventions to advance the goal of Native
empowerment.
A few counselors working with Native clients have achieved a modicum of success by incorporating
spirituality in counseling sessions. J. T. Garrett and Garrett (1998) describe the use of the sacred
circle and its related symbolism in an inner/outer circle form of group therapy and discuss how
the Native perspective can facilitate client progress. Lewis et al. (1999) used a variant of processoriented training grounded in spirituality and found that the technique can allow therapists to enter
into a non-Western-based reality with their clients, thus enhancing their sensitivity to and respect for
Native worldviews. Heilbron and Guttman (2000) used a traditional aboriginal healing circle with
nonaboriginal and First Nations women who were survivors of child sexual abuse and found that both
groups responded favorably to the approach. Hodge and Limb (2010a, 2010b) discuss a set of tools
that counselors may use to assess the spirituality of Indian clients as well as the processes counselors
should consider before, during, and after such assessment.
Simms (1999) describes the use of a blended counseling approach in which an integrated relational
behavioral-cognitive strategy was combined with traditional healing approaches, including talking
circles, sweats, and participation in cultural forums. The client that Simms describes was
experiencing cultural identity, self-confidence, and academic problems that could not be resolved
through the use of a straightforward conventional counseling technique. Similarly, McDonald and
Gonzalez (2006) describe the weaving of cognitive-behavioral therapy with traditional Lakota
healing practices for a veteran experiencing posttraumatic stress disorder. Here again, there were
cultural circumstances related to war and battle that necessitated the inclusion of Native ways of
knowing and healing. The use of sweat lodges and talking circles as means for promoting client
participation and retention has received some attention in the multicultural counseling literature (M.
T. Garrett & Osborne, 1995). Specifically, Colmant and Merta (1999) describe the effectiveness of
incorporating a sweat lodge ceremony in the treatment of Navajo youths who were diagnosed with
behavioral disruptive disorders. They show how the ceremony has considerable overlap with
conventional forms of group therapy and thus merits consideration in the treatment of Native youths.
Although incorporating traditional spiritual and healing methods such as the sweat lodge and talking
circles can facilitate counselor effectiveness, client retention, and progress under controlled

circumstances, counselors must exercise a high degree of caution in deciding to use such techniques.
LaDue (1994) strongly recommends that non-Indian counselors abstain from participating in and using
such practices, asserting that they should not promote or condone the stealing and inappropriate use of
Native spiritual activities. Doing so may invoke ethical considerations, as Native spiritual activities
and practices are the sole responsibility of recognized and respected Native healers and elders.
Indeed, there is currently high interest in spirituality worldwide, and part of this growing interest
involves the exploitation and appropriation of traditional Native ceremonies without the consent of
indigenous communities. Matheson (1986) maintains that non-Native individuals who use traditional
American Indian spiritual healing practices are under mistaken, even dangerous, impressions and, as
a consequence, are showing grave disrespect for the indigenous origins, contexts, and practices of
these traditions by Native peoples. If the essence of the counseling relationship is built on trust,
rapport, and respect, then the exploitation and appropriation of indigenous traditional healing
ceremonies and practices for use in counseling sessions will undoubtedly undermine a counselors
efforts to gain acceptance from the Indian community and the client. These last points are not meant to
discourage the non-Native counselor from exploring and learning about Native ways of knowing and
healing. Rather, they are meant to bring us full circle to how we began this chapter, with a discussion
of the historical trauma and spiritual loss that many Native communities have experienced.
To close out this section, we quote Gone and Trimble (2012), who reviewed the past years of
literature on the provision of mental health services to AI/AN clients. Their summative observations
capture the current state of affairs:
The effort to remedy evident disparities in AI/AN mental health status through clinical
interventions has not been well studied for these culturally distinctive populations. Although
AI/ANs can, in theory, avail themselves of the usual array of mental health programs and
treatments, disproportionate levels of impairment, poverty, lack of insurance coverage, and
limited availability of treatment options ensure that far too many AI/ANs with diagnosable
distresslike most Americans with these problemsdo not obtain effective help in times of
need. (p. 149)

Summary
The literature on counseling with American Indian and Alaska Native clients yields a number of
themes. First and foremost, when working with Indian clients counselors need to be adaptive and
flexible. This is usually true for counseling in any setting, but it is especially so in Indian country.
Herring (1999) says it best in making the following recommendations: (1) Address openly the issue
of dissimilar ethnic relationships rather than pretending that no differences exist; (2) schedule
appointments to allow for flexibility in ending the session; (3) be open to allowing the extended
family to participate in the session; (4) allow time for trust to develop before focusing on problems;
(5) respect the uses of silence; (6) demonstrate honor and respect for the clients culture(s); and (7)
maintain the highest level of confidentiality (pp. 5556).
As a Native clinician who has lived and worked in Indian country his whole life, the first author of

this chapter would like to add to and elaborate on a few of Herrings recommendations. First,
counselor and client should discuss racial and cultural differences early; this relaxes the client and
tells him or her that the counselor has put some thought into the matterthe counselor may not be an
expert, but he or she cares enough to learn. Second, the idea of flexibility extends beyond time and
encompasses relationships and how the counselor conducts him- or herself in the community.
Boundaries and ethics that are taught in graduate school may not apply the same way in Native
communities. It is important for the counselor to get out of the office and be seen in the community
this is how relationships and trust are developed. Only when trust has been established will clients
and community members begin to tell the counselor what they really think and feel.
Third, culture and context are importantthis cannot be emphasized enough (Duran, 2006; Gone,
2004, 2008; Salzman, 2001). Counselors should respect Native cultures and worldviews as
superseding psychology and psychological conditions; without culture there would be no psychology.
As Salzman (2001) notes, counselors should (a) promote interventions emphasizing meaning
construction at the community level and support the collective (community) and individual
construction of meaning that sustains adaptive action; (b) support and assist individuals and
communities in the identification of standards and values within the cultural worldview they identify
with that promote adaptive action in current realities; and (c) support and assist communities in
cultural recovery through collaborative content analysis of traditional stories (pp. 189190).
Finally, counselors need to assess acculturation and ethnic identity levels with every Native client
(and sooner rather than later). How a client responds (or does not respond) is not necessarily a
function of his or her being Native; it may instead be a function of that persons Nativeness. Where
and how the person grew up and was raised are very important factors. Does the person speak his or
her Native language? How active is the person in ceremonies and other spiritual activities? What is
the ethnic and cultural makeup of the individuals social environment? The answers to these and other
questions can give the counselor a sense of what counseling approaches and treatments might be
appropriate. Like the members of other ethnic minority and cultural groups, Indians experience a full
range of acculturation.

Critical Incident
Case Study of Donna Little
Donna Little is a 39-year-old Indian woman who has a history of substance misuse and has struggled
with reunification with her adolescent children over the last 6 years. She was in residential school
from the age of 6 to 16 years old. She has a history of domestic violence in her previous
relationships.
Donna was the youngest of four children in her family. Her parents, siblings, and herself were raised
in the same small northern reservation. Both her parents had gone to residential school in the early
1950s, as did her grandfathers and grandmothers on both sides of her family system in the late 1910s.
Donna was raised in an environment of violence and mayhem in her early childhood, which she has
talked about quite extensively in counseling. Although her parents abused alcohol, she emphasizes

repeatedly that her family was quite ceremonial and participated in the big drum feast and singing
within the community.
When Donna was 6, an Indian agent wearing a red, white, and black checkered jacket gave her candy
and took her to the residential school. She never had the opportunity to say good-bye to her mom and
dad, who died of tuberculosis while she was in the residential school. Donna reflects on her
residential school experience with a despondent look.
While in the residential school, she had only one friend she could count on. Her siblings, who were
also at the school, were older and thus not allowed to play with her or sleep near her at the residence
dorms. This created an incredible loneliness that Donna did not know how to fill, and often she
would use alcohol to help numb that pain. She did not like to drink, but it helped her to stop her
thinking badly about the past.
Donna was a victim of sexual abuse in the residential school, primarily by the Roman Catholic priest
who was in charge. The first time she was assaulted she was 7; the last assault occurred right before
she ran away at age 16. When Donna had attempted to tell the head nun in charge of her dorm what
was happening to her, she was beaten severely, to the point of unconsciousness. Donna recalls it was
her friend, Sue, who nursed her back to health.
Donna describes her life as difficult. She went home to her community, only to find a partner who
turned out to be as violent toward her as her father was to her mother. She loves her children and
cares for them deeply. She breast-fed her three children and still today can feel that connection to
them. When her children were taken from her home after the last time her husband beat her, she
spiraled out of control. Donna has had long periods of abstinence, has a home in her community that is
well cared for, and now has a partner who loves her deeply. Donna is on welfare but hunts and fishes
to help with sustenance. Donna and her partner have been together for 10 years, however, they both
misuse alcohol on occasion. Donnas present partner is nonviolent and a former residential school
survivor as well.
Note: Special thanks to Estelle Simard, MSW, director of the Institute for Culturally Restorative
Practices and a member of the Couchiching First Nation, for providing this case study.

Discussion Questions
1. What is the culturally relevant history a therapist needs to understand when working with a client
such as Donna?
2. What are some of the culturally relevant techniques a counselor can use when working with
Native clients who have been abused by people in positions of power, such as priests?
3. How can a therapist connect a Native client back to his or her culture and its various institutions
and practices?
4. How might Donnas therapist help her to reconnect with her family in a manner that promotes
wellness for everyone?

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6 Counseling Asian Americans Client and Therapist Variables

Frederick T. L. Leong
D. John Lee
Zornitsa Kalibatseva

Primary Objective
To inform the reader about some cultural factors related to client and therapist variables that
may play a significant role in the provision of effective counseling for Asian American clients

Secondary Objectives
To expand and update the earlier literature review provided by Leong (1986)
To contribute to the process of bridging the gap between research and clinical practice in the
existing knowledge base
With the growing cultural diversity in the United States, it is inevitable that mental health service
providers will increasingly encounter clients with widely varying cultural backgrounds who may also
present with clinical issues that are different from those generally seen among members of the
mainstream culture. In response to this demographic shift, it is important for counselors and
psychotherapists to increase their levels of cultural awareness and competency in working with a
diverse clientele. The development of cross-cultural counseling is a continual process, and the
purpose of the present chapter is to contribute to that process by updating and bridging gaps within the
knowledge base on counseling across cultures.
In 1986, Leong published a comprehensive review of the literature related to counseling Asian
Americans that covered client and therapist variables as well as counseling process and outcome
variables. Since that review appeared, the field has seen a substantial increase in research efforts
with attention focused on Asian Americans. For example, in a bibliography on Asians in the United
States published by the American Psychological Association in 1992, 1,057 relevant studies were
identified (Leong & Whitfield, 1992), compared with more than 10,699 studies identified in a recent
search on PsycINFO regarding Asians in the United States. Three particular research trends are
evident in this burgeoning literature: (1) research on specific Asian ethnic groups, (2) research on
specific psychological issues (e.g., severe psychopathology) as these relate to Asian Americans, and
(3) international research comparing Asians in the United States with Asians in other nations. These
trends indicate that researchers are making appropriate efforts to gain deeper understanding of how
therapists can best meet the mental health care needs of Asian Americans, especially given the
heterogeneity within this population. Due to space limitations, the current review will cover only
client and therapist variables as they relate to the counseling of Asian Americans. (For an updated
review of counseling process and outcome variables concerning Asian Americans, see Leong, Chang,

& Lee, 2007.)

While we use the term Asian Americans throughout this chapter, we acknowledge that this general
term encompasses many Asian ethnic subgroups, and the information provided may not always be
generalizable across all Asian ethnic groups and all Asian individuals. We use this broad term
primarily because of the space limitations of this survey chapter, but it is also important to note that
our use of the term mirrors the limitations of the current research literature. We incorporate research
findings on specific Asian ethnic subgroups throughout the chapter to enhance the applicability of the
information to clinical practice.

Client Variables
It has long been recognized that client characteristics interact significantly with therapist
characteristics and theoretical orientations to influence psychotherapy outcomes (Lambert, 2013).
Therefore, understanding the personality characteristics and worldviews of Asian Americans from
the cultural perspective is critical for an accurate understanding and assessment of how Asian
Americans may respond to counseling and psychotherapy.

Personality Characteristics Within Cultural Context

Research has found that Asian Americans exhibit distinct personality characteristics that are often
different from those exhibited by European Americans and members of other racial ethnic minority
groups (Uba, 1994; Vernon, 1982). Asian Americans personality characteristics are influenced not
only by their heritage cultures but also by the interactions of those cultures with the cultures of
Western society (D. Sue, 1998). The Asian American worldview emphasizes humility, modesty,
treating oneself strictly while treating others more leniently, obligation to family, conformity,
obedience, and subordination to authority. Other factors that are important in the cultural context of
Asian Americans include familial relations and emphasis on interpersonal harmony versus honesty,
role hierarchy versus egalitarianism, and self-restraint versus self-disclosure (Chien & Banerjee,
2002). Asian Americans tendency to exhibit lower levels of verbal and emotional expressiveness
than do Euro-Americans, for example, can be accounted for by the cultural context as described (Uba,
1994; Vernon, 1982). Recognizing and understanding the cultural context of these characteristics can
enhance therapists appreciation for why Asian Americans may respond to psychotherapy differently
from those with different worldviews.
Given this culturally different worldview, which emphasizes role hierarchy and respect for authority,
Asian Americans often exhibit greater respect for counselors than do Euro-Americans, whose
worldview places less emphasis on deference based on role hierarchy (D. W. Sue & Kirk, 1973). As
such, Asian Americans have shown strong preference for a counselor who is an authority but is not
authoritarian (Exum & Lau, 1988). For example, Chinese Americans have been found to be more
likely than their European American counterparts to expect counselors to make decisions for them and
to provide immediate solutions (Mau & Jepsen, 1990). Research shows that not only do Asian
Americans prefer structured situations and immediate solutions to problems, but they also prefer
directive counseling styles because they exhibit lower tolerance for ambiguity than Euro-Americans.

Given this, Asian Americans are likely to have some difficulty with the Western model of counseling
and psychotherapy, which is filled with ambiguity by design and is typically conducted as an
unstructured process. It has been observed that Asian clients tend to prefer crisis-oriented, brief, and
solution-oriented approaches rather than insight- and growth-oriented approaches (Berg & Jaya,
1993). The mismatch of Asian Americans, who tend to be less tolerant of ambiguity, with insightoriented psychotherapy may account for the high rates of early termination and underutilization found
among these clients. Underutilization and premature termination of therapy are the twin problems of
mental health care for Asian Americans (Leong & Lau, 2001).
When using an appropriate cultural lens with Asian Americans, researchers and counselors are
vulnerable to making false assumptions and inappropriate comparisons across populations. More
specifically, Western worldviews and perspectives should not be used as the norms against which
characteristics and behaviors of Asian Americans are interpreted. Without taking the Asian cultural
context into account, counselors may potentially view as negative any characteristics of Asian
Americans that differ from those of Euro-Americans. For example, Asian values of reserve, restraint
of strong feelings, and subtleness in approaching problems may come into conflict with the values of
Western counselors who expect their clients to exhibit openness, psychological-mindedness, and
assertiveness. A Western counselor may assume that an Asian American client is repressed, inhibited,
or shy rather than simply exhibiting characteristics aligned with his or her culture (S. Sue, 1981).
Such an ethnocentric and culturally biased approach, sometimes offered under the rubric of culture
blindness, tends to contribute to the two problems of underutilization and premature termination from
mental health services.
Etics are defined as universals, but sometimes pseudoetics are imposed on Asian Americans. This
can result in erroneous inferences about Asian Americans when their personality characteristics are
interpreted with the Euro-American culture viewed as the norm. Such errors can also be found in the
arena of career counseling. For example, Asian Americans historically report significantly higher
parental career expectations and parental involvement in the career decision-making process than
Euro-Americans (Castro & Rice, 2003). When making career decisions, Asian Americans are more
likely than Euro-Americans to be influenced by their families and cultural values (Tang, 2002). From
an Asian cultural perspective, involving family in career decisions is congruent with cultural norms
and values, whereas from a Western perspective, an individuals concern with parental expectations
and wishes regarding career choices may be interpreted as immature and maladaptive. In a study by
Hardin, Leong, and Osipow (2001), career decision-making measures indicated that Asian Americans
exhibit less mature career choice attitudes than do European Americans. As the authors note, the
results may not be accurate indicators of maturity because the measures designed to assess maturity in
career decision making were biased toward the cultural norms and expectations of the Western
culture. Again, it is important for counselors to consider the worldview of Asian Americans and use
that worldview as the normative measuring rubric rather than a biased measure from another
worldview. Therapeutic errors result from the application of culturally incongruent worldviews,
values, norms, beliefs, and expectancies.
Consistent with the cultural congruence model (Leong & Kalibatseva, 2011), the complexity of how
cultural values affect the lives of Asian Americans is being explored continuously. Research suggests
that gender and racial identity have influenced the cultural values held by Asian Americans (Yeh,

Carter, & Pieterse, 2004). A strong preference for distinct cultural value orientations could reflect
both traditional Asian and European American cultural values. The unique personality characteristics
of Asian American women (True, 1990) and Asian American men (D. Sue, 2001) have also
constituted an area of intensive research focus. Factors such as socialization of gender roles, societal
pressures, acculturation, and traditional Asian cultural values have been explored for how they relate
to the personality development of Asian American women and men. For example, for traditionally
oriented Asian American males, reframing and discussing culture conflicts can help resolve issues of
living up to cultural expectations. For acculturated Asian American males, a more didactic
presentation that includes a discussion of Asian males in American society might be a better first step
than introspective techniques in the consciousness-raising process. Understanding the unique
characteristics of the two sexes provides context for which psychologists can offer therapeutic
assistance.

Emotion of ShameLoss of Face

Emotions are important to our understanding of human behaviors because they provide energy for and
guide behaviors. Because emotions serve these motivational and communicative functions,
understanding cultural variations in the meaning, experience, and expression of emotions in the
therapeutic relationship is critical to effective cross-cultural counseling. Shame and shaming are the
mechanisms that traditionally help reinforce societal expectations and proper behavior in Asian
culture. The fear of losing face can be a powerful motivational force pushing individuals to conform
to family and societal expectations. Losing face and the resulting shame are especially salient for
Asian American clients because loss of face is often a dominant interpersonal dynamic in Asian
social relations, particularly when the relationship involves seeking help for personal issues (Zane &
Yeh, 2002). In Asian American culture, the emotion of shame and the experience of losing face
involve not only the exposure of the individuals actions for all to see but also the withdrawal of the
familys, communitys, or societys confidence and support. Feelings of shame are painful for
members of collectivistic cultures (e.g., Asian cultures) because of the social consequences (Yeh &
Huang, 1996). The web of obligation and fear of shame are frequently crucial parts of the lives of
East Asian and Asian Americans who seek or are referred for treatment. These feelings can affect
their behavior and perceptions of the world and their presentation of material in therapy. Such
feelings can envelop the relationship with the therapist in ways that the therapist does not understand
unless he or she is familiar with the cultural relevance of shame for the clients particular Asian
American group.
In a study by Peng and Tjosvold (2011) concerning behavioral strategies in conflict avoidance and
how they are related to social face concerns, Chinese employees were asked to recall an incident
where they avoided a conflict with their supervisors. Confirmatory factor analysis of the responses
revealed yielding, outflanking, delay, and passive aggression as approaches to avoiding conflict.
Interestingly, the associations of social face concerns and avoidance were stronger among employees
who interacted with Chinese managers compared with those working for Western managers. This
study provides some important indications of how Asian American clients may manage conflict and
face concerns with European American versus Asian American counselors.

Language
From the early days of the Whorfian hypothesis (Carroll, 1956) regarding language and thought,
cross-cultural psychologists have pointed to the constraining effects of language in cross-cultural
communication and understanding. It is therefore not surprising that many investigators have identified
language as an important client variable to attend to when counseling Asian Americans. Language
may be the source of several kinds of barriers to effective cross-cultural counseling, including
misinterpretations and false assumptions. For example, Asian Americans with bilingual backgrounds
may be perceived as uncooperative, sullen, and negative (D. W. Sue & Sue, 1972). Asian Americans
who speak little or no English may be misunderstood by their counselors. The use of dialects or
nonstandard English may interfere with the effective exchange of information or even stimulate bias
on the part of the therapist. Given such language-related problems, Asian Americans may attempt to
communicate their concerns nonverbally, which in turn may be misinterpreted by counselors (Tseng &
McDermott, 1975). The use of interpreters with non-English-speaking Asian clients can result in
interpreter-related distortions (Marcos, 1979).
Consistent with the Whorfian hypothesis (Carroll, 1956), problems with intercultural communication
are not limited to the use of different languages but also stem from differences in thought patterns,
values, and communication styles (Chan, 1992). The communication styles of Asian Americans are
significantly different from those of Euro-Americans. Asian Americans tend to communicate in a
high-context style, with context as the primary channel for communication. Direct and specific
references to the meaning of the message are not given. In interpreting the meaning of the message,
receivers are expected to rely on their knowledge and appreciation for nonverbal cues and other
subtle affects. The Euro-American culture tends to focus on communication through a low-context
style, in which words are the primary channel for communication. Direct, precise, and clear
information is delivered verbally. Receivers can expect to take what is said at face value.
The high-context communication style can be seen as an elaborate, subtle, and complex form of
interpersonal communication. This communication style enables Asian Americans to avoid causing
shame or loss of face to themselves and others, and thus to maintain harmonious relations. In fact,
Asian Americans might consider any form of direct confrontation and verbal assertiveness to be rude
and disrespectful. The use of direct eye contact may be limited because direct eye contact may imply
hostility and aggression and be taken as a rude gesture.
Mental health service providers must be aware of and sensitive to these communication style
differences to prevent cross-cultural misunderstandings. An individuals preferential communication
style (high or low context) could influence how he or she perceives others who use the opposite style.
Those who prefer high-context communication may perceive those who use low-context
communication to be too direct, insensitive to context, and minimally communicative. Those who use
a low-context communication style may, in turn, perceive high-context communicators as indirect,
lacking in verbal skills, and even untrustworthy. Cultural awareness and accommodation of different
communication styles has positive impacts on the therapy process and on the therapeutic alliance
between therapist and client. More recent work on culture and cognition by Nisbett and colleagues, as
exemplified by Nisbetts 2003 book The Geography of Thought, provides additional insights into
how Asians and Westerners think and reason differently. The research Nisbett summarizes in his book

warrants careful study by counselors and therapists working with Asian American clients.
Related to the role of language in counseling is a study by Hall, Guterman, Lee, and Little (2002),
who examined childrens and adolescents counseling outcomes to determine if clients of different
backgrounds benefit from being matched with counselors on ethnic, gender, and language factors. The
multivariate analyses performed by the investigators found that general psychological functioning and
other variables differed between groups in which clients and counselors were matched on these
factors and nonmatched groups. The researchers concluded that ethnicity, language, and gender
matches led to improvements in treatment outcomes.
Language has also come to play a significant role in recent approaches to cultural adaptations in
psychotherapy (Bernal & Domenech Rodrguez, 2012). For example, in a review of cultural
adaptation of treatment, Bernal, Jimnez-Chafey, and Domenech Rodrguez (2009) point to the
growing interest in whether and how psychotherapies can be adapted to take into account the cultural,
linguistic, and socioeconomic contexts of diverse ethnocultural groups. According to these scholars,
the root of the debate is whether evidence-based treatments (EBTs) developed within particular
linguistic and cultural contexts are appropriate for ethnocultural groups that do not share the same
language, cultural values, or both. Bernal et al. review the considerable evidence regarding the
relationships between cultural contexts and various aspects of the diagnostic and treatment process.
They also review the available published frameworks for cultural adaptations of EBTs and various
conceptual models for adapting existing interventions to produce more positive therapeutic outcomes.

Family
Whereas anthropological research has found the family to be a common kinship organization across
most cultures, the meaning and importance of the family may vary. Given Asian Americans
collectivistic value orientation, it has long been observed that the family plays a critical role in Asian
American culture. As such, the family and its cultural dynamics are considered to constitute another
important client variable, especially in relation to the mental health of Asian Americans. While Asian
families may emphasize connectedness among family members, Western norms prioritize separateness
and clear boundaries in relationships, individuality, and autonomy (Tamura & Lau, 1992). Mental
health service providers should note that the preferred direction of change for Asian American clients
may be toward a process of integration rather than a process of differentiation. Within the Asian
American cultural context, family constancy, equilibrium, duty, obligation, and appearance of
harmonious relations are important factors.
Family dynamics and related factors that practitioners should also consider when working with Asian
Americans include immigration history, adaptation experiences, cultural values, and generational
differences related to acculturation experience (e.g., B. S. K. Kim, Brenner, Liang, & Asay, 2003; J.
M. Kim, 2003). More specifically, immigrant families may face problems with social isolation,
adjustment difficulties, and cultural and language barriers. Issues such as language and cultural
barriers may contribute to parentchild conflicts within immigrant families. Family organization,
roles and functioning, and cultural values across generations are also important to explore within
Asian American families. Studies have shown that for Asian Americans, immediate and extended
family are important loci of identity formation, social learning, support, and role development. Asian

culture also places higher value on males than on females, which could result in boys and men
holding a disproportionate share of power within the family (Cimmarusti, 1996).
Parenting styles received may also explain personality development and life experiences of Asian
Americans (Lim & Lim, 2004). In a study of Korean American families, H. Kim and Chung (2003)
found that authoritative parenting behaviors were most common, followed by authoritarian behaviors,
then permissive behaviors. They also found that authoritative parenting style and greater number of
years lived in the United States were predictive of higher academic competence. Authoritarian and
permissive parenting styles were predictive of lower self-reliance, whereas greater number of years
lived in the United States was related to higher self-reliance. As with any population, among Asian
Americans families have the potential not only to facilitate mental health but also to serve as potential
mental health stressors. It is important to note that not all families are alike, and clinicians should
expect as much variation among Asian American families as among families in other ethnic groups.
In a study examining family influences on mental health, Leu, Walton, and Takeuchi (2010) used data
from the first nationally representative psychiatric survey of immigrant Asians in the United States (N
= 1,583) to demonstrate the importance of understanding acculturation domains within the social
contexts of family, community, and neighborhood. They found that among immigrant Asian women, the
association between family conflict and mental health problems is stronger for those with higher
ethnic identity. For immigrant Asian men, community reception (e.g., high everyday discrimination) is
more highly associated with increases in mental health symptoms among those with poor English
fluency. Leu et al. conclude from their findings that it is important for practitioners to consider both
individual and social domains of acculturation and adaptation. Moreover, these relationships between
acculturation and mental health may vary by gender and context.
Given the critical need for more culture-specific measures, Wang (2010) describes the development
and psychometric evaluation of the Family Almost Perfect Scale (FAPS), which measures the
perceived level of perfectionistic standards and evaluation from an individuals family. In the first
study, which used a sample 283 college students, Wang conducted exploratory factor analysis to
determine the FAPS scale items. In the second study, the FAPS was cross-validated through
confirmatory factor analyses with an Asian/Asian American sample (N = 252) and a European
American sample (N = 386). These two samples were compared on various target variables, and
Asians/Asian Americans reported modestly higher personal and family discrepancy and lower selfesteem. Wang also grouped the participants into different perceived perfectionistic family types.
Those participants who perceived themselves as having maladaptively perfectionistic families
reported greater depression and lower self-esteem. The FAPS appears to be a promising new
measurement tool that will help increase understanding of the role of family dynamics in mental health
among Asian Americans. The personal and family discrepancies revealed in the FAPS may prove to
be valuable foci for counseling with Asian Americans with mental health problems.

Acculturation
Broadly, acculturation is a multidimensional construct that involves adaptation to the norms (i.e.,
values, attitudes, and behaviors) in a new culture and maintenance of the norms of the indigenous
culture (e.g., Berry, Trimble, & Olmeda, 1986). We use the term acculturation here to represent the

degree to which Asian Americans are identified with and integrated into the Euro-American majority
culture. Acculturation has important implications for Asian Americans physical and mental health,
academic performance, and response to counseling and psychotherapy (Suinn, 2010). In general, low
levels of acculturation have been associated with more psychological symptoms, assuming that low
acculturation is also related to academic and financial difficulties and social isolation. However, high
levels of acculturation have been linked to difficulties in psychological adjustment in the presence of
family conflict and acculturative family distancing (Hwang & Wood, 2009).
Asian American families often experience generational differences as later generations internalize
Western norms and values more than their parents or grandparents do (third versus first generation;
Connor, 1974). A few studies of Asian American families have found that intergenerational
discrepancy in acculturation, especially as perceived by the adolescent children, is associated with
higher depression scores (Ying & Han, 2007). Caught between Western standards and the traditional
cultural values of their parents, Asian Americans may experience mental health problems related to
the acculturation process as well as interpersonal conflicts.
Based on their clinical experience with Asian Americans, D. W. Sue and Sue (1972) developed a
conceptual model for understanding how Asian Americans adjust to culture conflicts. They observed
that Asian Americans exhibit three distinct ways of resolving the culture conflicts they experience.
First, the traditionalist is one who remains loyal to his or her own ethnic group by retaining
traditional Asian values and living up to expectations of the family. Second, the marginal person is
one who becomes overly Westernized and rejects traditional Asian values; this individuals pride and
self-worth are defined by his or her ability to acculturate into Euro-American society. Third, the
Asian American is one who rebels against parental authority but at the same time attempts to integrate
bicultural elements into a new identity by reconciling viable aspects of his or her heritage with the
present situation. Asian Americans may attempt to resolve the cultural conflicts associated with
acculturation by integrating into both cultures and developing a sense of ethnic identity (Cheryan &
Tsai, 2007).
Level of acculturation has been associated with Asian Americans likelihood of seeking mental health
services, therapy duration, and therapy outcome. More acculturated individuals tend to seek
professional psychological help more often, whereas less acculturated individuals may rely more on
community elders, religious leaders, student organizations, and church groups (Solberg, Choi, Ritsma,
& Jolly, 1994). Individuals who are more acculturated are most likely to recognize the need for
professional psychological help because they are more open to discussing problems and more
tolerant of the stigma often associated with seeking psychological assistance (Atkinson & Gim,
1989). In more recent research, enculturation to Asian values has been found to be inversely
associated with professional help-seeking attitudes (B. Kim, 2007), and higher values of
acculturation paired with lower values of enculturation have been found to predict more positive
attitudes toward seeking professional psychological help (Miller, Yang, Hui, Choi, & Lim, 2011). It is
important for clinicians to be cognizant of the impact of acculturation and provide services that
address the impact of acculturation in conjunction with other factors, such as acculturative stress,
acculturative family distancing, and enculturation.

Counseling Expectations

The counseling expectations and conceptions of mental health of Asian Americans are important
client variables that have been examined empirically. Studies of the effects of Asian students cultural
conceptions of mental health on expectations of counseling found that Asians generally tended to view
counseling as a directive, paternalistic, and authoritarian process (Arkoff, Thaver, & Elkind, 1966) or
an advice-and-information-giving process (Tan, 1967). Consequently, Asian Americans were more
likely to expect a counselor to provide advice and recommend a specific course of action. Studies of
counseling expectations found that, compared with U.S. students, Asian international students
reported more expectations for directiveness, empathy, nurturance, and flexibility from counselors
(Yoon & Jepsen, 2008; Yuen & Tinsley, 1981). A group of Chinese students also expected more
expertise from the counselor and believed that clients should possess lower levels of responsibility,
openness, and motivation. These findings suggest that mental health clinicians may need to examine
Asian American clients expectations for therapy openly and address them in the beginning of
treatment as one way to prevent the premature termination that can result from differing expectations.

Help-Seeking Attitudes
Asian Americans have continuously underutilized mental health services (U.S. Department of Health
and Human Services, 2001). Explanations for the low utilization rates include deterrents to
participation such as cognitive barriers (e.g., stigma), affective barriers (e.g., shame), Asian value
orientation (e.g., collectivistic nature), and physical barriers (e.g., access to resources; Leong & Lau,
2001). Furthermore, in some cultures, psychological therapy may not exist as a concept; therefore,
utilization of mental health services may not be viewed as a treatment option. In recent years,
researchers have begun to explore ways in which mental illness might be appropriately explained to
Asian Americans to increase understanding of the concept and reduce stigma among this population
(Yep, 2000). Stigma and lack of understanding can account for the low frequency of mental health
care self-referrals among Asian Americans; studies have shown that Asian Americans are more likely
than Euro-Americans to be referred to therapists by friends and through health and social service
agencies (Akutsu, Snowden, & Organista, 1996). A recent study found that Asian American students
most preferred methods of addressing their mental health concerns were, in order of preference,
taking classes on mental health issues, visiting the health center, finding information online, and
visiting the counseling center (Ruzek, Nguyen, & Herzog, 2011). These help-seeking preferences may
be associated with the students fear of losing face and desire to maintain group harmony and their
perception of reporting physical problems as more appropriate than reporting mental health problems.
Preferred use of traditional Asian healing practices can also account for underutilization of
professional psychological services.
Level of acculturation also plays an important role in Asian Americans attitudes toward mental
health services (Zhang & Dixon, 2003), such that Asian Americans with high acculturation levels are
more willing to seek help than those less acculturated. One study found that Chinese, Japanese, and
Korean individuals with high acculturation levels were more likely to recognize the need for
professional psychological help, more tolerant of stigma, and more open to discussing problems with
a psychologist than were individuals who were less acculturated (Atkinson & Gim, 1989).
Additionally, Asian American women have been found to be more willing than Asian American men
to seek psychological services (Gim, Atkinson, & Whiteley, 1990).

To reduce service underutilization and premature termination among Asian Americans, mental health
providers must recognize the influences of the Asian cultural context on these clients cultural values,
attitudes, beliefs, and help-seeking behaviors. Finally, service providers should identify cultural gaps
and blind spots in existing Western models of psychotherapy and accommodate treatment to their
Asian American clients needs (Leong, 2007). Health professionals should openly explore their own
vulnerabilities to ethnocentrism and cultural uniformity myths that may hinder their full appreciation
of the worldviews of their ethnically different clients.

Experiences of Psychological Distress and Coping Mechanisms

Asian Americans can experience mental health issues similar to those experienced by members of
other racial and ethnic groups (Takeuchi, Mokuau, & Chun, 1992). Despite the model minority
stereotype, prevalence rates of mental health problems among Asian Americans are noteworthy. A
large amount of literature and research attention has been devoted to understanding and describing the
unique mental health needs and experiences of Asian Americans (Cheng, 2012; Yang & WonPatBorja, 2007). Awareness of cultural context and appropriate personenvironment fit may facilitate
mental health practitioners understanding of Asian Americans experiences and expression of
symptoms of distress, enabling them to provide culturally congruent treatment (Leong & Kalibatseva,
2011). One of the most widely circulated claims in cross-cultural psychopathology has been that
people of Asian descent tend to somatize psychological distress. Some of the characteristics cited in
support of this claim are the denial or suppression of emotions, stigma toward mental disorders, and
lack of bodymind dualism in Asian cultures. However, recent studies suggest that Asians and Asian
Americans may tend to report somatic symptoms initially, employing a widely used cultural idiom of
distress, but they acknowledge the presence of emotional issues, too (Ryder et al., 2008). Thus,
clinicians need to pay particular attention to initial symptom reports in assessment, diagnosis, and
treatment.
The worldview of Asian Americans is further contextualized by an understanding of their ethnic
identity. Experiences of racism and discrimination can have negative impacts on Asian Americans
mental health and coping strategies. In addition, experiences of racial discrimination may hinder the
therapeutic process, especially if the counselor is Euro-American and the client has had a negative
cultural experience. One study found that racial discrimination stress significantly predicted
depressive symptoms over and beyond perceived general stress and perceived racial discrimination
among Asian American college students (Wei, Heppner, Ku, & Liao, 2010). Furthermore, immigration
experiences may be a source of mental health problems as Asian Americans seek to adjust to living in
the United States (F. K. Cheung, 1980). Acculturative stress, for example, is a direct result of the
acculturation adaptation process for first-generation immigrants, and bicultural stress is a response to
the pull of maintaining ethnic ties in second and later generations and has significant predictive
effects on mental health symptoms (Yeh, 2003).
Research findings about the need for psychological and social support among Asian Americans have
been mixed. Some studies have found that Asian Americans in general may have less of a need for
psychological and social support than do Euro-Americans (Wellisch et al., 1999), whereas others
have found that Asian American adolescents specifically have higher levels of depressive
symptomatology, withdrawn behavior, and social problems than Euro-American adolescents (Chang,

2001). Social support from friends, family, and even international student offices can buffer the stress
related to racism and cultural adjustment (Chen, Mallinckrodt, & Mobley, 2002). It is well
documented that social support is an instrumental tool for coping among many Asian Americans.
Understanding the cultural worldview of Asian Americans can help mental health providers
recognize the coping strategies their Asian American clients use when experiencing psychological
distress. These strategies may tend to emphasize sharing with family and friends rather than with
professionals such as counselors and doctors. Collectivistic coping may be prevalent among Asian
Americans, given that it emphasizes the importance of close relationships and family bonds in dealing
with stress. More specifically, among the ethnic groups examined in one study (Chinese, Korean,
Filipino, and Indian), Korean Americans were found to be more likely than those in other groups to
cope with problems by engaging in religious activities (Yeh & Wang, 2000). Finally, Asian
Americans may use coping resources based in their heritage cultures. For example, traditional folk
healing practices, spiritual identification, and religious practices such as Buddhism are primary
resources for support among Asian American communities.

Therapist Variables
What therapist characteristics affect the provision of mental health services to Asian Americans?
Generally speaking, Asian American clients prefer therapists who have attitudes and personalities
similar to their own, who have more education than they have, and who are older than them
(Atkinson, Wampold, Lowe, Matthews, & Ahn, 1998). Zhang and Dixon (2003) have also found that
counselors who respect and are open to learning how to relate to people from different cultures are
rated by Asian international students as more expert, attractive, and trustworthy than counselors who
are not culturally responsive.
Regardless of the specialization or discipline, it is a professional expectation that therapists develop
competencies to work with people from different cultures (American Psychological Association,
2003). The actual nature of such competencies is being debated, but it is obvious that the mastery of
culturally sensitive skills is imperative for mental health service providers in todays shrinking world
and global economy. To work successfully with clients who are perceived or identify as Asian
American, clinicians should be proficient in three areas: (1) knowledge of Asian cultures and
ethnicities, (2) awareness of race and racialization among Asian Americans, and (3) skills to respond
appropriately to or to broach the subjects of culture, ethnicity, and race during the counseling process.

Knowledge of Cultures and Ethnicities

Therapists who work with Asian Americans should be familiar with the variety of cultures and
ethnicities that exist under the umbrella of the U.S. governments Equal Employment Opportunity
Commission (EEOC) category Asian. Learning about cultures and ethnicities from Asia and India
and their history in the United States is essential for counselors development of cultural competency.
The similarities among Asian ethnicities have been outlined earlier in this chapter, but the
differences are very important to individuals. Therapists who do not know the differences between
Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Vietnamese, East Indian, and other Asian cultures and their separate

histories in America are susceptible to ethnic and racial stereotyping, which can disrupt the
therapeutic alliance and discredit the therapists credibility (Berg & Miller, 1992). Unfortunately, one
study found that practicing counselors showed degrees of cultural stereotyping similar to those found
in the general population (Bloombaum, Yamamoto, & James, 1968). Therapists are not immune to the
ethnocentric and racist attitudes that are a part of American educational systems and popular culture
(Loewen, 1995; Mok, 1998).
An often-cited example of how cultural knowledge can be important for therapists working with
Asian Americans is how Euro-American clinicians who make a firm split between body and mind
can underestimate the presence of psychological and relational stress in their Asian American clients.
Due to philosophical, religious, and familial traditions, Asian Americans may tend to focus more on
physical discomforts than on emotional symptoms. This somatization of psychological stress can
result in the underestimation of the amount and degree of anxiety and depression among Asian
Americans (Okazaki, 2002). In a study that examined the degree to which primary care physicians
recognize psychiatric distress in Asian and Latino patients, Chung et al. (2003) found that while 42%
of the Asian patients exhibited depressive symptoms, only 24% of them were diagnosed with
psychiatric conditions. Such discrepancies can lead to the underestimation of both the incidence and
the degree of mental health problems among Asian and Asian American communities, thus affecting
public funding of mental health services and service delivery (see Omi, 2010).
A therapists ability to utilize interventions that match a clients needs or circumstances is essential in
most clinical settings. As noted earlier in this chapter, some studies have suggested that Asian
American clients expect and respond more favorably to directive modes of counseling. Therapists
who see Asian American clients should also appreciate that there are several traditional healing
practices in Asia. The Thai Pa Sook model of counseling (Pinyuchon, Gray, & House, 2003), the
Filipino practice of Santo Nio (Lin, Demonteverde, & Nuccio, 1990), and forms of the Japanese and
Morita and Naikan therapies (Morita, 1928; Yoshimoto, 1981) can be found in the United States.
Sandhu (2004) describes a synergetic collaboration between South Asian Sikh religious healing
resources and modern medicine. Counselors should be cautioned to stay within their ethical
boundaries of competence and recognize any liabilities that they incur when working with or making
referrals to practitioners who utilize methods other than those recognized by American licensing
bodies.

Awareness of Race and Racialization

Therapists who work with Asian Americans should also be aware of how people of a variety of
cultures and ethnicities who immigrated to the Americas from Asia, India, and the islands of the
Pacific came to be thought of and treated as Asians in the United States. This process of
racialization differs for each group, and the degree of racialization varies from person to person
(see Omi & Winant, 1994; Takaki, 1998). Racism, or the institutionalization of the belief in White
supremacy, is a crucial element in the histories of all Asians in AmericaChinese, Japanese,
Koreans, Cambodians, East Indians, and others (see Lopez, 1997). That is, in addition to being aware
of the role of racism in the histories of Asian American groups, therapists need to be aware of how
the Chinese, Japanese, Filipinos, and others began to think of themselves and their experience in
America using racial constructs. Awareness of the events and conditions that led to Chinese,

Japanese, Vietnamese, and other groups marching together as Asian Americans and adopting the
label that the U.S. government used to classify them is important (see Wu, 2001). Counselors who
work with Asian Americans can increase their understanding of their clients and the probability that
their clients will perceive them as credible if they know these narratives. It is important to note that
developing this awareness involves making firm distinctions among the constructs of culture,
ethnicity, and race (see Fish, 2000; Helms, Jernigan, & Mascher, 2005; Helms & Talleyrand, 1997;
Lee et al., 2013).
Being aware of how the different Asian cultures have negotiated ethnocentrism and racism in the
United States enables counselors to appreciate the sociopolitical contexts of the presenting problems
Asian Americans bring to counseling. Understanding how individual clients are negotiating culture
and race can help therapists gain insight into their family dynamics, socialization and acculturation,
political postures, and religious beliefs. That is, Asian American clients cultural (D. W. Sue & Sue,
1972) and racial identities (West-Olatunji et al., 2007) can inform clinical conceptualizations and
intervention strategies, especially for clients who may be perceived as Asian but identify as mixed
or multiracial (Suyemoto, 2004). Probably more important than the clients racial identity is how the
therapist navigates culture and race in his or her own life. Day-Vines and colleagues (2007) have
proposed that a therapists racial identity is predictive of his or her ability to broach the subjects of
race, ethnicity, and culture appropriately during the counseling process.

Skills to Broach the Subjects of Culture, Ethnicity, and Race

The therapist and the client are both human beings. It is clear from anthropological and genetic
research that human beings are similar, different, and unique. The challenges for a therapist are to
establish rapport with a client based on similarities between therapist and client, to take into account
the differences that exist between them, and to honor the fact that they are both unique individuals. It
is the therapists responsibility to acknowledge and, when appropriate, address the similarities and
differences between therapist and client. These similarities and differences may be cultural (e.g.,
language, religion, socioeconomic class), ethnic (e.g., dialect, denomination, region), and racial (i.e.,
identities and positionalities). A therapist raised in a rural American culture would be wise to pay
attention to the culture of a client raised in Beijing, China. A gay male counselor from Chicago might
have to consider what ethnic differences are operative when he is working with a heterosexual female
from Los Angeles. And a White-identified therapist should be attentive to when it may be helpful to
broach the topic of race when working with a client who identifies as Asian or Asian American.
Certainly, the therapist must recognize the intersections of an individuals multiple identities. For
example, in a counseling relationship between a White, Euro-American, middle-class, heterosexual
Christian female therapist from Kansas and an Asian American, upper-class, gay Jewish male from
New York, there will probably be interactions worth discussing. A body of research has emerged that
demonstrates that the acknowledgment of cultural and racial differences during the counseling process
enhances counselor credibility, client satisfaction, the depth of client disclosure, the working alliance,
and client willingness to return for follow-up sessions (Zhang & Burkard, 2008).
The research findings on the impact of race on the counseling process are mixed. A racial match
exists when the counselor and client are both perceived to be from the same racial group.1 Racial

matches have been found to be associated with increased utilization, favorable treatment outcomes
(i.e., global assessment scores), lower treatment dropout, and increased counselor credibility and
empathy (Flaskerud & Lui, 1991; Gamst, Dana, Der-Karabetian, & Kramer, 2001; Gim, Atkinson, &
Kim, 1991). Other studies, however, have demonstrated no effect of racial match on treatment
processes (Watkins, Terrell, Miller, & Terrell, 1989) or outcomes (Gamst, Dana, Der-Karabetian, &
Kramer, 2004). This research is controversial, because the popular view of race is that it should not
matter in interpersonal relationships. The notions that the United States is a postracial society and
that people should be color-blind have been argued by scholars and popular media (see Vo, 2010).
However, research on the counseling dyad has repeatedly demonstrated that race can matter in this
relationship.
Meyer, Zane, and Cho (2011) offer an explanation for why and how racial match can have positive
impacts on the counseling process for Asian Americans. Using an analog experimental design and a
large sample of Asian American undergraduate students born in the United States, they found that
when a counselor and client had similar racial characteristics (i.e., skin tone, facial features, and hair
texture), the participants assumed that the counselor and client also had similar attitudes and
experiences. That is, individuals racial phenotypes were assumed to reflect culture or background.
Meyer et al. summarize:
Racial match produces greater therapist credibility and this effect was mediated by life
experience similarity. This suggests that racially matched Asian American clients may perceive
that their counselor has undergone similar life experiences and/or has come from a similar
culture, and this leads them to evaluate the therapist to be more credible. Thus, racial match
could be considered a viable therapeutic possibility when this option is possible at a counseling
center. (p. 342)
However, Asian American counselors are not always available, and the therapeutic relationship
involves much more than race. Language, culture, ethnicity, class, religion, age, size, disability,
gender, sexual orientation, educational background, geographic location, marital or relationship
status, work experience, military service, and hobbies/recreational activities are all variables that
influence the clients and counselors perceptions and behavior. Experienced therapists take all these
variables into account when doing therapy. Just because race is only one of many factors in a
counseling relationship, however, that does not mean that it can be denied or ignored. The research
suggests that to neglect the meaning that therapists and their clients give to race could be to omit an
important element from the therapeutic process.
When therapists who are not racially identified as Asian work with clients who identify as Asian
or Asian American, they should have not only some knowledge of the clients ethnicities and racial
identities but also the skills to develop rapport and establish some credibility across racial lines.
Having similar attitudes and life experiences can go a long way toward bridging a racial divide, but
members of different racial groups in the United States do not always have similar experiences and
values. For therapists, knowing how to respond appropriately to how they are perceived by clients
because of their phenotypes associated with race is an important skill. How counselors negotiate how
they are racially perceived has been referred to as racial responsiveness (Lee et al., 2013).

Discerning when and how to broach the topic of racial differences during the counseling process can
be difficult and confusing. Therapists need to develop this skill through the processes of experienced
supervision and the understanding of their own cultural, ethnic, and racial identities.

Summary and Conclusions

As an update to Leongs (1986) review of the literature on counseling Asian Americans, this chapter
has highlighted the culturally relevant client and therapist variables that shape the counseling
relationship. A growing body of psychological research on Asian Americans has demonstrated the
ways in which clients subjective experiences and expressions of distress, openness to formal mental
health services, expectations of providers, therapeutic goals, and interpersonal and communication
styles are shaped by culture and context. Specifically, the cultural socialization of many Asian
Americans has contributed to the salience of an interpersonal orientation that values interdependence,
conformity, emotional self-restraint, humility, and respect for authority. Research studies with an
indigenous measure of Chinese personality found a Chinese factor of personality above and beyond
the Big Five (F. M. Cheung, Cheung, Leung, Ward, & Leong, 2003). Originally labeled the Chinese
tradition factor, it was renamed interpersonal relatedness following expansion of the research
program beyond Chinese samples (F. M. Cheung, Cheung, Wada, & Zhang, 2003). This factor points
to the existence of a relational self among Asians that is consistent with research on individualism
collectivism (Triandis, 1995) and independentinterdependent self-construal (Markus & Kitayama,
1991).
Given this relational self, it is not surprising that studies have shown that Asian Americans expect a
counselor to play the role of an authority figure who provides structured guidance in problem solving
as well as empathy, nurturance, and flexibility. However, individual differences are also important to
acknowledge, particularly with regard to how Asian Americans reconcile the conflicting norms and
values of their cultures of origin and those of mainstream U.S. society. Individuals who are more
culturally identified with Western norms and values may be more responsive to mainstream helping
approaches, whereas more traditionally oriented individuals may require culturally modified
approaches. The impact of acculturation on Asian American clients mental health may need to be
addressed in relation to acculturative stress, acculturative family distancing, and enculturation.
Regardless, the literature suggests that the tensions inherent in resolving different cultural
expectations may affect the majority of Asian Americans, many of whom find themselves straddling
two (or more) different cultural worlds, often within their own families.
As highlighted in the present chapter, the worldview of a traditional Asian American client may differ
quite dramatically from that of a Euro-American therapist or a therapist of color who has been trained
primarily in Western models of psychotherapy. The greater the cultural distance between client and
therapist, the greater the potential for inaccurate assessment of the presenting problem and difficulties
in establishing a strong working relationship. These interpersonal barriers are thought to contribute to
the tendency of Asian Americans to underutilize mental health services and to terminate treatment
prematurely once it is initiated. Specifically, counselors lack of culturally relevant knowledge and
susceptibility to popular ethnic stereotypes have been linked to inaccurate assessment and
misdiagnosis. Moreover, counselors may need to identify cultural blind spots (e.g., assumptions about
individualism or Western ways to communicate distress) in existing Western models of psychotherapy

and accommodate treatment to individual clients needs.

Because many Asian Americans are hesitant to seek formal mental health services, those who do may
be particularly sensitive to therapists failure to meet their help-seeking expectations. By now, there is
convergent evidence that Asian Americans as a whole tend to favor more structured and problemfocused interventions over unstructured, exploratory approaches. The good news is that modifications
of mainstream therapeutic approaches as well as culturally grounded interventions are being
developed to complement traditional Asian American clients cultural values and illness constructs.
Therapists working predominantly with Asian clients may seek training in newly developed culturally
grounded approaches that respect the hierarchical structure of traditional Asian families and integrate
religious healing rituals with psychological interventions.
Therapists who are sensitive to the acculturative stressors faced by recent immigrants and their
children may also achieve greater credibility due to their ability to empathize and recommend
specific coping strategies. In addition, awareness of the cultural roots of traits such as modesty,
conformity, and emotional self-control may minimize the risk of overpathologization and improve
therapists ability to connect with their Asian clients.
Finally, given space limitations, we have restricted our coverage in this chapter to the recent
literature on client and therapist variables affecting Asian Americans in counseling and therapy.
Readers who are interested in a review of research studies concerning the therapy process and
outcomes involving Asian Americans are referred to Leong et al. (2007).

Future Directions
Despite the rapid growth of research in Asian American mental health to include children and
families, college students, and community members, more research is needed to capture the cultural
diversity of the Asian American community. As discussed, the field is showing favorable signs of
representing the complexity of the Asian American identity by exploring how racial and ethnic
identity, generational status, and gender interact to shape mental health and mental health care.
Another exciting development is that the field is now moving beyond studies of individual-level
acculturation to examine the processes by which families and communities change as a result of
exposure to diverse cultural systems. This is an important new research area given the bidirectional
nature of acculturation; immigration flows are dramatically changing the social and cultural landscape
of American society just as immigrants themselves are changed in the resettlement process.
Leong and Kalibatseva (2011) have proposed a cultural congruence model for integrating the various
strands of research on counseling and psychotherapy among Asian Americans. They posit that cultural
congruence can serve as an integrative framework for accommodating the heterogeneity within the
Asian American population. In essence, effective psychotherapy for Asian Americans will have to
take into account cultural differences in beliefs, values, needs, and norms. Leong and Kalibatseva
propose that the underlying principle of effective psychotherapy for clients of color, including Asian
Americans, is a culturally congruent approach that matches the client and therapist in terms of a
variety of cultural variables and individual differences.

To the extent that cross-cultural psychotherapy is a complex process, Leong and Kalibatseva (2011)
propose their cultural congruence model as a bridging element to be joined to the cultural
accommodation process outlined by Leong and Lee (2006). An important factor in effective
psychotherapy for Asian Americans is therapists understanding of the unique cultural values, beliefs,
needs, and expectations of Asian American clients. Whereas Leong and Lees cultural
accommodation model has delineated the need for therapists to accommodate cultural differences in
order to provide effective psychotherapy for Asian Americans, the cultural congruence model
provides a theoretical rationale for making such accommodations. Borrowing from the field of
interactional psychology and personenvironment fit models, the cultural congruence approach is
predicated on the hypothesis that culturally congruent (versus incongruent) processes and goals will
lead to positive therapeutic outcomes.
Of course, the proposal that cultural congruence underlies effective psychotherapy for Asian
Americans or members of other racial/ethnic minority groups will need to be subjected to research in
terms of effectiveness and efficacy (Leong & Kalibatseva, 2011). Finally, in light of recent efforts to
develop clinical training models that are flexible enough to address the needs of diverse client
populations, empirical studies are needed to examine the effects of such curricula on therapists
ability to meet the needs of their Asian American clients.

Critical Incident
Failing a Course
Simon Ho is a 19-year-old Chinese American sophomore attending a midwestern university. He has a
good academic record, with a 3.25 grade point average, but he is having difficulty understanding
various concepts in his advanced chemistry class. With a big exam approaching, Simon is not only
increasingly worried but also experiencing headaches and stomach troubles. Fearing the possibility of
failing the exam and disappointing his family, Simon decides to seek assistance from his chemistry
professor. Upon approaching the professor, he is greeted happily and courteously. His professor
spends more than an hour with him, reviewing some of the material for the exam. After this review,
Simon feels a bit more confident about his understanding of the concepts. Unfortunately, Simon
receives a D on the exam. Disappointed by his poor performance, he begins to skip class to avoid his
professor and never seeks his professors assistance again.

Discussion Questions
1. Why does Simon not ask his professor for further assistance or guidance? Choose the best
answer:
1. Simon thinks that the professor would have written on the test that it was necessary to see
him, if he really cared.
2. Simon feels that chemistry is no longer important in his life.
3. Simon is too ashamed to see his professor again.
4. Simon is upset with his professor for not reviewing the necessary material with him.

2. How might Simons cultural context help to explain his headaches and stomach troubles?
3. What other cultural factors could also account for Simons experience?

Note
1. A racial match does not necessarily mean a cultural or ethnic match. For example, a Chinese
American counselor working with a Korean international student is a racial match, but not a cultural
or ethnic match. A cultural match would be a counselor and client who were both born and raised in
the United States. An ethnic match might be a counseling dyad in which both people (regardless of
skin tone or phenotypes) are middle-class Christian Korean Americans who grew up in Seattle.

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7 Counseling Persons of Black African Ancestry1

Ivory Achebe Toldson
Kelechi C. Anyanwu
Casilda Maxwell

Primary Objective
To teach counselors how to identify and make reasonable accommodations for the unique
psychological traits and sociocultural background of persons of Black African ancestry

Secondary Objectives
To describe psychological, cultural, and sociopolitical issues that counselors might consider
before working with clients of Black African ancestry
To propose enhanced techniques and strategies for providing effective counseling services to
African Americans and other clients of African descent
The purpose of this chapter is to help counselors explore practices and procedures that appreciate the
culture, nomenclature, history, and clinical preferences of clients and counselor trainees of Black
African ancestry. The chapter emphasizes ways in which counselors can enhance the quality and
integrity of their services by developing a better understanding of (1) specific cultural norms and
folkways, (2) how sociocultural power differentials manifest within a therapeutic context, and (3)
how Black/African psychology tenets can shape clinical practice.
In many counseling settings, routine practices and compliance standards often diminish the quality of
care for Black clients. Some counselors report that they often alter standards and bend rules, not only
to enhance Black clients services but also to protect them from maltreatment (Williams, 2005). For
example, one Black counselor reported that he instructs his Black adolescent clients to use the title of
Brother instead of Mr. when addressing him. Another counselor described the dissonance she felt
when she frankly told her client to just ignore that label... thats not who you really are, when
referring to her clients treatment plan diagnosis. Yet another counselor encouraged her client to call
out the name of a deceased loved one to keep his memory alive and not merely to let go of the past.
Finally, a counselor admitted that he applauded his clients tough confrontation of her sons drug use.
When used in traditional counseling settings, all of the above interventions may appear refractory and
audacious, yet a body of literature supports their legitimacy for Black clients (Ayonrinde, 2003;
Bhugra & Bhui, 1999; Brody et al., 2006; Harvey & Coleman, 1997; Herrick, 2006; Leavitt, 2003;
Reiser, 2003; Toldson & Toldson, 1999; Wills et al., 2007).
Notably, nothing heretofore stated should be casually considered a counseling strategy for African
Americans or any other client of Black African ancestry. Throughout this chapter, the authors will

resist the impulse to directly suggest counseling strategies and hope that readers will not intuit
counseling methods that they will try out on a Black client. The literature is replete with novel
techniques to address the unique counseling needs of persons of African descenttoo many to
reiterate in this chapter but no less deserving of consideration.
However, counseling strategies are not the primary problem when working with Black clients. No
counseling strategy offers a recipe for healing all persons of African descent. Several articles have
warned against using a cookie cutter approach to working with Black clients (Bowie, Cherry, &
Wooding, 2005; Estrada, 2005; Respress & Lutfi, 2006; Taylor-Richardson, Heflinger, & Brown,
2006). Helpers must be self-aware and able to use themselves as agents of change (Sheely & Bratton,
2010). Moreover, the millions of Black people who exist are more different from one another than
they are collectively different from other races (Jackson et al., 2004). In fact, the practice of force
fitting Black people into a category reflects a Eurocentric paradigm that relies heavily on taxonomies
to understand complex material (Leong & Wong, 2003).
Afrocentric approaches de-emphasize classification systems and guidelines and highlight relativity
and rhythm (Cokley, 2005; Washington, Johnson, Jones, & Langs, 2007). In this view, counseling
strategies are not rules that match a specific taxonomy of clients and their problems. Rather, the
relative importance of a counselors strategy depends on the rhythm and context of a session. The
purpose of this chapter is to help counselors use their strategies within a context that appreciates
Black peoples common folkways and collective struggle. In North America and abroad, persons of
Black African ancestry share common folkways that evince their African origin, cultural adaptations
to colonial autocracies (e.g., language and religion), and a collective struggle against racism and
discrimination.

History and Nomenclature

Persons of Black African ancestry live as citizens, foreign nationals, and indigenous populations on
every continent as a result of immigration, colonialism, and slave trading. With an estimated
population of 38.9 million, 12.6% of the total population of the United States, African Americans
constitute the second largest non-White ethnic group in the country (Ruggles et al., 2009). According
to the American Community Survey, in the United States, 80% of Black males and 83% of Black
females age 25 and older have completed high school or obtained a GED. Forty-five% of Black
males and 53% of Black females have attempted college, and 16% of Black males and 19% of Black
females have completed college (Ruggles et al., 2009).
Today, most Black people in the Americas are the progeny of victims of the transatlantic slave trade.
From 1619 to 1863, millions of Africans were involuntarily relocated from various regions of West
Africa to newly established European colonies in the Americas. Many different African ethnic
groups, including the Congo, Yoruba, Wolof, and Ibo, were victims of the transatlantic slave trade.
The Black American population is the aggregate of these groups, consolidated into one race, bound by
a common struggle against racial oppression, and distinguished by cultural dualism (Toldson, 1999).
Importantly, the historic legacy of Black people in the Western Hemisphere is not limited to slavery.
The Olmec heads found along the Mexican Gulf Coast is evidence of African colonies in the

Americas centuries before Columbus arrived in the Caribbean (Van Sertima, 2003). Black people
were also responsible for establishing the worlds first free Black republic, and only the second
independent nation in the Western Hemisphere, with the Haitian Revolution (Geggus, 2001). In the
United States, almost 500,000 African Americans were free prior to the Civil War and were
immensely instrumental in shaping U.S. policy throughout abolition and beyond. Post-Civil War,
African Americans influenced U.S. arts, agriculture, foods, textile industry, and language and invented
technological necessities such as the traffic light and elevators as well as parts necessary to build the
automobile and personal computer. All of these contributions were necessary for the United States to
become a world power by the 20th century.
Racism and oppression are forces that have shaped the experiences and development of Black people
worldwide. Although European colonialists initially enslaved Black people because of their
agricultural expertise and genetic resistance to diseases, they used racist propaganda to justify their
inhumane practices (Loewen, 1996). During periods of slavery and the Scramble for Africa,
European institutions used pseudoscience and religion (e.g., the Hamitic myth) to dehumanize Black
people. The vestiges of racism and oppression survived centuries after propaganda campaigns ended
and influence all human interactions, including counseling relationships.
Today, racism is perpetuated most profoundly through the educational system. Loewen (1996) pointed
out that students are taught to revere Columbus, who nearly committed genocide against the native
population of the Dominican Republic, and Woodrow Wilson, who openly praised the Ku Klux Klan.
Although many of these facts are not well known and purposefully disguised in history texts, children
often leave traditional elementary and secondary education with the sense that aside from a few
isolated figures (e.g., Martin Luther King and Harriet Tubman), Black people had a relatively small
role in the development of modern nations (May, Willis, & Loewen, 2003).
Contemporary literature on the health and economic status of Black people, especially in the United
States, is dismal. Evidence is often presented indicating that African Americans have the highest
incidence of any given mental or physical disorder, are more deeply impacted by social ills, and
generally have the lowest economic standing. While most of the statistics are accurately presented,
rationales are usually baseless and findings typically lack a sociohistorical context. In addition,
studies on African Americans unfairly draw social comparisons to the social groups that historically
benefited from their oppression.
Historical distortions accompanying dismal statistics have resulted in many counselors perpetually
using a deficit model when working with Black clients (Jamison, 2009). The deficit model focuses on
clients problems, without exploring sociohistorical factors or institutional procedures. Persons of
Black African ancestry have a distinguished history, are immeasurably resilient, and have developed
sophisticated coping mechanisms throughout centuries of oppression. Appreciating and celebrating a
clients legacy, contextualizing problems, and building on strengths instead of focusing on deficits are
universally appreciated counseling strategies that merit greater attention when working with Black
clients (Amatea, Smith-Adcock, & Villares, 2006).

Barriers to Cross-Cultural Counseling With Persons of Black

African Ancestry
Before a person, particularly those who are not familiar with Black culture, can successfully work
with Black people in counseling settings, he or she needs to be aware of a range of cultural and
cognitive dispositions. This section explains common barriers to effective counseling with persons of
Black African ancestry.
Cultural encapsulation is the practice of disregarding the influence of culture on therapeutic
processes, which can lead to ineffectiveness with connecting with Black clients. Several authors have
noted the effects of cultural encapsulation in psychotherapy (Estrada, Frame, & Williams, 2004;
Leuwerke, 2005). Culturally encapsulated counselors may (a) define reality with one set of cultural
assumptions and stereotypes about Black people, (b) be insensitive to cultural variation and view
only one culture as legitimate, (c) have unfounded and unreasoned assumptions about other cultures,
(d) overemphasize clinical techniques that they apply rigidly across cultures, and (e) interpret
behaviors from their own personal reference (Ponterotto, Pedersen, & Utsey, 2006).
White privilege, or conferred dominance, describes the unearned societal rewards that Whites
receive based on skin color (McIntosh, 1998). Unrecognized or poorly understood White privilege
can diminish counseling relationships with Black clients. According to McIntosh, most White people
are unaware of privileges because they are maintained across generations through denial. Neville,
Worthington, and Spanierman (2001) posited that White privilege is an insidious and complex
network of relationships among individuals, groups, and systems that operates in a racial social
hierarchy. On the surface, it would appear that Whites reap only benefits from unearned racial
privilege. However, there are a number of social and emotional consequences associated with
receiving White privilege (Helms, 1995; Neville et al., 2001; Pinderhughes, 1989; Thompson &
Neville, 1999). For example, Thompson and Neville (1999) reported that a group of White
counseling psychology graduate students who had become aware of their unearned racial advantage
experienced feelings of guilt, shame, and sadness. According to Pinderhughes (1989), people who
realize White privilege may experience uncertainty and a sense of entrapment.
In cross-cultural counseling supervision, White privilege is associated with many racial issues, such
as White supervisors being culturally unresponsive to African American supervisees and White
supervisees becoming insubordinate with African American supervisors. In counselor training, Utsey,
McCarthy, Eubanks, and Adrian (2002) observed that White privilege often manifests as White
trainees speaking for themselves, in contrast to Black trainees who are often called on to speak for
their entire race. In addition, Helms and Cook (1999) found that supervisors often attribute clinical
errors to a clients pathology rather than to a White trainees clinical skills in cross-racial counseling
relationships.
White trainees who have an enhanced sense of their White privilege are more effective in negotiating
cross-racial counseling situations (Utsey, Gernat, & Hammar, 2005). Helms (1997) posited that White
counselor trainees can develop a nonracist White identity by accepting their Whiteness and
acknowledging ways in which they benefit from White privilege. Therefore, the task for counselor
trainees is to become aware of how subtle White privileges are relevant to their experiences and
impact their clinical work with African American clients (Utsey et al., 2002).

Color-blindness refers to racism that is reflected in color-blind racial attitudes typified by ignorance,
denial, and a distortion of the reality that race plays a role in peoples lived experiences (Neville et
al., 2001). Bonilla-Silva (2002) identified the following four major schematic characteristics of
color-blind racism: (a) principles of liberalism are extended to racial matters, (b) social and
economic racial disparities are explained in societal terms (e.g., dysfunctional family structure,
deficient environmental conditions, etc.), (c) racial stratification (e.g., residential and school
segregation) is viewed as a naturally occurring phenomena, and (d) racism is asserted to be a thing of
the past.
In the context of counselor training, White counselor trainees color-blind racial attitudes are often
manifest in the attitude that Black clients are no different from racial majority group clients (Utsey et
al., 2005). When using color-blind attitudes, the White counselor trainee risks overlooking the role of
racism and discrimination in relation to the clients presenting problem. Utsey et al. (2005) noted that
color-blindness is unethical, since the Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct
(American Psychological Association, 2010) mandates that practitioners address issues related to
racism and discrimination as potential sources of distress for racial minority clients. White counselor
trainees who adopt a color-blind posture toward their racial minority clients also tend to minimize
the influence of their Whiteness on the counselor-client relationship. In addition, color-blindness is a
major cause of the disproportionate number of Black people being diagnosed with severe pathology
(Ridley, 1995).

Psychological Development of Persons of Black African Ancestry

Essentially, three forces make up the identity of persons of Black African ancestry: (a) expressions of
African consciousness, (b) resistance to racism and oppression, and (c) adaptations to colonialism
(Toldson, 2008). These three forces are omnipresent among continental and diasporic Black Africans.
Within each force, there are countless manifestations through Black persons personality, psyche, and
behavior.

Expressions of African Consciousness

African consciousness embodies archetypal and ancestral wisdom in Black peoples collective
memory. Predisposition toward vital emotionalism, spontaneity, rhythm, naturalistic attitudes,
physical movement, style, and creativity with the spoken word are cultural expressions that form the
core of African consciousness. These characteristics interact to produce human behavior that
registers images, sounds, aromas, and euphoria to the senses (Toldson & Toldson, 2001).
Expressions of African consciousness heavily influence Black peoples subjective worldview. As a
construct, African consciousness helps persons of African descent to attain optimal self-concept, selfesteem, and self-image (Constantine, Myers, Kindaichi, & Moore, 2004). African consciousness is
the archetypal background from which diasporic Africans must formulate answers to questions of
identity:

Who am I? How do I see myself? Who defined my image, and was my image defined in a way to
help me challenge, confront, and overcome adversity? Who do I come from? What can I do?
What do I believe about my lineage and myself? Where am I going in life? And what does it
mean when I become ill (sick, fail, transgress, addicted)? (Toldson & Toldson, 2001, p. 405)
Black communities use elements of African consciousness as an essential influence to serve as a
balance or counterpart to the mind and body (Cervantes & Parham, 2005). This balance secures
harmony, proportion, and symmetry with nature, self, and others. Spirituality is the basic underlining
or constituting entity of the African conscious, embodying essential properties, attributes, and
elements indispensable to their subjective worldview. The spirit is an immaterial sentient part of
Black persons, providing inward structure, dynamic drive, and creative response to life encounters or
demands. Recognition of the African consciousness, and the distinct way it manifest under various
circumstances, is essential to African-centered therapeutic interventions. This holistic perspective
makes healing a collective undertaking. Accordingly, the construction of reality is inseparably
spiritual and material is essential to the African consciousness (Hatter & Ottens, 1998; Mphande &
James-Myers, 1993; Tyehimba, 1998).
Contrarily, Western psychology emphasizes a material view of reality that focuses on awareness
through the five senses. The Eurocentric perspective sees the world as an infinite number of
discreetly different manifestations presenting as observable, material phenomena. Simply stated,
while the Eurocentric paradigm might suggest, Seeing is believing, the Afrocentric paradigm would
suggest, There is more than meets the eye.
Consistent with Afrocentric perspectives, many contemporary physicists and psychologists believe
that a material conception of reality is outmoded (Cunliffe, 2006; Davis, 2005; Nelson, 2006). Spirit,
in the African cosmos, rhythmically shapes things, ideals, animals, and human beings together in a
representative whole of its essence (Cervantes & Parham, 2005; Constantine et al., 2004; Herrick,
2006; Toldson & Pasteur, 1972). When this rhythm is disturbed, the spirit is unsettled and manifests in
the individual as anxiety, depression, or other mental or physical disorders (Blackett & Payne, 2005).
Restoring this rhythm to achieve an integrative harmony within the self is the goal of African-centered
approaches to therapy. These approaches form the backdrop to culturally appropriate therapeutic
services delivered in the African American community (Vontress, 1991, 1999).
The absence of a balanced focus in modern-day medicine places the typical African American
client in an etiological dilemma with respect to acquired illnesses. Finch (1990) insists that among
traditional African people, Without the psycho-spiritual curewithout reestablishing this sensitive
harmonythe medicinal cure is considered useless (p. 129). Finch goes on to say that African
medicine has baffled scholars because it completely integrates the magico-spiritual and rational
elements. The spiritual aspect of healing has been discredited among the modern-day scientificminded scholars (Finch, 1990). However, Finch explains, modern medicine acknowledges that 60%
of illnesses treated by physicians have a psychological basis, and interventions quite often involve
pharmacologically inactive drugsplacebos.
In the Afrikan and Zulu worldview, ones values and purpose is placed on their being in the
community/world rather than obtaining possessions. The quality of ones inner essence is

determined by evaluating his or her behaviors and spiritualityultimately defining his or her worth to
the community. Afrikan worldview psychologists (Ubuntu psychologist),
overall function would be to (1) recognize Spirit in all aspects of life, (2) appreciate peoples
spiritual journey, (3) facilitate movement towards becoming one with the Creator, (4) help
increase peoples strength from their experiences, (5) keep people aligned with their purpose,
and (6) acknowledge that people have purpose. (Washington, 2010, p. 37)
Zulu thought also suggests that certain disorders can specifically occur in Afrikans and they must be
understood within context in order for balance and harmony of the self and community to exist
(Washington, 2010).

Resistance to Racism and Oppression

Kessler, Mickelson, and Williams (1999) conducted a telephone survey that explored the impact of
racism on mental health. The study revealed that the lifetime prevalence of major discrimination
was 50% for African Americans, in contrast to 31% for Whites. In addition, major discrimination
was associated with psychological distress. The authors concluded that racism and oppression
adversely affect mental health and place African Americans at risk for mental disorders such as
depression and anxiety.
The influences of racism and oppression on the psychological development of Black people are
twofold. First, racism and oppression contribute to behavioral responses that signal concern about
survival, which can either increase psychological distresses or promote unconventional survival
mechanisms (Clark, Anderson, & Clark, 1999). In this view, Black people are not collectively
injured by racism and oppression. Using ego defense mechanisms to illustrate, when responding to
racism and oppression, some Black people might take a middle-of-the-road stance such as denial,
intellectualization, or humor. A more harmful mechanism might be displacement, where a Black
person will unconsciously redirect resentment for the oppressor to less threatening targets such as the
family and community. Contrarily, sublimation is a healthy and productive reaction to racism, which
involves refocusing negative feelings into healthy outlets of expression, allowing for creative
solutions to problems.
In addition to extrapolations of psychoanalytic theory, several African theories have emerged to
explain the impact of racism and oppression on Black peoples psychological functioning. Cultural
trauma, for example, describes slavery, lynching, and legal discrimination beyond their past
institutional manifestations and asserts that these experiences are embedded in the collective memory
of present-day Black people (Alexander, 2004; Eyerman, 2001). The legacy of cultural trauma is
manifested in the destructive activities that occur in African American communities, including
violence and substance abuse, which are also associated with symptoms of posttraumatic responses
(Whaley, 2006). Post-traumatic slave syndrome asserts that positive and negative adaptive
behaviors survived throughout generations of Black people from the transatlantic slave trade and
other atrocities. Leary (2005) suggests reevaluating those adaptive behaviors and replacing

maladaptive ones to promote healing in Black culture.

Other models of racism and oppression focused on more contemporary manifestations of racism.
Invisibility syndrome for example is a more subtle form of racism and White privilege that engenders
race-related stress (Franklin & Boyd-Franklin, 2000; Franklin, Boyd-Franklin, & Kelly, 2006).
Finally, the presence of historical hostility resulting from slavery and discrimination is reported to
contribute to a unique psychology among African Americans that may result in tension and mistrust
of non-Black counselors (Vontress & Epp, 1997).
The second consequence of racism and oppression is more directly related to postcolonial
institutions, including organizations that provide counseling services (Fairchild, 1991; Fairchild, Yee,
Wyatt, & Weizmann, 1995). Mental health in American has roots in racism and oppression. During
slavery, mental health professionals diagnosed runaways with drapetomania, meaning flight from
home mania (Fernando, 2003). Black people who were content with subservience were considered
mentally healthy.
Today, the attitude that persons of Black African ancestry should have psychomotor restrictions
continues to pervade mental health systems. African American patients are more frequently
involuntarily committed to psychiatric hospitals and administered psychotropic drugs (Schwartz & K.
Feisthamel, 2009). In addition, persons of Black African ancestry continue to receive labels of
borderline intellectual functioning and mental retardation on the basis of psychometric scales that
were constructed based on a Eurocentric paradigm and normed primarily on persons of European
descent (Hilliard, 1976, 1980).
Many conscious counselors are aware that current mental health systems are failing Black clients. In a
counseling psychology doctoral class at an urban university, a professor asked his students in a Black
psychology class to raise your hand if youve ever oppressed your client. More than half of the
students dejectedly raise their hands. With remarkable insight, the students realized that by simply
following the rules of their employers, they were participating in less than optimal practices that
contributed to their clients oppression. Ways in which counselors and other mental health
professionals routinely oppress their clients include (1) using biased psychological tests to inform
counseling decisions, (2) writing or endorsing reports that emphasize deficits, (3) endorsing the use
of psychotropic medication to suppress culturally or developmentally appropriate behaviors, (4)
using the majority culture as the basis for behavioral norms, and (5) adhering to diagnostic
classification systems without regard to cultural considerations (Toldson, 2008).

Adaptations to Colonialism
Persons of Black African ancestry have had to adapt to the language, customs, religious practices,
educational pedagogy, economic philosophies, and geopolitical systems of European colonial tyrants
(Loomba, 2005; Lyons & Pye, 2006; Turner-Musa, 2007; Valls, 2005). For centuries, European
colonial empires extended its sovereignty over territory beyond its homeland, using Black African
slave labor to cultivate the Americas and native Black Africans to build dependencies, trading posts,
and plantation colonies. The colonizers imposed their sociocultural mores, religion, and language on
Black people and adopted a corrupt set of values, including racism, ethnocentrism, and imperialism,

which aim to justify the means by which colonial settlements were established.
In the relatively recent history of Black people achieving equal rights under the law in the Americas
(i.e., 1964) and sovereign nationhood in Africa (i.e., 1950s1970s), Black people have adapted,
mastered, and innovated traditional European systems. Black people have added words and dialects
to European languages, established educational institutions based on Eurocentric pedagogy, and
maintained financial institutions based on lassie faire capitalism. A Eurocentric mind-set will lead
many to assert that Black people are obliged to adapt and that adaptation should be effortless. In
reality, adaptation is a cultural imposition to Black people worldwide. Imagine White Americans
having to adapt to a system in which oratory mastery was required for college admission, bartering
was the primary method of exchange, and laws were determined by a council of elders.
In the postcolonial era, there have been many critiques of the impact of colonialism and whether
colonialism exists today. Colonialism permanently changed the social-cultural, geographic, political,
and economic landscape of the world. Persons of Black African ancestry in Africa and the Americas
continue to live as second-class citizens, whereas generations-old businesses and banks that financed
acts of genocide and other atrocities reap residual benefits from the legacy of colonialism.
Colonialism has implications for counseling practice and research on Black people. First, the
psychological impact of colonialism and survival of indigenous values among colonialized people
influences counseling relationships. Second, cultural imperialism is a natural by-product of
colonialism, leading many counselors to make assumptions about a clients traditions and values that
are shaped by the majority culture. In addition to cultural imperialism, ethnocentrism, racism, White
supremacy, and pseudo-scientific theories used to justify colonialism have lingered well past
decolonialism and influence counseling research and practice.
Understanding the impact of colonialism requires investigating the environmental, historical,
political, and social contexts to determine how Black psychology has developed over time (Jamison,
2009). Afrocentric and Eurocentric approaches, even with their contrasting views, provide insight
into understanding African Americans (Belgrave & Allison, 2006).
Collectively, the three forces of Black peoples psychological development embody the infinite
diversity and the omnipotent potential of persons of Black African ancestry. These are the archetypal
forces providing definition to their inner structures, mechanisms of endurance, dynamic drive, and
ability to adapt to foreign environments. They represent the whole of Black people, illustrating past
preeminence, and ensuring present perseverance and future consummation.

Mental Health
Conceptualizing Mental Health Problems
Successful treatment of a psychiatric disorder ushers in an accurate conceptualization and assessment
of the problem. Difficulties conceptualizing Black peoples mental health problems typically arise
from the tendency of mental health professionals to assume individual autonomy, which suggests that

individuals problems originate and are perpetuated within each individual (Atkinson, Morten, & Sue,
1997). This assumption undermines the complexity of Black peoples mental health problems.
A competent assessment of Black problematic behavior should not be limited to a description of
mental and emotional deficits or to observations of externalized abnormal behaviors. Instead, an
accurate assessment should extend to describe inherent responses to social and environmental
conditions, in which the abnormal behavior might be a normal reaction. In other words, Black
behavioral pathology is sometimes best explained as a consequence of dynamic ecological systems
rather than the result of intrapsychological deficits.
On a basic level, when considering the mental health status of Black people, one must be mindful of
the universality of diagnoses, aware of biases in mental health procedures, and sensitive to diversity.
Universality is the idea that disorders found in some cultures may manifest differently or be obsolete
in other cultures (Lee, 2002). However, to achieve true authenticity in conceptualizing the mental
health status of Black people, professionals must relate to their subject with the holism that is
consistent with African-centered perspectives and its Western adaptations, such as existentialism (De
Maynard, 2006; Epp, 1998) and positive psychology (Strmpfer, 2005, 2006).
Nontraditional approaches might require clinicians to grasp a clients mental health using insight and
intuition, intellectual creativity, and abstract reasoning. This might sound irrational to a staunch
adherent to the scientific method. However, in practice, using strict logic to understand mental health
often reduces the client to a blunder of fragmented inferences, rent asunder from the whole in which
he or she belongs. The mental health status of Black people should be viewed within the context of
their history and nomenclature and of the complex of forces that influence their cultural identity.

Specific Mental Health Challenges

Prevalence of Mental Health Disorders.
The Epidemiological Catchment Area studies (ECA) and the National Comorbidity Survey (NCS)
have been used to assess the prevalence rate of mental health disorders across cultures (Galea &
Cohen, 2011). The ECA indicated that Black people have an overall higher prevalence of mental
health disorders; however, when controlling for socioeconomic factors, most differences are
statistically eliminated. Both the ECA and NCS found that African Americans were less likely to
suffer from depression. The ECA indicated that African Americans are more likely to suffer from
phobia than were Whites.
Using several studies, the Department of Health and Human Services concluded that African
Americans are overdiagnosed with schizophrenia and underdiagnosed for depression and anxiety
(Snowden, 2012). Schwartz and Feisthamel (2009) found 27% of African American clients were
diagnosed with psychotic disorders, compared with 17% of all European American when presenting
for treatment. Schizophrenia and affective disorders specifically are uniquely associated with forces
that shape Black peoples psychological development and must be carefully examined within a
cultural context.

Fernando (2003) revealed that reports suggesting high rates of schizophrenia among African
Americans began to appear in the 19th century. By the mid-1900s, the overdiagnosis of schizophrenia
was firmly established, while the diagnosis of bipolar disorders began to decline. Interestingly,
British studies during the same time period revealed similar diagnostic trends, although reports of
schizophrenic behavior in Africa were rare (Fernando, 2003). Recent findings suggest that the
overrepresentation of Black people with schizophrenia is primarily due to diagnostic biases rather
than to true differences in the population. Today, the excessive and inaccurate diagnosis of
schizophrenia may be attributed to Black peoples nonmaterial conception of reality, spirituality or
religiosity, and/or healthy paranoia, originally defined as a generalized reaction to racism, which is
perceived as necessary for normal adaptive functioning in oppressive environments (Metzl, 2009;
Whaley & Hall, 2009).
Racial biases that permeate mental health systems may also contribute to the underdiagnosis of
depression. Fernando (2003) noted that in the past, the lower incidence of depression among African
Americans has been attributed to frontal lobe idleness, which caused Black people to lack higherorder emotional functions (Carothers, 1953) and resulted in a tendency for Black people to respond to
adversity with cheery denial (Bebbington, Hurry, & Tennant, 1981). These blatantly racist
explanations are comparable to recent findings that clinicians tend to minimize emotional expressions
by African Americans (Das, Olfson, McCurtis, & Weissman, 2006), which leads to fewer Black
people being diagnosed with depression. Das et al. (2006) suggested that clinicians circumvent
cultural influences by examining somatic and neurovegetative symptoms rather than mood or
cognitive symptoms (p. 30). This approach undermines Black peoples psychological functioning
and implies that clinicians should ignore symptoms that they do not understand rather than broaden
their cultural lenses.

Suicide.
Research on suicide within the African American community has continued to increase. African
Americans generally have lower suicide rates when compared to Caucasians, despite significant
economic and social disparities within the Black community (Davidson & Wingate, 2011; U.S.
Department of Health and Human Services, 2001). Recent research found that African Americans
significantly indicated higher levels of protective factors against suicidal behavior than did
Caucasian counterparts (Davidson & Wingate, 2011).
However, after a review of literature, Spates (2011) concluded that in African American women who
suffered a history of particular mental disorders, depression, physical and emotional abuse, and
alcohol and substance abuse have all demonstrated to considerably increase the risk of suicidal
behaviors. Walker, Alabi, Roberts, and Obasi (2010) found that college students who were more
African centered along with experiencing depressive symptoms disclosed having fewer reasons to
live. Additional findings, contradicting previous literature, indicated that hopelessness was not
associated with suicidal behaviors among African American young adults (Walker et al., 2010).

Exposure to Violence and Posttraumatic Stress.

African Americans are more likely to be a victim of a violent crime than any other ethnic or racial

group. McDevitt-Murphy, Neimeyer, Burke, Williams, and Lawson (2012) found that a
disproportionate number of murder victims in the United States are African American, which
compounds other public health concerns such as grief, loss, and trauma. African Americans
significantly experience clinical outcomes such as posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), complicated
grief, depression, and anxiety (McDevitt-Murphy et al., 2012). Extended social supports, properly
strict parents, and a hearty self-assurance contribute to resiliency among Black youth (Thompson,
Briggs-King, & LaTouche-Howard, 2012).

Vulnerable Segments of the Population.

Persons of Black African ancestry are susceptible to a variety of mental health problems because they
are overrepresented in the most vulnerable segments of the population. Although only 13.8% of the
U.S. population, African Americans make up between 38% and 44% of the homeless population
(Cortes, Henry, de la Cruz, & Brown, 2012) and nearly half of state and federal inmates (Carson &
Sabol, 2011). In addition, African Americans are at a greater risk for mental health care disparities
because they are less likely to have health insurance and less likely to obtain proper mental health
treatment (Simning, Wijngaarden, & Conwell, 2011).
Simning et al. (2011) found that African Americans residing in public housing had a higher lifetime
prevalence of mental illness than African Americans not residing in public housing. Results also
indicated that African Americans residing in public housing had higher levels of anxiety and
substance use disorders than African American non-public housing residents (Simning et al., 2011).
Additionally, a recent study found that among African American sexual assault survivors, there is
increased poverty linked to discriminating negative mental health outcomes such as depression,
PTSD, and illicit drug use (Bryant-Davis, Ullman, Tsong, Tillman, & Smith, 2010).
Furthermore, there is increasing evidence that persons who experience discrimination have an
elevated risk for psychological distress and mental issues; researchers have found higher percentages
among African Americans who have experienced discrimination than among other minorities
(McLaughlin, Hatzenbuehler, & Keyes, 2010). Moreover psychiatric disorders constitute another
important factor that exposes African Americans to adverse social situations (Jin et al., 2008).
Schwartz and Feisthamel (2009) indicated that African American participants had a significantly
greater chance of being diagnosed with childhood disorders than did European American
participants. Results of this study also demonstrated that counselors disproportionately diagnose
African Americans with psychotic and childhood disorders (Schwartz & Feisthamel, 2009).

Educational Issues.
Education is the key to correcting longstanding social and economic racial disparities in the United
States. One in three African Americans without a high school diploma lives below poverty, and less
than 10% achieve a middle-class income (Jackson, 2010). If black male ninth graders follow current
trends, about half of them will not graduate with their current ninth-grade class (Jackson, 2010), and
about 20% will reach the age of 25 without obtaining a high school diploma or GED (Ruggles et al.,
2009).

The High School Longitudinal Survey asked parents a variety of questions that related to their ninthgrade childs potential to complete high school (LoGerfo, Christopher, & Flanagan, 2011). When
comparing each variable across race and gender, Black students are at the greatest risk for not
completing high school. Specifically, Black males are more than twice as likely to repeat a grade and
be suspended or expelled from school as White males. Black males were also more likely to receive
special education services and have an individualized education plan (IEP) and the least likely to be
enrolled in honors classes. Parents of Black students were the most likely to have the school contact
them because of problems with their sons behavior or performance (Toldson & Lewis, 2012).

Healing Practices and Experiences With Mental Health Treatment

Community-Based Treatment.
Comprehensive mental health treatment programs endorse rendering services in the clients homes,
schools, and communities (Bennett, 2006; Teicher, 2006; Toldson & Toldson, 2001). Communitybased approaches could address Black peoples reluctance to seek professional mental health care in
traditional settings, reduce the ethnocentric biases among care providers, and help care providers to
have a better context for clients problems. From an African-centered perspective, community-based
interventions could represent a progressive step toward communalizing the process of mental health
delivery.

Group Therapy.
Group therapy and community-based interventions are more consistent with the African values of
collectivism and communalism (Toldson & Toldson, 1999; Vaz, 2005). The group combats the sense
of isolation that is a product of individualism, while it promotes a sense of oneness, consistent with
the African ethos of oneness of being. The idea of universality (Yalom & Leszcz, 2005) comes close
to the African idea of oneness of being, and creating this sense within the group requires culturally
appropriate interventions and procedures.

Collectivism in Counseling.
Black peoples collectivist orientation is evident in their healing preferences. Specifically, persons of
Black African ancestry are more likely to rely on family and friends to cope with personal difficulty
(Logan, 1996; Ruiz, 1990). The brotherhood/sisterhood concept among African Americans elevates
family extensions to the status of core family members, and solutions to personal difficulties often
involve meaningful exchange throughout the extended family. Thus, Black people in therapy may feel
compelled to elevate the status of the clinician to an extended family member before actively
engaging in the therapeutic process.

Naturalistic Healing.
This is another value evident in mental health healing practices among Black people. In a review of
the literature, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (2001) found that African Americans

prefer counseling to drug therapy and are more likely to have concerns about the side effects,
effectiveness, and addiction potential of medications (Cooper-Patrick et al., 1997; Dwight-Johnson,
Sherbourne, Liao, & Wells, 2000). Research has also revealed that African Americans tend to take an
active approach to facing personal problems and are less likely than Whites to use any professional
services to deal with mental health issues (Bean, Perry, & Bedell, 2002). In this view, Black people
might prefer a process of healing that feels more natural, emphasizing normal adjustments to life
transitions and less intrusive or technical approaches, such as medication or a formal brand of
therapy.

Summary and Conclusions

Psychological health care must begin to affirm a biomedical ethic that is sensitive to perspectives of
Africans and diasporic descendants. The process can be enhanced by making accommodations for the
expression of belief patterns, thoughts, and sociocultural customs indicative of the presence of an
African identity in the behavior of African people. These must be woven into theoretical points of
departure in the provision of quality psychological health care.
The impact of the interrelationships among environmental conditions and sociopolitical dynamics on
the definitions of normal mentally healthy behavior of oppressed Africans must be accounted for in
diagnostic decision making relative to clients of African descent.
It is essential to increase the presence of psychological health care providers, who embrace the
understanding that it is therapeutically relevant, if not necessary, to develop an African identity in the
psyches of African people. These providers should understand the sociopolitical influences of the
dominant perspective of psychology in order to help affirm a bioethical perspective that is sensitive
to the African ethos.
Recognizing group identity and collective responsibility as real and deducible phenomena within the
culture of African American people is consistent with the embrace of an African ethos. This can be
made operational by soliciting consent for biomedical involvement of the individual from relevant
groups, including the family, church, social/civic organizations, associations, friends, fraternal and
sorority societies, and/or sociopolitical organizations (the tribe) with which the individual affiliates
in the manifestation of his or her identity as a group member. Such a procedure is advisable, not only
out of respect for these African values but also in recognition of the low power quotient afforded the
ordinary citizen of African descent.
Additionally, it is important to recognize that most African Americans have to be, at least to some
extent, bicultural and that this status creates a unique set of mental health issues related to self-esteem,
identity formation, and role behavior to which systems of psychological health care must
appropriately respond. Differentiating between the symptoms of intrapsychic stress and stress arising
from sociopolitical powerlessness and limited economic resources is an essential clinical skill of the
psychologist who claims sensitivity to a biomedical perspective that is consistent with the African
ethos.
Learning the culturally different indicators for depression, anxiety, attachment and loss, identity

confusion, and other less inflammatory diagnostic indicators to more accurately replace those that are
excessively used such as schizophrenic, borderline personality, oppositional defiant, conduct, and
attention deficit disorders in African American clients is a diagnostic imperative. Moreover,
subscribing to diagnostic nomenclature introduced by African American psychologists, which also
defines accommodationist behavior of the acculturated African American as maladaptive, must be
considered in diagnostic formulations about the mental health of African Americans.
Accepting spirit and unseen forces as meaningful phenomena in the life realm and decision-making
processes of the majority of African people is significantly important. Spirit is an entity that has to be
reconciled and/or accommodated in formulas for clinical insight and understanding.
In behavioral, as in biomedical research, there is a tendency to recruit participants disproportionately
from particular groups within the social system (Toldson & Toldson, 2001). Groups that are
dependent or powerless by virtue of their age, their physical and mental condition, their minority
status, their social deviance, or their condition of captivity within various institutions are heavily
recruited as research participants.
Given the African American power deficiency within the social system, the truly voluntary nature of
consent becomes problematic for Black research participants. The exploitation of Black research
participants, usually to demean the Black community, is a situation that must be brokered at the
sociopolitical level. Power bases in the Black community to sign off on matters of consent would
rightfully bring the control of such research within the bounds of the African American community in
concurrence with its collective nature.
The medical-based professions emanate from Africa, brought to excellence in antiquity by the
Egyptians (Finch, 1990). Racism within the biomedical sphere of intelligence must be confronted and
purged. Purgation should be followed by an impregnation with the spirit of Africa. The degree of
confrontation, purgation, and impregnation will be measured by the degree of African consciousness
that is cultivated within the African American community.
African and diasporic scholars, and others of goodwill, who are possessed with the ethos of doing
what is good, right, fair, and just in the interest of the physical and mental health of African people
everywhere must cultivate clinical procedures that promote comfort with the existence and
therapeutic desirability of an African consciousness in the psyches of African descendants.
Cultivating its expression is consistent with good and right action in the delivery of quality mental
health care to citizens of African descent.

Note
1. In this chapter, the terms persons of Black African ancestry or Black people are used to describe
persons worldwide whose ancestors were indigenous to sub-Saharan Africa. The term African
Americans is used to describe Black people in America, usually the United States of America.

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8 Counseling the Latino/a From Guiding Theory to Practice

Adelante!
J. Manuel Casas
A. Pati Cabrera
Melba J. T. Vasquez

Primary Objective
To assist counselors and practitioners in becoming more competent in their efforts to work
with persons who are ethnically, racially, and/or culturally different from themselves,
particularly those identified as Latino/a

Secondary Objectives
To provide a brief demographic overview of the diverse Latino/a population in the United
States
To provide the outlines of a theoretical approach that would unify theories of person,
environment, and the counseling situation
To present a framework that practitioners can use to direct and drive their work with Latino/a
clients, including identifying likely sources of both friction and possibility
The subtitle of this chapter Adelante!translates loosely as Moving forward! The decision to
include this subtitle was not made arbitrarily. After much thought, we decided that this term best
conveys the major spirit that underlies our purpose in this chapter, which is to portray Latino/as, the
largest ethnic minority group in the United States, as a significant and resilient portion of the
American population; Latino/as continue to move forward in their efforts to overcome challenging
social and economic living conditions. With this spirit as a driving force, this chapter is intended to
help mental health practitioners, educators, and researchers become more culturally competent in
their efforts to understand accurately and, in turn, work more effectively with members of this
population. Underscoring a major challenge associated with such efforts, we first provide a
demographic overview of Latino/as in the United States. We pay selective attention to educational
and economic issues because of the important socially determining roles that these play in the mental
health and well-being of Latino/a individuals and communities.
Throughout the chapter we make every effort to steer clear of suggesting cookbook or cookie-cutter
approaches. Instead, we provide a theoretical perspective, guidelines, and a framework that can help
counselors to conceptualize presenting challenges and problems and, in turn, facilitate the
identification and use of the most culturally appropriate and clinically effective strategies and
interventions with Latino/a clients.

Finally, we note that Latino/as have many different ways of describing their identitiesincluding
pan-ethnic terms like Hispanic and Latino, the term American, and terms that refer to their families
countries of origin. Given this fact, and in line with the prevailing literature, we have opted to use the
gender-responsive term Latino/a to refer to individuals of diverse Hispanic-based national origins,
including Mexico, the countries of Central America (e.g., Guatemala, Honduras, Costa Rica, El
Salvador, Nicaragua, and Panama), the Spanish-speaking countries of South America (e.g., Colombia,
Venezuela, Peru, Chile, Ecuador, Uruguay, Paraguay, and Argentina), the Spanish-speaking countries
of the Caribbean (e.g., Cuba, the Dominican Republic), and the U.S. territorial island of Puerto Rico.
Having made this caveat, we alert the reader to the fact that in referring to works by varied authors on
Latino/as in this chapter, we have made an effort to retain the original terminology used by these
authors.

General Attributes and Trends

According to the U.S. Census Bureau, as of May 2011 Latino/as numbered 50.5 million, or almost
16% of the total population. Latino/as make up the fastest-growing racial/ethnic group in the United
States (Ennis, Ros-Vargas, & Albert, 2011). Given this rate of growth, it is likely that by the year
2050, Latino/as will number 102.6 million (U.S. Census Bureau, 2004, 2006).
While the Latino/a population continues to grow, it bears noting that since 2009, the rate of growth of
this population has decreased significantly. According to the Pew Hispanic Center (2012a), this
decrease has been primarily the result of plunging immigration from Mexico, the birthplace of more
U.S. immigrants than any other country. At this time, more Mexicans may be leaving the United States
than arriving for the first time since the Great Depression, due to weakness in the U.S. job market, a
rise in deportations, and a decline in Mexicos birthrate (Pew Hispanic Center, 2012a).
In spite of the decrease, two phenomena are largely expected to account for the continued growth of
the Latino/a population: the relative youth of the U.S. Latino/a population in general and the
prevalence of high birthrates among several Latino/a subgroups (e.g., Mexican Americans and Puerto
Ricans) (Martin et al., 2006; U.S. Census Bureau, 2004, 2006). The Latino/a population is
significantly younger than its non-Latino/a White counterpart (U.S. Census Bureau, 2006). The U.S.
Census Bureau (2012) indicates that the overall fertility rate among this young population is
approximately 40% greater than the rate among non-Hispanic Whites. It should be noted that this rate
of growth is already having an impact in the political arena. In the 2012 presidential election,
Latino/as gave the significant majority of their votes (71%) to help reelect President Barack Obama,
and political analysts spoke with surprise at how Latino/as will shape the political landscape across
the country for the next few years (Mixner, 2012).

Sociocultural Common Ground

In a recent survey that focused on Hispanics and their views of identity, the Pew Hispanic Center
(2012c) found that when asked whether Latino/as in the United States share a common culture, just
29% of Latino/as agreed; 69% said that Latino/as in the United States have many different cultures.
Depending on the definitional parameters (e.g., historical versus regional ethnic) placed on the term

culture, there is evidence to support both perspectives. With respect to this chapter, we are working
from the widely accepted perspective that the majority of Latino/as share a common sociohistorical
cultural experience and Spanish as a heritage language. In addition, they also share pervasive
psychosocial characteristics that reflect their Hispanic origins. Such characteristics include but are
not limited to the following: familismo, a close-knit sense of family within a hierarchical structure
(Coohey, 2001); personalismo, a very intense sense of privacy and protectiveness (Rossell, Bernal,
& Rivera-Medina, 2008); a profound religious faith (Farley, Galves, Dickinson, & Perez, 2005); and
machismo, mens sense of leadership, loyalty, and the responsibility to provide for and protect their
families (in comparison to the negative attributes commonly associated with this cultural factor)
(Crockett, Brown, Iturbide, Russell, & Wilkinson-Lee, 2009). Although much more could be said
about these and other characteristics, we mention them only briefly here for illustrative purposes.
(For more details regarding these characteristics, see Villarruel et al., 2009.)
Most of the information on Latino/as in the United States focuses on the three largest ethnic/national
groups within the U.S. Latino/a population: Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, and Cuban
Americans. Latino/as of Mexican origin are clearly the largest national subgroup, accounting for 64%
of the total Latino/a population (Pew Hispanic Center, 2012a, 2012b; U.S. Census Bureau, 2006).
Representation among the other national and/or geographically designated subgroups is as follows:
Central and South Americans, 13.1%; Puerto Ricans, 9.0%; Cubans, 3.4%; and other Latinos/as,
who listed census identification labels such as Spanish, Spanish American, and Latino, 7.7% (this
group includes many Latino/as of Mexican origin who live in the Southwest, especially New Mexico;
U.S. Census Bureau, 2006).
Diversity among Latino/a groups and individuals can vary across numerous mutually nonexclusive
and frequently interacting variables that can affect the mental and physical well-being of members of
the subgroups. These include but are not limited to the following: (1) demographic variables (e.g.,
racial makeup, age, family size and composition, geographic distribution); (2) sociohistorical
variables (e.g., length of time in the United States, impetus for immigration to the United States,
experiences with racism); (3) sociopolitical variables (e.g., immigrant/citizen status, level of
political participation); (4) socioeconomic variables (e.g., educational attainment, labor force
participation, individual and family income); (5) social-psychological variables (e.g., acculturation
level, actual and perceived power and self-entitlement, intragroup similarity and cohesion); and (6)
physical and mental health status variables (e.g., prevalence of illnesses and problems, access to
health insurance and treatment facilities). It is noteworthy that, although differences along these
variables are evident across the Latino/a population as a whole, the data clearly show that it is
frequently possible to differentiate particular ethnic or national groups along many of these variables
(e.g., fertility rate, age, educational attainment, income, geographic distribution) (Ennis et al., 2011).
A subgroup within the Latino/a population that, given its size and the prevailing social political times,
merits specific attention is the immigrant population. Approximately 55% of the entire immigrant
population in the United States (39.9 million) is from Latin America. More specifically, one-third of
the foreign-born population in the United States is from Mexico (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011a), and
most documented and undocumented immigrants are from Mexico (Passel & Cohn, 2012). Until
recently, the prevalent trend had been that inflow of undocumented immigrants exceeded arrivals of
legal permanent residents. This is no longer the case (Pew Hispanic Center, 2012a). While the

geographic distribution of Latino/a immigrants has traditionally been concentrated in states such as
California, New York, Florida, Texas, and Illinois (Congressional Budget Office, 2011), this too is no
longer true; immigrants are currently settling throughout the rest of the country (Passel & Cohn, 2012).
Contrary to negative depictions of Latino/a immigrants in the media (Massey, 2010) and, in particular,
in political discourse (Carter, Lawrence, & Morse, 2011), Latino/a immigrants continue to
demonstrate pervasive culturally based resilience factors that assist them in overcoming risks and
adversity (American Psychological Association [APA], 2007; Chiswick, 2011). (For more detailed
information on Latino/a immigrants, see APA, 2012b.)

Educational and Economic Well-Being

Given the significant socially determining role that educational and economic factors play relative to
the social and psychological development and well-being of both individuals and their communities
(Center on the Developing Child, 2010), we focus attention here on selective facts that are integral
parts of these two factors. However, before doing so, we would like to reiterate that while the
information provided is applicable to the vast majority of Latino/as, given the diversity that exists
within this population, it may not be so for certain Latino/a subgroups. (For greater detail on the
applicability of the information to specific subgroups, see Ennis et al., 2011.)

Educational Well-Being
The number of Latino/as graduating from high schools across the United States increased by 20%
from 1972 to 2009 (Chapman, Laird, Ifill, & KewalRamani, 2011). Concomitantly, while their school
dropout rate has also decreased nationally, Latino/as continue to drop out of high school at rates that
are higher than those of any other major group in the United States (Chapman et al., 2011; Pew
Hispanic Center, 2010; U.S. Census Bureau, 2008). Taking gender into account, researchers for the
U.S. Department of Education found that Latinas have higher high school dropout rates than do girls in
any other racial or ethnic groups (Chapman et al., 2011). From available evidence, the high dropout
rate is primarily attributed to immigrants, who drop out at the alarming rate of 46.2% (APA, 2012a).
Consequently, Latino/as in general remain the second least formally educated and least economically
successful Americans (when compared to non-Hispanic African Americans) (DeNavas-Walt, Proctor,
& Smith, 2011).
While low rates of high school completion account significantly for the underrepresentation and poor
performance of Latino/as in higher education (Aud et al., 2010), there is evidence that the
representation of Latino/as in higher education is improving, which may suggest that those graduating
from high school are continuing to further their education. According to the Pew Hispanic Center
(2011), college enrollment among young Hispanics increased by 24% in the period 20092010. To
put this increased enrollment rate into perspective, note that it reflects the fact that a significant
portion of such enrollment occurs at community or two-year colleges.
Another statistic that bears noting is the Latino/a college dropout rate, which continues to exceed 50%
(U.S. Census Bureau, 2008). Recent data suggest that only 57% of Latino/a college students
nationwide complete a bachelors degree, compared to 81% of White American college students

(Pew Hispanic Center, 2004). Given these college dropout rates, it is not surprising that only 7.9% of
Latino/as hold bachelors or higher degrees, whereas 71.8% of non-Latino/a Whites hold such
degrees (Aud et al., 2010). Unfortunately, at the graduate level, in the period 20072008, Latino/as
received only 5.9% and 3.6% of masters and doctoral degrees, respectively. The same figures for
non-Latino/a Whites were 65.5% and 57.1%, respectively (Aud et al., 2010). Thus, with the
exception of Native Americans and Alaska Natives, Latino/as have the lowest rates of representation
at the graduate level (Aud et al., 2010). (For more information regarding the variables associated
with the educational disparities between Latino/as and other racial/ethnic groups, see APA, 2012a.)

Economic Well-Being
Latino/as represent a large and growing segment of the labor force in the United States. At nearly 23
million, they represented 15% of the labor force in 2010. By 2018, they are expected to constitute
18% of the labor force (U.S. Department of Labor, 2012). However, they concomitantly continue to
face elevated unemployment levels compared to other workers. In March 2011, the unemployment
rate for Hispanics was 11.3%, which was greater than that of the total U.S. population (8.8%).
Given the educational statistics presented above, it is not surprising that Latino/a employees are
disproportionately employed in service and support occupations. The fact of the matter is that most
Latino/as are employed in construction (24.4%), health and social services (10.9%), and educational
services (9.5%), with only 7.1% employed in professional, scientific, and technical services (U.S.
Department of Labor, 2012).
With respect to economic well-being, in 2009, the Latino/a median household income was $38,039.
In comparison, the median household income for White families was $54,461. According to the U.S.
Census Bureau (2011b), 12 million Latino/as were counted as poor in 2009. Unfortunately, to the
detriment of the future economic advancement of the United States, children make up a significant
segment of the Latino/a population living in poverty. The share of all U.S. children who are Hispanic
has grown steadily, from 7.5% in 1976 to 22.7% in 2009. Over the same period, the share of all poor
children who are Hispanic grew from 14.1% to 36.7%. It is estimated that by 2030 Hispanic children
will make up 44% of all poor children in the United States (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010).

Theory of Person and Environment

We now direct attention to a theory that seeks to understand the behaviors of persons as being the
products of the interactions that occur between persons and the diverse culturally imbued
environments in which they find themselves at any given time. More specifically, we begin with the
idea that any individual is embedded in a life space comprising the individual in interaction with a
specific environment or environments; the individual and the environment(s) are interdependent and
mutually constitutive.
This theory rests heavily on the foundations laid by Kurt Lewin (1935, 1936), whose field theory tells
us that all psychological events are differentially and interactively dependent on both psychological
states and environmental factors. Lewins famous equation, depicted in rough mathematical terms,

presents this idea of life space as a contention that individual behavior (B) is a function (f) of the
individual person (P) in interaction with his or her psychological environment (E), so B = f(P, E).
The reality is, of course, always more complicated than formulas and figures can represent.
Individuals live and grow within and across multiple environments. In describing his theory of the
ecology of human development, Bronfenbrenner (1977) refers to the progressive, mutual
accommodation, throughout the life span, between a growing human organism and the environments in
which it lives (p. 514). In addition to noting the self-evident fact that people interact with different
environments over a life span and even over the course of a single day, Bronfenbrenner proposes that
the human experience is a result of reciprocal interactions between the individual and his or her
environments, varying as a function of the individual, his or her contexts and culture, and time
(Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). Giving greater specificity and clarity to his theory, he describes
the various levels of systems and structures that make up these environments. These include a
hierarchy of the following: the microsystem, consisting of the immediate physical setting and its
collection of individual actors (e.g., workplace, schools, family, peers); the mesosystem, comprising
the interrelations among settings; the exosystem, an extension of the mesosystem embracing other
specific social structures, both formal and informal... that impinge upon or encompass the
[individuals] immediate settings (e.g., public policies such as pathways to legal immigrant status,
health care and educational policies); and the macrosystem, which includes the overarching and
historical patterns of the culture or subculture (e.g., economic, historical, and cultural context,
xenophobia) (p. 515). Working from the foundation laid by Bronfenbrenner, we suggest that these
various systems be understood as levels of context, preliminarily defined as follows:
1. Interpersonal contexts, including both the number and quality of relationships, as well as the
more immediate contexts built up of ongoing emergent interactions
2. Social contexts, where individuals must manage their lives in multiple social systems and
networks (For a discussion of the interrelated peer, family, and school social worlds of
children, see Hartup, 1979.)
3. Institutional contexts, including schools, local governments, and the maze of everyday
bureaucracies
4. Economic and political contexts, where the individuals place in the larger economic system and
relative access to resources are deeply consequential
The interdependent relationships among these contexts are more important than their independent
influences on individual behavior and experience. While we may consider them separately in many
phases of our research and practice, we must keep in mind that these contexts never in fact exist
independent of each other. Figure 8.1 offers one way of depicting these multiple, overlapping
contextual environments.
We hope to capture the following points in our graphic/visual representation. First, the individual
person still rests at the center of the figure, and he or she is always already embedded in a set of
contexts. These contexts are depicted as nested circles, all of which share a side. By presenting these
circles as sharing a side, we intend to convey our understanding that contexts are mutually constituted,
as parts of each other.

Figure 8.1 A Person in Interaction With His or Her Multiple Mutually Constituted Environments
What about culture? We work from the presumption that any individual is continuously situated in
culture (e.g., personal, local, global). This cultural situatedness of person and mind means that a
persons individual history as a member of various ethnic, linguistic, national, class, or other groups
always colors the persons experience within and across multiple contexts and, most important, the
way those various contexts are interdependent.
Reflecting this perspective, Comas-Daz (2012) directs attention to the ever-present nature of culture
within the social context of counseling. She contends that culture is like the proverbial elephant sitting
in the middle of the counseling setting; it cannot be ignored. On the contrary, if culture permeates the
entire therapeutic process, it must be understood and directly addressed throughout the process. In
support of this perspective, Comas-Daz strongly argues that culture influences how people become
distressed, interpret their maladies, seek help, and eventually heal. Similarly, culture shapes how
clinicians view themselves, their clients, and their clinical practice (p. 3). Comas-Daz contends that
when clinicians recognize this all-encompassing role of culture they develop an approach to clinical
care that examines the impact of context(s) on clients, themselves, and the world.
For the purposes of this book and chapter, the theory we have outlined already requires elaboration:
How might we think of these persons-in-environments (including the counseling environment) within
a counseling frame? A person experiences these environments in the dynamic ebb and flow of
everyday life, in relations with other persons, and in practical efforts to get things done. Said another
way, these person-environment relations are only ever potential and must be activated and
reconstructed and transformed in real-life situations. Which person-environment relations or
experiences are immediately relevant depend on the dynamic, unfolding situations in which persons
find themselves. The counseling session is one such situation in which the person-in-environment
phenomenon occurs simultaneously for the counselor and the client (see Figure 8.2). With respect to
the counselor, seeing the client from this perspective constitutes a move away from an essentializing
and trait view of person/personality (e.g., She is Latina and Latinas experience the world in such
and such a way) to a situated state view (e.g., While she is Latina, the problems that she is
presenting are not solely reflective of her culture but are also tied to other social factors with which
she is currently dealing).

A Guiding Framework for Counseling Practice

As a preface to this section, we underscore the fact that in order to maximize the effectiveness of

using the framework described below, it is imperative that the counselor have some training in
multicultural counseling. More specifically, at minimum, the counselor should be culturally competent
in the following areas: He or she should be able to identify the varied sociocultural environments that
have affected and/or may continue to affect the client; should have strong cultural self-awareness
(e.g., being aware of how he or she reacts to culturally different individuals); and should be able to
listen to clients with a multicultural ear (e.g., allowing the clients to tell their storiesstarting
where they want to start and ending where they want to end) and see clients through a multicultural
lens (i.e., recognizing and gathering all relevant information from which to understand the clients
culturally situated stories) (see Comas-Daz, 2012).

Figure 8.2 A Situated Perspective on a Persons Interaction With His or Her Environment
The practical framework we offer here builds on the theoretical approach outlined above, describing
in more concrete terms those particular concerns that contextually cut across interacting environments
and that are most likely to be relevant to cross-cultural counseling. The framework represents an
evolution of thinking from the framework initially proposed by Casas and Vasquez (1989). Figure 8.3
depicts this framework.
We have placed the counseling situation at the upper center of the figure. On the far-left and farright sides of the figure, we list a small collection of person-environment factors that may influence
or be activated in a given counseling situation. Their location at the far edges of the figure reflects our
understanding that these person-environment factors are relatively distal to the actual counseling
situation. These factors take shape in the counselors and clients orientations to the counseling
situation. We locate these orientations closer to the situation, as they are relatively proximal.
For both counselor and client, person-environment factors and orientation to the counseling
situation are uniquely and integrally related. The double-sided arrows near the tops of these sections
are designed to represent this relationship.

Figure 8.3 A Framework for Approaching Cross-Cultural Counseling

Extending below the counseling situation, we have listed as situational variables a few of those
variables that are undetermined until both counselor and client mutually construct the counseling
situation. Although we have been temped to characterize these variables as matters within the
counselors control, we realize that both counselor and client have control over their own behavior.
The point, in fact, is not who has control over these variables but that these variables remain
variables throughout a counseling situation. That is, they vary in ways that are responsive to and
constructive of the live, unfolding situation.
Although we are convinced of the general usefulness of this framework, we have not provided an
exhaustive list of all the person-environment factors that could be relevant to the counseling situation.
Nor have we described in detail all the various orientations or identified all possible situational
variables. We have identified only those factors and orientations that are most likely to be sources of
both frictionpositive or negativeand possibility in cross-cultural counseling.
In the sections that follow, we describe in greater detail the orientations of counselor and client as
likely sources of friction (and possibility) for cross-cultural counseling. It is in these descriptions that
we draw out specific implications for the counseling of Latino/as.

The Counselor
Many clinicians believe that theirs is an impartial helping profession in which practitioners relate to
the essential humanity in each client. This is a dangerous and most often plainly false belief (ComasDiz, 2012). In fact, the practice of counseling in the United States is anything but impartial (ComasDaz, 2012; D. W. Sue & Sue, 2008). Like all other human beings, counselors are encapsulated by the
beliefs inherent in the diverse environmental contexts (e.g., social, ethnic) in which they were

nurtured and/or currently exist (Wrenn, 1962). To this point, Comas-Daz (2012) contends that while
counselors may have been trained to be aware of the monocultural assumptions in the mainstream
society, they tend to be much less aware of the assumptions prevalent in the counseling profession.
When all is said and done, the fact of the matter is that counseling is a cultural activity replete with
dominant cultural assumptions and beliefs.
To counsel Latino/a clients effectively, counselors must develop an awareness of how their
acceptance of and adherence to specific personal, mainstream, and professional assumptions, beliefs,
and values may have significant impacts on their interactions with such clients as well as clients from
other diverse backgrounds. After all, many Latino/as from diverse backgrounds may find such
assumptions, beliefs, and values to be at odds with their own thinking and experience. Concomitantly,
a counselors interpretation of a clients behavior in terms of the counselors own assumptions,
beliefs, and values, whether personal and/or professional, can lead to poor assessment and diagnosis
(e.g., continued use of ethnocentric diagnostic tools), which, in turn, can result in ineffective or even
destructive interventions (Comas-Daz, 2012; Marsella & Yamada, 2007).
In the paragraphs that follow, we selectively identify and discuss a few value-based assumptions and
beliefs that are rooted in mainstream U.S. society and more specifically in the norms of typical
contemporary professional training that serve as sources for potential clientcounselor friction. (For
additional discussion of such assumptions and beliefs, see Comas-Daz, 2012.)

What counts as normal is widely understood and universally accepted.

Many counselors accept a more or less universal definition of normal behavior. This assumption
can lead counselors to assume that describing a persons behavior as inherently normal is
meaningful and implies a recognizable pattern of behaviors by the normal person. However, what
is considered normal is better evaluated and understood within the context of that behavior, including
the cultural background(s) of the persons involved, the time during which the behavior is being
displayed and observed, and preceding and subsequent actions. Rather than ask if an observed belief
or behavior is normal, we ought to examine the circumstances of that belief or behavior so that we
can determine how reasonable and sensible it is (Marsella & Yamada, 2007).

Individuals are the building blocks of society; everyone is autonomous; the

individual person is the unit of change; everyone has his or her own identity;
individualism is more appropriate than collectivism.
It is not surprising that a good number of the beliefs and assumptions identified herein focus on the
construct of individualism.
Contemporary U.S. culture makes a hero of the independent, self-sufficient person, deliberately freed
from the limitations of family, community, and circumstances. Counselors who share this assumption
have as a primary goal the development of the individual as an independent person. This assumption
works to the detriment of many Latino/as who have learned to give greater importance to the external
self, the other-directed and interdependent individual (i.e., those from cultures that put family or
other designated social units above the individual), a self that is best understood through its

contextual and historical linkages (Vasquez, 2007).

Complementing the high value placed on individualism in traditional counseling theories and practice
is the assumption that independence has value and dependence does not. Closeness and dependence
must be understood within specific cultural contexts and not merely as pathological forms of
enmeshment. Counselors who attempt to assess the appropriateness of relationships among and
between Latino/a clients must consider other possibilities, including the positive health functions
served by an individuals reliance on others (Niemann, 2001). More specifically, effective
counselors of Latino/as must understand the value of connecting, supporting, and cooperating within a
group.
Many counselors perceive the individual person as the unit of change and as such understand their
duty to be that of changing individuals to fit society rather than changing society to fit individuals (for
details, see Cushman, 1992). Counseling interventions tend to focus on the individual and how the
individual should take the initiative to change, regardless of the possibility that the individually
experienced problem may have more to do with the persons environment (D. W. Sue & Sue, 2008).
Latino/as in the United States experience second-class citizenship, oppression, and discrimination to
varying degrees (Gallardo, 2012). Given such experiences, the effective counselor may need to
assume nontraditional roles to actively validate and support Latino/a clients efforts to change the
environmental factors that prevent them from attaining their personal goals (see Atkinson, Thompson,
& Grant, 1993; Freire, 1973).

History is irrelevant; what matters is the here and now.

As Pedersen (1987) has observed, some counselors are most likely to focus on the immediate events
that created crises in their clients lives. When clients begin talking about their own histories or the
histories of their people, such counselors are likely to stop listening and wait for the clients to
catch up to current events. For many Latino/as, the past and the present interrelate in such a
complex manner that it is impossible for anyone to understand a total individual without also
understanding and appreciating his or her sociohistorical experience (Comas-Diz, 2012; McNeill et
al., 2001).

The Client
Latino/a clients are neither blank slates nor mere extrapolations of the statistically derived average
Latino/a found in the literature. In line with the person-environment theory described above, the
Latino/a client brings with him or her unique personal and social cultural characteristics and a trove
of life experiences in and with multiple, overlapping, and interacting environments. Such
characteristics and experiences might be as mundane and normal as family size, birth order,
childhood illnesses, and family mobility. Or, as is the case with many Latino/as, they can include such
stressful and often devastating experiences as racism, segregation, xenophobia, discrimination (Pew
Hispanic Center, 2009), poverty, psychological trauma associated with the immigration process
and/or immigration status (APA, 2012b), significant educational disadvantages (Surez-Orozco,
Surez-Orozco, & Todorova, 2008; Fuligni, 2012), unequal access to health and social services
(APA, 2012b; McNeill & Cervantes, 2008; Rodrguez, Valentine, Son, & Muhammad, 2009), unfair

employment (or unemployment) practices, and political disenfranchisement.

Unfortunately, there is no question that stressful experiences such as those noted above have a high
potential for causing negative psychological consequences (i.e., mental healthrelated problems)
(APA, 2006, 2012b). Given the high propensity to encounter such experiences within the Latino/a
community, there is a pressing need for counselors to understand and address them in a culturally
competent manner within the counseling process. In the paragraphs that follow, we describe a few of
the person-environment factors identified in the framework presented above that are especially
relevant to counseling Latino/as.

Experience with racism and/or discrimination.

When the client is a member of an ethnic or linguistic minority group, she or he is likely to have had
some personal experience with racism or other forms of discrimination (APA, 2012c; Pew Hispanic
Center, 2009). For Latino/as in particular, experience with linguistic discrimination, or linguistic
profiling (Vinokurov, Trickett, & Birman, 2002), may be as common as discrimination on the basis
of race or class. Personal experience is often but need not be firsthand experience; the stories a
person hears from family and other minority group members can build a sense of an experienced
history that includes sharedand therefore personalinstances of discrimination.
Frequently, these experiences are formative for the client, carried forward as personal orientations to
everyday encounters. Unfortunately, from a more severe perspective, there is evidence to show that
they are frequently associated with mental health problems, including depression, anxiety, substance
abuse, and suicidal ideation (Cheng et al., 2010; Tummala-Narra, Alegra, & Chen, 2012). (For more
information regarding the toll exacted by systematic biases, stereotypes, and discrimination, as well
as strategies to reduce those mechanisms, see APA, 2012c.)

Acculturation pressures.
Acculturation is a major factor that contributes to the dynamic, ever-changing nature of the Latino/a
population. In its original and still quite acceptable definition, the term acculturation refers to the
phenomena that result when groups of individuals from two different cultures come into continuous
firsthand contact and experience subsequent changes in the original patterns of either or both groups
(Redfield, Linton, & Herskovits, 1936). Although originally perceived from the perspective of the
group, acculturation occurs both in groups and in individuals.
A variety of factors determine the direction and rate of acculturation, as well as the pressures an
individual may experience as a result of acculturation processes. Among these are contextual changes
in the racial or ethnic demographics of a community or region, proximity to the individuals native
homeland, prevailing sociopolitical attitudes and policies (e.g., segregation), economic conditions
and practices (e.g., means and opportunities for improving employment and economic status), and
access to high-quality, advanced education. According to Kurtines and Szapocznik (1996),
differentially available opportunities and the continued prevalence of traditionally prescribed gender
roles cause acculturation rates to vary by generation and gender. The rate is faster for younger
generations (Birman, 2006).

Acculturation pressures can constitute a risk factor for an individual when they occur in an
environment that lacks relevant support networks among family, teachers, friends, and counselors;
these pressures can and often do create conflict, stress, and loss of self-esteem as the individual
struggles with an inevitable clash of values. When acculturation pressures confront especially strong
ethnic identification, a persons mental health may be put at increased risk (Torres, Driscoll, & Voell,
2012). In relation to resilience, Yeh, Arora, and Wu (2006) contend that, with support from significant
others, an individuals choice to maintain important aspects of his or her sociocultural background
can create a healthy aware individual who can function effectively across cultures and settings.
(For thorough coverage of the acculturation process from a psychological perspective, see Torres et
al., 2012.)

Role expectations.
Every client enters the counseling situation with expectations about the roles she or he and the
counselor might take up. These roles are often organized around questions of authority and trust. For
many clients, the mere act of sitting down with a counselor involves handing over an uncomfortable
level of authority for their own well-being. Progress through one or more counseling sessions
requires that the counselor and client establish (and consistently reestablish) trust. To the extent that
Latino/as from various backgrounds learn to value discretion in personal matters, they may be
especially disinclined to take their personal struggles public. In such cases, the counselors careful
management of authority relations and constant work to establish trust are extraordinarily important.

Credibility given to the counseling process.

General attitudes toward counseling and the credibility given to the counseling process among
Latino/as remain largely unexplored areas of research on multicultural counseling. That said,
anecdotal evidence from a broad spectrum of counselors and caregivers encourages, at least, a
question about widely held skepticism regarding psychological treatment, including counseling,
among Latino/as. That a particular individual may carry this skepticism into the counseling situation
is only one possibility. Whether or not a client is skeptical her- or himself, she or he may be having to
deal with skepticism from a spouse or partner, family members, or friends.

Strengths and resilience.

One of the most important strategies for counselors to employ in working with persons of color is to
identify their clients strengths and areas of resilience. Fortunately, the psychotherapeutic process
generally provides counselors with ample opportunities to become intimately acquainted with the
strengths and resilience of their clients.
Latino/as have a wide range of strengths and resilience. For example, a 2012 report issued by the
National Center for Health Statistics indicates that Hispanics live longer than White or Black
Americans (Minio & Murphy, 2012). Generally, mortality is correlated with income, education, and
health care access, so we would expect the Hispanic population to have a higher mortality, similar to
the Black population. This unique resilience of Latino/as given the usual negative health outcomes of
poverty and other psychosocial challenges, such as infant mortality and low birth weight, as seen in

non-Latino Whites and other groups, has been called the Latino/a paradox. The specific pathways
or protective factors that may buffer Latino/as and enhance their mental health have not yet been
identified, but they are hypothesized to include familismo and spirituality. Both these factors may
foster positive social support that protects individuals against depression, even in the face of
substantial environmental risk.

The Counseling Situation

The central category of our framework focuses on variables within the counseling situation itself. The
way we conceive this category includes those behaviors and positionings that are most clearly in the
direct control of both counselor and client. Rather than prescribe an appropriate sequence of
behaviors, organization of physical space, or proximity, we turn to Atkinson et al.s (1993)
description of the diverse roles that a counselor may assume in the counseling situation. (For
information on the aforementioned variables, see Ponterotto, Casas, Suzuki, & Alexander, 2010; D.
W. Sue & Sue, 2008; S. Sue, Zane, Hall, & Berger, 2009; Vasquez, 2007.) Before we address the
diverse roles that a counselor may assume, we should note that, given the space limitations here, our
focus is on generic counseling roles and not on specific therapeutic theories and approaches.
(Readers interested in such information should see Casas, Raley, & Vasquez, 2008.)
Atkinson et al. (1993) propose a three-dimensional model that focuses on the diverse roles that
counselors may have to assume when counseling racial/ethnic minority clients. Within the proposed
model, Atkinson et al. suggest that in the process of selecting roles and strategies when working with
these clients, counselors need to take into consideration three factors, each of which exists on a
continuum: (1) client level of acculturation to the dominant society (high to low), (2) locus of
problem etiology (external to internal), and (3) goals of helping (prevention, including
education/development, to remediation). Just as the roles themselves are interactionally constituted,
so are the clients particular locations on any of these continua. That is, the extent to which
acculturation pressures matter, the location of the problem, and the specific goal for counseling may
vary from one moment to the next and will certainly vary over the long haul of multiple sessions. The
point bears repeating: The appropriate counselor role may vary even within a single counseling
session, as the counselor works with every available sense to decide how to think and act for the
clients well-being.
Atkinson et al. (1993) identify eight therapist roles that interact with each of the three continua
extremes. Specifically, the therapist serves as the following:
1. Advisor: When the client is low acculturation, the problem is externally located, and prevention
is the goal of treatment.
2. Advocate: When the client is low in acculturation, the problem is external in nature, and the goal
of treatment is remediation.
3. Facilitator of indigenous support systems: When the client is low in acculturation, the problem
is internal in nature, and prevention is the goal of treatment.
4. Facilitator of indigenous healing systems: When the client is low in acculturation, the problem
is internal in nature, and remediation is the treatment goal.
5. Consultant: When the client is high in acculturation, the problem is external in nature, and

prevention is the treatment goal.

6. Change agent: When the client is high in acculturation, the problem is external in nature, and
remediation is the goal of treatment.
7. Counselor: When the client is high in acculturation, the problem is internal in nature, and
prevention is the primary goal of treatment.
8. Psychotherapist: When the client is high in acculturation, the problem is internal in nature, and
remediation is the goal of therapy.
As is evident, the framework we have presented does not attempt to identify and describe specific
counseling strategies and interventions that have been shown through research and/or practice to be
effective with Latino/a adults and children. We believe that at this point in time such interventions are
too numerous for us to address adequately within the parameters of this chapter. (For examples of
such strategies and interventions, see Kataoka et al., 2003; Santisteban & Mena; 2009; Smokowski &
Bacallao, 2009.) However, wishing to help readers select those interventions that may be most
clinically effective and culturally appropriate, we highlight the following guiding principles: (1) Use
an ecological perspective (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006) to develop and guide interventions, (2)
integrate evidence-based practice (Kazdin, 2008) with practice-based evidence (Birman et al.,
2008), (3) provide culturally competent treatments (APA, 2002), (4) use comprehensive communitybased services (Birman et al., 2008), and (5) use a social justice perspective as a driving force for
all services (Corey, Corey, & Callanan, 2011). (For more details relative to these principles, see
APA, 2012b.)

Conclusion
In this chapter we have asserted the essential importance of counselors cultural knowledge and
awareness of the social, institutional, political, and economic experience of clients who are members
of ethnic minority groups. If counselors understand the relevant cultural values, norms, and behaviors
of their clients, as well as the unique stresses that the clients face, they may propose interpretations of
their clients behaviors that are different from those they might otherwise apply.
In addition to culturally sensitive or modified approaches to counseling and therapy with Latino/as,
counselors must employ other frameworks and perspectives beyond those traditionally used, many of
which have been based on remedial models (i.e., treating the client after a specific problem has
surfaced). Romano and Hage (2000) strongly assert the need for a much greater emphasis on and
commitment to the science and practice of prevention in counseling psychology. Preventive
interventions forestall the onset of problems or needs through anticipation of the risks and challenges
faced by persons across their multiple environments. To this end, we suggest the incorporation of such
interventions for enhancing the quality of life of Latino/a groups. Following the outlines of the theory
described in this chapter, preventive environmental interventions (Banning, 1980) designed for
members of ethnic minority groups may be included.
A business-as-usual mentality will not work with Latino/as or other minority clients. The challenges
that such clients bring to counseling sessions demand that counselors employ careful ways of thinking
that are regularly refreshed through explorations into new theoretical, cross-national, and crossdisciplinary terrains (see Daz-Guerrero, 1995) as well as genuine contact with the dynamic, diverse

real world. We have provided a road map for such exploration, including the outline of a
framework that identifies a range of possibly relevant variables. In the journeys that counselors may
take with their clients, we have anticipated a few likely challenges and encouraged a preventive,
resilience-based orientation that will help Latino/a clients to move forward in their efforts to
overcome challenging psychological, social, and economic living conditionsadelante.

Critical Incident
We present the counseling situation below in order to outline some potential implications of our work
for counselors real-life practice. Although hypothetical, the situation draws on an actual case
described in greater detail elsewhere (Raley, Casas, & Corral, 2004).

The Case of Liliana

Liliana, who is 24 years old, is voluntarily seeking counseling for relationship issues. She has
lived in Californias San Francisco Bay Area for most of the time since her family emigrated with
undocumented status from Mexico. Recently married, Liliana currently lives within a few miles of her
mother and sisters. Lilianas family of origin is economically poor. She has met but does not have
ongoing contact with her biological father, who is somewhere in Mexico. Her mother and two older
sisters are deeply committed to the Apostolic Christian Church, but Liliana does not attend services
regularly. Liliana speaks reverently of her grandmother, although relations between the two were
tense for a time. Liliana and her grandmother were not speaking to each other because of her
grandmothers rejection of Lilianas younger sister. According to Liliana, her grandmother could not
accept that her sisters biological father was African American. Despite a very difficult time in
public school, Liliana was able to succeed at a small private high school, and she was accepted by an
Ivy League university. She left the university after her sophomore year to raise her own family. She is
currently working for a successful technology firm as she completes her degree.
Lilianas sense of humor engages young people and adults, her penetrating insights guide
conversations, and she is well liked by those who know her well. She continues to defy authority
when she feels that it is unjustifiably imposed, is occasionally impatient with what she perceives to
be the irrelevance of other peoples emotions or reasoning, and sometimes balks at what she sees as
unnecessary or unimportant work.
How might the framework described in this chapter be useful to a counselors efforts to improve
Lilianas mental health? The framework does not provide a script that Lilianas counselor might
follow. In fact, the framework is designed to discourage a search for solutions, pointing instead to
better questions to guide a counselors practice. Some of these guiding questions might become
actual questions that the counselor could ask Liliana. Others could guide the counselors attention
during their meetings, helping the counselor discern those important ecological factors, identify the
particulars of Lilianas orientation to the counseling situation, and design and cocreate a safe physical
and social space. The discussion questions that follow provide a limited example of guiding
questions, organized according to the broad categories of variables described in our framework.

Discussion Questions
Person-Environment Factors
1. What sorts of experiences, if any, has Liliana had with racism and other kinds of discrimination?
How have these contributed to the way Liliana sees herself and her lived world? How do race,
language, class, gender, and so on matter to Lilianas beliefs?
2. What are Lilianas own conceptions and explanations of her economic situation and that of her
family?
3. What is Lilianas take on her experiences as an immigrant?

Orientation to the Counseling Situation

1. Has Liliana been in counseling therapy before? What was the experience like? Have any of her
family members been in therapy? For what reason, and with what perceived results?
2. What concerns does Liliana bring to the present counseling situation?
3. How, if at all, does the ethnic, racial, linguistic, or economic background of the counselor matter
to Lilianas orientation to the counseling situation?

Situational Variables
1. What is the most neutral arrangement of space and materials?
2. What are Lilianas observable responses (linguistic, behavioral, and so on) to the counseling
situation, including especially the specific behaviors of the counselor?
3. Given what the counselor is learning about Lilianas environment and orientation, what roles
might the counselor take on to best meet Lilianas needs? And under what conditions might such
roles usefully vary?

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9 Counseling Arab and Muslim Clients

Marwan Dwairy
Fatimah El-Jamil

Primary Objective
To assist counselors in understanding the historical and cultural background they need to be
effective in professional encounters with Arab and/or Muslim clients

Secondary Objectives
To encourage counselors to revise or modify psychological theories and practices related to
the development and assessment of mental health to fit Arab/Muslim beliefs and cultures
To aid in the development or conceptualization of new mental health assessment and
intervention tools that are suited to Arab/Muslim clients
A psychotherapist or counselor who works with Arab and Muslim clients may notice that these clients
are more family or community oriented and therefore less individually oriented than most Western
clients. Terms such as self, self-actualization, ego, opinion, and feeling have a collective meaning
for them. These clients may be preoccupied by family issues, duties, expectations, and the approval of
others; as such, in conversing with them, counselors may find it difficult to distinguish between their
personal needs and opinions and those of their families. These primary psychocultural differences
between Arab and Muslim clients and Western clients will be expanded upon in this chapter. While
taking these differences into consideration, readers are advised to keep in mind both the large
diversity that exists among Arabs and Muslims and the fact that they share many characteristics and
features with members of other collectivistic cultures. Before we discuss these commonalities and
differences, however, we offer a brief overview of the historical, cultural, and religious background
of Arabs and Muslims. Such knowledge will help to clear up some of the many misunderstandings
Arabs and Muslims have faced since the infamous attacks on New York City and Washington, D.C.,
on September 11, 2001.

Arab and Muslim History, Culture, and Religion

Arabs are the descendants of Arabic tribes who lived in the deserts located in what are now known
as the Saudi peninsula, Iraq, and Syria. In the early 7th century (ad 610), Islam emerged in Mecca and
became one of the great monotheistic religions. At this time, the Prophet Muhammad began to exhort
men and women to reform themselves morally and to submit to the will of God, as expressed in the
divine messages revealed to the Prophet. These revelations were later embodied in the holy book
called the Quran. About 285 million Arabs are spread over 22 Arab countries in North Africa and
the Middle East today (Encyclopdia Britannica Almanac, 2003). Although the majority of Arabs

are Muslims, Christian and Druze minorities exist in Arab populations.

Muslims today number about 1.3 billion people worldwide, living in more than 100 countries on all
continents. The largest Muslim populations are found not in Arab countries but rather in Asian
countries such as Indonesia, India, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Bangladesh (Encyclopdia Britannica
Almanac, 2003). Despite the fact that Islam has been adopted by many non-Arab nations, the Arabic
language and history remain central to Muslims because Islam was revealed in the Arabic language to
Muhammad in Mecca, a city in Arabia (Dwairy, 2006).
The word Islam means submission and comes from the Arabic root that means peace (Kobeisy,
2004). The five fundamental tenets of Islam that are shared by all Islamic groups are as follows:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.

Shahada: The profession of faith (There is no God but Allah, and Muhammad is His Prophet.)
Siyam: Fasting in the holy month of Ramadan
Salah: Prayer five times a day
Zakah: A tax devoted to providing financial help to the poor
Hajj: The pilgrimage to Mecca

These tenets direct Muslims to submit and pray to one God (shahada, salah, and hajj), to learn to
control their instincts (siyam), and to empathize with the poor and offer them help (zakah). A true
believer is expected to adhere to and fulfill these five principles, which are meant to promote a
greater connectedness to God and to other believers. Antagonism and hostility directed toward the
West are far divorced from any true Islamic fundamental beliefs. On the contrary, Islam is very clear
about the need to accept and respect others, including those who practice other monotheistic
religions, such as Christianity and Judaism. In fact, the same spiritual source, Abraham, is considered
the father of these three monotheistic religions, as they all emerged from his descendants.
After the death of the Prophet Muhammad, the issue of who should be his successor became a most
pressing problem. Ali, who was the Prophets cousin and son-in-law, presented himself as the person
most eligible for the job, but he was turned down by the majority at the time. After the death of the
third Rashidi caliph, Othman, Ali appeared as the first among many contestants, but again he was
opposed bitterly by many groups. This issue of leadership ended in fierce battles and divisions among
Muslims. This era in Islamic history, called the greatest civil strife, resulted in the death of Ali and
later his son, Hussein. Alis followers and all those opposed to the winning groups were deeply and
tragically moved by their losses and gathered themselves together. That was the beginning of the Shia
sect of Islam, the name of which literally means the supporters. The majority group was called the
Sunni, or the followers of the way of the Prophet (Badawi, 1996). All Muslims, whether Sunni or
Shia, follow the main pillars of Islam and the Quran, with minor differences in their interpretations
of the Quran that developed over the years. Even though the Islamic empire disintegrated over time
into different nationalities and countries, the two main sects of Islam remain, along with their struggle
for authority in the Islamic world, the same struggle that began in the 14th century.
A set of very strict laws called the Shariaa was later developed. These laws are based on specific
interpretations of the Quran and on what is known about the Prophets life, the Sunna. The Shariaa
provides directives according to which an individuals personal, familial, social, economic, and
political life must be led. The Shariaa is practiced in almost every Arab country, although in some

countries (such as Saudi Arabia and Qatar) it is fully enforced as law, while in others (such as
Lebanon) it is only partially enforced and then only on Muslim citizens. Therefore, Islam not only
involves faith and prayer to God but also provides legislation pertaining to almost every aspect of
life. Islam can be described as a social religion that attempts to promote a balanced order in society,
since it encompasses all the needs of the human being from the spiritual to the physical.
The impression that the West has of sexuality in Arab Muslim societies has received much attention
and debate in the media, particularly given the very conservative dress known as the abaya and the
veil known as the hijab, which are often shown in the media. Sexuality is one of the many aspects of
day-to-day life that Islam addresses. For example, Islam directs both male and female believers to
avert their gaze from members of the opposite sex and to safeguard their gender, as this is more
decent for them (Khalidi, 2008). Islam also describes grave punishments that believers will endure
for engaging in sex outside of wedlock, and adultery is considered the greatest of sexual
transgressions (Khalidi, 2008). Islam, however, also provides legal sexual vents for men within the
context of wedlock. Polygamy, which is a concession that is not predominant in todays Arab cultures,
serves as one of those legal vents. Divorce is another example of a legal vent that permits both
women and men the practical means to deal with irreconcilable conflicts associated with changing
physical or emotional needs.
The hijab, as well as other conservative dress as currently practiced by Muslim women, is an
expression of Islamic identity and faith and serves to protect women from the sexual advances of men.
However, among more moderate-minded Muslims, it is also viewed as a form of control imposed by
Islamic institutions to limit the sexual appeal of women. Among Islamic countries today, only Saudi
Arabia and Iran enforce the veiling of women, and in countries such as Tunisia and Turkey, state laws
prohibit veiling. Regardless of societal laws, however, the dress code in Islam is conservative.
Arabs and Muslims also have a very specific political history that shapes the way they experience the
West. For many decades, Arab Muslims were acquainted with Westerners as colonialists or
occupiers in Africa and Asia. Their biggest and most devastating defeat, however, was the Zionist
movement in Palestine, backed by the West. More recently, they know the West as supporting or
condoning the Israeli occupation of Palestinian land and launching the war on Iraq without clear
indication of threat. In the past few decades, particularly since the war on terrorism began, the
relationships between Arab Muslim societies and the West have become particularly tense, with the
West often seen as a threat to the Arab and Muslim societies sovereignty and their collective
character. While these views are not shared by all Arabs and Muslims, many do remain apprehensive
about Western regimes and foreign policies, particularly after having endured decades of political
instability in their home countries (Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001).
Furthermore, because of sociopolitical issues, including the dictatorships and monarchies in various
Arab countries of North Africa and Asia and poverty within rural areas, religious fundamentalism
grew as a result of peoples disempowerment. Some Muslims thought that they could improve their
lives by returning to their religion the way it was practiced during the golden age of Islam.
Otherwise they would have to follow in the steps of the powerful nations that defeated them. This was
the beginning of what the West has termed Islamic fundamentalism. However, the fundamentalists
reactions to world events have become more desperate and hate-fueled with time, veering away from

the tenets of Islam and toward political ends. The events of the Arab Spring, initially motivated by the
masses, were also reactions to these sociopolitical issues, but fundamentalist religious groups have
further taken advantage of these revolutionary movements that began during the Arab Spring to gain
power in countries such as Tunisia, Egypt, Syria, Iraq, and Libya.
Despite having negative feelings toward the West, many Arabs are also fascinated by Western culture,
technology, and science. They consume Western products and watch and listen to Western media, and
Arab scholars often adopt Western theories. There is no doubt that exposure to Westerners, through
travel, media, science, and technology, has introduced many Arab Muslims to new individualistic
values that challenge their collectivist traditions and beliefs. Attitudes toward the West are therefore
often a mixture of rage and antagonism on one hand and identification and glorification on the other.
Arab and Muslim immigrants of course vary in the proportion of their resentment versus their
identification with the West (Dwairy, 2006), as we will discuss in the following sections.

Arab Americans
Estimates of the population of Arab Americans residing in the United States range from 1.7 million to
5.1 million. Arab and Muslim Americans are found in all social classes, at all education levels, and
in urban and rural settings. Their levels of education and income are usually higher than the averages
for the total U.S. population (Arab American Institute, 2012), in part because educational
achievement and economic enhancement are highly valued in Arab cultures (Abraham, 1995). Many
are also multinational and multilingual, with the Arabic language as their mother tongue and usually
English or French as their second language. Arabs may travel to and settle in Western countries for
higher education and employment opportunities, or they may be seeking refuge from war, political
instability, economic hardship, or, in some cases, religious persecution (Abi-Hashem, 2008, 2011). In
general, Arab Americans integrate well into mainstream U.S. society, but some Arabs and Muslims
do remain separate and unable to integrate into the American social system (Abi-Hashem, 2011).
They may consciously or unconsciously resist assimilation into the American culture.
Many factors play roles in facilitating or inhibiting acculturation and/or the development of a
cohesive, individual, Arab ethnic identity (Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001). First, there is great
religious and political heterogeneity among Arabs. Some Arab Americans align themselves with
conservative Republican values, while others, particularly immigrants, who tend to be dissatisfied
with American foreign policy, lean toward more left-wing liberal values (Abraham, 1995). Islamic
religious identification also varies greatly: Some Arab Muslims adhere to all the fundamental beliefs,
tenets, and practices of Islam; some identify as believers without strict practice; and still others
consider themselves Muslim solely for purposes of identity or sense of belonging. Second, the lack of
recognition by the United States of Arab Americans as an ethnic minority group greatly affects their
identity. Some Arabs, for this reason, identify as White, while others insist on placing themselves
in an other category in order to assert their separate ethnicity. Third, Arab Americans have
experienced racism, discrimination, and social stigma to varying degrees, with some reporting direct
harm and others completely unacknowledged as Arabs or Muslims (Abi-Hashem, 2011; Erickson &
Al-Timimi, 2001). Such realities challenge Arab Muslims ease of assimilation or acculturation to the
host American culture.

Authoritarian and Collective Culture

The social systems in both the traditional Arab and the Muslim worlds tend to be collective and
authoritarian: The individual and family are interdependent, and the family is ruled by a patriarchal,
hierarchical authority. Despite some progress in the past few decades, democratic values and
political rights remain limited in most Arab Muslim countries, and the citizens still, for the most part,
rely on the family rather than on the state for their survival, including in matters related to child care,
education, jobs, housing, and protection (United Nations Development Programme, 2002). In the
absence of a state system that provides for the needs of the citizens, the individual and family continue
to be interdependent. Individuals depend on their families for survival, and family cohesion,
economy, status, and reputation are in turn dependent on individuals behavior and achievements. The
individual is expected to serve the collective (family or community) in order to receive the familial
support needed for his or her survival.
In such a social system, two polarized options are open to individuals: (1) to be submissive in order
to gain vital collective support or (2) to relinquish the collective support in favor of self-fulfillment.
Arabs and Muslims are split in terms of the choices that they make between these two poles and can
be roughly divided into three societal categories: authoritarian/collectivistic, mixed, and
individualistic. The majority of Arabs and Muslims are found in the first two categories. The
individualistic minority is typically made up of those who were raised in educated, middle- to upperclass urban families and have had much exposure to Western culture. Of course, these categories are
dynamic and contextual: An Arab persons orientation can be more collective in terms of one issue,
such as family life, and less collective in terms of another, such as business activities and related
issues.
For most Arab and Muslim individuals, choices in life are collective matters, and therefore the family
is always involved in major decision making. Decisions concerning clothing, social activities,
education, career, marriage, housing, size of the family, and child rearing are often made within the
family context, and at times the individual has only minimal space for personal choice. Within this
system, an individual learns to be more reliant on others and consistently assesses whether personal
initiatives and challenges are worth embarking on if they counter the wishes of the family. To maintain
its cohesion, the collective system may not welcome authentic self-expression of feelings; instead,
individuals are often expected to express what others anticipate. This way of communicating within
the collective is directed by values of showing respect (ihtiram), fulfilling social duties (wajib), and
pleasing others and avoiding confrontations (mosayara).
Given that societal, cultural, and religious norms as described above greatly affect an individuals
psychological development, counselors and psychotherapists who work with Arab and Muslim
clients may need to revise their theoretical understanding of mental health and adapt their methods of
assessment and therapy to the specific needs of this population.

Psychosocial Development
Western theories of development emphasize a separationindividuation process that normally ends

with the individual developing an independent identity after adolescence. While they may use
different terminology, all theories of development agree that normal development starts with
symbiosis or complete dependence and ends with independence and autonomy. Freud claimed that
after the fifth year of life, children already possess, through a process of identification with the samesex parent, an almost independent personality structure. After age 5, children unconsciously repeat
and transfer their early relationships with their parents to their present interpersonal relationships
(Freud, 1900, 1940/1964). Erikson (1950) asserted that the formation of an independent ego identity
is a necessary stage in the normal development of children. He described the stages that lead to
autonomous ego identity: First, children attain basic trust (birth to 1 year), then seek autonomy (13
years) and move toward initiation (36 years) and industry (612 years), until they achieve ego
identity in late adolescence. Object relations theory also focuses on analyzing the process of
separationindividuation in the first 3 years of life (Mahler, Bergman, & Pine, 1975) and its
continuance into adolescence (Blos, 1967), until the individuation of the self is achieved.
These theories of development actually describe the ideal development in Western society.
Accordingly, the mentally healthy adult is independent, autonomous, individuated, internally
controlled, and responsible for him- or herself. In an individualistic society, dependence in an adult
may be considered a disorder (e.g., dependent personality disorder) or a sort of fixation or
regression. Conversely, in societies where collective/authoritarian norms and values continue to be
the major generators of behavior, personal development does not occur in the same way as it does in
primarily individualistic societies. Assuming complete autonomy and independence is inappropriate,
because individuals remain embedded in the larger family context and society (Hofstede, 1986; Sue
& Sue, 1990). Adolescents continue to be emotionally and socially dependent on their environment;
only later, as older adults, do individuals become more interdependent with their environment. In fact,
in societies that adopt authoritarian parenting styles, Arab adolescents are not expected to act out,
become egocentric, or engage in nonconformist or rebellious behavior (Racy, 1970). Indeed, Timimi
(1995) has postulated that Arab youth do not experience identity crises in adolescence or achieve
individual autonomy because their individual identities are part of the larger family identities to
which they are always loyal.
When the ego identity of Arab Palestinian adolescents was measured, it was found to be more
foreclosed and diffused than that of American youth (Dwairy, 2004a). Foreclosed or diffused
adolescents do not experience a crisis period but rather adopt commitments from others (usually
parents) and accept them as their own without shaping, modifying, or testing them for personal fit.
These adolescents do not experience a need or desire to explore alternatives and/or deal with the
question of their identity. Furthermore, the identity of male Arab Palestinian adolescents was found to
be even more foreclosed than that of their female counterparts. Additionally, the interconnectedness
with their parents was of a higher level than that found among American youth. Arab Palestinian
adolescents, for instance, displayed higher levels of emotional, financial, and functional dependence
on their parents than did American adolescents (Dwairy, 2004a).
Authoritarian parenting and psychological dependence and interdependence are frequently
misunderstood by Western counselors working with Arab and Muslim clients. Some studies indicate
that Arab children and youth are satisfied with authoritarian parenting (Hatab & Makki, 1978).
Additionally, other studies indicate that authoritarianism is not associated with any detriment to the

mental health of Arab youth (Dwairy, 2004b; Dwairy & Menshar, 2006). Examining these
psychocultural features among Turkish families, Fisek and Kaitibai (1999) commented that
authoritarianism should not be considered as oppression, emotional connectedness as enmeshment or
fusion, or the collective familial self as constriction or developmental arrest. Similarly, Western
counselors and therapists who work with Arab and Muslim families should be attentive to
psychosocial dependence and interdependence as appropriate and functional behavior that is based
on correct reality testing and the understanding of the social reality in Arab and Muslim societies, and
not as a fixation, regression, or sign of immaturity.

Personality
The concept of personality emerged along with the development of individualism in the West.
Personality theories arose to explain the internal dynamics that rule the individuals behavior. Most
personality theories assume an intrapsychic construct (ego, self, trait, drives) and processes
(conflicts, repression, self-actualization) according to which behavior is explained (Dwairy, 2002).
In contrast, in most collectivistic societies, where the personality continues to be other-focused
(Markus & Kitayama, 1998), norms, values, rules, and familial authority can largely explain the
behavior of the individual. In these societies, such as Arab Muslim ones, the concept of personality
must therefore go beyond the intrapsychic constructs and processes and focus on the social layer,
because the intrapsychic structures are dependent on the external, social layer of personality.
The main dynamic in the personal life of the Arab Muslim individual is in the interpersonal or
intrafamilial domain rather than the intrapsychic. Most sources of struggle are primarily external, a
conflict between personal needs and social and familial control. To contend with and manage this
common conflict, individuals require specific social coping skills. Central to these skills, which
prevail naturally in Arab societies, are mosayara (or mojamala) and istighaba. Mosayara is to align
oneself with others needs by verbalizing what is expected and concealing ones true feelings and
attitudes. It is an essential expectation in Arab Muslim societies because it helps maintain harmony
within the family and society. Istighaba, on the other hand, allows feelings, attitudes, and needs that
are not expressed because of mosayara to be expressed in the absence of familial or social
knowledge. Socially unacceptable behavior is expressed in solitude, away from the eyes of the
society, to avoid punishment or isolation. These are two complementary skills often used to cope
within the collective Arab society (Dwairy, 1997b, 1998).
Therefore, the two main entities of the collective personality are the social layer of personality versus
the private layer. The social layer is the component that is exposed to others and communicates with
them according to norms and values while using coping skills such as mosayara. The private layer is
the component that enables ventilation of unacceptable needs or expressions away from the scrutiny
of social control, while using coping skills such as istighaba. Neither layer is independent, but rather
is or is not conveyed according to the presence or absence of social, external control. Thus, the
collectivistic personality, as compared to the individualistic one, tends to act contextually rather than
consistently across social situations. Individual differences among Arabs and Muslims may be
displayed within two main factors: (1) the individuation of the person (the more individuated the
person, the less dominated by the social layer he or she is), and (2) the social status (individuals
behave differently according to their social roles, gender, age, and profession). These two factors

help explain and predict differences in behavior among Arabs and Muslims (for further discussion of
these factors, see Dwairy, 2002).

Assessment
Since the typical intrapsychic structures of personality, such as ego, self-concept, and conflict, are
interpersonal rather than individual among many Arab and Muslim clients, to understand a clients
personality, the clinician needs to assess its other, more relevant components. Most important, the
clinician should assess the clients level of individuation to understand whether the social or the
private layer predominates, to know the context in which each component is activated, and to know
how effectively the client uses his or her social coping skills. The conventional battery of tests that
focuses on intrapsychic components of personality does not meet this need; therefore, the clinician
needs to seek out additional assessment tools that can assess the clients level of individuation,
values, adherence to norms, coping skills, and need to be understood within the family context.
A structured interview such as the Person-in-Culture Interview (Berg-Cross & Chinen, 1995) is one
example of a tool that could provide the therapist or counselor with the information he or she requires
to understand the needs, attitudes, and values of the individual as opposed to those of his or her
family. In such an interview, the client is asked to identify his or her attitudes and feelings concerning
a certain issue and then to identify his or her familys reaction to that same issue. This enables the
therapist to better understand similarities and differences between the clients values and attitudes
and those of the clients family.
Talking about a significant object (TASO) is another innovative technique that directs the client to talk
about him- or herself through a significant object the client identifies from his or her home. This
technique is based on the understanding that people in traditional cultures have strong emotional
attachments to their physical environments; therefore, talking about a significant item brought from the
home environment reveals significant memories and events pertaining to the clients life and family
(see Dwairy, 1999, 2001).

Psychopathology
Psychopathology, according to Western personality theories, is considered a dysfunction within the
intrapsychic domain that causes suffering, impairment in functioning, somatic complaints, or
detachment from reality (American Psychiatric Association, 1994). Arabs and Muslims, however,
may display these symptoms because of a dysfunction within the individual-family relationship. The
main sources of psychopathology are often dysfunction between the social and private layers of
personality and the failure or misuse of social coping skills. For instance, an imbalance between
mosayara and social approval or the discovery of the istighaba by the family may cause severe
psychosomatic and social distress.
Furthermore, since the individual and the family, the mind and the body, and, at times, reality and
illusion are not easily distinguishable entities among many Arabs and Muslims, a disorder is
displayed in all of these domains in a diffused rather than stylistic way. Patterned disorders that are

described in the fourth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSMIV-TR) are not displayed clearly among Arabs and Muslims. For instance, major depression,
considered in the West to be a mood disorder characterized by sad feelings, hopelessness, and
helplessness, may be manifested among Arabs and Muslims only physically in somatic complaints,
frequently with no feelings of sadness, hopelessness, and helplessness (Al-Issa, 1989; Baasher, 1962;
Racy, 1980).
Additionally, many Arabs and Muslims have a different concept of reality from that of Westerners.
They may at times consider visions and dreams to be the true reality (Al-Issa, 1995; Dwairy, 1997a),
and on the basis of dreams and visions, they may make crucial decisions in their lives. This
difference in the concept of reality challenges reality testing as a criterion for mental disorder, as
adopted by the Western nosology. In addition, in the diagnosis of schizophrenia, the conventional
DSM-IV nosology does not aid in differentiating between cultural hallucinations and psychotic ones.
A typical psychotic disorder among Arabs and Muslims is acute, precipitated by familial or social
distress, and polymorphic, involving a large range of symptoms. Many recover mental health within a
year, even without any medication, and typically have no family history of psychosis (Okasha, Seif El
Dawla, Khalil, & Saad, 1993).
There is also an increasingly debated issue around the prevalence and quality of posttraumatic stress
in the Arab region. An epidemiological study conducted in Lebanon highlighted the fact that despite
ongoing wars, political turmoil, and civil unrest, rates of posttraumatic stress disorder, based on
DSM-IV-TR diagnostic criteria, are low and similar to rates found in the United States (Karam,
Noujeim, Saliba, & Chami, 1996). PTSD symptomatology such as intrusive flashbacks or nightmares
may not be the central problem area that Arabs present with. Other studies conducted in Lebanon and
Palestine have found higher rates of depression, anxiety, aggression, and socially avoidant behaviors
after exposure to sustained, repeated, or multiple war traumas (Cloitre et al., 2009; Karam, 1997;
Khamis, 2008). These symptoms may more adequately describe the traumatic reactions of Arabs in
the region. Therapists in the West must be careful not to assume a diagnosis of PTSD based on past
trauma alone, as there may be other, more pertinent, issues and symptoms that need direct attention.

Psychotherapy and Counseling

Working with Arab and Muslim clients requires careful attention and sensitivity to the major
psychological, social, and cultural issues described above. Each phase of therapy has its own
particular set of challenges and concerns.

Choosing a Psychotherapist or Counselor

Although research has found that matching therapist and client on gender and ethnicity does not change
therapy outcome (Zane, Hall, Sue, Young, & Nunez, 2004), these two factors should be considered
with Arab and Muslim clients. Among very religious or conservative Arabs and Muslims, there are
limitations to how freely the opposite sexes can interact with one another, particularly with strangers
(Kobeisy, 2004). In addition to the individuals own religious, cultural, and social beliefs, the issue
for which counseling is sought is a very important consideration (Kobeisy, 2004). Arab and Muslim

clients sitting with therapists of the opposite sex may find it very challenging to discuss certain
personal issues, and this may facilitate resistance to the process.
Matching therapist and client on cultural or religious background needs careful attention also. Some
Arabs and Muslims prefer therapists of the same ethnic identity in order to ensure a process free of
stereotypic judgments. However, some Arabs and Muslims who particularly value the confidentiality
that comes with the therapy process may want to avoid having someone from their own community
becoming aware of their personal secrets. They may fear being judged or blamed by an Arab Muslim
authority as they may be in their own families. Such clients actually prefer therapists whose
backgrounds are different from their own (Kobeisy, 2004). Thus, Arab and Muslim clients seeking
services should be asked directly about their preferences in this area before psychotherapy begins.

The Beginning Phase

Before embarking on a specified therapeutic path, the therapist should consider several aspects of the
clients experience. The therapist should demonstrate a thorough understanding of the clients
background before deciding on the treatment plan. First, the therapist must assess the clients comfort
with communicating in English. Arabic is a rich language with many words that refer to varying
intensities of the same emotions, and Arabic speakers make frequent use of metaphors. Speaking in
ones mother tongue naturally elicits a wider emotional response and complexity. Just because clients
may be able to communicate rather well in English does not mean that they can express themselves in
that language with the same level of clarity as they can in Arabic (Sayed, 2003b). In such cases,
therapists need to exercise patience in communication and ask their clients questions that facilitate
both interest in and acceptance of what the clients are saying and how they are saying it. The use of an
interpreter can be an option when the struggle to articulate appears to interfere with the therapy
process and emotional expression. However, the therapist must assess the need to use an interpreter
carefully, because doing so can lead to complications. While a client may initially welcome the idea
of having an interpreter in session, later the presence of a third party who is similar to the client in
cultural and/or linguistic background may create increased feelings of shame or unease for the client.
Thus, in order to save face, the client may form a coalition with the interpreter that interferes with an
honest and open therapy process (Sayed, 2003b).
Second, the therapist should assess the clients level of acculturation to Western society and norms, as
there is much heterogeneity among Arab and Muslim communities and within individual families in
terms of acculturation (Abi-Hashem, 2011; Al-Krenawi & Graham, 2000; Erickson & Al-Timimi,
2001). An immigration history may also be pertinent, particularly if the client has endured any
psychological trauma, such as armed conflict or persecution, in his or her country of origin, or if the
client has experienced any discrimination or prolonged mourning in the host country (Abi-Hashem,
2008; Nassar-McMillan & Hakim-Larson, 2003).
In addition, immigration to the West challenges the cultural features mentioned earlier. After
emigration, a fundamental cultural revision and change may take place in the mind of the Arab and
Muslim individual. The Western, liberal, individualistic life may seem too permissive and therefore
threatening to traditional Arab and Muslim values concerning family, women, and child rearing.
While Arab and Muslim immigrants may want to be part of the Western society, they may be afraid of

becoming enmeshed and losing their values and identity. Therefore, at some initial stage after arrival
in the host country, Arabs and Muslims may become more committed to certain cultural norms and
values that had only a marginal position in their way of life before emigration. Many may find refuge
in their cultures of origin and become more nationalistic or religiously fundamentalist than before.
Other first-generation Arab and Muslim immigrants live in two polarized worlds and are torn
between two conflicting cultures, struggling to define themselves. Counselors and psychotherapists
need to be sensitive to these two seemingly contradictory goals of Arab and Muslim clients: the need
to adapt to Western society and the need to retain their own cultures (Abi-Hashem, 2011).
Third, the therapist or counselor should assess the internal resources available to the client versus the
power the social environment exerts on her or him. Level of individuation from the family, ego
strength, and the control of the family are three major factors that should be assessed before any
therapy takes place (Dwairy, 2006). On the basis of this assessment, the counselor may decide
whether to apply therapies that reveal unconscious contents and end in greater self-actualization or to
apply therapies that focus on basic problem-solving and communication skills. The higher the level of
the clients individuation, the stronger the ego, the greater the flexibility of the family, the more
apposite it is for the counselor to apply insight-oriented interventions. With a client who is
unindividuated, has weak ego strength, and lives in a strict and traditional family, the counselor will
want to adopt short-term and problem-focused interventions.

The Psychotherapy Process

Because the distresses of clients from collective cultures are commonly related to intrafamilial
disorder, counselors and therapists need to work on restoring this order. With more traditional Arab
Muslim clients, working on revealing unconscious contents and helping the clients align themselves
with their own personal needs and values can be counterproductive, in that it may change the clients
behaviors in ways that clash with the clients social and religious environments and meet with family
disapproval. Assuming also that clients are typically the most vulnerable members of their families, it
seems unrealistic to expect that they will be able to endure the conflicts within their families or
communities that would result from their expressing forbidden feelings and needs.
At the same time, children of Arab Americans who were born in the West may experience increased
tension between the demands of their families and those of the society of their host country. In some
cases, severe power struggles emerge between these children and their parents. It is sensible in such
cases for counselors to determine if any differences in religiosity and cultural identity exist between
parents and children (Springer, Abbott, & Reisbig, 2009). Therapists working with such families
need to support both the parents demands and their childrens struggles while aiming for increased
communication, understanding of positions, and compromises between parents and children.
Counselors and therapists should try to understand the rationale of these families systems from
within, to listen to both the stresses and anxieties that the parents experience and the stresses of their
children, to express empathy with their conflicts, to harness resources that exist from within Islam and
their beliefs, and to encourage and empower those progressive components in the parents value
system and religion that may facilitate therapeutic changes. Counselors should remember that their
role is to serve the needs of their clients within the clients own families and value systems rather

than to serve only the clients individual needs and values.

Integrating positive religious coping strategies into therapy with Arab and Muslim clients has been
demonstrated to yield positive clinical outcomes (Abu-Raiya & Pargament, 2010, 2011), particularly
because for most of these clients religious identity is a primary source of comfort. Pargament, Koenig,
and Perez (2000) define positive religious coping strategies as methods an individual uses to develop
a safe and secure relationship with God, a higher meaning to his or her life, and a sense of spiritual
connection to others; as such, therapists may find it useful to encourage their Arab and Muslim clients
to draw on their religious coping resources. Another study found that integrating knowledge of the
Quran and the Hadith (sayings and customs of the Prophet) into an evidence-based therapy program,
such as cognitive-behavioral therapy, rapidly improved anxiety symptoms in Muslim patients with
strong religious backgrounds (Razalli, Aminah, & Khan, 2002). In general, because evidence-based
therapies disregard individual and cross-cultural differences, it is imperative that counselors working
with Arab and Muslim clients modify such therapies so that they are culturally sensitive.
Another important aspect of therapy with Arab and Muslim clients is the need to improve clients
communication with their families. Even though a counselor or therapist may be working individually
with a client, family sessions or direct work with some members of the clients family may prove
essential (Al-Krenawi & Graham, 2000), despite the fact that such an approach is contraindicated in
traditional individual therapy. A therapist may misconstrue a clients wish to involve his or her
family, or the familys wish to be involved, as codependency, overinvolvement, overprotection, or
enmeshment, whereas the client may see the therapists failure to understand the need for family
involvement as professional neglect (Al-Krenawi & Graham, 2000). Thus, counselors and therapists
who work with Arab and Muslim clients should give special attention to understanding the
relationship dynamics of the family (conflicts, coalitions, and force balances) and the status of the
client within the family in order to restore the family order. A counselor who ignores the influence of
the family and focuses instead on the clients personal issues may miss the point and make a client
who appears enmeshed in the family feel misunderstood. In addition, a counseling approach that
threatens familial authority or the clients faith may result in premature termination of the counseling
process and leave the client to suffer the consequences. Drawing on family systems theory allows the
therapist to embrace all the significant subsystems that make up the clients world without placing
blame on any one element of the system (Nichols, 2012).

Problems of Transference and Countertransference

Arab and Muslim clients may manifest ambivalence toward the West explicitly or implicitly in
therapy with Western counselors, and this ambivalence may be displayed through transference and
countertransference processes. Many Arab and Muslim clients bring their cultures to their counseling
sessions and consider Western counselors to be representative of all that the West means for Arabs
and Muslims. An Arab and Muslim client may express submissiveness and idealization to a Western
counselor not only as transference of the childparent relationship but also as transference of the
Arab and MuslimWest relationship. Expressions of anger and rage on one hand and feelings of
inferiority or fear on the other are expected components of an Arab and Muslim clients transference
toward a Western counselor. For some Arab and Muslim clients, the American therapist may
represent the whole American regime and its attitude toward the Arabic and Islamic nations. This

transference may be expressed in terms of we (the Arabs) and you (the Americans). The therapist
should not take any accusation personally but rather should help the client to differentiate among the
therapist, Americans in general, and American foreign policy. An inquiry such as When you say
you, do you mean we the Americans or me the therapist? may help the Arabic client to be aware of
the differences between Americans in general and the therapist as a particular person. An open and
honest discussion of the impressions the client carries about the United States and other Western
countries may prove helpful in facilitating the therapeutic alliance, and this process may demand
similar disclosure on the part of the therapist before the patient can truly trust the therapist.
The Arab clients perception of the therapist can also affect the transferential relationship. The client
may appear submissive as a result of his or her perception of the therapist as all-knowing, someone to
be afforded the highest status and respect. Such a client may place all trust in the therapist and
initially give him or her full control over treatment and decision making (Sayed, 2003a). Other Arab
and Muslim clients, in contrast, may generally mistrust counselors or therapists altogether and tend to
prefer to seek psychological help from family members, elders, or clergy (Abi-Hashem, 2011). Part
of this mistrust has to do with the fear of being labeled as crazy, and this fear is compounded by the
notion among some Arabs and Muslims that people who suffer from mental illness have a weak self
and weak faith (Sayed, 2003a).
Western counselors need also to be aware of their own biases and assumptions regarding Arabs and
Muslims, as these will affect their countertransference toward Arab and Muslim clients and families.
They need to be open to listening to and learning about the client and family, divesting themselves of
any stereotypic notions and prejudices they may have absorbed from the Western media (AbiHashem, 2011; Sayed, 2003b). For example, Western counselors may find it difficult to understand
the rationale of the traditional Arab and Muslim parenting style, not having experienced the vital
individual-family interdependence that exists where state-provided care is absent. Counselors may
easily find themselves opposing the authority of Arab and Muslim families and employing therapeutic
or even legal means in attempts to create a liberal, egalitarian order in these families. They may need
to make a great conscious effort to avoid judging the behaviors and attitudes of their Arab and Muslim
clients and their families according to Western norms and values.
Arab and Muslim clients can be helped best by counselors or therapists who empathize with their
collective cultural, political, and social values. By manifesting acceptance, tolerance, and
unconditional positive regard toward clients families, their traditions, and their beliefs, counselors
may help these clients trust and relinquish anger, mistrust, or feelings of inferiority. Empathy and
acceptance that are limited to the individual client and do not encompass the family and culture do not
suffice and, in some cases, may be counterproductive or threatening. Additionally, pushing a client to
confront her or his family may prematurely place the client in an irresolvable familial conflict.

Culturanalysis
A therapist working with an Arab and Muslim client may want to apply a within-culture therapy and
employ culture to facilitate therapeutic change. In order to achieve this, the therapist must identify
subtle contradictions within the belief system of the client and employ cultural aspects that may
facilitate change. Similarly to how a psychoanalyst analyzes the intrapsychic domain and brings

conflicting aspects to consciousness (e.g., aggression and guilt) to mobilize change, a culturanalyst
analyzes the clients belief system and brings contradicting aspects to consciousness to create a
revision in attitudes and behavior. The assumption that underlies culturanalysis is that culture
influences peoples lives on an unconscious level. When a therapist inquires and learns about a
clients culture, he or she may find some unconscious aspects that are dissociated from the clients
conscious attitudes with which a conflict exists. Once the therapist brings these aspects to the
awareness of the client, the client starts to revise his or her conscious attitudes, and a significant
change may be effected.
Culturanalysis can be understood from different theoretical perspectives. In the same way that a
humanistic (Rogersian) therapist establishes an unconditional positive regard for and empathy with
the individual to facilitate the expression of the authentic self, a culturanalyst establishes positive
regard for and empathy with the culture and facilitates the recognition of more and more aspects of
the culture that were denied and that may be employed to accomplish change. Alternatively, one can
understand this process in terms of generating a cognitive dissonance within the clients belief system
that necessitates change. For example, Samer, a 22-year-old religious Muslim client struggling with
depression, was, as many individuals with depression do, focusing on negative events in his life and
denying many positive ones. He tried with no success to protect himself from negative events by
praying more frequently. When confronted with his own religions beliefs, he was prompted to
examine the ways in which he truly appreciated the grace of God as a Muslim man. The therapists
employment of the clients religious belief system made change for Samer easier and more stable.
(For more examples, see Dwairy, in press.)

Indirect Therapies
Arabs and Muslims, like members of many other cultures, have a concept of reality that differs from
that of Westerners. The positivistic concept of reality in the West is associated with a literal reality.
The Arabic language, in contrast, is very metaphoric (Hourani, 1983, 1991), and therefore many Arab
and Muslim clients may express their problems through metaphors and images. Given these cultural
characteristics, therapists should facilitate these clients use of imaginative and metaphoric
conceptions over positivistic conceptions. Approaches such as metaphor therapy may be especially
useful with Arab and Muslim clients.
Since more traditional Arab and Muslim clients are likely to feel uncomfortable with addressing their
family lives directly, and because they primarily use metaphoric language to express distress,
therapists and counselors should enter these clients metaphoric world and facilitate metaphoric
solutions. When a client who is trying to say that her family does not understand her suffering
expresses herself using a proverb such as Elli eidu belmay mesh methl elli eidu bennar (The one
whose hand is in water is not like the one whose hand is in fire), the therapist can work through this
metaphor without addressing the familial relationship directly.
Kopp (1995) describes a three-stage approach to metaphor therapy in which, first, the client is asked
to select a metaphor that describes the problem in concrete terms; next, the client is asked to change
the metaphor in such a way that it describes the solution to the problem; and finally, the client is asked
what she or he has learned from the metaphoric solution and what practical implications can be

deduced from it that she or he can use to cope with the problem. Bresler (1984) describes a
metaphoric technique designed to help chronic pain sufferers control their pain by controlling images
in their minds. First, the client is guided to draw a picture of the pain, then to draw the state of no
pain, and then to draw the pleasure state. In the second stage, the client learns to control the images in
his or her mind and to retain the pictures (images) of no pain and pleasure. Through these three
images, the client processes the pain experience metaphorically. Let us return to our example about
the feeling of a hand in water versus the feeling of a hand in fire. If this metaphor describes the
problem, the therapist may suggest that the client draw (or imagine) the metaphor and then create a
new picture that describes the relief of finding a solution. The fact that the client is involved in
imagining a metaphor-based solution influences his or her real experience.
Metaphor therapy is a suitable intervention when the aim of the therapist is to avoid dealing directly
with repressed contents. Other indirect therapies that may be useful with Arab and Muslim clients
include guided imagery therapy, art therapy, and bibliotherapy (Dwairy & Abu Baker, 1992). In all
these therapies, the client processes the problem and finds solutions or new coping strategies on a
symbolic, imaginative level, influencing the psychosocial level of experience. (For more discussion
of the metaphor model of therapy, see Dwairy, 2006, Chapter 11.)

Conclusion
Arabs are the descendants of Arabic tribes who once lived in the deserts of the Saudi peninsula, Iraq,
and Syria and today number about 285 million living in 22 Arab countries. The Islamic religion
appeared in one of the main Arabic tribes in the 7th century and has now been adopted by 1.3 billion
Arab and non-Arab people worldwide. The Arab and Muslim worlds share the ethos of tribal
collectivism and Islamic values, but they are also influenced by their exposure to Western culture.
The social systems in both worlds tend to be collective and authoritarian: The individual and family
are interdependent, and the family is ruled by a patriarchal, hierarchical authority.
Within this collective system, many Arab and Muslim youth do not become psychologically
individuated from their families. Their personalities continue to be collective and directed by
external norms and values rather than by internal structures and processes. These Arabs and Muslims
often come from traditional and religious families where collective values are highly enforced and
the standards or expectations placed on males of the household differ from those placed on females.
The clinical picture of Arab and Muslim clients may differ from that described in the DSM-IV-TR.
Counselors and therapists who work with these clients should be aware of the challenges of dealing
with unconscious, personal, and/or repressed contents without acknowledging the importance of the
family belief system and the real restrictions that may be placed on the individual. Arab Americans
face the additional struggle of managing the demands of their families along with the demands of the
culture of their host country. Individuals often require assistance in allowing themselves to adopt new
values from the host country without feeling that their cultural identity is being threatened. Throughout
this process, clients family members also require assistance in communicating their needs and fears
to one another so that the family system itself does not feel threatened either. Therapists and
counselors who work with Arab and Muslim clients should modify their therapies by incorporating
cultural and religious norms and beliefs and by including the use of family therapy, metaphor therapy,
and other indirect therapies.

Critical Incident
Self-Fulfillment Within the Family Culture
Sawsan, a 17-year-old girl, was brought by her father to counseling because she had withdrawn
herself from family meetings and activities during the past 2 months, instead spending most of her
time listening to music in her bedroom. Lately, she had complained about headaches that lasted all
day with no relief, despite the use of painkillers. The familys medical doctor had told Sawsans
parents that she may be passing through a stressful period and referred them to counseling.
At the initial intake meeting with Sawsan and her father, the father dominated the conversation, and
Sawsan displayed approval of his views. The father described her as a perfect girl who always met
her parents expectations in school and in social behavior. The change in her behavior made her seem
to him as not her. He tried to attribute this change to bad friends or bad readings. He also
denied that Sawsan was experiencing any stress and emphasized how much the family loves Sawsan
and cares for her needs. He said, Nothing is missing in her life. Weve bought her everything she
wants. She couldnt be passing through any stress.
Knowing that most Arab girls find it very difficult to express their feelings in front of their fathers (or
both parents), after listening to the father the counselor asked to be allowed to have a private
conversation with Sawsan, and the father agreed. At the beginning of this conversation, Sawsan
continued to go along with her fathers views, describing how much her parents love and support her
and denying any stress. Only after the counselor validated to her that she indeed has good parents was
she ready to reveal a conflict that had been raised recently concerning her desire to study at a
university located far from her village, which would necessitate her living in the student dorms. Her
father rejected the idea of his daughter living away from the house, far away from his immediate
control. In an attempt to compensate for this, he bought her a new computer and suggested that she
study at a nearby college. She insisted that she wanted to study at the university and tried to push until
her father became angry, claiming that she was imitating bad girls who sleep away from their
homes. As she described this conflict, she continued to remove any accusation from her father, saying,
He did this because he is worried about my future, and He is right and I should understand this.
The counseling process lasted for five sessions, during which the counselor met with only the father
three times in order to establish a positive joining with his position and worries. The counselor
then revealed to the father some contradictions within his belief system regarding the importance of
education, as described in culturanalysis. After that, the counselor met with both father and daughter
and encouraged Sawsan to explain to her father why she felt she needed to study at the university and
to express her commitment to her family values. The counselor also encouraged the father to express
his care and worry to Sawsan and then to discuss a compromise that may be accepted by both of them.
He agreed to allow his daughter to study at another university, in a city where she could live with her
uncles family. In a follow-up meeting, Sawsan and her father expressed satisfaction. Sawsan had
returned to normal interaction with the family and no longer complained of headaches.

Discussion Questions

Sawsans case illustrates several issues that are typical of those facing Arab Muslim youth and their
parents:
1. Arab Muslim clients usually approach counseling or psychotherapy after they have visited
medical doctors. How might this affect the counseling process?
2. Young Arab Muslim clients are typically brought to counseling by their parents and take a
passive and submissive role in the first meeting, when their parents are present and dominate the
conversation. Should a non-Muslim counselor try to alter this interaction? If so, what steps might
the counselor take?
3. Sawsan had expressed her distress passively (withdrawal) and somatically (headaches). How
central are these forms of expression for her case?
4. Traditional Arab Muslim parents are typically not sensitive and empathic to their childrens
emotional needs and do not understand why their children are distressed as long as their
materialistic needs (e.g., Sawsans new computer) are supplied. How might the counselor deal
with the parents if and when such beliefs and attitudes emerge?
5. For Arab Muslim parents, traditions and values are more important for decision making than
their childrens feelings. Can or should the counselor try to ameliorate this tendency?
6. Arab Muslim parents tend to attribute bad behavior to external entities such as bad friends or
bad readings or, in some cases, bad spirits. Is this something that the counselor may want to
address with the parents?
7. The behavior of Arab children in the presence of their parents (external control) is often
extremely different from their behavior when they are away from external control. It is not that
one behavior is real and the other is false; rather, the two behaviors represent two different yet
real components of the childrens personalities. As a counselor, how would you deal with this?
8. It is often difficult for Arab children to criticize their parents in conversations with foreigners,
such as Western counselors, and they typically feel the need to emphasize that the intentions of
their parents are good. Should the counselor avoid discussing the clients parents with the client?
9. The main conflict that needed resolution in the above case was an intrafamilial rather than an
intrapsychic one; therefore, counseling was focused on the family relationship in order to
accomplish change in the relationship that fits the needs of both the identified patient (Sawsan)
and the family belief system. Do you agree that change was possible only after the counselor had
established a positive relationship with the father?
10. Counseling with Arab and Muslim families should not seek to change or confront the family
culture or the family structure; rather, it should be aimed at finding better solutions within the
fabric of that culture. Explain how the counselor might use a familys internal resources and
strengths to change this situation for the better.

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Part III Counseling Issues in Broadly Defined Cultural Categories

Major shifts have occurred in the United States and around the world within the past decade that
relate to the four chapters in this section. The global economic recession has adversely affected most
countries, and the United States is experiencing a widening income gap that is increasing the number
of people displaced to the margins. Tensions around immigration have increased globally as well, as
many people are leaving their countries of origin to seek employment and other opportunities. The
landscape of U.S. demographics has been significantly affected by these trends: By 2050, it is
projected that Whites will no longer be a numerical racial majority in the United States, and the 2010
census results suggest that more than half of the growth in the total population within the previous
decade resulted from the increase in the Latino population. As a result of all these changes, the need
to address the diversity and inequalities in American school systems has become even more pressing,
with educational disparities still on the rise despite numerous so-called educational reforms and
accountability initiatives.
In addition, the LGBQ and trans* communities have increased their visibility, and struggles for
LGBTQ rights have gained traction, with some advances in legislation to protect people from
discrimination based on sexual orientation, gender identity, and gender expression across the United
States and around the world. We have also seen the extension of marriage benefits to same-sex
couples in some locations. These changes have not been uniform, however; constitutional bans on the
recognition of same-sex marriages have proliferated, and some countries have officially criminalized
the LGBTQ community.
Given these changing realities, we need to rethink how we approach our work with clients from
diverse cultural populations. Thus, Part III of this edition of Counseling Across Cultures includes
many new authors and addresses new approaches to the topics of gender, sexual orientation,
marginalization, and school counseling.
Michi Fu, Joe Nee, and Yin-Chen Shen (Chapter 10) are new contributors who discuss current gender
issues in counseling from a nonbinary, transinclusive, and intersectional perspective. They begin by
examining relevant definitions and deconstructing the prevalent binaries that continue to perpetuate
privilege (e.g., hegemonic masculinity, cisgender privilege) and oppression (e.g., sexism,
heterosexism) around gender. They present different types of sexism and briefly explore gender at the
intersections of race/ethnicity, social class, and sexual orientation. They finish their discussion of this
important topic with a series of recommendations for counselors and clinicians who are dealing with
gender issues in their practice.
Returning to Counseling Across Cultures is Melanie M. Domenech Rodrguez, joined on this
occasion by Melissa Donovick and Kee J. E. Straits, with a revised and updated chapter on
counseling marginalized populations (Chapter 11). These authors discuss the process and politics that
lead to marginalization and examine how the definitions and the experience of marginalization are
relative to context. They also highlight the importance of context in counseling with people who have
intersecting marginalized identities. The authors consider the interplay among privilege, power, and
marginalization. They challenge counselors to shift their conceptualizations and reframe their practice

by centering the margins, and they provide a set of guiding questions for an approach that
counselors can use in working with clients from marginalized populations. The authors illustrate this
approach using undocumented immigrants as a case example.
Cheryl Holcomb-McCoy and Ileana Gonzalez, new contributors, present the chapter on school
counseling (Chapter 12). They propose a shift in school counseling practice and policy that is rooted
in cultural competence and social justice principles and where advocacy is central to the school
counselors role. They discuss some of the challenges of 21st-century school counseling, which
include multiple dimensions of inequality and violence that many public school students face: mental
health disparities, achievement inequalities, college access and dropout disparities, lack of access to
STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics) preparation, and peer victimization,
among others. The authors describe the professions standards for multiculturally competent practice
and present various frameworks for approaching school counseling from a social justice stance.
Eliza A. Dragowski and Mara R. Scharrn-del Ro bring a new approach to the discussion of sexual
orientation to this edition of Counseling Across Cultures. This shift is reflected in the revamped title
to Chapter 13, Reflective Clinical Practice With People of Marginalized Sexual Identities. The
authors use marginalized sexual identities as an umbrella term to refer to the identities of people
who fall outside heteronormativity, many of whom identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, and/or queer
(LGBQ). From these authors perspective, in order to engage in multiculturally competent practice,
mental health practitioners need to engage in critical self-reflection, personal examination of their
social locations, and the deconstruction of dominant norms. Dragowski and Scharrn-del Ro
emphasize the importance of counselors being aware of the intersectionality of identities, privileges,
and oppressions, and they elaborate on the intersection of sexism and heterosexism and its
significance to counseling work with marginalized sexual identity populations. Moreover, they argue
that counselors should develop an advocacy position with regard to the social inequalities and
oppression faced by marginalized sexual identity populations.
The four chapters in Part III consider issues of systematic privilege and oppression and emphasize
how important it is for mental health professionals to engage in critical self-reflection on their own
identities and examination of their own areas of privilege and oppression. These chapters also
address issues of intersectionality of identities and present various approaches that counselors might
use to engage in multiculturally competent practice with the populations discussed. Finally, all of the
chapters stress the importance of counselors adopting an advocacy position as part of multiculturally
competent practice with these populations. These elements are all important and necessary to
counseling in increasingly diverse environments.

10 Gender, Sexism, Heterosexism, and Privilege Across Cultures

Michi Fu
Joe Nee
Yin-Chen Shen

Primary Objective
To discuss the impacts of gender, sexism, and heterosexism on privilege across cultures

Secondary Objectives
To introduce a discussion of various forms of privilege (e.g., male privilege, nontransgender
privilege)
To explore gender at the intersections (e.g., race, social class, and sexual orientation)
In this chapter we aim to explore the intersections of gender with other aspects of identity, such as
social class, sexual orientation, and race. How do these variables influence privilege? We begin by
offering terminology consistent with the expanded framework. We then invite the reader to consider
how different forms of privilege are viewed from both the marginalized and the privileged
perspectives. We also consider and examine multiple intersections of gender with other aspects of
identity. Finally, we address the clinical implications of privilege and offer recommendations to
counselors working with clients who are dealing with the issues raised in this chapter.

Defining Gender-Related Concepts

When first embarking on a discussion of gender and different forms of privilege, it is useful to
develop a common understanding of operating definitions. Therefore, we offer definitions of sex,
gender, gender identity, gender role, and transgender at the outset to reduce potential confusion, as
these are the basic terms we use throughout this chapter.
Sex refers to physical markers that are typically used to define humans as male or female. The
specialized reproductive cells of a developing embryo begin to develop into specific organs (e.g.,
penis, clitoris, vagina, testes, and ovaries) based on X and Y chromosomal makeup as well as the
combination of testosterone or estrogen hormonal interactions in uterus (Blackless et al., 2000).
Gender, in contrast, is a learned behavior and social construct influenced by gender role, personality
traits, attitudes, values, and the relative power that society assigns in a specific culture (Looy &
Bouma, 2005). As a social construct, gender is an acquired identity and set of behaviors that are
learned over time, and is independent of sex (Mar, 2010). In other words, sex is fixed and based in
nature; gender is arbitrary, flexible, and based in culture (Goldstein, 2001, p. 2).

Gender identity is ones perception of ones own gender (e.g., man, woman, boy, girl, nongendered,
bigendered, transgender, genderqueer), and such perception may or may not be congruent with the sex
assigned at birth. Money (1994) defines gender identity as the sameness, unity, and persistence of
ones individuality as male or female or androgynous, in greater or lesser degree, especially as it is
experienced in self-awareness and behavior. Gender role is everything that a person says and does to
indicate to others or to the self the degree that one is either male or female or androgynous (p. 169).
Hence, gender identity is expressed through gendered behaviors and is connected to ones sense of
affiliation to a gender group such as male or female.
At the core of the work that Sennott and Smith (2011) do is the awareness that gender goes beyond the
traditional binary, and that there is a continuum of identities ranging from more feminine to more
masculine. Furthermore, ones identity can only be named by the person claiming the identity
(Sennott & Smith, 2011, p. 220). The Identity Continuums are tools created to educate people about
the differences among phenotypic sex, gender identity, gender expression, and sexual practices
(Sennott & Smith, 2011, p. 221). First on the Identity Continuums, the sex continuum denotes that
phenotypical sex goes beyond the penis (male) and vagina (female) and expands across more than 40
different intersex conditions, of which three-fourths can be distinguished as separate using genetic,
chromosomal, or hormonal testing (Sennott & Smith, 2011).The second continuum, the gender
continuum, is experienced internally and cannot be labeled by persons other than the individual. As
Mandlis (2011) points out, The deeming of someone male or female is based on a single doctors
individual discretion through a brief genital examination; the deeming of man or woman occurs many
times a day through interactions between people that depend on the interpretation and discretion of the
individuals involved (p. 233). The third Identity Continuum is gender expression, which has a
number of different levels between the distinct end points of feminine and masculine. Femininity or
masculinity can be conveyed through choices of clothing, gestures, verbal communication, and body
language, and can be expressed differently throughout the day depending on whom the individual is
interacting with. Similarly, the interpretation of gender expression by others can vary from moment to
moment, as it depends on the interpretation and discretion of the individuals involved (Mandlis,
2011, p. 233).
Transgender (trans, trans*) is an umbrella term often used to refer to people who experience their
gender identities as being different in some way from the sexes they were assigned at birth (Gay,
Lesbian & Straight Education Network, 2013). Transgender identity can be claimed by a very diverse
group of people, some of whom may or may not want to alter their bodies permanently to match their
gender identities and presentation.

Expanding Beyond a Binary Framework

When considering gender identity in relation to many of their clients, it is critical that mental health
professionals move beyond the binary framework, although this can be challenging because the
framework is so deeply ingrained in many societies. Traditional notions of sex and gender promote
the belief that gender is determined genetically and is recognized at birth based on the appearance of
the external genitalia. This belief rests on the assumption that an individuals visible sex organs are
the exclusive determinant of that persons gender identity, and that only two valid gender identities
exist. Based on the social categorization framework, the categories of male and female are viewed as

representing a fundamental divide of the natural world (Macrae & Bodenhausen, 2000, p. 113) and
serve as norms to help people maneuver and function. With the establishment of these norms, those
who fall outside them are often seen as in violation or are categorized as part of the outgroup, and
therefore are subject to discrimination, prejudice, and even condemnation. Such division not only
creates restrictions on the diversity of gender identities people experience (e.g., transgender,
genderqueer, or bigendered), but it also limits all other gender expressions that lie within the
feminine-to-masculine continuum (Sennott & Smith, 2011).
Since society provides few opportunities for variations in gender expression, gendervariant/nonconforming/questioning and transgender youth often experience enormous pressure to
conform to social expectations. This conformity may lead to feelings of confusion and isolation
(Gagne & Tewksbury, 1998). Discrimination and prejudice are major contributing factors to gendervariant and transgender peoples experience of psychological distress and other negative life
outcomes. These can include depression, anxiety, and other emotional and behavioral difficulties;
family and peer relationship problems (Di Ceglie, 2000); inability to perform at school or at work;
low self-esteem and negative self-image (Hepp, Kraemer, Schnyder, Miller, & Delsignore, 2005);
campus and classroom bias rejection (Case, Stewart, & Tittsworth, 2009); and school dropout
(Sausa, 2005).

Privilege and Oppression

Within gender, there are two areas of social and institutional privilege: the privilege of the masculine
over the feminine and the privilege of nontransgender (or cisgender) individuals over those who
are gender variant or nonconforming or who identify as transgender.

Sexism and Male Privilege

Individuals experiences of gender and gender-based oppression are largely determined by their
cultural roots as well as by the mainstream societies in which they find themselves. The latter may or
may not diverge significantly from the former. These systems are inherently difficult to identify, and
often the first step toward addressing problems of gender-based oppression is to develop an
awareness of them. While racism and discrimination are usually easily recognizable as acts
committed among individuals, the concept of privilege is less visible (McIntosh, 1988). Privilege,
according to McIntosh, occurs when one group has something of value that is denied to others simply
because of the groups they belong to rather than because of anything theyve done or failed to do
(quoted in Johnson, 2001, p. 23). An example of male privilege is the fact that a man can travel crosscountry alone with less fear of being sexually assaulted than a female traveler would face. Another
example might be that it is legal for men to be in public shirtless, whereas in most jurisdictions in the
United States it is a criminal offense for a woman to do the same. An additional example is that men
are expected to be competent in the fields of science and mathematics, while it is assumed that
competence in these areas is unusual for women.
The fact that privilege is unearned and afforded to the dominant social group at the cost of denying the
same to the oppressed group makes it a difficult topic to address. Identifying privilege for what it

really is, an unearned advantage, is often difficult for those who have long enjoyed the benefits of
privilege and, as a result, are unaware of the nature of the problem (Coston & Kimmel, 2012;
McIntosh, 1988). Male privilege is a power structure that exists across most cultures and
multicultural populations. An example is the influence of Confucianism in many East Asian cultures,
which dictates that males possess the power in their families.
Men and women tend to be socialized differently in the world. In the United States, boys and girls are
oversaturated with guidelines and expectations based on gender, even before birth. What it means to
grow up as a male is very different from what it means to grow up as a female. For example, the
saying Boys dont cry may mean that males grow up learning not to express their emotions freely. It
may also mean that an individuals value as a person is determined by how much he or she embodies
the masculinized ideal, such that even girls who cry are subject to ridicule.
Privilege is encountered and experienced at the individual level, but it is maintained and facilitated at
the institutional level. Individuals experience socially constructed privileges, which are socially
constructed discourses or guidelines followed by the majority of individuals and which arrange
individuals relative to others in power relations (Winslade, Monk, & Drewery, 1997). Discourses are
formal ways of thinking that provide the basis for how societal messages are interpreted, endorsed,
and maintained by the dominant group. These discourses lay the foundation for the ways people act in
the world and the ways in which the world, in turn, acts towards people. Robinson (1999) notes that
even though individuals may not have specific membership in privileged or oppressed groups, they
mistakenly perceive themselves to be immune to the effects of oppression. While individuals may not
be aware of the results of privilege or in fact consider themselves to be neutral, they occupy the same
physical space and face the same societal ills as those who are marginalized.
Men are socialized as gendered beings to embrace and/or be influenced by rigid and sexist
discourses in which they are oriented toward success and competition (Coston & Kimmel, 2012).
This orientation is positively reinforced or rewarded for males but punished or discouraged for
females. Recognition of privilege due to anticipated benefit and shame/fear in admitting the privilege
is a potential barrier to addressing the impact of male privilege on men and women (Robinson,
1999). Individuals who enjoy the benefits of privilege often do not recognize that their benefit is
unearned or feel that their privilege is a source of guilt, particularly as they have something to lose.
Gender privilege can thus be invisible to those who benefit from it (Good & Moss-Racusin, 2010).
Individuals who believe strongly in the ideal of gender equality may be blind to the privilege they
enjoy (i.e., men, cisgender people) or to the privilege denied to others (women, gender-variant
people, trans* people). Males are taught not to recognize male privilege, as whites are taught not to
recognize white privilege (McIntosh, 1988). Men may stand to acknowledge that women are
disadvantaged, but this may not necessarily mean that they are able to acknowledge their own status
of being more privileged. These individuals may work to promote the rights of women and advocate
on womens behalf, all without suggesting that they should limit or relinquish their own privilege
(McIntosh, 1988). By understanding and confronting male privilege, men can become assets in the
process of changing social inequalities. Men cannot become partners in this process if they refuse to
engage in dialogue, reject diversity efforts, and are never challenged about their privilege (Vaccaro,
2010). Privilege occurs whether people are consciously aware of it or not: In working against sexism

and for gender equality, it is not enough for men to claim that they do not directly take part in the
oppression process; they must acknowledge the advantages awarded to males.
Privilege may also have unintended negative consequences for men in regard to their emotional
development and perception of roles. Mankowski and Maton (2010) define male privilege as an
unearned advantage granted to men that entails both potential benefits and potential damages. Positive
consequences for males include social, economic, and political benefits because of their gender.
Negative consequences may include the inability of males to express a full range of emotions
(Robinson, 1999). Men are traditionally socialized to be the breadwinners, to fulfill the role of being
financially responsible for their families. Emotional expression is often discouraged in males, with
the exceptions of anger and aggression. With societal and individual pressures to compete and
succeed, males are increasingly at risk for high rates of psychological distress. Compared to women,
men tend to be limited in their ability to express a range of emotions (Robinson, 1999). The argument
could be made that women are more in tune with their emotions not because of biological differences
but because of differences in socialization and societal discourses for females and males.
Males differ among themselves in their access to the power afforded through male privilege based on
race, sexual orientation, social class, and other identities (Coston & Kimmel, 2012; Mankowski &
Maton, 2010). Mankowski and Maton (2010) found that men who tended to strongly endorse or were
more conflicted about gender expectations generally scored lower on measures of well-being and had
increased problem behaviors. Adhering to gendered norms could be a source of continual
psychological distress for men, which could affect their quality of life. For example, McLeod and
Owens (2004) found that African American boys who experienced expectations of hypermasculinity
may have had greater psychological burdens that presented a challenge for healthy identity
development. These researchers also found that persons in lower status positions tended to
experience more negative feedback from others and compared themselves less favorably to others.
Males are generally privileged in relation to females, but they can be marginalized in other aspects of
their identities. Men who experience such marginalization include, but are not limited to, disabled
men, gay men, and working-class men (Coston & Kimmel, 2012). Male privilege may not be an
absolute and uniform advantage, as other factors influence the extent of a persons power over others.
Furthermore, male privilege may even be overshadowed by other aspects of marginalization. For
example, a White heterosexual male may experience privileges not experienced by an African
American gay male. Disabled men may not meet the idealized standards of attractiveness, which may
influence their social position, and their relative lack of agency over their physical capabilities may
be perceived as a reduction of masculinity (Coston & Kimmel, 2012). Male homosexuality has long
been considered effeminate and deviant from traditional concepts of masculinity. Similarly, the
concept that gay men are not real men is rooted in sexism (Coston & Kimmel, 2012). Working-class
men, on the other hand, fit within the expectations of strength and are acclaimed for their physical
prowess, but they may be considered dumb brutes (Coston & Kimmel, 2012). Among men,
working-class status has implications for mental health, well-being, and family life. There is a
stereotype that working-class men produce hypermasculinity by relying on blatant, brutal, and
relentless power strategies in their marriages, including spousal abuse (Pyke, 1996, p. 545).
The combination of multiple minority statuses may exacerbate an individuals feelings of oppression

and privilege. Studies indicate that members of racial and ethnic minority groups experience higher
levels of psychological distress than do members of the majority group. Specifically, minority women
are exposed to disproportionately high levels of stress and have access to fewer resources than do
their nonminority counterparts (Beale, 1970; Essed, 1991; McLeod & Owens, 2004). This has been
referred to as double minority status or double jeopardy (Beale, 1970). Social distance may exist
between individuals of different socioeconomic statuses within races as well as between members of
different races (Yancey & Kim, 2008). Potentially furthering the power structure within
socioeconomic status, some individuals may adopt strong racial identities as a means of
distinguishing themselves from others. Individuals with multiple minority statuses may be at risk for
mental health difficulties as they struggle to come to terms with the many different aspects of their
identity. For example, a Latino gay male experiences forms of oppression that a White gay male may
not have to face, such as racial barriers, language barriers, and cultural differences.
Mens gender socialization may contribute to high-risk sexual behavior, reduced involvement in
parenting, violence toward intimate partners, and alcohol abuseall behaviors supported by the
pressure for men to distance themselves from anything perceived to be feminine. Scholars have long
recognized that race, class, and gender inequalities are linked through underlying factors (Yancey &
Kim, 2008). Aosved and Long (2006) examined various forms of discrimination and their relation to
the endorsement of the rape myth. They found that higher levels of racism, sexism, homophobia,
ageism, classism, and religious intolerance were associated with higher acceptance of the myth
among both men and women, with sexism and attitudes toward gender accounting for the greatest
variation in acceptance. Further analyses revealed that all of the examined constructs were related to
one another: Prejudice against one group increased the likelihood that an individual would be found
to have rigid and intolerant cognitive perspectives overall. It is important to understand how attitudes
and cultural norms permeate everyday life to facilitate the tolerance of sexual violence and
oppressive beliefs. Greater awareness of male privilege may lead individuals to actions based on
their increased awareness, as seen with how individuals respond to awareness of White privilege
(Case, 2007).

Transphobia and Cisgender Privilege

As Scott-Dixon (2006) writes, Gender privilege, the privilege of being normatively and
unambiguously placed within a mainstream gender system, despite its constraints, is a great social
privilege enjoyed by most people who are not trans (p. 20). Transphobia is defined as societal
discrimination and stigma of individuals who do not conform to traditional norms of sex and gender
(Sugano, Nemoto, & Operario, 2006, p. 217). Transphobia ranges from fear, disgust, or hatred toward
transgender or transsexual persons to fear, disgust, or hatred toward cross-dressers, feminine men,
and masculine women (Nagoshi et al., 2008, p. 521).
Using the analogy of investment, Mandlis (2011) explains the privileges associated with being a
nontranssexed individual. First and foremost, the authenticity of the transsexed body requires an
authority figure from within the juridical regime, such as a doctor or government official, to vouch for
it (p. 222). Transgender persons thus appear to have little agency to determine their own identities
and even less agency over their bodies. For example, a nontransgender woman does not need to
present a letter from a psychologist or a psychiatric diagnosis in order to undertake breast

augmentation surgery, nor does she have to undergo counseling to ensure that she is of sound mind and
body to make such a decision. But a transgender woman seeking the same surgery does have to obtain
such validation from external entities. Furthermore, regardless of whether or not she receives a
medical diagnosis, a transgender womans breast surgery is not covered by Medicaid and is almost
never covered by private insurance. Moreover, traditional notions of gender (which subscribe to a
hierarchical binary) are subsidiary to biological sex; whether an individual opts for (or has access to)
any form of gender reassignment surgery or hormone replacement, the trans individual is deemed
devious, in that s/he is deceiving people in regards to his/her true sex (Mandlis, 2011, p. 222).
Indeed, results from studies of gender differences and transphobia suggest that one of the possible
reasons for transphobia in men is anger toward the deceiving genitals of female-to-male
transgender individuals and the change of power relationship in the male-to-female body (Bettcher,
2007; Nagoshi et al., 2008).
Bailey (2003) perpetuates the stereotype that many male-to-female transgender individuals are in fact
gay men who became women as a way to attract straight men. The view that Bailey depicts suggests
that trans women are sexual deceivers and that the gender identities of trans people are mere forms
of sexual preference. Ultimately, transgender individuals pay the price for the perpetuation of the
deception stereotype. The 1984 case of Ulane v. Eastern Airlines exemplifies how transsexual
individuals are dehumanized as a result of such stereotyping. As Lloyd (2005) observes, In the
courts eyes, Karen Ulane was not a man or a woman, but rather a transsexuala sort of monstrous,
repulsive intermediate deemed all the more appalling because she chose this embodiment (p. 163).
Mandlis (2011) notes:
In embodying her transsexed body, Karen Ulane not only excludes herself from responsible
citizenship, justifying the courts lack of protection toward her, but she also becomes a monster
not because of an incongruence between the sex she was natally assigned and the sex she
currently embodies, but because her choice to live her sex in the flesh is understood as her own
invocation of a sovereign exclusion that renders her abject. (p. 225)
On a societal level, since ancient times women have held a lower position than men in the status
hierarchy, and this status differential between males and females is still evident in many cultures,
places, and situations. According to Morrison (2010), within this gender hierarchy there lies a sacred
space established solely for female empowerment, which does not wish to be tainted by male
presence: Some consider this threat of male infringement to be presented by transwomen, believing
that even when identifying as female, transwomen will carry inextricable maleness into an otherwise
purely female place of safety (p. 652). Along the same line of safety, Mizock and Lewis (2008)
observe that many shelters for the homeless are designed for the convenience of a gender-binary
population, with group showers, open restrooms, and bunk beds available to segregated male and
female groups; such arrangements place transgender people at risk of nonconsensual disclosure (p.
346) and can also expose transgender individuals, particularly adolescents, to physical assaults and
even rape.
Before the recent inclusion of transgender people under the protection of health care reform
legislation, transgender persons in the United States who sought care often experienced refusal or

termination of treatment, inappropriate documentation, inadequate privacy protection, and offensive

and dehumanizing statements. Such a health care system failed to protect the well-being of
transgender individuals. Mizock and Lewis (2008) found that transgender individuals report
difficulty deciding on the timing and process by which to disclose their gender identity to doctors,
partially due to concerns with health insurance coverage and prejudice and discrimination on the part
of medical providers and staff at medical facilities (p. 344). Other health care challenges faced by
trans people include privacy concerns, stigma, and inadequate care due to lack of knowledge by
providers, which often forces trans* clients to become experts in the health care system and take up to
role of educators to their medical providers in order to receive adequate services (Mizock & Lewis,
2008).
Finally, it is important to note that 32 U.S. states still have no laws preventing employers from
discriminating against employees or potential employees in hiring and firing decisions based on
gender identity and gender expression (Human Rights Campaign, 2014). Further, in many states, legal
forms of identification do not allow for changes to gender designations for individuals who are
transsexual but have not undergone sex reassignment surgery; this creates concerns among these trans
persons when they are involved in such activities as attending bars and clubs, navigating airports,
and interfacing with the police (Mizock & Lewis, 2008, p. 346).

Gender at the Intersections

Race and Gender
Racism is a systematic process of societal subjugation that includes the interaction of racial
stereotypes (i.e., beliefs and opinions), racial prejudice (i.e., attitudes and evaluations), and
discrimination or unfair treatment on the basis of race (Greer, Brondolo, & Brown, 2014; Whitley &
Kite, 2010). Members of a target group may perceive discrimination as unjustified negative behaviors
toward them (Kim, Anderson, Hall, & Willingham, 2010). Lykes (1983) defines racial prejudice in
relation to discrimination as [biased] attitudes held by individuals of another race, and actions and
behaviors which are based on these views (p. 80). Institutional discrimination can occur when
institutional policies facilitate the unequal distribution of benefits across groups or the restriction of
opportunities for members of a target group (Kim et al., 2010).
Racism is one of the most commonly described types of discrimination. Media exposure and
discourses on cultural diversity have highlighted the effects of racism and the recognition of racism
within modern society. Individuals who take a neutral position (i.e., claim to be color-blind) and
those who believe that race and gender are not factors in how individuals are treated underscore the
importance of recognizing that racism and sexism are still prevalent. That some people express the
belief that racism and sexism do not exist is not an indication that oppressed individuals are
experiencing less discrimination. At the university level, female faculty members and administrators
are promoted at slower rates than their male counterparts, and their earnings are lower than those of
their male colleagues (Johnsrud & DesJarlais, 1994). Such inequities are the results of institutional
practices that give benefits to White males at the expense of females and people of color. Females
and people of color working in universities experience stereotypes about their cognitive abilities as

well as differential treatment by students, administrators, and other faculty (Blakemore, Switzer,
DiLorio, & Fairchild, 1997).
In race relations, as in gender relations, those in the dominant position possess the power to classify,
name, and construct the Other (Delphy, 2008)those who are within marginalized groups: women,
people of color, and LGBTQ people. Men and women are designated positions and gender roles
based on socially constructed expectations; men and masculinity are associated with productive
activities and the public arena (leadership), while women and femininity are associated with
reproductive activities and the private sphere (family, caring roles, and so on) (Swim, Aikin, Hall, &
Hunter, 1995). Modern concepts of interlocking systems of domination in racism and sexism have
been explored extensively by female scholars of color (Gianettoni & Roux, 2010). Black and Latina
feminists have highlighted the sexism inherent in the U.S. civil rights movement (Combahee River
Collective, 1979; hooks, 1981; Hull, Scott, & Smith, 1982; Moraga & Anzalda, 1983) and the
racism in the dominant (White) feminist movement of the 1970s (Gianettoni & Roux, 2010). They
have argued that an overemphasis on either racism or sexism allows the domination to continue in the
other domain. To address this predicament appropriately, it is necessary to utilize a process that fights
both racism and sexism.
Racism and sexism are also prevalent in the popular media and in athletic events. Relative to their
male counterparts, female athletes struggle to achieve respectful, high-quality coverage of their sports
in the mainstream news media (Cooky, Wachs, Messner, & Dworkin, 2010). Only 3% to 8% of the
sports coverage on national television and local news programs is focused on womens sports
(Messner, Duncan, & Willms, 2006). Even when such coverage is offered, it often trivializes
womens athleticism and heterosexualizes female athletes (Heywood & Dworkin, 2003). Female
athletes are not praised for their abilities; rather, they are often negatively portrayed in the media as
masculine. In commenting on the Rutgers University womens NCAA basketball team, Don Imus, a
controversial radio personality, described team members as nappy-headed hoes, a clear example of
explicit racism and sexism on national radio. The term ho has been part of pop culture vernacular,
commonly heard in certain forms of rap and hip-hop music, on daytime talk shows such as Jerry
Springer (Cooky et al., 2010, p. 146). Imuss comments reflect a dominant discourse in American
society. Nappy is a derogatory and racist stereotype used to describe the hair texture of African and
African American women, and ho is the shortened version of the word whore (Cooky et al., 2010).
African American women in athletics have been negatively portrayed as both hypersexualized and
less feminine (Banet-Weiser, 1999; McPherson, 2000). Successful female athletes experience sexism
that minimizes their physical skills, and many are marginalized due to their gender. The Womens
National Basketball Associations marketing strategy focuses on portraying the leagues athletes as
models, mothers, or the girl next door, roles that act as reminders of heterosexual aspects of their
identity (Banet-Weiser, 1999; McPherson, 2000), while male athletes enjoy the privilege of being
recognized for their athletic abilities. The strategy implemented by the WNBA also highlights the
hardships that female athletes endure, as if society requires a reminder of the gender of these athletes.
Male athletes do not experience such marginalization, and their physical prowess is praised rather
than ridiculed.
Research in multicultural psychology and studies of issues relevant to communities of color have

been increasing over the years, but little research has looked specifically at the concurrent multiple
oppressions that are associated with multiple minority identities (Szymanski & Stewart, 2010).
According to the American Psychological Association (2007), racial/ethnic minority women both in
the United States and abroad often live in racist and patriarchal cultures, where they are exposed to
various forms of racism and sexism that come from a variety of places, including interpersonal
relationships, workplaces, media, and legal systems.
Multicultural feminist psychology focuses on the potentially mentally harmful consequences of
multiple oppressions in racism and sexism for African American women, referred to as double (or
multiple) jeopardy (Comas-Daz & Greene, 1994; King, 1988; Klonoff & Landrine, 1995). Double,
or multiple, jeopardy occurs when someone holds membership in more than one group that has been
historically marginalized, referred to as a minority group. For example, an African American woman
who identifies as lesbian experiences three different marginalized minority identities: race, gender,
and sexual orientation. Other forms of minority status exist, including, but not limited to, those related
to disability, class, socioeconomic status, religion, language, and nationality.
Two multicultural feminist theoretical approaches to conceptualizing the relationship between
multiple oppressions and African American womens psychological distress are the additive
approach and the interactionist perspective. The additive approach is concerned with how the
individual oppression experiences of a person with more than one minority status (e.g., racism and
sexism) have direct effects that combine to produce negative impacts on psychological health (Beale,
1970; Shields, 2008; Warner, 2008). According to the interactionist perspective, in addition to direct
effects on mental health, one form of oppression may amplify the impact of another form of
oppression experienced by a person of more than one minority status, which may lead to more
psychological distress symptoms (Greene, 1994; Landrine, Klonoff, Alcaraz, Scott, & Wilkins,
1995).

Class and Gender

Class and gender intersect in various ways for working-class and poor women and trans people. The
foundation for representation by the government assumes that the individuals who govern should have
knowledge of those for whom they govern (McIntyre-Mills, 2003); however, only the majority will
have their needs met. The process of governance does not take into account those who constitute the
other (Young, 2009)that is, those who are not in privileged positions and are denied benefits that
others are granted. One example of classed sexism can be seen in the gendered notions of labor and
work. Such ideas have historically limited womens access to employment opportunities and fair
wages. The gendered idea that males are to be breadwinners, able to support their families through
their earning potential, influenced the shift in many countries populations from rural to urban areas. In
Britain, this process of gendered thinking was utilized to attract migrant workers in the years
following World War II (Young, 2009). While men relocated to urban areas for work, women were
left with the household responsibilities and the care of the children. The gendered norms of the
migrant family were the result of economic necessity combined with defined gender roles.
Although considerable progress has been made in many countries toward negotiating the underlying
processes of power relations and oppression of women in occupational sectors, inequities still exist.

For example, the retail industry has traditionally hired individuals for particular positions based on
gender (Mujtaba & Sims, 2011). Men are hired and trained for positions that are typically managerial;
such jobs pay more than the positions that women more commonly occupy. Women are more likely to
recognize glass ceilings and unfair consequences (Mujtaba & Sims, 2011). The expectation that men
or women are more appropriate for certain jobs is an example of gender bias.
Members of the dominant culture (White, male, and middle- and upper-class) possess and maintain
their dominance over others through power and the development of policy (Harley, Jolivette,
McCormick, & Tice, 2002). Those in control exert their influence over others through a variety of
domainspsychological, societal, and interpersonaland through systematic institutions. The
psychological implications of being working-class include the recognition of having limited
resources, the stigma of being poor, social exclusion, and classism. Smith (2005) discusses the effects
of poverty on emotional well-being, which research has consistently found to be devastating (Carr &
Sloan, 2003).
Classism is the assignment of individual qualities of value and worth based on social class and the
systematic oppression of subordinated groups (people without endowed or acquired economic
power, social influence, or privilege) by the dominant groups (those who have access to control of
the necessary resources by which other people make their living) (Collins & Yeskel, 2005, p. 143).
It is perpetuated by institutions that facilitate the processes that separate the haves from the have-nots
and extends beyond income, intersecting with other factors such as race, religious affiliation, culture,
sexual orientation, and gender. Classism is similar to the other ismssexism, racism, and
heterosexismin that it is an interlocking system that includes concepts of domination, control, and
resources, where one group has privilege and the others are oppressed (Hardiman & Jackson, 1997;
Smith, 2005).
The discourse underlying male privilege is not based solely on gender differences or success:
Essential to male privilege is to be in a position of power over others, to be a real man (Coston &
Kimmel, 2012). Gendered roles in occupations are delineated, and those who go against these roles
are often marginalized. Nevertheless, even in professions that are considered to be mostly female
(e.g., nursing), men are likely to earn more and to be promoted into leadership roles more quickly
than women (Brown, 2009).
Parental expectations regarding what their children should do and excel at can affect the development
of the children themselves. Many parents tend to have higher expectations for their sons than for their
daughters in math, science, computers, and sports, and these beliefs are further reinforced by
childrens peer groups (Leaper & Brown, 2008). Individuals are socialized according to gender from
a young age to be proficient in certain academic subjects. A young female who is not expected to do
well in math and science could have difficulty believing in her capacity to become an engineer or a
physicist. Males are often discouraged from taking positions that could be considered to be feminine
or beyond the scope of traditionally male-gendered occupations, such as nursing (Brown, 2009).
Young females who experience negative comments about their academic abilities at home from their
parents and siblings often find little comfort at school, as teachers are among the most common
sources of such comments (Brown, 2009). Older girls are more likely than younger girls to report
such sexism, perhaps because of the cumulative effect of hearing negative comments over time

(Brown, 2009). The exposure to negative comments regarding academic abilities is not isolated to
early development; it is a continual process that females are subjected to in multiple facets of their
lives.

Sexual Orientation and Gender

Sexism and heterosexism.
Sexism stems from beliefs and behaviors that privilege men over women. Whether at the cultural,
societal, institutional, or individual level, sexism is the mechanism that ensures that women occupy
subordinate roles compared with men and that women-identified values are disparaged (Matzner,
2004). Traditional forms of sexism entail discriminatory, hostile, and violent actions that directly
threaten the well-being of women. Such actions arise from mens efforts to maintain a patriarchal
society that centers on male dominance, thus placing women, gender-variant, and transgender people
in less powerful positions. In order to keep women bound by traditional gender roles, men often
devalue or punish with hostility those women who strive to control men or show signs of masculinity
(such as assertiveness) (Shepherd et al., 2011).
As a result of the womens rights movement and feminist activism, earlier forms of sexism have
evolved to produce a modern version in which the assumption is made that women no longer
experience discrimination, hostility, or unequal treatment, and women are expected to be content with
their current treatment (Cunningham & Melton, 2013). Along with this modern form of sexism is
another that Glick and Fiske (2001) call benevolent sexism. It comes into womens daily lives
subtly and is perhaps the most invisible form of sexism. Benevolent sexism often takes the form of
helping women with certain activities, such as carrying items or holding doors open. The rationale
behind such acts is the belief that women are pure and dependent; therefore, women should
conform to the feminine characteristics of purity and goodness. Benevolent sexism occurs when men
perform tasks for women without seeking their consent. Underlying these actions is the assumption
that women either need or desire assistance from men in performing certain tasks. Benevolent sexism
perpetuates the stereotype that women are in need of male protection.
Despite the apparently chivalrous nature of benevolent sexism, studies have shown that this form of
sexism can be more harmful than the traditional hostile sexism. Seemingly gracious gestures can cause
confusion as the recipient of the gestures often cannot identify the reason for intrusive thoughts or the
source of discomfort, mainly because the underlying discrimination is not as salient as direct hostility.
Such confusion can often lead to self-doubt and low self-esteem, and thus to decreased task
performance (Dardenne, Dumont, & Bollier, 2007).
According to Sibley and Wilson (2004), hostile and benevolent sexism can occur simultaneously,
depending on the group of women and the situation in which they are interacting with men. For
example, men may carry heavy items and open doors for women who conform to traditional gender
roles but behave and speak hostilely to women they perceive as stepping out of their place by being
assertive or by appearing more masculine in dress. Because benevolent sexism is masked as
chivalry, it often goes unchecked; such sexism is an example of the invisibility of male privilege.

Wise (2001) offers the following definition of heterosexism for social work:
Heterosexism reflects the dominance of a worldview in which heterosexuality is used as the
standard against which all people are measured; everyone is assumed to be naturally
heterosexual unless proven otherwise, and anyone not fitting into this pattern is considered to be
abnormal, morally corrupt and inferior. The assumption of heterosexuality and its superiority is
perpetuated through its institutionalization within laws, media, religions, and language, which
either actively discriminates against non-heterosexuals or else renders them invisible through
silence. Just as the concepts of racism and sexism have helped us to understand the oppression
of black people and women, so the concept of heterosexism has assisted us in theorizing lesbian
and gay oppression. (p. 154)
Old-fashioned heterosexism is grounded in the belief that everyone should be heterosexualthe
heterosexual relationship is normal and superior to relationships of other gender configurations,
including same-sex relationships and relationships in which one or more of the partners are
transgender. Similar to traditional hostile sexism, old-fashioned heterosexism is characterized by
name-calling (e.g., homo, faggot) and discrimination, hostility, and violence toward nonheterosexual
persons. The modern version of heterosexism comes in a more subtle form that asserts that gay and
lesbian people make excessive demands for change; that discrimination toward gay and lesbian
people is a thing of the past; and that gay and lesbian people prevent their own acceptance by the
dominant culture by exaggerating the importance of sexual orientation (Eldridge & Johnson, 2011, p.
384).
Along with modern heterosexism is yet another more subtle form of oppression known as
heteronormativity, which Martin (2009) describes as the mundane, everyday ways that
heterosexuality is privileged and taken for granted as normal and natural. Heteronormativity includes
the institutions, practices, and norms that support heterosexuality (especially a particular form of
heterosexualitymonogamous and reproductive) and subjugate other forms of sexuality, especially
homosexuality (p. 190). Martin further notes that heteronormativity includes parents assumption that
their children are heterosexual. With this assumption, parents limit the familys discussions of love,
attraction, commitment, and marriage to heterosexuality, leaving the LGBTQ community absent and
invisible in childrens social world and their understanding, and thus perpetuating heteronormativity
from a very early age.

Marginalization of gender-nonconforming LGB people.

The LGB community is part of larger society, and thus members of this community also struggle with
perpetuating systematic oppressions (e.g., racism, sexism, classism, ableism). Researchers have
documented multiple instances of sexism and transphobia in the LGB community. Weiss (2004) quotes
a lesbian writer who describes trans* inclusion in a pejorative way: Gays and lesbians have
struggled for decades to be able to name ourselves and to BE ourselves. But now in our own
community we are expected to applaud Dykes rejecting womanhood and embrace men taking it over
(p. 49). Dobkin (2000) quotes another writer who would say to a trans man, You are not a
transsexual man, you are a lesbian woman who has mutilated herself in order to change a woman-

loving woman into a more acceptable figure. At the core of both statements is the assumption that
gender is binary, which excludes and vilifies those whose gender identity and expression challenge
that assumption.

Cultural variations in sexual orientation and gender identification definitions.

Not all cultures subscribe to the gender binary: the hijras in South Asia and the faafafine in Samoa
are examples of gender categories that go beyond the binary. Many American Indian/First Nations
groups also recognize a third gender often denominated as two-spirit, whereby a gendernonconforming personwhether nonconforming in gender presentation, role, or sexual orientation
is considered to have a sacred or elevated role in the community (Williams, 2010). Experiences of
homophobia and transphobia among members of these indigenous nations are inextricably connected
to racism and colonization.
As stated earlier, an individuals cultural background can influence his or her concepts of sexual
orientation, gender identification, and gender expression. For example, according to Confucianism, it
is the responsibility of the son to bring into the family a daughter-in-law, and it is the daughters
responsibility to marry into a family and give birth to children, preferably males (Chow & Cheng,
2010). Same-sex attraction is a disgrace to the family, and acting on such attraction clashes with the
Confucian notion of filial piety. Transgender individuals, especially those who transition hormonally
or surgically, are viewed as posing a greater threat to deeply rooted Confucian family values in a
public way; they may be perceived as bringing shame to the family. For some Asian gays, lesbians,
and trans people, living a dual life (keeping same-sex attraction privately but fulfilling the obligations
of husband, wife, parent) may be more tolerable than coming out publicly (Winter & Webster, 2008).
Since culture mediates many of an individuals identities, counselors working with Asian gay,
lesbian, bisexual, or transgender clients should keep in mind that family harmony and filial piety are
two important factors that may influence a clients decision making regarding coming out versus
passing with a heterosexual union.

Clinical Implications
What are the clinical implications of taking privilege into account when addressing gender and its
interactions with other aspects of identity? We offer the following suggestions concerning gender and
sexual orientation, class, race, and other variables for counselors working with clients from
marginalized populations:
1. Develop your awareness of your own racial, gender, and sexual identities, as well as your
notions of privilege. This may be the single most important thing a counselor can do when
working with marginalized populations, since failing to explore these areas of the self can result
in a regressive relationship with clients, in which the clients remains stagnant and unable to fully
develop their racial (and other) identities and maintain a limited understanding of power and
privilege (Carter & Helms, 1992).
2. Use inclusive language. If you are uncertain about how a client self-identifies, ask the person
what his or her preferred pronoun is. If you are uncertain about words a client is using in
session, it is important that you attempt to educate yourself before asking your client. For

3.

4.

5.
6.
7.
8.

9.

10.
11.
12.

13.

example, saying to a client, I know what transgender means but I want to know what it means
to you may fall flat if the client senses that you feel uncomfortable or that you are quite
unfamiliar with the concept.
Educate yourself. Never pretend to understand an issue with which you are unfamiliar, and
realize that it is not sufficient to learn about sexism from one female client, to learn about racism
from one client of color, and so on. Read books, explore websites, and actively engage sources
beyond your clients to learn more about marginalized communities. Admit to your clients when
you do not know something and let them know you are open to learning from them, or from
outside sources. Ask them what it is like for them to hear you say that you do not know about
something they brought up.
Help clients to explore aspects of their identities by actively bringing the topics of gender, race,
and other identities into the room. Clients are not likely to assume that you are cognizant of these
issues unless you explicitly make it known.
Keep a list of safe, knowledgeable, and affirming resources to refer clients to (e.g., physicians).
Examine your own unearned privileges related to gender, or your own experience of gender
oppression.
Consider your own gender role and gender identity. How did you come to self-identify the way
you do with regard to gender? How did you decide you were a man or woman, for example?
Be prepared to refer clients to reliable sources of information regarding their rights related to
gender identity and sexual orientation. These rights vary from place to place depending on local
laws and ordinances.
Include prompts during intake to invite discussion regarding gender or sexual orientation. For
example, refer to significant others without using gender-specific pronouns to leave open the
possibility of same-sex attraction.
During the onset of therapy, open the door for future exploration of aspects of either the clients
identities or your own.
Serve as an advocate for trans* individuals when working with others who have power over
your trans clients with regard to transition (e.g., health care providers, legal systems).
While it is important to be knowledgeable and open regarding patients explorations of their
gender identities and the evolution of those identities, do not assume that gender is a relevant
issue for a given trans* patient. For many trans* patients, exploring gender identity is
unnecessary in the therapy room, or is less of a priority than other concerns.
Find multiple ways (explicit and subtle) to convey your knowledge, awareness, and attitudes
about gender and sexual orientation. For many LGBT people, listening for language and looking
for visible cues that a person is not homophobic are key survival strategies, allowing them to
stay safe when dealing with health care systems that have often been very discriminatory against
LGB and especially transgender people.

Critical Incidents
Case 1
Jamie is a 31-year-old Korean American female who works in a law firm as a paralegal. She was
referred to counseling by her employee assistance program counselor because of job-related stress.

During the intake session, she disclosed that she feels devalued at work. Her supervisor is a 48-yearold Caucasian male who sometimes makes her feel uncomfortable with statements that he casually
makes about her appearance and work performance. For example, once when she wore a blazer to the
office he told her that he prefers that she wear apparel that highlights her feminine features. During
her last performance appraisal, she was marked down for speaking up in meetings, which confused
her because she feels she usually defers to others in the predominantly male group. She has begun to
wonder if she will ever be recognized for her work performance since some of her male counterparts
have boasted about raises that she has not been offered, despite the fact that she often produces work
that is more accurate than theirs, and she works more quickly than they do. She reported that she has
begun to have difficulty sleeping and wonders if she should quit the firm.
Through therapy, Jamie started to recognize that her supervisors behavior toward her has made her
feel marginalized and devalued based on her gender. She began to focus on empowering herself to
determine whether or not she would be able to make an impact with her immediate supervisor, and
ultimately she decided to speak with her firms human resources department to seek a transfer to
another supervisor.

Case 2
Nikki is a 17-year-old male-to-female transgender client. She was sent to counseling by her parents
because of their concern that she has become more withdrawn in the past few months. They noticed
that she spends much of her time alone in her room and sometimes does not go to school. They are
fearful that she will not be able to graduate and go on to college. Nikki disclosed to the counselor that
she began to be bullied by her classmates after she asked a friend to the Sadie Hawkins dance. Since
then, her classmates have shunned her and she has not felt safe going to school. She mentioned that she
would prefer to be homeschooled or to drop out of school.
During the course of therapy, the counselor spent time validating Nikkis experiences, providing
psychoeducation to her parents about the effects of bullying, and advocating with school
administrators to provide a safe learning environment for her. Nikki eventually was allowed to pursue
independent studies while taking select classes with supportive educators who were able to provide
her a safe space on campus so that she could work steadily toward graduating with honors.

Discussion Questions
1. What are some of the messages you received while you were growing up about the places of
men and women in society? What are some of the messages you have received about transgender
women? Transgender men? What impacts might these messages about gender have on your
clinical work?
2. How might you create space for your clients to explore their gender identities and expressions?
3. How might you convey to a new client during the intake process that you are aware of, open to,
and knowledgeable about the existence of genders beyond male and female?
4. How might you convey to a new client early on in your work together that you are aware of and
knowledgeable about systemic sexism, heterosexism, homophobia, and transphobia? How might

5.

6.

7.
8.
9.

you convey to a client that you are not overtly biased against gender-variant people?
Have you ever encountered a situation in which you did not know another persons gender? If so,
what was this like for you? What internal reactions did you have? How did you respond to the
individual? What might you do if you are unsure about a patients gender?
What types of countertransference might you have when working with clients of various
genders? How do you respond differently to men? Women? Trans men? Trans women? Gendervariant and genderqueer people?
What are some ways in which you could obtain ongoing information to continue to develop your
knowledge and awareness of sexism and gender privilege?
How might you better incorporate issues of gender and privilege in your clinical work?
How do race and ethnicity affect the way you respond to persons of various genders? Notice
what feelings come up for you during your interactions with men, women, gender-variant, and
trans people of various racial and ethnic backgrounds.

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feedback.

11 Counseling the Marginalized

Melanie M. Domenech Rodrguez
Melissa Donovick
Kee J. E. Straits

Primary Objective
To broaden the conceptualization of marginalization to go beyond the limited range of groups
that currently receive clinical/research attention

Secondary Objectives
To present an approach to counseling people from marginalized groups
To highlight the particular flexibility needed in the application of mainstream counseling
techniques and skills to populations other than the ones they were intended for
Our survival depended on an ongoing public awareness of the separation between margin and
center and an ongoing private acknowledgment that we were a necessary, vital part of that
whole.
bell hooks, Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center (2000, p. xvi)
In her introduction to the second edition of Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center, bell hooks
(2000) wrote about the frustrating contrast between Black Americans marginalized status and their
critical importance to the broader U.S. community. By serving as the periphery of a given entity, the
margin demarcates the boundary of that entity. Typically, researchers have focused their work on the
center, the means, the averages. Anything outside the average tends to be considered unusual,
aberrant, or abnormal. By taking this approach, scientists have participated in the creation and/or
perpetuation of perceptions of what is average and what is not (see various essays in Rothenberg,
2011). In the absence of a complex understanding of what places individuals or groups at the center
or the margins, the practice of focusing on a norm can serve unwittingly to mask privilege and create
an illusion of marginality. For example, examining the mental health outcomes of ethnic minorities in
contrast to those of Whites is commonplace practice. White is average, ethnic minority is not. Rather
than examining two groups, comparative research promotes the creation and maintenance of
hierarchies wherein one group is better and another worse. Mental health researchers have
questioned this practice for some time and have called for research focusing on particular groups
without contrasting outcomes with those of Whites or a majority population (Bernal & Scharrn-del
Ro, 2001; Cauce, Coronado, & Watson, 1998). Conducting noncomparative research with

traditionally marginalized persons is a way to challenge the notion that those persons exist only in
relation to a majority group, and that their outcomes are judged also in relation. Yet the practice of
comparative research continues.
In this chapter we seek to inform ethical practice in order to contribute to the clinical competence of
mental health practitioners working with marginalized populations generally. The populations that are
marginalized are many, especially when the intersections of multiple identities are considered. For
illustrative purposes, we provide a case in pointa discussion of undocumented immigrants in the
United States who have intersecting identities (e.g., ethnicity, nationality, socioeconomic status) that
place them among the most marginalized. We also present discussion of a case in which the
intersection of ethnicity (i.e., multiracial) and age (i.e., adolescent) creates a particular context of
marginalization.

Defining the Margin

Marginalization is defined in this chapter as the social process through which individuals, groups, or
communities are excluded from the center (of society) or relegated to the periphery or margins on the
basis of some characteristic (e.g., race, ethnicity, class, gender, sexual orientation) or combination of
characteristics (i.e., intersecting identities). Marginalization by definition is a dynamic concept that
occurs in relation to others. For example, the mentally ill are at the margins of the broader community
from which mental health is defined. Migrants are at the margins of the broader community into which
they have migrated. The obese are at the margins of a group where there is a mean and standard
deviation for weight set within a given geographical boundary. This last example is of interest
because it underscores the importance of going beyond a statistical average to define marginalization;
social reactions toward obese individuals exemplify the social contracts present in the dynamic of
marginalization. Social expectations for behavior and beauty ideals in the United States are such that
it is punishing to be overweight but often desirable to be underweight. This knowledge of cultural
context is of critical importance in defining and understanding marginalization.
A context is created by the people who populate it. So, who defines the center and the margins? Using
poverty as an example, marginalization can be defined in relation to broad social standards. By U.S.
government accounts, a family of four (two adults and two children under age 18) with an annual
family income of $23,050 is considered to be poor (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services
[U.S. DHHS], 2012). In the international arena, poverty for an individual has been defined as living
with earnings of $1.25 a day (World Bank, 2012). However, it is critical for counselors to understand
that such institutional definitions can be quite irrelevant to the daily lives of individuals, who are
likely to define themselves in relation to others in a more tangible way (e.g., all of my neighbors have
televisions and I dont, therefore I am poorer). Institutional definitions may be more relevant for their
consequences. For example, government assistance programs provide goods and/or services on the
bases of federal definitions of poverty. A mother who is enrolled in the Special Supplemental
Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) has access to goods that may affect how
she sees herself, her family, and her community. Depending on the context, she may feel marginalized
in relation to women who do not qualify for WIC because of higher earnings, but less marginalized
than a recent immigrant who is not receiving the needed assistance for fear of deportation.

An awareness of the definition of margin (whether self- or other-generated) is critical in a counseling

relationship for a variety of reasons: It places the person(s) and the relationship in a broader
sociopolitical context, and it focuses on external sources of impact on the person(s). Additionally,
knowledge of context can present a first line of intervention in a counseling relationship. Indeed, the
Guidelines on Multicultural Education, Training, Research, Practice, and Organizational Change for
Psychologists published by the American Psychological Association (APA, 2003) state:
Psychologists are in a position to provide leadership as agents of prosocial change, advocacy,
and social justice, thereby promoting societal understanding, affirmation, and appreciation of
multiculturalism against the damaging effects of individual, institutional, and societal racism,
prejudice, and all forms of oppression based on stereotyping and discrimination. (p. 382)

Living at the Margins

Living at the margins places people in a unique situation. There are two dynamics that are critical to
address in the context of the counseling relationship as it pertains to marginalization: how persons see
themselves and how they are perceived by others (e.g., Trimble, 2000). Specifically, does a person
see her- or himself as marginalized? Do others see her or him that way? If so, which others? Some
have termed marginalization from the viewpoint of the individual subjective marginalization and that
from the viewpoint of those around the individual objective marginalization. A therapist attempting
to understand whether a client is marginalized will want to understand whether the client is in a
position of exclusion, removed from some socially defined center (objective). In addition, does the
client want to be a more central participant (subjective)? A third perspective, contextual
marginalization, takes into account the lens of the larger social, cultural, and political context. The
therapist must be aware of the larger social, cultural, and political lens of the time and where a client
may be perceived from this broader perspective. And finally, in a fourth perspective, reflexivity, the
therapist evaluates his or her own subjective, objective, and contextual marginalization and considers
how that position might influence his or her perspective on and perpetuation of the clients
marginalization.
Seeking answers to these questions can help tremendously to inform practice. For example, a middleclass, well-educated, professional African American woman may be perceived by a counselor to be a
member of a marginalized group by virtue of her African American-ness, yet she may not perceive
herself as marginalized at all. How does the counselor proceed? The next steps have serious practice,
ethical, and social implications. If the counselor decides the client is marginalized and that the
intervention should focus on creating more awareness of the marginalization (i.e., the client is in
denial), the counselor could not only be pursuing an unfruitful course but could also be engaging in
potentially unethical behavior (e.g., APA, 2010, 2.01, Boundaries of Competence).
This example serves as a reminder that people are members of many social groups and that the same
person may be at the margin of one social group and concurrently be in the center of another group.
The intersection of identities leads to a separate set of questions: Which margins? And how relevant
are they to the people who would be categorized? The same African American professional may feel

more marginalized in a context where the majority of African Americans have a low level of
education (and may perceive her as selling out or acting White; Murray, Neal-Barnett,
Demmings, & Stadulis, 2012; Neal-Barnett, 2001; Ogbu, 1991) than in a professional setting where
her peers have the same level of education and income but few are African American. The
predominant stereotypes highlight certain group characteristics while rendering other segments of the
population invisible (Jones, 2003). In the latter situation, the professional may feel more marginalized
by her educational status than by her race. An awareness of the intersection of identities as well as
self- and other-perception of relative placement in (or out of) marginalized groups is critical in a
counseling relationship.

Dimensions of Marginalization
The most commonly identified dimension of potential marginalization is sociocultural status: age,
gender, sexual orientation, race/ethnicity, nationality, class, religion, and so on. Outward
manifestations may include skin color, language, family structure, mannerisms, and clothing, although
sociocultural status is not always visible. For example, an American Indian man with strong
indigenous phenotype who is gay is a visible ethnic minority with a sexual orientation that may or
may not be visible. There are many other dimensions along which we may judge our fellow humans in
relation to the average or acceptable norm. Low economic status, another dimension of
marginalization, is sometimes evident; for example, a person may be on welfare, may be homeless, or
may have limited food access. Other dimensions include educational/occupational status (e.g.,
dropout, unemployed), legal status (criminal history, legality of work/living, incarceration),
developmental status (youth/elder, intellectual disability, helplessness/victimization), geographic
location (rural, reservation, remote), physical and mental health status (disability, mental illness,
chronic or infectious disease), community status (relative to community norms, e.g., music, food,
hobbies, hair, language), and social justice status (experiences of discrimination, oppression).
The intersection of identities must be understood as cumulative and integrated (Lowe & Mascher,
2001), such that individuals are increasingly marginalized the further away they are from the valued
center and the more dimensions along which they are marginalized. Figure 11.1 depicts this
relationship. Persons at the center or mainstream of a particular social group have the utmost
privilege. With every move away from the center, a layer of privilege is removed, and persons who
are at the very edges of the margin (which becomes thinner or less populated at the edges) may be
marginalized by people who are themselves marginalized by others.

Power, Privilege, and Marginalization

Marginalizationor the social, political, geographical, psychological placement away from a center
places persons away from sources of privilege. If enfolded within the embrace of inclusion,
individuals gain access to the necessities of life, such as material, instrumental, social, emotional,
financial, and safety resources. One aspect of being at the center and exercising or being the
recipients of power is that individuals are often unaware of the power in which they reside. For those
relegated to the fringes, the absence of power and privilege makes both more readily identifiable. The
multiple dimensions in which an individual experiences marginalization are likely to vary depending

on the depth (e.g., lack of privilege results in loss of essential resources) and breadth (i.e., the
cumulative effect of lacking privilege in multiple areas) of the marginalization experienced. In a
counseling relationship, a thorough understanding of both depth and breadth of marginalization is
essential.

Figure 11.1 Cumulative and Integrated Marginalization

Risk, Resilience, and Marginalization

Marginalization is associated with negative health outcomes, including lower life expectancy,
increased child mortality, and increased rates of diabetes, cancer, obesity, and heart disease (e.g.,
Christopher & Simpson, 2014; Doubeni et al., 2012; Fredriksen-Goldsen, Kim, Barkan, Muraco, &
Hoy-Ellis, 2013). Marginalization is also associated with negative mental health outcomes (e.g.,
Arajo & Borrell, 2006; Seng, Lopez, Sperlich, Hamama, & Meldrum, 2012). Studies of
marginalized populations, including LGBTQ and Native American groups, have found higher rates of
depression and suicide among these groups. Other marginalized groups, such as prison populations,
have been found to experience high rates of substance abuse, past victimization (e.g., child abuse),
learning disorders, and trauma-related mental health issues. Racial/ethnic minorities who have
anomic ethnic identities (versus strong ethnic or bicultural identities) are at higher risk for substance
abuse, depression, and anxiety. Having multiple marginal social identities increases an individuals
risk for negative physical and mental health outcomes. Current evidence-based mental health
interventions may neglect this complex dynamic. Clinicians must be aware of the specific risk factors
associated with clients social contexts in order to assess and treat clients appropriately. At the same
time, therapists cannot rely on assumptions or negative expectations regarding clients perceived
marginalized status.
The literature on resilience demonstrates that moderate amounts of adversity may benefit our mental
health in the long run if we can also access appropriate supports to overcome adversity. Hall,

Stevens, and Meleis (1994) summarize some of the strengths that may be associated with a
marginalized position, including the following: greater awareness of boundaries and their ability to
protect, cultural and personal uniqueness, access to resources through collective awareness and
organization, access to and control of protective information, survival skills and insights gained
through forced reflection regarding ones relative position to the center, and exposure to experiences
that may foster greater empathy. Several investigations have pointed to the potential for individuals to
gain strength by reframing personal marginalization in the context of collective action toward social
justice. Often, being positioned at the margin provides individuals with license for creativity and
innovation, stimulating talents that may be less likely to grow in those who conform to social norms.
A broader position between identities or social worlds can provide greater reflexivity, mental and
social flexibility, and multiple perspectives from which to interpret the world. Marginalized
populations may foster resilient families and communities through strong familial and interpersonal
ties, spirituality, cultural knowledge and traditions, shared language and values, and mutual
affirmation/validation.
The case discussion in the next section provides a framework for therapists to use in approaching the
counseling relationship with clients who are marginalized. This framework requires that the
counselor acquire important knowledge about the individual client and the group or groups to which
the client belongs or with which he or she identifies. The counselor must also acquire self-knowledge
and knowledge of the available tools for engaging effectively in the counseling relationship with a
marginalized client.
The following general questions can guide the counselors knowledge acquisition about the client: (1)
Who is the individual and how does he or she identify? How would the individual be identified by
others? (2) Which dimensions of marginality might the individual perceive for him- or herself, and
which appear to be most prominent? (3) Of the groups and/or dimensions the individual identifies as
most salient, who defines them? (4) What is known about the group? (5) What are the specific
challenges to counseling and/or the counseling relationship? What are other relevant challenges?
Further questions can guide the counselors acquisition of knowledge about him- or herself: (1) How
do I identify? How do others identify me? (2) To which dimensions of marginality might I belong or
not? What privilege do I hold or not hold based on these dimensions? (3) How do my identification
and levels of privilege influence my values and beliefs about the group(s) salient to my client? How
do my skills and knowledge potentially apply (or not) to this group? Finally, to acquire the tools
needed to take part effectively in the counseling relationship, the counselor must engage with
institutions and individuals outside the agencies in which the counselor operates.

Case in Point: Undocumented Immigrants

How is the group defined? Who defines it?
Undocumented immigrants are citizens of other countries who have entered the United States without
following official routes and/or procedures for entrance that would render them documented, or
traceable, by the U.S. government. Some undocumented immigrants may have entered the country with
the proper documentation for time-limited visits and remained in the United States past the allotted

time; others may have received visas for specific purposes but are engaged in activities not permitted
by those visas (e.g., working full-time after being admitted to the country on a student visa). Various
kinds of visas are available; they generally fall into one of two categoriesnonimmigrant (e.g.,
visitors, students) and immigrant (e.g., lawful permanent residency, or green cards).
Other terms used to describe undocumented immigrants are illegal aliens (or simply illegals) and
migrant workers (or migrants). Exceedingly pejorative terms such as wetback also continue to be
used by important political and media figures (e.g., Carr, 2003), and open displays of hostility toward
undocumented immigrants are not uncommon at the community level (such as a bumper sticker
recently seen in Oregon that read This is Oregon, not Mexico). Undocumented status may be
temporary, as for immigrants who are in the process of obtaining the necessary documents to remain
in the United States legally, or it may be of a more permanent nature, as is the case for many lowwage and/or seasonal immigrant workers who would not qualify for visas (called inadmissibles by
the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, 2006). In this particular case the group
undocumented immigrantsis defined by the U.S. government.

What is known about the group?

In 2010 it was estimated that there were approximately 10.8 million undocumented immigrants living
in the United Statesthe same number as estimated for 2009, but lower than the 11.8 million
estimated in 2007. The decline of 1 million in the undocumented population from the peak of 11.8
million in 2007 was likely due to the economic recession in the United States (Hoefer, Rytina, &
Baker, 2011). The U.S. Department of Homeland Security (U.S. DHS) reported that in 2010, 62% of
the undocumented population was of Mexican origin (Hoefer et al., 2011). The United States
experienced a 27% growth in the population of undocumented immigrants during 20072010.
Undocumented adults and children constitute about 4% of the U.S. population (Passel & Taylor,
2010). Many undocumented immigrants, especially those of Mexican origin, migrate to the United
States looking for work (Berk, Schur, Chavez, & Frankel, 2000; Passel, Capps, & Fix, 2004), and, as
workers, they contribute to social programs such as Social Security (Porter, 2005, 2006).
Of the many undocumented immigrants who are in the United States, a sizable proportion are
identified by the U.S. government for deportation. Over the decade ending in 2009, the immigrant
parents of more than 100,000 U.S. citizen children were deported (U.S. DHS, 2009). In 2010,
516,992 undocumented immigrants were identified by the U.S. Border Patrol and processed (Hoefer
et al., 2011). While these persons hailed from many countries around the globe, the overwhelming
majority were of Mexican origin (83%) and were identified for processing in the Southwest (86.6%).
The vast majority of the persons identified by the Border Patrol chose to return to their countries of
origin voluntarily. The statistics on national origin of those identified for deportation (i.e., 83% from
Mexico) are striking in comparison to the relative number of immigrants from Mexico (i.e., 33%) and
the total of 55% from Latin America (Grieco & Trevelyan, 2010). Awareness of these data is
important for counselors seeking to understand the unique context of Mexican immigrants in
comparison to immigrants from other countries.
The visibility of undocumented immigrants varies greatly. Geographically, undocumented immigrants
are unevenly distributed in the United States, with 2.6 million estimated to reside in California in

2010 (Hoefer et al., 2011). According to the same report, in that year 1.8 million undocumented
immigrants were estimated to reside in Texas, and 760,000 in Florida. The majority of the
undocumented population resided in seven states: California, Texas, New York, Florida, Illinois,
New Jersey, and Arizona. Another report suggests that there has been significant dispersion of the
undocumented population in the past decade; as of 2009, sizable numbers of undocumented
immigrants were living in the states listed above plus North Carolina, Georgia, and other southeastern
states (Passel & Cohn, 2009). Although specific statistics are not available concerning the workforce
participation of undocumented immigrants, according to the U.S. Department of Labor (2012) 15.9%
of the nations labor force in 2011 was foreign-born. A 2011 study by the National Center for
Children in Poverty found that 75.9% of children of recent immigrants had a parent who was
employed (Wight, Thampi, & Chau, 2011). Such high employment rates, however, do not protect
immigrants from living in poverty (Wight et al., 2011).

What are the specific challenges to counseling and the counseling relationship?
The first major challenge is access to care. Undocumented immigrants are likely to face tremendous
obstacles in obtaining publicly funded health care services, both because of policies creating barriers
to access (Kullgren, 2003) and because of the fear of being identified as undocumented (Berk &
Schur, 2001). Indeed, research shows that undocumented immigrants tend to underutilize health
services, especially preventive services (Chavez, Cornelius, & Jones, 1986). Families may find
themselves in a very challenging position when seeking services is imperative, as in the case of
children with chronic conditions (Rehm, 2003). Further complicating this matter, undocumented
immigrants are significantly less likely than legal residents and native-born Americans to have health
insurance, or to have health care providers they see consistently (K. J. Marshall, Urrutia-Rojas, Mas,
& Coggin, 2005; Prentice, Pebley, & Sastry, 2005).
In terms of mental health, research has found a significant relationship between undocumented status
and poor mental health outcomes for different ethnic groups (Eisenman, Gelberg, Liu, & Shapiro,
2003; Law, Hutton, & Chan, 2003; G. N. Marshall, Schell, Elliott, Berthold, & Chun, 2005). These
findings are often associated with prior exposure to violence, and, indeed, mental health outcomes
have been found to vary across national origins (Salgado de Snyder, Cervantes, & Padilla, 1990).
The children of immigrants are also at high risk of exposure to violence. Jaycox and colleagues
(2002) found that 32% and 16% of the children in their sample (ages 815) reported posttraumatic
stress disorder and depressive symptoms, respectively, in the clinical range. These numbers are
substantially higher than would be expected for a national sample.
It is important also to understand that there are areas of health and mental health wherein immigrants
experience great resilience. For example, first-generation Latino teens have been found to engage in
fewer risky sexual behaviors than their nonimmigrant counterparts (Guarini, Marks, Patton, & Garca
Coll, 2011). A better health outcome for immigrants than for those in later generations has been
termed the immigrant paradox, a phenomenon that may or may not operate depending on context. For
example, in one study, first-generation immigrants had the lowest rates of asthma in neighborhoods
with a high density of immigrants but the highest rates of asthma in low-density neighborhoods. One
context (high density of immigrants) provided protection, while the other (low density) augmented
risk (Cagney, Browning, & Wallace, 2007).

Immigrants also have to deal with the negative attitudes of others toward them (Hovey, Rojas, Kain,
& Magaa, 2000) and the negative climate that these attitudes create. Undocumented immigrants who
have experienced discrimination or negative social climate may find it difficult to disclose
information to or form a productive alliance with a counselor. Negative attitudes toward immigrants
have been documented in the United States and abroad. For example, Suro (2005) found negative
attitudes toward immigrants in the United States across ethnic groups, with the exception of Latinos,
who had relatively positive attitudes toward migration. Internationally, Fetzer (2000) studied antiimmigration sentiment in the United States, France, and Germany, testing the economic self-interest
and cultural marginality theories. He found weak support for the economic self-interest theory, which
suggests that anti-immigration attitudes are directly tied to material self-interest. In contrast, he found
strong evidence in all three countries for the cultural marginality theory, which posits that
experiencing marginality engenders sympathy or support for members of other marginalized groups,
even outside ones own. Fetzer found that when other factors were controlled for, belonging to an
ethnic, racial, or religious minority group decreased anti-immigration sentiment, as did being female
and being foreign-born. Similar research has found support for anti-immigration policies as tied to
ingroup and outgroup biases (Lee & Ottati, 2002). These negative attitudes toward immigration
policy and immigrants are a particular challenge because the variables implicated in creating change
in attitudes would require targeting at a broad social level.
Another specific challenge for undocumented immigrants lies in the intersections of social and
individual issues. For example, one study found that husbands of undocumented women in domestic
violence situations used the womens undocumented status to control their behavior (Dutton, Orloff,
& Hass, 2000), highlighting the intersection of gender and immigration status. Another author suggests
that the intergenerational transmission of violence may begin for children and adolescents with the
violence of the border crossing (Solis, 2003), potentially signaling a relationship between
susceptibility to aggression and undocumented status. Through participation in an e-mail discussion
group that includes the first author of this chapter, a clinician asked for recommendations regarding
the case of a Latina who was lesbian and partnered. The woman was undocumented, and her family
would not allow her to move out of the family house to cohabit with her partner; they threatened to
report her to immigration authorities if she chose to move out. In situations such as these, individuals
struggles are affected by broader social issues of power and legitimacy.
Overall, the literature shows that undocumented immigrants are vulnerableboth socially and
instrumentally. Contextual information is critical to the counselors approach to the counseling
relationship. For example, a counselor who detects reluctance to disclose on the part of an
undocumented immigrant client could make internal attributions about this behavior (e.g., the client
doesnt like me, the client is being excessively guarded), or the counselor could understand the
behavior in context and attempt to create an environment that maximizes the possibility of establishing
a positive, productive relationship. The counselor must consume information about the clients
context with care to avoid creating stereotypes or glosses (Trimble & Dickson, 2005). The
counselors aim should be to gain a sense of the complexity of the clients groups circumstances,
which may provide a good indication of areas of assessment and potential intervention. However,
information is only one important dimension of the counseling relationship. In addition to the
information gathered, clinician variables are of critical importance.

The Purpose of Counseling

Before we move on to discuss what a counselor should do in a counseling relationship with a
marginalized person, we want to focus briefly on the purpose of the counseling relationship. The
American Counseling Association (ACA, 1997) defines counseling as the application of mental
health, psychological, or human development principles, through cognitive, affective, behavioral, or
systematic intervention strategies, that address wellness, personal growth, or career development, as
well as pathology (p. 1). Similarly, Pipes and Davenport (1999) provide the following insight:
Presumably one of the characteristics of all human cultures is that within the culture, there are
certain people, at certain times, who exhibit and/or report an undesirable (to them) state of
affairs in terms of their perceptions, thoughts, behavior, or emotions, or some combination
thereof. These may or may not be undesirable to others. Presumably, it is also a characteristic of
each culture that certain processes, procedures, and structures are both made available to and at
times imposed upon the individuals in order to deal with these perceived problems.... one such
process... [is] psychotherapy or counseling. (p. 4)
Both of these definitions include the notion of counseling as a relationship that serves to effect change
in the life of the person receiving the counseling services. What is of interest is that the definitions do
not specify type, location, or duration of intervention, or point of intervention. Indeed ACAs
definition does not even specify a client per se, lending flexibility to the application and definition of
counseling. This flexibility is consistent with the APA (2003) guidelines, which issue a call to action
at the individual as well as social level. We offer the following discussion of counselor
considerations in the context of a call to flexible yet life-improving interventions.

Counselor Considerations
The APA (2003) Guidelines on Multicultural Education, Training, Research, Practice, and
Organizational Change for Psychologists provide an excellent frame from which counselors can
inform their practice of counseling the marginalized. We urge counselors who work with marginalized
persons to read and/or review these guidelines in their entirety. For the purposes of this section, we
discuss in detail guideline 1, psychologists as cultural beings, and guideline 5, application of
culturally appropriate skills in practice. We also address ethical considerations, especially in light
of the difficulty of integrating theoretical/applied knowledge for use with populations for which it
was not originally designed.
The first APA (2003) guideline states, Psychologists are encouraged to recognize that, as cultural
beings, they may hold attitudes and beliefs that can detrimentally influence their perceptions of and
interactions with individuals who are ethnically and racially different from themselves (p. 382). In
the context of the case of undocumented immigrants, the counselors personal beliefs and values about
immigration will likely affect the counseling relationship. In addition to understanding perceptions of
the other in a cultural frame, it is important for the counselor to examine him- or herself in a
cultural context. Specifically, to meet this first guideline the counselor must have personal awareness

of his or her own privilege (see Rothenberg, 2011) as well as the cultural lenses of his or her
professional knowledge (see Pfaffenberger, 2006). Rothenberg (2011) writes: White privilege is the
other side of racism. Unless we name it, we are in danger of wallowing in guilt or moral outrage with
no idea of how to move beyond them. It is often easier to deplore racism and its effects than to take
responsibility for the privileges some of us receive as a result of it (p. 1). Counselors must turn
attention to themselves as cultural beings and make the invisible (e.g., privilege derived from racism)
visible. This is not only responsible professional action but also an ethical mandate (e.g., ACA,
2014, C.2.a., Boundaries of Competence).
Couching personal exploration as an examination of privilege might be unpalatable to some
counselors (as it is to some of the students in our own undergraduate and graduate diversity-focused
courses). A counselor may consider using his or her own counseling skills in this process of
exploration. Where a counselor feels attacked or negatively engaged by the language of White
privilege, reframing might be a powerful ally. Exploring White privilege can also be understood as
exploring and challenging cultural assumptions or cultural programming. The word privilege may
sound as though it connotes something intentional, unearned, an accusation to be rebutted. Cultural
programming is unintentional, covert, something to be challenged by counselors who hope to achieve
further professional and personal growth. Knowing the language of White privilege is important also
because many writings have been published using these key words, some of which are difficult to find
without explicit searches employing these words.
The fifth APA (2003) guideline states, Psychologists are encouraged to apply culturally appropriate
skills in clinical and other applied psychological practices (p. 390). The application of appropriate
skills requires that the counselor be mindful of how previously learned skills are implemented and
does not necessarily require the development of an entirely new repertoire of skills (APA, 2003). For
example, during parent training, the lead author of this chapter works with immigrant Latino/a
families in teaching skills building, problem solving, positive involvement, effective discipline, and
effective monitoring/supervision. The concepts remain the same (especially since there is crosscultural evidence of their utility), but the presentation of the skills and the counseling relationship
with these parents is noticeably different from what it would be with White, middle-class parents.
Indeed, there is accumulating evidence that empirically supported approaches to treatment work
across ethnic groups (for an excellent review, see Miranda et al., 2005), and that they work optimally
if cultural adaptations are made to fit clients cultures and contexts (Benish, Quintana, & Wampold,
2011; Bernal & Domenech Rodrguez, 2012; Smith, Domenech Rodrguez, & Bernal, 2011).
Finally, counselors must have intimate knowledge of the codes of ethics of the counseling profession
(e.g., ACA, 2014; APA, 2003). When applying interventions flexibly and appropriately to various
cultural contexts, counselors may find themselves having to examine their ethics codes carefully, with
a special focus on understanding the rationale behind each element of the codes. For example, the
American Psychological Association (2003) code of ethics presents mandates for ethical delivery of
psychological services but does not present a definition of therapy. Counselors who find themselves
in unusual settings may be hard-pressed to understand the scope of what they need to do in order to
engage in ethical delivery of services. It is likely that they will gain a full understanding only after
beginning service delivery and working through potential problems as they arise. Resources are
available to help counselors understand ethics codes beyond the written mandates (e.g., Fisher, 2003;

Ford, 2006), and specific resources are available concerning the application of ethics to work in
culturally diverse communities (e.g., Trimble & Fisher, 2006).

Conclusions
Our focus in this chapter has been on counseling the marginalized. There is no single clear course of
action for counselors working with marginalized populations. We recommend that counselors develop
familiarity with theories of multicultural counseling (see Fuertes & Gretchen, 2001). Because the
marginalized can be broadly defined, it is important for a counselor to have a clear definition (by
self and others) of the group or groups involved, have knowledge about the groups context, and
understand the areas of challenge, especially related to the counseling relationship. Knowledge alone
does not suffice. We emphasize that it is the approach to the counseling relationship that is most
important to successful outcomes. The challenge for counselors is to be flexible and to increase their
self-awareness, especially as it pertains to privilege (or cultural programming). In counseling the
marginalized, counselors must not only practice their trade but also apply the knowledge they have
received in settings for which it was not conceptualized (e.g., a cognitive-behavioral therapist who
now runs groups with undocumented immigrants can use the technical skills associated with CBT but
also needs to do many other things in order to have truly fruitful counseling relationships). Overall,
the challenges are many, but they are easily surpassed by the rewards. A counselor who works with
marginalized persons is indeed heeding the call to action for social justice (APA, 2003; Sue, 2005)
by providing services to groups that are often underserved (U.S. DHHS, 2001).

Critical Incident
Sean, a 15-year-old multiracial (Native American, White, and Black) male, initiated services of his
own accord to manage symptoms of depression, including suicidal ideation. Sean was academically
advanced for his age and excelled as an artist and skateboarder. He prided himself most on his
academic success, and he aimed to graduate from high school early and attend college. Sean had poor
self-esteem and lacked a strong cultural identity. In the state where Sean resided, he could consent to
treatment. He did so, stating that his father, who was his legal guardian, would not consent. The
counselor developed a strong rapport with Sean.
Sean was raised in a single-parent household. Seans father had a severe and chronic mental illness
for which he received sporadic treatment, and he was currently stable. According to Sean, during his
childhood he was placed in state custody for a year due to his fathers alcoholism and physical abuse
toward him. Sean also spent a year living in a homeless shelter with his father. During this time, he
was required to attend therapy, which he found unhelpful to his family. Seans father believed it was
yet another example of the White man trying to destroy the Indian. Seans siblings were all
incarcerated. His grandparents experienced relocation, boarding school abuse, and slavery. Seans
immediate family was relatively isolated because of his fathers outrageous behavior. Sean reported
that his father would often denigrate him.
One day, Sean was limping when he arrived for a therapy session. When asked what had happened,
he stated that his father had been angry with him for not doing well in his Native language class and

had taken a belt to his legs and then shoved him through the screen door, breaking it. Sean further
reported that his fathers fits of rage were a rare occurrence (every few months) and Sean had learned
to manage them by accepting the abuse. The counselor reminded Sean of his duty to report child abuse
or neglect. Sean then attempted to downplay the story, reporting that he had fallen through the door
himself. Sean asked that the counselor not report the incident because he feared being taken away
from his father again; Sean felt that his father depended on his care. He was also concerned that any
type of investigation would disrupt his schooling and cause his grades to suffer.
The counselor was conflicted about whether to report. He considered the following points: (a) client
safety, including assessment of the severity, frequency, and impact of the abuse and the vulnerability
of the client; (b) obligation to report given the state laws around child abuse and neglect; (c)
psychological benefit versus harm to the client as a consequence of reporting, including betraying the
clients trust, potential family fragmentation, and loss of stability, predictability, and family social
supports in the clients environment; (d) client level of independence and maturity; and (e) concern
regarding the client, family, and community perceptions of social services as a systemic enactment of
violence on families. Seans family had experienced generations of marginalization and victimization
enacted through systems meant to uphold social policies.
The counselor consulted with several colleagues. In addition to emphasizing the legal and ethical
obligations of the profession, one colleague asked, What if something more violent or lethal were to
happen to this child and you did not report? Would you be able to live with that? The counselor
decided that he could not. He talked with Sean about the need to report, encouraging Sean to report
with him, but ultimately the counselor made the call. The counselor had plans to work closely with
the family if the case was investigated, to ensure that the caseworker considered the familys context
and culture. He also hoped to help the adolescent develop a safety plan and build broader networks
of social and cultural support while also continuing to support him in his academic strengths.
However, after the counselor reported the abuse, Sean did not return to counseling.

Discussion
In this case, the reported child abuse dictated a course of action. However, as the counselor was
attuned to the cultural context of the marginalized client, the course of action was complex. The
primary ethical dilemma was between APA ethical standard 3.04, Avoiding Harm, and state legal
standards that mandated the reporting of child abuse. Given the clients cultural context and previous
history with social services, the counselor was aware that reporting the abuse might cause harm and a
disruption in the clients family and school functioning. Within the therapeutic relationship, reporting
the child abuse might be perceived as rupturing therapeutic trust and breaking confidentiality. The
counselor made a judgment to report the child abuse and abide by state legal standards. This decision
was guided by the following APA principles: beneficence and nonmaleficence, justice, and respect
for peoples rights and dignity. The counselor intended to ensure the clients welfare and minimize
future harm by reporting the child abuse while also promoting social justice.

Discussion Questions

1. What are the different contexts of marginalization that may have been at play in this situation? Do
we know anything about the therapists understanding or experiences of marginalization that may
have influenced his perspective and choice to report (what would yours be)?
2. How well did the therapist behave in accordance with: (a) the legal standards, (b) the ethical
standards of conduct in psychology, (c) the ethical standards of conduct with racial/ethnic
minorities and marginalized groups, and (d) personal ethics? Where do the standards conflict or
align in regard to this case?
3. How do you think the therapists choice to report affected the clients marginalization and other
issues for which he sought help in counseling? How do you think the client might have been
affected if the therapist had not reported?
4. What possible alternative courses of action could the therapist have taken? How appropriate or
inappropriate would each of these alternatives have been?

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12 Counseling in Schools Issues and Practice

Cheryl Holcomb-McCoy
Ileana Gonzalez

Primary Objective
To provide insight into a number of disparities and barriers that racially and
socioeconomically diverse students face in todays schools and how multiculturally competent
counselors can transform these challenges through various aspects of their practice

Secondary Objectives
To highlight several challenges diverse students face in schools, such as mental health
concerns; achievement inequities; lack of preparation for college and career readiness; peer
victimization; lack of preparation in the fields of science, technology, engineering, and
mathematics; and linguistic concerns
To provide a framework for social justicefocused school counseling
To describe multiculturally competent approaches to school counseling, including
empowerment-focused and strengths-based counseling techniques and consultation practices
Schools in the United States are more racially segregated now than they have been at any time in the
past 40 years (Orfield & Lee, 2007): The typical White student attends school where almost 80% of
the students are White, and the typical African American or Latino student attends school where at
least two-thirds of the students are from that students racial/ethnic group. This alarming reality is at
odds with the fact that overall the national student body is becoming more diverse every year (Humes,
Jones, & Ramirez, 2010), in large part due to the increasing percentage of Latino students in public
schools. As the student population becomes increasingly diverse, efforts mount to identify effective
methods and strategies for counseling the individuals who make up this population. School-based
counselors are currently called upon not only to conduct effective and culturally sensitive counseling
but also to facilitate and enhance the educational and career development of students who vary
widely in cultures, languages, abilities, and many other characteristics. To meet this challenge, more
counseling preparation programs are addressing diversity and cultural competence, as evidenced by
the accreditation standards set by the Council for the Accreditation of Counseling and Related
Educational Programs (2009) and the guidelines of the American Psychological Association (1990).
Moreover, there is a dire need for school counselors who are trained and ready to collaborate with
other educators and community stakeholders on school reform efforts.
With the needs described above as a backdrop, we propose a shift in school counseling practice and
policy that is rooted in cultural competence and social justice principles (e.g., justice, advocacy).
This shift involves revisiting the school counseling professionals historical role as advocate for
change and focusing on preparing youth to be successful in their postsecondary endeavors (e.g.,

university/college, apprenticeships, career choices). We believe the profession is poised to bring

forth practices and strategies that will help empower culturally diverse students and their families to
be successful and productive citizens of the 21st century. In this chapter we will discuss what we
believe are the professions challenges and offer possible counseling strategies for implementation at
the K12 school level. We will present brief descriptions of factors that ultimately impede the
academic and social development of all students but have disproportionate impacts on culturally
diverse students. In addition, we will address culturally appropriate counseling interventions for
school counselors and programs from a social justice framework.

Challenges of 21st-Century School Counseling

Mental Health Disparities
A distinct body of literature describes the deficits in the provision of mental health care services to
racial and ethnic minority children and families of lower socioeconomic status, and it has become
increasingly apparent that ethnically and racially diverse children are underserved relative to their
White counterparts in the areas of prevention, access, quality treatment, and outcomes of care
(National Center for Health Statistics, 2012). The presence of psychiatric disorders in childhood has
been linked to negative outcomes, including poor social mobility and reduced social capital. For
example, childhood depression has been associated with increased welfare dependence and
unemployment. Many of these identifiable risk factors for mental illness (e.g., poverty, exposure to
violence) disproportionately affect students of color.
According to the U.S. census, in 2007 approximately 18% of children in the United States were poor,
and among these, Black and Latino children were disproportionately affected. High rates of isolation
of ethnically and racially diverse children can have significant adverse effects on these childrens
mental health, including depression and behavior problems, anxiety disorders such as posttraumatic
stress disorder, and a range of other adjustment difficulties (Flannery, Wester, & Singer, 2004).
Many racial and ethnic minority children and adolescents also experience compounded community
trauma, which has been defined as trauma resulting from witnessing violence in their homes and
neighborhoods (Horowitz, Weine, & Jekel, 1995). Compounded community trauma has been linked to
high rates of mental illness, including posttraumatic stress disorder, depression, and externalizing
behaviors. Additional factors that increase the risk of mental illness for low-income youth are
neighborhood exposure to violence, neighborhood social disorganization, repeated experiences of
discrimination, and chronic exposure to discrimination. Early interventions such as the CognitiveBehavioral Intervention for Trauma in Schools (CBITS; Kataoka et al., 2003) have been shown to be
advantageous for addressing traumatic stress and maximizing students effective coping strategies in
at-risk environments. Thus, it is essential that school counseling programs engage in early prevention
and intervention to reduce the burden of mental disorders for low culturally and ethnically diverse
students. Other community-based interventions that show promise include school-based services,
mentoring programs, family support and education programs, and wilderness programs. Many of these
have demonstrated effectiveness with African American, Latino, and American Indian children and
families (Alegria, Vallas, & Pumariega, 2010).

Achievement Inequities
In addition to the mental health disparities that racial and ethnic minority children and adolescents
disproportionately face, a nationwide education crisis is profoundly affecting the social and
economic fabric of American communities (A. Duncan, 2009). In 2002, the sweeping education
reform known as No Child Left Behind was signed into law, representing the first mechanism for
closely monitoring student and school achievement through measurement against national and state
standards. Through this accountability lens, gaps in achievement, attainment, and opportunities
between students of varying geographic locations, races, and socioeconomic statuses are highlighted.
Recent statistics indicate that substantial gaps exist between African American and Latino students
and their White and Asian peers (National Center for Education Statistics [NCES], 2009, 2011). On
average, African American and Latino students are 2 to 3 years behind White students of the same age
across the nation, while more pronounced racial achievement gaps exist in most large urban school
districts (McKinsey & Company, 2008). The National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP)
reveals racial achievement gaps in both reading and mathematics. For example, in 2009 and 2011,
African American and Latino students in fourth and eighth grades scored an average of 20 points
lower than their White peers on NAEP math and reading assessments, a difference of about two grade
levels (NCES, 2011; Planty et al., 2009). The racial achievement gap increases as children progress
in school: between fourth and twelfth grades, for example, the disparity in math scores grows 41%
for Latinos and 22% for African Americans as compared to White students (McKinsey & Company,
2008). Scores in 2011 showed gains among White, Latino, and African American students in reading
and mathematics, demonstrating that the achievement gaps are slowly narrowing, but they still
remains significant (NCES, 2011).
Gaps are also apparent in the low representation of students of color in rigorous curricula (NCES,
2007). A small proportion of African American students have access to challenging programs such as
advanced placement. Many of those who do have access to these courses have not excelled: less than
4% of African American students score a 3 or higher on an advanced placement test at some point in
high school, compared to 15% of students nationwide (McKinsey & Company, 2008). African
American and Latino students have lower academic achievement in high school and less access to
rigorous courses compared to their White counterparts (Nunn, 2011). As opposed to their more
affluent, White peers, these students are consequently less likely to attain a high school diploma or to
enter a postsecondary institution with the skills and knowledge needed to be successful in college
(House & Hayes, 2002). African American and Latino students and students from low socioeconomic
backgrounds continue to be underprepared for, and underrepresented in, 4-year colleges and
universities (Holland & Farmer-Hinton, 2009; Kena et al., 2014, pp. 148150).
Data also show that there is a significant achievement gap between affluent and low-income children
(Education Trust, 2008). Low-income students are roughly 2 years of learning behind more affluent
students of the same age (McKinsey & Company, 2008). At the individual school level, schools with
populations comprising mostly low-income students perform much worse than those with fewer lowincome students. The U.S. Department of Education reports that student and school poverty adversely
affects student achievement (Aud et al., 2010). In a longitudinal study conducted with third- through
fifth-grade students from 71 high-poverty schools, the U.S. Department of Education (2001) found that
students who live in poverty scored below norms in all years and in all grades as measured by the

Stanford Achievement Test, ninth edition (SAT-9); schools with the highest percentages of poor
students performed significantly worse than other students at the same grade levels. Low-income
African American students suffer from the largest achievement gap of any cohort, and data suggest that
the average low-income White student is about 3.5 years ahead in learning compared to the average
low-income African American student (Aud et al., 2010).

College Access and Dropout Disparities

Similar to differences in achievement, there are stark disparities in college enrollments across groups
of students. Low-income students, students whose parents have never attended college, and students
of color (i.e., African American, Latino/Hispanic) are less likely to attend college than are their more
affluent White and Asian peers (Perna et al., 2008). Although college enrollments have increased
across all groups, there is still a persistent enrollment gap. Moreover, according to the National
Center for Education Statistics, when students from underrepresented groups do enroll in college,
they tend to enroll in public 2-year colleges or 4-year colleges and universities with less selective
admissions policies and fewer resources than the institutions attended by their more privileged
counterparts. The lack of college preparatory counseling in high schools has been noted as an
explanation for these disparities in college access and choice; consequently, school counselors have
been blamed for lack of engagement and gatekeeping practices related to college advising
(Rosenbaum, Miller, & Krei, 1996). Obviously, school-based counselors are a logical source of
assistance for African American, Latino, and low-income students, as well as students whose parents
do not have direct experience with college (Perna et al., 2008).
In addition to the disparities in college access and admissions, students of color are
disproportionately represented in the nations dropout statistics. Of the more than 1.2 million students
who fail to graduate from high school on time each year, more than half are students of color, despite
the fact that these students make up less than 40% of the high school population. Only 57.8% of Latino
students, 53.4% of African American students, and 49.3% of American Indian and Alaska Native
students entering ninth grade receive high school diplomas 4 years later. Although the graduation rate
for Asian American students is 80% (roughly four percentage points higher than the White student
average), students from some Asian ethnic subgroups, including Southeast Asians and Pacific
Islanders, do not fare as well academically as their peers from other subgroups.

Peer Victimization
Another challenge in education today that has generated attention from many groups is the increase in
reports of peer victimization, also known as bullying. Peer victimization is defined as physical,
verbal, or psychological abuse that takes place in and around school, especially in places where adult
supervision is minimal (Graham, 2006). Hitting, name-calling, intimidating gestures, racial slurs,
spreading of rumors, and exclusion from the group by perceived powerful others are all examples
of behaviors that constitute peer victimization. Research on the consequences of peer victimization
has documented that students who experience such victimization have higher incidence of depression,
suicide, poor school performance, low self-esteem, absenteeism, psychiatric care and hospitalization,
substance abuse, and high-risk sexual behavior than students who are not victimized (Juvonen &

Graham, 2001).
Research has also found that ethnicity, sexual orientation, gender identity, gender conformity, and
culture are important contextual variables related to student victimization by peers. For instance, in a
2011 survey of LGBTQ students conducted by the Gay, Lesbian & Straight Education Network, 64%
reported feeling unsafe, 82% reported being verbally harassed, and 38% reported being physically
harassed because of their sexual orientation (Kosciw, Greytak, Bartkiewicz, Boesen, & Palmer,
2012). Some research suggests that approximately 28% of gay and lesbian youth drop out of high
school because of feeling unsafe (due to verbal and physical abuse) in the school environment
(Remafedi, 1987). Research also indicates that lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and questioning
youth report experiencing significantly more at-school victimization (e.g., bullying, harassment) than
do their heterosexual peers (Kosciw et al., 2012; Williams, Connolly, Pepler, & Craig, 2005).
Graham (2006) found that no one ethnic group is more or less at risk for being the target of peer
abuse. However, she notes that an ethnic or cultural groups numerical power in a school can be a
critical factor affecting a victims propensity to self-blame. For instance, if a victimized students
own ethnic group is the numerical majority that holds the balance of power in the school, then the
students construal about the causes of victimization are more likely to implicate the self.

Lack of Preparation in Science, Technology, Engineering, and

Mathematics
Another important factor that calls for a shift in the role of school counselors is the continuing
achievement gap between African American and Latino students and their White counterparts in the
areas of science, technology, engineering, and mathematics, the so-called STEM fields (Harper,
2010). The importance of increasing the numbers of underrepresented students in STEM courses, and
eventually STEM careers, has heightened dramatically in the past decade because of the impending
growth in jobs/careers in these fields. College graduation statistics for 2007 show that African
Americans received only 78% of STEM bachelor degrees bestowed by U.S. institutions, compared
with 64% of the White cohort. Nestor-Baker and Kerka (2009) list seven challenges to the
recruitment and retention of underrepresented students in STEM college majors: lack of academic
preparation, low confidence levels, the imposter syndrome (e.g., everyone understands but me),
unrealistic expectations (e.g., passing with little effort), lack of community, environmental alienation,
and financial need. Teacher and classroom efforts have received attention in the literature; however,
the role of the school counselor in providing career counseling and social/emotional assistance has
received limited attention. Feller (2003) and other counseling professionals continue to call for
counselors to take a more active role in promoting STEM careers. Schmidt, Hardinge, and Rokutani
(2012) recommend that school counselors use the following strategies to increase the participation of
diverse students in STEM coursework: course advisement and selection, promotion of academic
rigor, strategic emphasis on achievement and goal orientation, commitment to parental inclusion, and
attention to underrepresented populations.

Linguistic Diversity

Another factor that has significant impacts on the practice of school counseling today is the linguistic
diversity found in schools. In 2010, about 10% of U.S. students were identified as English language
learners (Aud et al., 2010). According to a study conducted by the Pew Hispanic Center, English
language learner (ELL) students tend to go to public schools that have low standardized test scores
(Fry, 2008). However, these low levels of assessed proficiency are not solely attributable to poor
achievement by ELL students. These same schools report poor achievement by other major student
groups as well and share a number of characteristics associated generally with poor standardized test
performance, such as high studentteacher ratios, high student enrollments, and high levels of students
living in or near poverty. When ELL students are not isolated in these low-achieving schools, the gap
between their test score results and those of other students is considerably narrower. These data have
significant implications for school counselors. In addition to the language barriers present in
counseling, the heterogeneity of the ELL student population presents challenges to school counselors
in the form of numerous different behavioral norms, cultural customs, and previous schooling
practices across language groups. Moreover, given that a significant number of ELL students are from
first- and second-generation immigrant families, it is important for counselors to recognize that the
parents of these children may not understand how American schools operate or be aware of the
various educational programs available to assist their children.

Multicultural School Counseling Competence and Practice

Perhaps one of the greatest challenges confronting school counselors today is that of becoming
culturally competent, or having the ability to counsel students of varying cultural backgrounds
effectively. For many years, a growing body of literature has addressed the need for multicultural
competence in counseling and in the training of future school counselors (Ali & Ancis, 2005; Collins
& Pieterse, 2007). Multicultural theorists have defined cultural competence as a specific area of
competence that includes (1) cultural awareness and beliefs, (2) cultural knowledge, and (3) cultural
skills. A counselor has achieved cultural competence when he or she possesses the skills necessary to
work effectively with clients from various cultural backgrounds. Hence, a school counselor with a
high level of multicultural counseling competence acknowledges studentcounselor cultural
differences and similarities as significant to the counseling process. In contrast, a counselor with a
low level of multicultural competence provides counseling services with little or no regard for the
counselors or the students cultural background.
Given the school setting and the educational outcomes that must be addressed in schools, the
multicultural competence of school counselors includes more than focusing on individual student
emotional and/or social concerns alone. School counselors, in general, are expected to have
knowledge of the educational landscapeincluding school norms and practices and education
terminology. A multiculturally competent school counselor would be expected to have knowledge of
educational systemic factors that influence students success. For instance, tracking has been
documented as a practice and policy that perpetuates gaps in achievement and attainment among
students. Therefore, advocating for the dismantling of tracking practices is an example of an
intervention that would be expected of a multiculturally competent school counselor.
In response to the need for a shift in the practice of school counselors, the American School
Counselor Association (ASCA, 2009) adopted the following position on cultural diversity:

Professional school counselors promote academic, career, and personal/social success for all
students. Professional school counselors collaborate with stakeholders to create a school and
community climate that embraces cultural diversity and helps to remove barriers that impede
student success. (p. 1)
In addition, the 2010 revision of ASCAs Ethical Standards for School Counselors addresses
multiculturalism, diversity, and anti-oppression competencies as follows in Section E.2,
Multicultural and Social Justice Advocacy and Leadership:
Professional school counselors:
1. Monitor and expand personal multicultural and social justice advocacy awareness, knowledge
and skills. School counselors strive for exemplary cultural competence by ensuring personal
beliefs or values are not imposed on students or other stakeholders
2. Develop competencies in how prejudice, power and various forms of oppression, such as
ableism, ageism, classism, familyism, genderism, heterosexism, immigrationism, linguicism,
racism, religionism and sexism, affect self, students and all stakeholders.
3. Acquire educational, consultation and training experiences to improve awareness, knowledge,
skills and effectiveness in working with diverse populations: ethnic/racial status, age, economic
status, special needs, ESL or ELL, immigration status, sexual orientation, gender, gender
identity/expression, family type, religious/spiritual identity and appearance.
4. Affirm the multiple cultural and linguistic identities of every student and all stakeholders.
Advocate for equitable school and school counseling program policies and practices for every
student and all stakeholders including use of translators and bilingual/multilingual school
counseling program materials that represent all languages used by families in the school
community, and advocate for appropriate accommodations and accessibility for students with
disabilities.
5. Use inclusive and culturally responsible language in all forms of communication.
6. Provide regular workshops and written/digital information to families to increase understanding,
collaborative two-way communication and a welcoming school climate between families and
the school to promote increased student achievement.
7. Work as advocates and leaders in the school to create equity-based school counseling programs
that help close any achievement, opportunity and attainment gaps that deny all students the
chance to pursue their educational goals.

Social JusticeFocused Counseling in Schools

At the core of ASCAs position on the ethical mandates as they relate to diversity is the adoption of an
advocacy position. While the multicultural counseling movement has maintained its significance and
momentum in the field of counseling (Ponterotto, Casas, Suzuki, & Alexander, 2010), the notion of a
social justice counseling movement has also gained significance (Hook & Davis, 2012). Social
justice counseling, according to the Counselors for Social Justice division of the American

Counseling Association, is a multifaceted approach to counseling in which practitioners strive to

promote human development and the common good simultaneously by addressing challenges related
to both individual and distributive justice. Social justice counseling includes empowerment of the
individual as well as active confrontation of injustice and inequality in society as they affect clientele
and in their systemic contexts. Social justice counselors direct attention to the four critical principles
that guide their work: equity, access, participation, and harmony. They conduct their work with a
focus on the cultural, contextual, and individual needs of those served.
Within the context of school counseling, Holcomb-McCoy (2007) offers a social justice framework
specifically for school counselors that includes six key counselor functions:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.

Counseling
Consultation
Connecting schools, families, and communities
Collecting and using data
Challenging bias
Coordinating student services and support

Table 12.1 presents examples of counselor activities for each of these functions.
When using a social justice approach to counsel students, it is critical for school counselors to
consider the historical oppression and discrimination that racial and ethnic minority students and their
families have endured and currently endure in their communities. Getting past classism, racism,
sexism, heterosexism, and other isms is a challenge for many students and their families, and, as a
result, feeling that they are not valued or respected, many have drifted into dysfunctional and
counterproductive school behavior (Franklin & Franklin, 2000). School counselors, therefore, must
not avoid or ignore the implications of race, gender, class, language, sexual orientation, religion,
and/or culture when working with students. Students are very much aware of prejudice and
discrimination and the meanings of their cultural backgrounds to other persons. For instance, Malik, a
15-year-old African American gay high school student in a predominantly African American school
reported to his counselor, Mr. Freeman doesnt like me because he knows that Im gay. Thats why I
dont go to his class anymore. I heard that he doesnt like sissies. Bonita, a 10-year-old student from
El Salvador, told her counselor about her observations of the gifted group: I dont want to be in that
group.... Its just for the smart, White kids. Both of these students statements signify discriminatory
problems in their schools that should be explored by their school counselors.
Addressing equality as well as equity is an important aspect of a social justice approach to
counseling. Attempts to ensure equality focus on the use of the same policies and procedures for all
students, but such an approach can hinder a schools ability to reach students individually. The
equality principle is manifested through the belief that schools must remain neutral, with every
student receiving the same consequences for the same behaviors; this principle ignores the long-term
effects of oppression and discrimination on some groups. To ensure equity, on the other hand,
educators treat students on the basis of their individual needs. Social justice counseling urges
educators to strike a balance between equity and equality in their school practices because both are
critical to promoting success to all students (Holcomb-McCoy, 2007, p. 21). In a recent survey of
middle and high school counselors, counselors were more likely to demonstrate a commitment to

equality than to equity when working in schools with larger percentages of minority students and
larger percentages of students from lower socioeconomic statuses (Bridgeland & Bruce, 2011).

Source: Holcomb-McCoy, C. (2007). School counseling to close the achievement gap: A framework
for success. Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin.

Multicultural School Counseling Approaches

We believe that school counselors who work within a social justice framework use strategies that
enhance students self-worth, improve students academic and personal self-efficacy, and ultimately
enhance students feelings of empowerment. The challenge for school counselors is to initiate
counseling with an understanding of the environmental barriers that are impeding students academic
and social development, an ability to build on students strengths, and a keen understanding of equity
and empowerment in the context of education. Below we provide more detailed descriptions of
empowerment-based counseling, strengths-based counseling, group counseling, and school culture
interventions as they apply to the work of school counselors.

Empowerment-based counseling.

The concept of empowerment originated in the social sciences as early as the 1970s, but it is a
relatively new concept in the field of education (Perkins & Zimmerman, 1995). Hipolito-Delgado and
Lee (2007) describe empowerment-focused counseling as twofold, involving (1) the students ability
to make grounded choices inclusive of his or her critical consciousness of how issues of oppression
may affect personal and community well-being in educational, social, economic, political/civic, and
health domains; and (2) the students acquisition of knowledge and skills to eradicate barriers and
social injustices when the student observes these in his or her life or community. It is important to
note that school counselors who utilize empowerment-focused counseling advocate for students selfempowerment rather than attempt to empower students themselves. According to Hawley and
McWhirter (1991), professionals utilizing empowerment-focused counseling highlight their clients
current assets and strengths in relation to how those positive traits can foster a greater internal locus
of control in their personal lives and their community lives.
Empowerment-focused counseling can be a powerful approach for school counselors and other
helping professionals to utilize with students in traditionally marginalized groups. These students and
their families often experience injustices or inequities in multiple domainseducational, social,
economic, political/civic, and health. For example, in the domain of education, national data show
that gatekeeping practices over time limit African American students access to rigorous academic
courses that can facilitate high achievement (Rowan, Hall, & Haycock, 2010); this in turn creates
barriers to economic success and ultimately leads to negative health outcomes (e.g., depression, heart
disease).
School counselors can integrate an empowerment-focused approach into their practice by
implementing the following types of activities:
1. Creating environments in which students can share their stories/experiences while also doing
positive asset searches
2. Acknowledging the impacts of systemic oppression and marginalization on students who are
members of racial/ethnic minority groups
3. Facilitating dialogue with students about their desired choices or goals with critical awareness
of how concepts of power play a role in oppression
4. Exploring with students how they can use their assets/strengths to access their own power to
make choices and address barriers and injustices in their lives and communities
Hipolito-Delgado and Lee (2007) emphasize that before school counselors can advocate effectively
for students empowerment, the professionals must first reflect on their own attitudes, biases,
assumptions, and beliefs about the students abilities to make choices in their own lives and
communities. Additionally, school counselors must take the time to reflect on and process their views
of systemic oppression and marginalization of diverse groups of students within the educational
system in which they work.
A final component of empowerment-focused counseling is the knowledge of how race plays a
significant role in the daily lives of all persons of color in the United States. Broaching the topics of
race, ethnicity, and culture as these may affect the students presenting issue is an integral factor in the
effectiveness of empowerment-focused counseling with African American students (Day-Vines et al.,
2007). Day-Vines and colleagues (2007) constructed a continuum of broaching behavior by the

counselor as it relates to his or her ability to keep a racial and cultural context in consideration
effectively. At one extreme of the broaching continuum is the avoidant counselor, who does not
acknowledge or address the notion that race, ethnicity, and culture may play a role in the presenting
issue. Day-Vines and colleagues suggest that with clients of color, lack of skill or refusal to broach
racial topics leads to early termination of counseling by the client. At the advanced end of the sixpoint continuum is the infusing counselor, who both integrates race within the counseling setting and
advocates for the clients empowerment to address social justice issues outside the counseling setting
in collaboration with the counselor.

Strengths-based counseling.
Strengths-based counseling focuses on student assets and positive messages, in contrast to the
deficit model or framework that is typically used in school settings (Galassi & Akos, 2007).
Strengths-based counseling is a positive approach that highlights the student as the expert of his or her
life in the counseling dynamic in addition to exploring how strengths and resilience traits have
encouraged both coping skills and success in areas of the students life. The approach has two goals:
(1) problem prevention and reduction and (2) skills acquisition.
Strengths-based counseling emphasizes a developmental asset framework; research has indicated that
students strengths, protective factors, and resources are positively correlated with their success in
school and life domains (Scales, 2005). The developmental assets are aligned to actions school
counselors and other helping professionals can take to advocate for student success. For example,
Scales (2005) suggests that high expectations are developmental assets, and therefore helping
professionals should promote a challenging curriculum for all students by working to remove tracking
and gatekeeping practices that have traditionally limited access to rigorous courses (e.g., honors and
advanced placement classes) for students of color.

Consultation.
Consultation, unlike counseling, is an indirect service delivery approach, that can be used to influence
change in entire classrooms, schools, or families. School counselors typically use consultation as a
means to assist parents and/or teachers as they grapple with various types of student problems or
difficulties. One of the most important shifts in the field of consultation concerns the increasingly
apparent influence that culture and other environmental aspects have on the process of consultation
(Ingraham, 2000, 2003; Tarver-Behring & Ingraham, 1998). Most of the literature on multicultural
issues in consultation has been published in school psychology journals and books; little discussion
of multicultural consultation has been found in the school counseling literature. Clearly, when
consulting with parents and teachers from culturally diverse backgrounds, school counselors need to
consider the impacts of culture not only on their clients (i.e., students) but also on the consultation
process (Moseley-Howard, 1995).
In a classic article on multicultural consultation, Gibbs (1980) focused on the differences in the
consultation process between African American and White teachers. Her model reflected her
observation of African American and White teacher consultees initial responses to the use of
consultation in an inner-city school setting. Gibbs concluded that the African American teachersdue

to a combination of historical, cultural, and social patternsresponded minimally and indicated little
interest in the initial stages of consultation. She described the White teachers, on the other hand, as
being much more attentive and asking questions related to the methods and goals of the project. Gibbs
asserted that African American consultees preferred an interpersonal consultant style that focused on
trust and building rapport between consultant and consultee. White teachers, according to Gibbs,
preferred an instrumental consultant style that was task driven. As a result of her observations, Gibbs
recommended that consultants should be genuine and down-to-earth, and that they should establish
nonhierarchical relations with African American consultees (teachers or parents). The research
examining Gibbss conclusions, however, has resulted in contradictory findings. For instance, C. F.
Duncan and Pryzwansky (1993) found that African American teachers preferred the instrumental
rather than the interpersonal style of consultation. This issue of preferred and effective consultation
styles with diverse groups of consultees, particularly diverse parents, is an area of research that still
warrants more extensive research.
It is important to note that in many cases, school counselors/consultants may view cultural differences
as the problem. Sheridan (2000) notes that status or demographic variables such as race, class, and
parental factors (e.g., mothers marital status) are often perceived as the sources of students
problems (e.g., a consultant may believe that a childs problem is rooted in the fact that the child lives
in a single-parent household). Davies (1993) found that educators believed that parents who were
less educated, poor, and ethnic minorities were deficient in their abilities to help their children with
school work and uninterested in their childrens education. However, research has indicated that in
most instances, poor, less educated, and minority parents are interested in their childrens education,
want the best for them, and have the capacity to support their childrens learning (Henderson, Mapp,
Johnson, & Davies, 2007).
Regarding parent consultation, the strategies used in consultation can be roughly divided into two
types: those that focus on the presentation of new information or ideas as the primary change agent
and those that focus on the relationship between the consultee and the consultant as the source of
change. Many consultants influenced by the information as change agent perspective view the
consultantparent relationship as important only to the extent that it facilitates the dissemination of
knowledge regarding appropriate parenting practices and family functioning. Such consultants
generally adhere to behavioral or cognitive-behavioral theories, and they typically subscribe to a
psychoeducational approach to altering what they view as maladaptive patterns of behavior through
the use of behavioral strategies (Sheridan, 1992). This approach can create several problems if
consultants fail to take cultural factors into account when consulting with parents of diverse
backgrounds. Turner (1982), for instance, notes the problems that African Americans may have with
certain behavior modification techniques and with terminology such as aversive conditioning,
behavior control, extinction, and stimulusreward. From a cultural perspective, these techniques and
their accompanying terminology focus heavily on controlling or changing behavior, which is
reminiscent of many marginalized groups oppressive histories.
Consultation based solely on education and imparting information may also fail to consider the
importance of psychosocial influences such as family structure, cultural value systems, interactional
patterns, and adaptive coping strategies on behavior and functioning in culturally diverse families and
instead may focus on factors that play a more important role in middle-income White American

families (Boyd-Franklin, 2003). For example, consultants who use this approach may ignore the fact
that in some cultures families traditionally involve extended family members, such as grandparents, in
family decision making and child-rearing practices to a greater extent than do many White families
(Holcomb-McCoy & Bryan, 2010).
In addition to differences in family structure, consultation may be influenced by the adaptive coping
strategies of diverse cultural groups. Marginalized groups have developed particular coping
strategies (e.g., suspicion of outsiders, group unity) to deal with hostile environments, and members
of these groups may be misdiagnosed as pathological if they are not examined within the appropriate
cultural context. For instance, the literature is replete with evidence documenting the
misclassification of African American and Latino students as having behavior problems (Losen &
Orfield, 2002). Thus, consultants must not assume that all students have been accurately classified or
identified. Attempts to change what are assumed to be maladaptive behaviors through the use of
consultation may lead to ineffective interventions that fail to address the true source of difficulty, such
as frustration with teachers low expectations, anger associated with a family situation, or inability to
feel safe. Consultants failure to address the real sources of students problems can result in resistance
and hostility from parents.
Consultants attitudes and actions may also affect working alliances or relationships in parent
consultation. For example, Kalyanpur and Rao (1991) identified three qualities that were related to
low-income African American mothers negative perceptions of outreach agency professionals. First,
the consultants perceived lack of respect for the parents and failure to trust them were significant
barriers to fostering collaborative relationships. Second, the professionals tendency to focus on
childrens deficits while ignoring their strengths also undermined the relationships. The third factor
leading to impaired relationships was the consultants perceived lack of appreciation for the mothers
parenting styles, which were often blamed for childrens behavior problems at school.

Utilization of data.
Data on dropout rates, standardized test scores, graduation rates, and so on can provide tremendous
impetus for change in schools where low expectations lead to low results for large numbers of
studentsparticularly low-income students and students of color (Johnson, 2002). We believe that
school counselors should examine such data to absorb the troubling implications of status quo
practices (e.g., tracking) that have worked against students rather than in favor of them and then lead
data discussions in their schools and communities to advocate for changes in practice. These
discussions might occur in meetings of departmental teams, case management teams, and school
improvement teams, as well as in general faculty meetings and schoolcommunity focus groups.
Collaborative teaming among school and community stakeholders can produce meaningful results and
a broader awareness of data trends concerning culturally diverse students progress. For example, the
Montgomery County Public Schools in Maryland use a program called Study Circles to create
dialogue around race, ethnicity, and barriers to student achievement and parental involvement. Here,
parents, teachers, administrators, and school counselors collaborate with trained facilitators to work
on students achievement-related issues (for more information, see the school systems website at
http://www.montgomeryschoolsmd.org/departments/studycircles). We believe that school counselors
are critical participants in these types of teams because counselors often have information about the

whole child and, in turn, can serve as advocates for parents and students who are often silent at
these meetings.
Over the past decade, school counseling professionals have developed several data templates to help
practicing school counselors use data in their programs. For instance, Kaffenberger and Young (2008)
offer step-by-step implementation strategies, along with examples and information on a variety of
resources, to help school counselors develop plans for collecting data, make sense of the data
collected, and share the findings with key stakeholders. Their approach to utilizing data enables
school counselors to connect their programs to the mission of equity and social justice and also
provides them with a framework for analyzing existing strategies to determine which should be
replicated, redesigned, or discarded.
In regard to counselors utilization of academic and social data, Ford, Grantham, and Whiting (2008)
warn that analyzing student data can also be an inhibitor to shifting student achievement. Frequently,
education professionals look at data solely through the lens of deficits, gaps, and underrepresentation
(Whiting, Ford, Grantham, & Moore, 2008). Ford and colleagues assert that quite often culturally
diverse students who do achieve are overlooked and are thus left out of challenging courses, special
programming, and other opportunities that could engage them more in the schooling process.

School culture.
School culture includes the values, beliefs, and norms that lay the foundation for a schools climate,
programs, and practices. Unfortunately, in todays schools, many teachers and other school
professionals believe that culturally diverse students come to school with cultural deficits. This
belief gets translated into assumptions about students cognitive abilities and is reflected in common
educational practices, such as assigning racial and ethnic minority students to special education
classes at disproportionately higher rates than their peers in other ethnic and cultural groups.
Therefore, for many students, the schools negative perception of their ethnic group creates a climate
of low expectations and low performance that can lead to self-degrading feelings (Denbo, 2002).
To create nurturing school cultures that support feelings of inclusion and the learning of all students,
school counselors must initiate programs and practices that result in the elimination of harmful
institutional practices. For more than a decade, researchers have worked to identify the
characteristics of schools that promote resilience in ethnically diverse students as well as overall
student success (Somers, Owens, & Piliawsky, 2008; Werner & Smith, 1992). They have found that
such schools do the following:
Promote close bonds
Value and encourage education
Use high-warmth, low-criticism styles of interaction
Set and enforce clear boundaries (rules, norms, and laws)
Encourage supportive relationships with many caring others
Promote the sharing of responsibilities, service to others, and required helpfulness
Provide access to resources for meeting basic needs of housing, nutrition, employment, health
care, and recreation

 Set high and realistic expectations for success

Encourage goal setting and mastery
Encourage the development of prosocial values (such as altruism) and life skills (such as
cooperation)
Provide opportunities for leadership, decision making, and other meaningful ways to
participate
Support the unique talents of each individual
School counselors and other school professionals can work together to promote these and other
characteristics to create school cultures that provide students with safe places to learn and cultivate
student achievement and resilience.
One underexamined social and cultural feature of schools is the impact of studentadult relationships
on students experiences in school. Despite the challenges associated with large schools, it has been
argued that personalized studentteacher relationships can promote student engagement and
achievement and mediate against dropping out (Bryk & Schneider, 2002). For example, such
relationships have been found to be linked to learning (Nieto, 1999), especially when they are driven
by care and respect (Rodrguez, 2008). Conversely, negative student-adult relationships have been
associated with dropping out and academic failure (McHugh, Horner, Colditz, & Wallace, 2013).
Studentadult relationships have also been found to be particularly significant for low-income
students (Noguera, 2004). In describing some common characteristics of care among 13 teachers in
his study, Brown (2003) reported that the teachers showed genuine interest in their students by being
assertive in explicitly stating expectations for appropriate student behavior and academic growth.
Milner (2007) found that teachers and other school personnel demonstrated their interest in students
by offering students compliments, by allowing students to make up work and to work for extra credit
at the end of the school term when students were at risk of receiving failing grades, by volunteering to
serve as sponsors/advisers to clubs and organizations, and by attending after-school activities (such
as basketball games). The demonstration of care by teachers and other education professionals is
particularly important for the success of culturally diverse students, who often report feeling isolated
and not valued in the school setting.

Enrollment in rigorous courses.

More than 20 years ago, a national report by the College Board, Changing the Odds: Factors
Increasing Access to College (Pelavin & Kane, 1990), examined the relationship between enrollment
in college preplevel courses and college-going rates among high school students and whether
African American, Latino, and White students participated equally in those courses related to college
going. The researchers found that low-income African American and Latino students did not enroll in
courses in geometry and foreign languages and did not aspire to a bachelors degree at the same rates
as White students. However, when African American and Latino students had the opportunity to enroll
in and completed such courses, the likelihood of their college enrollment increased, and the gap
between minority students and Whites decreased. A more recent report published by the College
Board found that students who took challenging courses such as precalculus, calculus, and physics
had significantly higher average SAT scores than those students who did not take rigorous courses

(Wiley, Wyatt, & Camara, 2010). Gamoran and Hannigan (2000) found support for the contention that
higher-level coursework improves academic achievement of all students in their analysis of data from
more than 12,500 students in the National Assessment of Educational Progress.
Typically, school counselors develop students schedules, and in high schools, counselors implement
college counseling and advisement related to college readiness. Unfortunately, many school
counselors make decisions about who goes to college and who does not. All too often, low-income,
African American, Latino, and Native American students are sent the message that they are not
college material and are subsequently advised to take courses that do not prepare them for college
admission.
In order to ensure that diverse students have the opportunity to pursue college degrees, it is
imperative that school counselors create cultures in which students expect that college can be a
reality in their future. In conducting college admissions counseling with culturally diverse students,
school counselors should address the many concerns that these students might have, including issues
such as the availability of financial aid, the diversity of university/college student populations, and
students fears about leaving home and entering the new cultural environments of university campuses.
Muhammed (2008) found that school counselors expectations for students future education positively
influenced students college predisposition at a high magnitude. Clearly, school counselors hold a
powerful position in the college admissions process for all students. For first-generation college
students, school counselors are even more importantthey may be the key to whether or not students
apply to college or take the courses that are necessary for college admission.

Conclusions
There is no doubt that school counselors can play a transformative role in schools. Education reform
aimed at addressing the needs of culturally diverse students requires educators who understand and
embrace cultural diversity, advocate for change, and recognize cultural conflict. These three skills,
among others, are imperative for the 21st-century school counselor. Given the dramatic changes in
school demographics and the need for a skilled workforce in the future, the United States is in dire
need of school counselors who are culturally competent, ready to promote social justice principles,
and able to articulate the linkages among mental health, education, and community building. We
believe that the collective work of school counselors, teachers, parents, administrators, and other
school and community stakeholders must be characterized by social justice principles.

Critical Incident
Achievement data at High School X consistently show a sizable gap between students of color and
White students in math and language arts. High School X is situated in a metropolitan suburban
community where the majority of students are White and affluent. The schools student enrollment,
however, is ethnically mixed35% African American, 20% Latino, 30% White, 5% Asian, and 10%
other ethnicities. Of the total student body, 30% qualify for free and reduced-price lunches; African
American and Latino students make up a majority of the free and reduced-price lunch population. The
percentage of White students at High School X has decreased steadily over the past 5 years, causing

community and school district concern. Parental involvement is high among White parents but low
among low-income parents and parents of color. African American and Latino parents have
complained (consistently) to the principal that the teachers are not sensitive to their childrens
cultural differences. In addition, numerous students have come to the guidance office complaining
about racial tension between groups of students (ethnic groups, economic groups, and so on). The
principal has asked the school counseling team to assist with these problems.

Discussion Questions
1. What are at least three significant factors that affect the achievement of culturally diverse
students in schools? Discuss the impacts of these factors on overall student development and
wellness.
2. What is the difference between equality and equity? Why may some people disagree with an
equity perspective in school counseling?
3. What does taking a social justice approach to counseling mean to you? What are some possible
challenges to using a social justice-based ap-proach in schools?
4. List skills that you need to be an effective, culturally competent school counselor. Are these
skills that you have mastered, need to improve, or do not possess?
5. Discuss your strengths and your needs for improvement in multicultural school counseling.

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Appendix
Professional School Counselor Multicultural Competence Checklist
Directions: Check whether you are competent or not competent on each of the following items.

Source: Holcomb-McCoy (2004).

13 Reflective Clinical Practice With People of Marginalized Sexual

Identities
Eliza A. Dragowski
Mara R. Scharrn-del Ro

Primary Objective
To contribute to the development of awareness, knowledge, and skills of mental health
professionals around issues surrounding the marginalization of people whose sexual identities
defy heteronormative norms

Secondary Objectives
To analyze historical, contextual, societal, and conceptual issues that are relevant to
counselors work with people of marginalized sexual identities
To present and critically analyze the intersections of privilege and oppression around
heteronormativity, heterosexism, and sexism as they relate to counseling with people of
marginalized sexual identities
To present and discuss several guidelines for reflective practice with this client population
In our society, the prevailing cultural ethos of heteronormativity privileges heterosexuality (Nadal,
2013; Sue, 2010) as the default category to which people are assumed to fit unless they break these
values and norms and make a conscious effort to adopt a different classification... or... [reject] the
classification system entirely (Hicks & Milton, 2010, p. 258). When we began writing this chapter,
we were aware of the many excellent reviews of research and practice that address developmental,
vocational, parenting, and health issues among people whose identities and lives are marginalized
and disrupted by heteronormativity and heterosexism (e.g., Chung, Szymanski, & Markle, 2012;
Croteau, Bieschke, Fassinger, & Manning, 2008). Therefore, we decided that our contribution to this
topic would be most valuable if we focused on a critical analysis of the prevailing constructs
surrounding people of marginalized sexual identities.1 Our aim in this chapter, then, is to contribute to
the development of awareness, knowledge, and, ultimately, skills of mental health professionals
(MHPs) concerned with issues surrounding marginalization of people who defy heteronormative
norms.2 We will analyze the salient historical, contextual, societal, and conceptual issues that affect
MHPs work with this client population. We will also offer several guidelines for reflective practice,
highlighting the need for MHPs to (1) cultivate self-awareness with respect to social norms and
social locations, (2) understand that peoples sexual identities exist in synergy and can be understood
only in relation to other identities (such as gender, race, ethnicity, religion, class), and (3) promote a
social advocacy stance. We begin by asking the reader to reflect on what it means when we call
someone or ourselves gay, lesbian, or bisexual. Although, as Hicks and Milton (2010) note, human
sexuality is one of the richest and most universal of human experiences, while also being one of the

most nebulous, complicated, and personal (p. 257), gay, lesbian, and bisexual categories are
often assumed to be self-evident. The reality, however, can be more complex.

Categories Versus Lived Experiences

Discussions of sexual orientation and sexual identity usually rely on categorizations of people as
straight/heterosexual, gay, lesbian, or bisexual. Our society, with its affinity for certainty and
categorization, appears to accept gay/lesbian and to a lesser extent bisexuality as viable alternatives
to heterosexuality, provided one easily subscribes to a single identity and stereotypical
characteristics of each (Hicks & Milton, 2010, pp. 258259). Nevertheless, peoples interpretations
of their lives and experiences do not always fit neatly into fixed identity labels (Diamond, 2008;
Hicks & Milton, 2010; Rust, 2003).
Fausto-Sterling (2012) describes a television show about mature women who, after years of
sustaining relationships with husbands, discovered that they were attracted to women and,
therefore, identified as lesbians. The shows narrative created an assumption of fundamentality about
sexual identity: These women were inherently lesbian, which is why their midlife discoveries were
presumed to erase years of heterosexual and often satisfying relationships. While it is possible that
some of these women had always been attracted to women and engaged in heterosexual relationships
in order to avoid stigma, female sexuality has been shown to be fluid and context dependent. For
example, Espn (1999) found that the dynamics of immigrant lesbian and heterosexual womens
sexual behaviors transformed along with their migration experiences. Diamonds (2008) study of
women who initially identified as lesbian, bisexual, or otherwise nonheterosexual also showed that,
over the course of 10 years, many of these women moved across the boundaries of sexual identities,
sometimes repeatedly.
What about mens sexual fluidity? Although the literature shows that mens gender and sexual
identities and expressions can be flexible in some indigenous cultures (e.g., Hutchings & Aspin,
2007; Jacobs, Thomas, & Lang, 1997), in current Western societies mens sexualities tend to be more
stable than womens (Baumeister, 2000; Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005; Fausto-Sterling, 2012).
Nonetheless, Alfred Kinseys seminal study with White American participants revealed a prevalent
variability in mens sexual behaviors, with 46% of the studied male population sexually engaging
with both men and women (Kinsey, Pomeroy, & Martin, 1948/1998). While various arguments
persist, the current state of our knowledge does not fully explain how cultural, biological, and
psychological processes interact to influence the development of human sexuality and desire
(Fassinger & Arseneau, 2007; Fausto-Sterling, 2012).
People construct their sexual identities in myriad ways, according to cultural norms and ways of
understanding sexuality, intimate preferences, sexual behaviors, fantasies, arousal patterns,
attractions, and self-identifications (Fassinger & Arseneau, 2007; Hutchings & Aspin, 2007). For
example, Rust (1992) found that for some of the lesbians in her study sample, self-identification was
based on the dominance of homosexual feelings and behaviors. However, women who experienced
sexual feelings toward men for up to 50% of the time also claimed lesbian identity. Comparatively,
some self-identified bisexual women claimed this identity while acknowledging that 80% to 90% of
their sexual experiences were with other women.

We, along with other authors (e.g., Fassinger & Arseneau, 2007; Hicks & Milton, 2010; L. C. Smith,
Shin, & Officer, 2012), acknowledge that categorizing people according to exclusive groupings is
problematic. These limiting categories create artificial distinctions and narrow lenses for
understanding peoples experiences. More insidiously, they can become instantiated as essential
identities rather than as neutral social markers and, as such, become regulatory mechanisms of the
dominant culture (L. C. Smith et al., 2012, p. 390). At the same time, however, the terms lesbian,
gay, bisexual, and heterosexual/nonheterosexual are not only ubiquitous in social and clinical
dialogue but also vital to civil rights protections, which are granted based on defined group status
(Fassinger & Arseneau, 2007). Moreover, the almost universal oppression and victimization
experienced by people because of their (often assumed) nonnormative sexuality cannot be
overlooked. Das Nair and Thomas (2012) describe two Iranian boys who were killed after a publicly
discovered sexual encounter. Although no evidence suggested that they self-identified as gay,
irrespective of what they called themselves or how they identified... the outcome was death (p. 64).
In another recent example, two Ecuadorian brothers who expressed familial affection toward each
other on a New York City street were brutally attacked by men shouting antigay and anti-Latino slurs;
the attack left one of the brothers battered and the other one dead (Fahim, 2010). Therefore,
dissociating the content of this chapter from the language permeating clinical, social, and political
discourse would reduce it to a pure theoretical exercise, and that would run contrary to our goal of
helping MHPs to work with members of this population. As L. C. Smith et al. (2012) observe:
Socially constructed identity categories not only structure how persons think about and position
themselves relative to power and privilege in society but simultaneously supply a foothold from
which to critically analyze inequities inherent in such positioning. At this time, without social
identity categories, critically conscious counselors have no way to speak to the inequitable
experiences of millions. The utilization of socially constructed identity categories is,
paradoxically, part of the problem and part of the solution. (p. 390)
People describe themselves using a variety of terms, including gay, lesbian, straight, bisexual,
queer, questioning, asexual, and pansexual, depending on how they perceive their sexual identities
at particular moments in their lives (Galupo, 2011; Hicks & Milton, 2010). Since these labels may not
be appropriate for people who resist or do not recognize these categories, we will use the term LGB
judiciously (e.g., when referencing studies using LGB categories or when referring specifically to
people with lesbian, gay, and bisexual identities), while acknowledging these terms limitations. We
will use the term people of marginalized sexual identities when discussing people whose sexual
identities fall outside norms prescribed by heteronormativity.3 We use these terms to describe
populations that are diverse, fluid, and represent a wide range of realities and experiences.
Moreover, we understand the term sexual orientation to refer to romantic, emotional, and/or erotic
attractions to others that are expressed through behaviors, affectionate bonds, and romantic
relationships (American Psychological Association [APA], 2008). We understand sexual identity to
refer to the way people understand themselves with regard to sexual orientation and acknowledge that
sexual identity can be fluid and may intersect with other identities, such as race, class, and gender
(das Nair & Butler, 2012).

In the next section, we present a historical and cultural review of the concept of homosexuality. After
all, if we know the past, then perhaps we can improve our understanding of the present and move
toward a future that includes those who have not always been considered previously (Strickland,
2001, p. 365).

Historical Context
Sexual behavior between people of the same gender has been documented across various historical,
cultural, and geographic contexts (Crompton, 2006; Nussbaum, 2002). Historians and anthropologists
disagree, however, about the interpretation of these apparent homosexual behaviors. Various cultures
have constructed sexuality according to their own standards, as bodily experiences are brought into
being by our development in particular cultures and historical periods (Fausto-Sterling, 2012, p.
78). For example, a persons sexuality could be regulated by the individuals class, gender role, or
age as opposed to the gender of his or her partner (Rust, 1992). The present conceptualizations of
homosexuality and heterosexuality are popularly believed to have emerged in 19th-century Europe
based on the binary model of femininity and masculinity (Drescher, 2010; Fausto-Sterling, 2012;
Foucault, 1980; Rust, 1992). The practice of assigning people to distinct and exclusive categories
facilitated the policing of gender and lent itself to measurements in the service of the medical and
psychological sciences (Fausto-Sterling, 2012).
Soon after the introduction of the concept of homosexuality into the lexicon and medical literature,
people began to use this knowledge to understand themselves. According to Hansen (1992), By
helping to give large numbers of people an identity and a name, medicine also helped to shape these
peoples experience and change their behavior, creating . . . a new species of person, the modern
homosexual (p. 125). Shortly after the concept of homosexuality was introduced to the United
States, heterosexuality was assigned the normal status. This view, supported by medical, religious,
and legal institutions, quickly became the natural state of being (Fausto-Sterling, 2012). The
construction of homo- and heterosexuality also formed the possibility for bisexuality, although this
sexual orientation and identity remained largely ignored by the medical and social sciences for many
years (Rust, 1992, 2003).
The American Psychiatric Association defined homosexuality as a mental disorder in the first (1952)
and second (1968) editions of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-I
and DSM-II). Facilitated by the civil rights movement, the climate began to change in the early 1970s.
Social activists and some health professionals began to question a pathological view of
homosexuality, focusing instead on the effects of social stigma caused by homosexual identity as well
as the stigma of the homosexuality diagnosis. Eventually, in 1973, the American Psychiatric
Association agreed that homosexuality was not a mental disorder. After working through the
opposition of those who disagreed, and after failing to remove homosexuality entirely from DSM-III
(1980; the diagnosis was removed and replaced with ego dystonic homosexuality), the association
finally eliminated the diagnosis from the next edition, DSM-III-R, in 1987 (Drescher, 2010).4
With time, psychotherapeutic efforts designed to reframe same-gender desires, sexual arousal, and
behavior came under a great amount of scrutiny, and supportive treatment approaches began to
proliferate (APA Task Force, 2009). Research conducted as early as the 1950s found that homo- and

heterosexual people do not differ significantly in terms of mental health (Hooker, 1957). A plethora of
subsequent studies have shown that LGB and straight populations are comparable across measures of
adaptation, mental health, cognitive abilities, and self-esteem (APA, 2012; APA Task Force, 2009;
Chung et al., 2012; Hooker, 1957). Currently, scientists agree that the stress of being a member of a
socially oppressed group is a major contributor to increased incidence of mental health issues, and an
extensive body of research shows this phenomenon among people of marginalized sexual identities
(e.g., Balsam, Beauchaine, & Rothblum, 2005; Dragowski, Halkitis, Grossman, & DAugelli, 2011;
Gonsiorek & Weinrich, 1991; Huebner, Rebchook, & Kegeles, 2004; N. Smith & Ingram, 2004;
Stevenson, 2007; Szymanski, 2005). In fact, the minority stress model is one of the most influential
theoretical and explanatory frameworks used to understand how stigma, prejudice, and discrimination
create distinctive stressors that contribute to negative health outcomes among people who defy
heteronormativity (Meyer, 2003).
The rise of the modern gay and lesbian movement in the late 20th century paved the way for
sociopolitical communities that shared common sexual identity and political interests (Rust, 1992).
As these communities developed, they had to negotiate their positionality within the larger society.

Social Construction of Sexual Inequality

In this section, we review some of the important societal structures that facilitate oppression and
marginalization. While we concentrate on heterosexism and sexism, our thinking is based in the belief
that all oppressive structures are based on (1) simplifying complex phenomena by dividing them into
two separate extremes, (2) positioning some groups of people as superior to others, and (3)
classifying the values and beliefs of the dominant group as superior (and therefore normal) rather than
appreciating the values of all people equally (Jun, 2010).

Heterosexism and Heteronormativity

Heteronormativity is a dominant social norm that promotes the presumed superiority and naturalness
of heterosexuality. Within this ethos, heterosexual people are celebrated, recognized, and positioned
as the only legitimate members of the people category, while those who deviate are stigmatized
(Kitzinger, 2005; L. C. Smith et al., 2012). Sexual stigma refers to the negative regard, inferior
status, and relative powerlessness that are attached to nonheterosexual behaviors, identity,
relationships, or communities (Herek, Gills, & Cogan, 2009, p. 33). Structural sexual stigma is also
known as heterosexism, an oppressive ideological system embodied in institutional practices that
work to the disadvantage of sexual minority groups (Herek et al., 2009, p. 33).
Maintaining the dominance of heterosexuality involves the pervasive practice of othering:
dichotomizing human diversity, marking those who are perceived as different, and problematizing the
marked group (Canales, 2000; Coston & Kimmel, 2012; Greene, 2005). Through othering, one way of
being is superior while the opposite way is rendered inferior; one is exaggeratedly celebrated and
visible while the other becomes unacknowledged. Ultimately, every person existing outside the norm
represents an alternative to or a variation on the norm (Kitzinger, 2005). And so, with implicit
support from sociopolitical structures, people who do not embody heteronormativity are presumed

to be abnormal, unnatural, requiring explanation, and deserving of discriminatory treatment and

hostility (Herek et al., 2009, p. 33). Whether seen as unfortunate victims or solicitors of oppression
by way of sexual aberrance, people of marginalized sexual identities are targeted as the ones with the
problem (Diangelo, 1997). That is how the cycle of dominance is not only established but also
naturalized, legitimated, and, ultimately, considered to be justified.

Gender and Sexism

Compulsory heterosexism and heteronormativity are intertwined with implicit assumptions about
gender and gender inequality. Traditional gender structures are maintained by the production of
discrete and asymmetrical oppositions between feminine and masculine, where these are
understood as expressive attributes of male and female (Butler, 1990, p. 24). This binary
discourse creates assumptions, expectations, and stereotypes about each gender and marginalizes
those who transgress gender norms (Serano, 2007; L. C. Smith et al., 2012). This phenomenon, known
as oppositional sexism, operates to
legitimize feminine expressions in women and to delegitimize feminine expressions in men (and
vice versa for masculinity). So, while all people are capable of expressing feminine traits,
oppositional sexism ensures that such expression will appear natural when produced by women
and unnatural when produced by men. (Serano, 2007, p. 326)
Oppositional sexism, in turn, is an active arm of cisnormativity, the idea that people who are born as
biological males will become men who will naturally express masculinity, and people who are born
as biological females will become women who will naturally express femininity (Bauer et al., 2009;
Serano, 2007). In this social norm, cisgender peoplethose who express and identify with the
genders that were assigned to them at birthare privileged and normalized, as opposed to people
who are transgender or genderqueer (Tate, 2012). Since the idea of the opposite sexes interlinks
gender and sexuality through the compulsory practice of heterosexuality (Butler, 1990, p. 208),
people with nonheterosexual identities are also seen as violating gender norms. Additionally, all
(including heterosexual) people who do not rigidly subscribe to traditional gender norms are
problematized by cisnormativity (McInnes & Couch, 2004; Ueno & McWilliams, 2010).
The binary and oppositional gender norms also create traditional sexism, in which femininity,
generally associated with women, is subordinated to masculinity, which is seen as belonging to men
(Connell, 1987; Schilt & Westbrook, 2009; Serano, 2007).
The assumption [is] that masculinity is strong while femininity is weak, that masculinity is tough
while femininity is fragile, that masculinity is rational while femininity is irrational, that
masculinity is serious while femininity is frivolous, that masculinity is functional while
femininity is ornamental, that masculinity is natural while femininity is artificial and that
masculinity is sincere while femininity is manipulative. (Serano, 2014)

In addition, femininity is often cast in the role of pleasuring and benefiting masculinity (ObradorsCampos, 2011; Serano, 2007). Through early socialization, most people tend to conform to the rules
of sexism and gender inequality, as most girls implicitly learn to accommodate the interests and
desires of men (Connell, 1987) and typical boys learn how to distance themselves from femininity
(which is seen as subjugated and weak) while embodying strength, domination, and power
(Dragowski & Scharrn-del Ro, 2014; Kimmel, 2005).
Strickland (2001) notes that MHPs often do not know how to provide answers to people of
marginalized communities because they do not even understand the question (p. 372). We hope that
the above review of conceptual, historical, social, and systemic issues supports readers
understanding of the life contexts of persons within this client population. In the next section, we
provide a brief analysis of some tangible clinical concerns that are important for MHPs to keep in
mind when working with people of marginalized sexual identities.

Thoughts on Reflective Counseling

Recent advances in social, political, and civil rights in the United States have helped to alter the
therapeutic approaches used in counseling work with people of marginalized sexual identities (APA
Task Force, 2009). A significant shift from corrective to affirmative treatment approaches is
certainly a welcome change. But, like most changes, this one might be experiencing growing pains.
While LGB civil rights have progressed significantly, in the words of President Obama (2007), we
still have a lot of work to do. Similarly, the current level of clinical work with this population has
been described as oversimplified, noninclusive, and carried out under the general banner of its
okay to be gay (Bieschke, Perez, & DeBord, 2007, p. 3).
Sexual stigma is internalized by everyone, regardless of sexual identity (Herek et al., 2009). All
MHPs have been raised and trained in a culture steeped in oppressive ideologies, including
heterosexism, sexism, and heteronormativity, that shape biased views of clients and their struggles
(Greene, 2007). These societal biases become part of MHPs individual and collective psyches and,
when left unexamined, reinforce themselves as natural phenomena (Bieschke et al., 2007; Greene,
2007; Herek et al., 2009; Sue, 2010). While the subjugation of marginalized communities regularly
takes overt forms, oppressive ideologies also operate outside conscious awareness and are frequently
accepted and perpetrated by well-meaning people (including MHPs and educators) who explicitly
champion democratic and egalitarian principles (Athanases & Larrabee, 2003; McCabe, Dragowski,
& Rubinson, 2012; L. C. Smith et al., 2012). Recent research reveals the pervasiveness and
deleterious effects of these covert forms of oppression, called microaggressions (Nadal, 2013; Sue,
2010).

Self-Awareness and Examination of Social Locations

Like all systems of inequality, heterosexism and heteronormativity legitimate marginalization,
ostracism, degradation, and even violence against those whose behaviors and identities are not in
accord with the prevailing ideology (Herek et al., 2009; Obradors-Campos, 2011). While it is
relatively easy to detect overt cases of heterosexism, focusing only on extreme examples allows

people to avoid examination of their own subtle, and often unintentional, behaviors that perpetuate
this ideology. This complicity (intrinsic to heterosexual privilege) allows oppression to thrive, as
the problem is externalized, while the sense of normalcy in our status is internalized (Diangelo,
1997, p. 9). Consequently, while activists battle overt discrimination, the heteronormative social
fabric [continues to be] unobtrusively rewoven, thread by thread, persistently, without fuss or fanfare,
without oppressive intent or conscious design (Kitzinger, 2005, p. 478).
It is partly for this reason that some scholars have called for abandoning the use of the word
homophobia when speaking about negative attitudes toward people of marginalized sexual identities
(Dermer, Smith, & Barto, 2010; Herek, 2004; L. C. Smith et al., 2012). The term was coined by
Weinberg in 1972 to denote irrationally negative attitudes toward, fear of, and hatred of gays and
lesbians by straight people (Dermer et al., 2010). However, the connection of the word phobia to the
field of psychiatry situates the term homophobia within the realm of medicine, thus absolving the
people who propagate such discrimination of moral responsibility and failing to accentuate the
structural inequities nested within marginalization and oppression (L. C. Smith et al., 2012).
An attitude of reflective practice with people of marginalized identities must begin not only with
MHPs understanding of the established oppressive norms but also with an acknowledgment of their
own part in perpetuating the inequality (Ferfolja, 2007). Heterosexism and heteronormativity,
although functioning tacitly within all of us, are rarely discussed (Greene, 2005). Why? Partly
because these systems are normalized to the point of becoming natural and invisible (Cole, Avery,
Dodson, & Goodman, 2012; Kitzinger, 2005). Moreover, dismantling their own biases and privileges
requires that MHPs deconstruct and question the norms that benefit them simply for being born into a
dominant groupa process that stimulates intense discomfort and defensiveness (Diangelo, 1997).
Although difficult, MHPs self-examination of their privileged gender and sexual identities is
necessary for effective practice with this client population.
In addition to locating sources of privilege, MHPs must scrutinize their beliefs and feelings about
their own expressions of sexual identity, whether they belong to privileged or marginalized
communities. For example, although heterosexual identity development has been relegated to the
natural position (Hicks & Milton, 2010), a close examination of heterosexual identity enables
practitioners to recognize and examine their own sexual identities and social positioning.
Worthington, Savoy, Dillon, and Vernaglias (2002) model of heterosexual identity development
offers the possibility of examining peoples individual and societal heterosexual identities, including
their positions as members of a privileged and oppressive majority. Meaningful self-application of
this model is likely to result in respect for sexual diversity; self-identification of sexual needs, values,
and behaviors; and development of conscious, coherent perspectives on dominant/nondominant
group relations, privilege, and oppression (Worthington et al., 2002, p. 519) around issues of sexual
identity..
Similar processes must also take place with respect to the analysis of gender. MHPs must be
conscious of how they express their genders and assess their level of comfort with diversity of gender
expression. In addition, (especially) MHPs who identify with and express cisnormativity and binary
gender ideology must critically examine their often subconscious participation in traditional and
oppositional sexism. Such examination can result in a deconstruction of gender entitlement,

described as the arrogant conviction that ones own beliefs, perceptions, and assumptions regarding
gender and sexuality are more valid than those of other people, and gender anxiety, the act of
becoming irrationally upset or being made uncomfortable by the existence of those people who
challenge or bring into question ones entitlement (Serano, 2007, p. 89).
MHPs who neglect the process of cultivating self-awareness and self-analysis run the risk of engaging
in therapeutic microaggressions. These behaviors are subtle forms of heterosexism, often perpetrated
by well-meaning clinicians who consciously align themselves with principles of social justice
(Nadal, 2013; Sheldon & Delgado-Romero, 2011; Sue, 2010). Some examples of sexual orientation
microaggressions include the avoidance or minimization of the clients sexual identity, orientation, or
behavior; the assumption that all presenting mental health issues are related to the clients sexual
identity, orientation, or behavior; overidentification based in the assumption of similarity and/or
familiarity with people of marginalized sexual identities; the assumption of universal experience
among members of this client population; and the denial of heterosexism (Nadal, 2013; Sheldon &
Delgado-Romero, 2011).
Conversely, the ongoing and lifelong practice of self-analysis of gender and sexuality identity will
lead MHPs to a new level of critical consciousness. Such self-analysis is an important part of
becoming a truly reflective clinician who is not only aware but also purposely observes and resists
oppressive systems in self and in society (L. C. Smith et al., 2012). The previously described
heterosexism and heteronormativity are two such societal systems of oppression that warrant careful
scrutiny.

Awareness of Heterosexism and Heteronormativity

While oppressive to people of marginalized sexual and gender identities, heterosexism,
heteronormativity, and strict gender norms also create specific challenges for self-identified men or
women of all sexual identities. Because of societal veneration of masculinity, men of marginalized
sexual identities tend to be more vilified and to encounter stronger negative societal reactions than
women who violate gender and sexual norms (Britton, 1990; Otis & Skinner, 1996). In the pervasive
climate of dominant masculinity, these men are likely to be seen as flagrant violators of the
established norms of masculinity and (in a show of misogyny) belittled for being perceived as
womanlike (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005; Coston & Kimmel, 2012; Ellis, 2012; Herek, 2002).
In comparison to men, women (in Western secular societies) tend to be allowed more flexibility to
move across gendered spaces (Ellis, 2012). However, this paradoxical benefit comes at the cost of
invisibility and the discounting of female sexuality and women overall (Fassinger & Arseneau, 2007;
Otis & Skinner, 1996). Due to the intersection of oppressions targeting gender and sexual
orientation/identity, women of marginalized sexual identities are exposed to multiple negative effects
created by their double-subjugated status (Firestein, 2007). As we will discuss later, if these
womens sexual identities are interlocked with other marginalized social identities (e.g., race,
ethnicity, economic standing, or ability) their lives can be marked by additional burdens (Collins,
1990; Greene, 1996, 2007).
The dualistic discourse framing gender and sexuality creates particular challenges for people who

identify as bisexual. A binary discourse views people as either gay or straight (L. C. Smith et al.,
2012) and renders bisexual persons unacknowledged, even within the gay and lesbian communities
(Firestein, 2007; Potoczniak, 2007). Although, in our society, bisexual men tend to be more
stigmatized than bisexual women (in accordance with the greater importance assigned to men and
mens sexuality), all bisexual persons face stigmatization from both general and gay/lesbian
communities (Potoczniak, 2007). For example, the prevalent belief that bisexuality is a failure to
achieve a stable (monosexual) sexual identity ascribes higher moral status to heterosexuals, as well
as to lesbians and gay men, than to bisexuals (Firestein, 2007; Obradors-Campos, 2011).
The pervasiveness of heterosexism and heteronormativity perpetuates stigma, which forces people to
understand themselves and others according to those systems (Herek et al., 2009). For
straight/heterosexual people, this process translates into discomfort, judgment, hatred, and/or
violence toward persons who challenge heteronormativity. For people of marginalized sexual
identities, such stigma is internalized and can translate into self-directed devaluation as well as
stigmatization of others within their community. Negative mental health and relational correlates of
internalized sexual stigma (also known as internalized homophobia or internalized homonegativity)
are well documented in the literature (e.g., Frost & Meyer, 2009; Herek, Cogan, Gills, & Glunt,
1997). One example of internalized stigma can be seen among some gay and bisexual men who, in
response to having their masculinity devalued and threatened, adhere to hypermasculine ideology,
which, in turn, is linked to increased depression and anxiety (Connell, 1992; Fischgrund, Halkitis, &
Carroll, 2012; Halkitis, 2001).
Finally, we must acknowledge the pernicious effects of heterosexism and heteronormativity on every
member of society, regardless of sexual identity. The common denominator for all those who are
oppressed is the inhibition of their ability to develop and exercise their capacities and express their
needs, thoughts and feelings (Obradors-Campos, 2011, p. 215). As people navigate the rules of the
heterosexual matrix and avoid being targets of sexual stigma, they tend to restrict certain behaviors
and to control the full expression of their emotions and needs (Butler, 1990; Herek et al., 2009;
Obradors-Campos, 2011). Consider, for example, what Serano (2007) calls effemimania, which she
defines as
our societal obsession with critiquing and belittling feminine traits in males... [, which]
encourages those who are socialized male to mystify femininity and to dehumanize those who are
considered feminine,... thus form[ing] the foundation of virtually all male expressions of
misogyny. (p. 342)
Since others can easily undermine a typical boys masculinity by calling him a sissy or a girl,
boys commonly engage in elaborate exhibitions of their masculinity and heterosexuality. In the
process, they inhibit the parts of themselves that they perceived as feminine (which they equate with
weakness), thus eschewing emotionality, vulnerability, and interconnectedness. Ultimately, boys and
men not only perniciously deny themselves full participation in the human experience but also absorb
and reinforce denigration of women (Dragowski & Scharrn-del Ro, 2014; Kimmel, 2005; Klein,
2012; Nakkula & Toshalis, 2006; Pascoe, 2007; Way, 2011). Another example of self-censoring can
be seen in going underground, the process described by Gilligan wherein adolescent girls transition

from assertive self-expression to a more appropriate feminine behavior [that] is neither loud nor
aggressive (Nakkula & Toshalis, 2006, p. 102) in order to make themselves more acceptable
socially and to preserve social relationships.
Deconstructing the societal structures and systems of privilege and oppression that relate to
heterosexism and heteronormativity is but one part of the process of becoming a reflective and
culturally aware clinician. MHPs must also examine all of their social locations as they relate to race,
ethnicity, ability, socioeconomic status, and other social identities, especially if they belong to
societally privileged groups. Although, as Coates (2013) observes, in modern America we believe
racism to be the property of the uniquely villainous and morally deformed, the ideology of trolls,
gorgons and orcs, racism, along with many other oppressive ideologies, can be perpetuated by wellintentioned people who have never examined their privileged standing in society. Through the process
of critical self-awareness MHPs can understand, acknowledge, and begin to resist the social forces
that shape their acceptance of and (often unwitting) participation in complex systems of privilege and
oppression.5

Awareness of Intersectionality of Identities

Well its hard for me to separate [my identities]. When Im thinking of me, Im thinking of all of
them as me. Like once youve blended the cake you cant take the parts back to the main
ingredients. (study participant quoted in Bowleg, 2012, p. 758)
Systems of inequality pose additional challenges for people whose multiple identities are stigmatized.
A growing body of research demonstrates that MHPs meaningful consideration of the
intersectionality of clients identities is integral to the provision of effective clinical services
(Greene, 2005, 2007; Riggs & das Nair, 2012) and, therefore, represents an important area of MHPs
clinical competence. The intersectional approach to understanding people is not a simple analysis of
the addition of identities; rather, it involves the examination of an intricate set of interrelating
identities that concurrently interact and can become differently prominent in various developmental
phases and contexts (Greene, 2005; Riggs & das Nair, 2012). Depending on temporal and spatial
contexts, some of these identities may be socially privileged while others are oppressed, creating a
unique mosaic of dynamics that often bring these clients to seek assistance from MHPs (Greene,
2007).
Since the understanding of sexuality is culturally contingent, MHPs can help clients of various
ethnocultural groups only if they are knowledgeable about those groups norms and practices. For
example, it is not unusual for people whose sexual and ethnocultural identities are marginalized to be
confronted with conflicting social norms and familial demands and to prioritize one identity over the
other (Greene, 2007). Among individuals in these populations, identification with mainstream LGB
communities (usually perceived as White) is often made cautiously if at all, as such identification may
appear to be a rejection of ethnocultural values (Fassinger & Arseneau, 2007; Liddle, 2007). This is
especially true if a persons particular culture has a history of racial and/or ethnic
oppression/colonization. For example, in the recollections of a British Arab woman, coming out to

her family led to abuse and accusations that she had made the family appear modernized,
westernized, [and] filthy (Goldberg, 2010, as cited in das Nair & Thomas, 2012, p. 68). Moreover,
a positive stance toward public coming out, with its emphasis on individuality, may be in conflict
with cultures that value collective identity, thus creating tensions between loyalty and allegiance
(Bieschke et al., 2007).
MHPs should never discount their clients concerns about affirmation from their ethnocultural
communities. People of marginalized sexual and ethnocultural identities can struggle with accusations
of being inauthentic to themselves if they choose not to come out (das Nair & Thomas, 2012).
Although they may be perceived as exclusionary, ethnocultural communities also provide people of
marginalized sexual identities with comfort, support, and a shield from societal racism (Liddle,
2007). Cultural proscriptions and community bonds may be so strong that some people will choose
not to come out publicly in order to maintain these ties. For example, many African Americans and
Latino/as are well integrated into their ethnocultural communities if they do not explicitly align with
marginalized sexual identities and communities. Similarly, the Midwest has its own version of a
dont ask, dont tell policy that is maintained between rural lesbians and their communities (Liddle,
2007). Moreover, various cultures prescribe particular rules designating who is and is not gay. For
example, in some Mediterranean and Latino/a cultures, only the receptive (bottom) sexual partners
label themselves gay, not the insertive (top) ones; in some indigenous cultures people who engage
in sexual relations with people of all genders are known as two-spirit and are held in high regard
(Fassinger & Arseneau, 2007).
Becoming knowledgeable and competent scholars of cultural diversity also enables MHPs to help
their clients reflect on instances when invoked cultural loyalties are profoundly hurtful and damaging
to the clients health. As Greene (2007) notes, It may be difficult for [some LGB] client[s] to
appreciate the fact that cultural values are being used selectively and in ways that may depart from the
manner in which the family or group generally adheres to them (p. 188).
Religion, which is often intricately linked with peoples ethnocultural heritage, can also be a source
of tensions and discord in families of this client population (das Nair & Thomas, 2012; Shannahan,
2010). Although secularity is often assumed of people of marginalized sexual identities, religious
affiliation can be important, and even primary, to these clients understanding of self and fundamental
to their experience of life as meaningful (Shannahan, 2010; Yip, 2010). However, historically, many
religious doctrines have been used selectively to support social inequalities, including subjugation of
women, laws against miscegenation, and racial segregation. Even in contemporary religious
institutions, mens voices are usually given more credence than womens (Rios et al., 2011;
Shannahan, 2010). As Greene (2007) argues, While ethical practice requires practitioners to be
sensitive to cultural and religious norms, this does not mean that such norms should be accepted
blindly without regard for whether or not they are causing harm (p. 188).
One of the most controversial topics of debate concerning ethical practice is the issue of so-called
conversion therapy. Such treatment is championed by some religious groups and is sometimes
requested by people of marginalized sexual identities who believe themselves to be sinners and hope
to be cured of their desires toward people of the same gender (das Nair & Thomas, 2012). MHPs
who conduct conversion therapy claim to do so out of respect for their clients religious beliefs.

However, ethical practice, which demands respect for human diversity (including religious beliefs),
also dictates that MHPs do no harm. Although conversion therapy has been shown to contribute to
initial feelings of hope and acquisition of skills needed to assimilate a heterosexual identity, it has
also been linked with the reinforcement of negative self-stereotypes, beliefs in unrealistic outcomes,
intensification of self-hatred, intimacy difficulties, helplessness, and suicidal ideation (Beckstead &
Israel, 2007). Most important, however, although many conversion therapists believe in the
treatments effectiveness, even Robert Spitzer, whose well-publicized study has been used as proof
that same-gender desires can be converted to other-gender desires through therapeutic interventions,
recently apologized to the gay community. In a formal letter, he admitted to the studys fatal
flaws, which invalidated its results (Becker, 2012).
Following a large-scale review of the scientific literature on efforts to change sexual orientation, the
APA Task Force on Appropriate Therapeutic Responses to Sexual Orientation (2009) deemed such
efforts ineffective and potentially harmful. The APA, along with most other professional associations,
recommends supportive therapy approaches that encourage identity exploration and active coping
without the imposition of any explicit sexual orientation identity outcomes. It has also been
recommended that people of marginalized sexual identities who have strong religious beliefs be
supported in their exploration of the possibility of integrating their two identities (APA Task Force,
2009; Beckstead & Israel, 2007; Glassgold, 2008).
Religion and spirituality can be sources of comfort and support for such individuals if they can
successfully integrate these aspects of identity with sexual identity (das Nair & Thomas, 2012).
MHPs can aid clients in accomplishing this integration by helping them find compassionate and
egalitarian religious communities, which exist within every major religious group (e.g., Browne,
Munt, & Yip, 2010; Robinson, 2012; Shannahan, 2010). MHPs who facilitate these negotiations must
be mindful of the intersectionality and specificity of the religious and ethnocultural identities of the
clients, especially if they are not identities that are privileged in our society. As Yip (2008) notes, it
would be naive to assume that for ethnocultural people of marginalized sexual identities the
reconciliation of identities would mirror the trajectory of such reconciliation for their White Christian
counterparts:
Such an expectation of homogeneity and assimilation would be limiting and insensitive to
cultural diversity within the LGB community. The assumption that there is one developmental
model for all LGB identity and politicsled by the precedent set by white and LGB
Christiansis unsound, since identity is socially and culturally grounded. (p. 283)
Just as Judeo-Christian religious identities can be privileged, hierarchical divisions based on the
interplay of other identities exist within LGB communities, mirroring society at large (Greene, 2005).
In 2010, Judith Butler declined to accept the Berlin Civil Courage Prize, protesting the gay and
lesbian communitys failure to challenge the Whiteness of the majority of its constituents as well as its
failure to actively challenge the marginalization of people based on their intersecting identities,
including social class, race, and gender variance (Riggs & das Nair, 2012). As Greene (2005) notes:

All members of disadvantaged groups are not equally disadvantaged and all do not automatically
learn to be any more tolerant of differences than members of the majority. Like members of
dominant groups, members of disadvantaged groups with privileged identities may often deny
those privileged identities, preferring to focus on their locus of disadvantage. It is usually the
majority voices that are most privileged and often deemed to speak for the entire culture. (p.
304)
Several scholars have written about the experiences of ethnocultural people of marginalized sexual
identities (e.g., das Nair & Thomas, 2012; Firestein, 2007; Greene, 1996, 2007; Liddle, 2007).
However, it is important to note that social class, religion, physical and mental (dis)ability, age, and
other client identities exist and interact continuously with each other and with the societal structures.
As such, they represent important areas of exploration for MHPs.6 For example, among people of
marginalized sexual identities, working-class status (das Nair & Hansen, 2012) often interacts with
ethnocultural identities, exacerbating negative health burdens and disabilities (Halkitis et al., 2011;
Krehely, 2009; Mays, Cochran, & Zamudio, 2004).

Becoming a Judicious Scholar of the Literature

MHPs need to become discerning students of the literature concerning people of marginalized sexual
identities. As Greene (2007) observes, working with this client population requires that MHPs have
specific knowledge and skills that are often neglected in mental healthrelated graduate programs.
For example, sexual identity development and coming out are important processes that have been
described and conceptualized extensively since the 1970s (e.g., Cass, 1979; Coleman, 19811982;
Troiden, 1979). While the early models introduced linear, stage progressions from sexual identity
unawareness to coming out and gay/lesbian identity integration (Liddle, 2007), recent models are
more inclusive in their attention to younger people, gender, and sexual diversity (attending to
experiences of nonheterosexual women and bisexual people), as well as racial and ethnic diversity
(for reviews, see Bilodeau & Renn, 2005; Chung et al., 2012).
Coming out has been acknowledged as a positive and healthy process for people of marginalized
sexual identities, and these models are considered important in that they provide essential
frameworks for addressing issues commonly encountered during sexual identity development. At the
same time, however, these models have been criticized for being simplistic, promoting linear and
gradual trajectories that do not fit the experiences of many, endorsing a specific end point as the
healthiest outcome of identity development, and ignoring human diversity and intersecting identities
(Bilodeau & Renn, 2005; das Nair & Thomas, 2012; Diamond, 2006; Liddle, 2007; Matthews, 2007;
Rust, 2003). As noted earlier, depending on the clients identifications and appropriated hierarchy of
cultural values, that individuals coming-out process, or its end point, may not look like the ones
described in the widely accepted sexual identity development models (das Nair & Thomas, 2012).
While it is important for MHPs to keep abreast of health, vocational, developmental, family, and
other issues pertaining to people of marginalized sexual identities, they must also remember that
scholarly work concerning these populations is beset with myriad shortcomings. These include
methodological issues, such as use of retrospective data collected from small samples of socially

privileged populations; varying assignments of participants to the gay, lesbian, and bisexual
categories; and the historical lack of attention to the experiences of women, bisexual people, and
other people (e.g., pansexual, asexual) of marginalized sexual identities (Fassinger & Arseneau,
2007; Fausto-Sterling, 2012; Hicks & Milton, 2010).

Adopting an Advocacy Position

History (his story), including the history of psychology, is written by the winners. An old
African proverb notes that the tale of the hunters would be quite different if written by the lions.
(Strickland, 2001, p. 365)
Mental health institutions have a history of othering, problematizing, diagnosing, marginalizing,
hospitalizing, and even incarcerating women, minorities, and those who do not fit a White, Western
European patriarchic hegemony (Strickland, 2001, p. 365). When compared with contemporary
attitudes, past treatment of people who were deemed to behave in an unnatural ways is clearly
oppressive. However, we are always at risk of falling into oppressive ideologies (Jun, 2010;
Strickland, 2001). Although today oppression and marginalization can be more subtle and shrouded in
empiricism, they still pervade the society as well as mental health establishments (Dragowski,
Scharrn-del Ro, & Sandigorsky, 2011; Strickland, 2000, 2001). As Greene (2005) states, When
psychotherapy paradigms legitimize the social status quo rather than examine it critically, they
become instruments of social oppression and control and by definition contribute to social injustice
(p. 300). Therefore, in order to work competently with people representing the full spectrum of
diversity, MHPs must continually guard against subtle tactics preventing the analysis of dominant
ideologies.
We believe that the adoption of a social justice advocacy position is a necessary component of the
reflective therapeutic stance. We agree with Glassgold (2007), who asserts that MHPs must make
[their] work a liberatory experience, to be among those who offer solutions to problems of social
justice (p. 38). Martn-Bar (1998) also recommends that, in order to understand the realities they
seek to study, MHPs need to clarify their locations within these realities both personally and as
individuals and members of social classes.
Therefore, in addition to analyzing prevalent ideologies, cultivating self-awareness/self-social
locations, and understanding the intersectionality of peoples social identities, MHPs should become
actively involved in resisting dominant oppressive norms and visibly supporting the rights of
marginalized people (Glassgold, 2007; Jun, 2010; Larson, 2008). As they openly stand with people of
marginalized sexual identities, MHPs will not only support these clients but also actively witness
oppression. As Stevenson (2007) notes, in any situation of unfairness, in addition to a victim and
perpetrator there is often a witness who can highlight the reactions of others to the victimization (p.
389). Effective witnessing has the potential to validate that injustice has taken place, create a source
of resilience, and offer sociopolitical and personal support to the oppressed, as well as demonstrate
refusal to conspire with the oppressor.

Ultimately, people whose distress is pathologized are like canaries in coal mines. Their distress is
not a symptom of pathology but rather a warning that there is poison in the air in the form of toxic
social conditions, which, if left unchanged, will affect each and every person in the society (Greene,
2005, p. 302). Reflective clinical practice must concentrate on helping people to survive these toxic
conditions while simultaneously attempting to eradicate social inequalities.

Conclusions
The advocacy position helps to reinforce a stable reflective therapeutic stance in which imbalances
of powerin the society as well as in the therapeutic environmentare recognized and equalized
(Larson, 2008). The deconstruction of social inequalities alerts MHPs to the many health burdens
resulting from these inequalities, but the story of reflective clinical practice does not end here. While
MHPs should remain acutely aware of the systems of inequality, they should not lose sight of the
countless pathways to resilience, suffering, joy, apprehension, loss, and recovery. Every clinical
engagement should be marked by a multilayered and multidimensional stance, as MHPs must treat all
clients as people with emotion and intellect, multiple identities, rich sociocultural and familial
history, a particular relationship to oppression and privilege, and particular thinking patterns (Jun,
2010, p. 378). It is clinically competent to see a clients circumstances as an interplay of
intrapersonal (e.g., individual differences, personality, trauma history, internalized oppression,
unexamined privilege), interpersonal (e.g., family dynamics, community affiliation), and social
dimensions (e.g., experience with the isms, systematic location of privilege and oppression,
personal history of discrimination). At various times some of these dimensions will be more relevant
to a clients distress than others, but most of the time the clients experiences will reflect the synergy
of all dimensions.

Critical Incident
Laura is a counselor at a small, private, progressive, and predominantly White university in the
northeastern United States. Laura is a White, straight, U.S.-born cisgender woman of Dutch descent
who graduated from an Ivy League university. She has been a mental health practitioner for the past 8
years and considers herself to be an effective and competent clinician. For the past 2 months, Laura
has been working with Eduardo, a 19-year-old cisgender man, a freshman at the university, who
initially presented with a depressed mood, inability to concentrate, and general anhedonia. Eduardo
is an immigrant from the Dominican Republic; he was 5 years old when he arrived in the United
States with his family. He grew up in the Southeast, which he considers home and where his family
still lives. He is the eldest of four siblings (Mara, Carmen, and Lissette are 14, 12, and 6,
respectively) and the first one in his family to go to college. Eduardos parents, who are extremely
proud of their college boy, worked multiple jobs while he was growing up and now own a small
neighborhood restaurant. Eduardo works there during school breaks and is studying business so that
he can take over the management of the restaurant and allow his parents to retire.
In the course of treatment, Eduardo discloses that for the past 6 months he has been having erotic
encounters with men. He discounts these encounters as just playing and, after a recollection of
every encounter, he tells Laura about his plans to get married to a woman and to have a large family.

He tells Laura that he is not gay, because he is very masculine (un tigre) and always the top
during sex, which he considers comparable to having sex with a woman. Lately, Eduardo has been
talking a lot about one particular young man, Clive, with a lot of tenderness and affection. Eduardo
talks about Clive wanting to go on real dates and finds these requests ridiculous, as he does not
date men.
At the same time, Laura notes Eduardos worsening mood and apathy turning into passive suicidal
ideation. She is familiar with research linking closeted homosexuality with negative psychological
consequences. Since coming out is empirically correlated with improved mental and general health
functioning, Laura is convinced that Eduardos worsening mental health is related to his inability to
come out and decides that she will assist Eduardo with this process.
Lauras therapeutic goals are not easy to implement, however. No matter how gently she brings it up,
Eduardo becomes angry and, at times, leaves sessions prematurely. At one point, Laura shares her
experience of being the only nonlegacy student among her friends at her Ivy League university in order
to show Eduardo that she knows what it means to feel different and not always accepted. She also
shares the story of her gay cousin, who came out about 10 years ago. She states that she knows how
hard it is to come out, but she imagines that things must be so much easier for gay people now than
they were for her cousin. Lauras disclosure is met with a blank stare from Eduardo.
One day, Laura looks around her office and notices that none of the books or pamphlets she has
available relate to gay issues. She makes an effort and brings in pamphlets advertising the
universitys Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Queer Student Union. At Eduardos next session, she asks
him if he would be willing to go with her to the organizations open house the next week. Eduardos
eyes well up with tears. He says, I cannot believe you. You have no idea who I really am. He
storms out of the room and does not come back for his next three scheduled appointments.

Discussion Questions
1. What assumptions does Laura appear to be making about the etiology of Eduardos symptoms?
2. What factors from Eduardos background and present situation may be contributing to his current
mental health?
3. What are some of the important intersectional issues (in terms of gender, sexuality, and
ethnocultural background) at play for Eduardo? What are some of the important intersectional
issues at play for Laura?
4. How are Lauras actions the result of her lack of self-awareness and privilege as it relates to
working with people of oppressed identities?
5. What sexual orientation microaggressions can you identify in Lauras interactions with Eduardo?
6. What do you think Laura should do to reengage Eduardo in meaningful, respectful, and reflective
psychotherapeutic work?

Notes
1. In this chapter, the conceptual phrase people of marginalized sexual identities denotes people

who, in the scholarly literature reviewed and utilized here, are referred to as lesbian, gay, bisexual,
and/or queer (LGBQ). People who identify as asexual or pansexual also live with marginalized
sexual identities and can be subject to the same oppressions that we elaborate in this work, but we do
not specifically address the lived experiences or needs of these populations, as that is beyond the
scope of the literature referenced and, thus, of this chapter.
2. We use mental health professionals as an umbrella term that includes counselors, psychologists,
social workers, psychiatrists, and other professionals who engage in counseling and psychotherapy.
3. Since gender norms are interconnected with heteronormativity, people who fall outside the
heteronormative paradigm also fall outside gender normativity. In this chapter, we do not specifically
address issues related to transgender and transsexual people. Although trans people share some
history and oppressive societal treatment with people of marginalized sexual identities, there is
increasing evidence of the need to understand the experiences of these populations separately (Pyne,
2011). While trans peoplelike everyone elsecan identify as straight, gay, bisexual, or queer (and
therefore have marginalized sexual identities in addition to marginalized gender identities and
expressions), we understand trans issues to be connected primarily to gender rather than to sexual
identity. These issues are addressed in detail in Chapter 10 of this book.
4. Notably, the possibility of conceptualizing sexuality as causing distress remained in the DSM-IVTR (fourth edition, text revision, published in 2000) with the diagnosis of sexual disorder not
otherwise specified. It was removed in 2013, with the publication of the fifth edition, DSM-5.
5. Various models of deconstructing privilege are available in published literature. Deconstructing
privilege: Teaching and learning as allies in the classroom by K. Case is one example of a book
aimed at analysis and confrontation of systemic privilege.
6. A full review of the topic of intersectionality of identities is beyond the scope of this chapter; for a
comprehensive analysis of the topic, see das Nair and Butler (2012).

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Part IV Counseling Individuals in Transitional, Traumatic, or

Emergent Situations
All too often, cultural psychology proceeds from the unspoken assumption that culture is a monolithic,
constant entity to which individuals need to adapt at a fixed point in time. The chapters in this section
call that assumption into question by dealing with situations in which the apparently unbreakable bond
between the person and culture is severed or loosened. International students, immigrants, and
refugees leave their cultures behind and move to different cultures. In the case of survivors of natural
and physical disasters, the seemingly solid link with culture is suddenly strained, weakened, or
ruptured, and poor, homeless, and lower-class individuals are, to varying degrees, excluded or
marginalized from their cultures. The final chapter in this section is devoted to acculturation, the
process through which a person acquires competence for coping with a new or different cultural
environment.
In Chapter 14, Nancy Arthur invites the reader to follow two recently arrived international students as
they come to terms with the social, academic, and practical challenges of life in North America. She
describes international students as learners in the course of a protracted, multiphasic cross-cultural
transition. In the early stages of this progression, curiosity and excitement mingle with culture shock,
and a complex, often uneven, process of personal and social adaptation is initiated that, in the optimal
case, leads to a state of stability and balance.
At the various stages of this process disruption may occur, and counseling is a major resource for
those so affected, helping them to restore functioning or attain improved functioning. International
students are subject to various pull, or attraction, and push, or pressure, factors in seeking to
pursue their educational goals in North America, and Arthur describes some of the frustrations,
conflicts, and stresses they frequently encounter in this pursuit. She recommends that, in intervening,
counselors employ flexibility in technique, format, and modality, and she cautions that traditional
verbal approaches to counseling may not be appropriate or effective with some international student
clients, nor should these be considered the only modes of helping. In some cases, counseling may be
compressed into a single session and yet may produce beneficial results. The culturally sensitive
experience and communication of the counselors empathy is a major factor in enhancing the
effectiveness of counseling with international students, and empirically supported techniques are
favored for intervention, subject to two caveats: First, empirically demonstrated treatments should be
adapted to and validated in populations similar to the clients; and second, counselors should not
automatically or rigidly limit themselves to empirically validated procedures, especially with a
culturally diverse clientele, lest they artificially restrict the range of potentially useful approaches.
Room must be allowed for improvisation and for learning from new experience.
Chapter 15, by Fred Bemak and Rita Chi-Ying Chung, deals with counseling immigrants and refugees.
Its central feature is the multiphase model (MPM) of psychotherapy, social justice, and human rights
with migrant populations, which is based on the recognition that merely providing psychotherapy (or
counseling) for immigrant and refugee clients is often not enough. Most refugees and many immigrants
arrive in the United States in a highly traumatized state. Their condition is not conducive to quick and

effortless culture learning. Many of these newcomers may be baffled by verbal counseling services,
rooted as they are in the values, traditions, and assumptions of the American culture and geared to the
rapid pace of modernization currently experienced in this country. Specifically, they may be
bewildered and alienated by the expectation that they share their private concerns with benevolent but
somewhat mysterious strangers. To help overcome these obstacles, the first step in the MPM is
focused on mental health education, communicated to immigrant and refugee help seekers in an
understandable medium and in a meaningful manner. The road is then clear for individual, group, and
family therapy, which may be considerably modified to increase its fit with the clients expectations
and experiences. In particular, the one-to-one format of the prototypical American counseling
encounter may not be appropriate for persons from many immigrant and refugee cultures. Rather,
sharing and processing traumatic experiences and their aftermath in group settings may be more
congenial, and dealing with family problems within the family group may appear to be more natural.
It is important to emphasize that Bemak and Chung do not promote a different mode of counseling
for culturally distinct newcomers. Specifically, they consider the entire gamut of behavioral,
cognitive, and affective techniques applicable and potentially beneficial. However, they are
convinced that reducing psychic distress and promoting subjective well-being are but two
components of helping immigrants and refugees function productively and efficiently in their new
society. In their recent contributions, they emphasize a more comprehensive, holistic approach that
prominently includes assisting persons who have fled or migrated from their cultures of origin to
overcome powerlessness and secure their human rights, a task that overlaps with the major concerns
addressed in Chapter 17. Moreover, in keeping with their orientation of relying on the newcomers
cultural resources as much as possible, Bemak and Chung recommend actively incorporating clients
indigenous healing practices and traditions. They also provide examples of successfully implementing
this objective, on both individual and group levels, with refugees from Southeast Asia and elsewhere.
Chapter 16, by Beth Boyd, is devoted to the cultural aspects of counseling the survivors of natural and
human-made disasters. Such catastrophic events have occurred with appalling frequency in the first
two decades of the 21st century. Concurrently, experientially based knowledge has accrued on
culturally sensitive ways of helpfully intervening with the diverse populations traumatized by
disasters. Boyd takes the reader through the succession of phases of apprehending the traumatic event
and coping with its immediate impact and its long-range aftermath, identifying the emotional,
cognitive, behavioral, physiological, and spiritual effects associated with each. With the exception of
a small number of purportedly universal reactions, cultural variation is expected in all of these
aspects of responding. Of special interest in the present context is the authors observation that the
experience of disaster is often associated with the fraying of the individuals ties to his or her
community. The resulting social isolation intensifies the survivors sense of helplessness and
augments feelings of hopelessness. Boyd emphasizes that, in intervening, counselors must demonstrate
flexibility and improvisation. Within this orientation, she advocates active listening, promotion of
problem solving, facilitation of personal empowerment, and promotion of personal and social
competence. A specific model of wide potential applicability and usefulness is that of psychological
first aid, which Boyd describes as a grassroots public health program of providing psychological
support here and now, with prominent participation by primary care providers. The consensus on
recent advances in providing psychosocial support in emergencies is expressed in the guidelines
disseminated by the Inter-Agency Standing Committee, which are included in the chapter. These
guidelines emphasize the human rights of disaster victims, the importance of victims participation in

mental health interventions, as well as building on available resources and capacities, and the
provision of multilayered support.
In Chapter 17, Laura Smith and Melanie E. Brewster guide the reader through the complexities of
current conceptualizations of poverty. They focus on the implications of the evolving understanding of
poverty as a condition of living for the development of empathetic and effective counseling and
psychotherapy. Poverty greatly overlaps with low social class, although the two categories are not
coextensive. Both of these social categories are closely associated with marginalization and
exclusion from the benefits and resources that are readily available to members of the dominant
culture. Being poor intersects with a number of other social identities based on culture, ethnicity,
race, gender, sexual orientation, and disability. Classism is the process of privileging higher social
status and maintaining the low status of the poor through stigma, stereotyping, and discrimination.
Poverty can be considered both a determinant of poor mental health and its consequence, and
counseling and clinical interventions have an important role to play in improving the well-being and
coping skills of poor people. To this end, counseling approaches need to be substantially modified.
Mental health practitioners are not necessarily free of classist misconceptions and attitudes. They may
distance themselves from poor clients and may create discomfort and provoke feelings of being
misunderstood and rejected even as they strive to promote acceptance and comfort. Yet, as Smith and
Brewster contend, it is not enough to adapt counseling techniques for a socioeconomically
disadvantaged clientele. Rather, the authors recommend that counselors engage with these clients in
collaborative quests not only to help overcome clients distress and enhance their coping skills but
also to address social justice issues and pathogenic conditions in disadvantaged communities. In this
context, Smith and Brewster discuss anti-oppression advocacy, an ingenious, innovative, and
promising, but as yet little-known, approach to tackling poor persons problems on the societal and
community levels, and not just within individuals.
In Chapter 18, Jaimee Stuart and Colleen Ward present a comprehensive ecological model of
acculturation and extend it to the domain of counseling. They introduce four intercultural strategies for
helping individuals chart their course of acculturation. The first of these is designed explicitly to
promote assimilation, and the counselor is tasked with expediting this process on the basis of his or
her expertise. Not surprisingly, Stuart and Ward reject the rationale of this encapsulated
assimilationist strategy as being contrary to the multicultural and pluralistic ethos and thereby
violating the counselees autonomy and integrity. The second strategy emphasizes the counselees
individuality and uniqueness and allows the counselee to pursue his or her own choices. The
counselor becomes a facilitator, which is in keeping with her or his established role in the counseling
process. In the third strategy described by the authors, the counselor shares his or her expertise and
experience to introduce innovative ways of dealing with the challenges of acculturation and thus
broaden the counselees repertoire of choices. In the fourth strategy, the counselor becomes a
translator, or a bridge, between the counselee and his or her new culture. In this capacity, the
counselor not only helps the counselee learn to function more effectively in the new environment but
also assumes the task of educating local people about the newcomers characteristics and concerns.
Thus, this ambitious objective is simultaneously targeted at the individual, relational, and contextual
levels. In the process, this strategy transcends the boundaries of counseling. Counselors may have
little power or opportunity to reduce discriminatory attitudes and practices within their communities,
but they can and must deal with the effects of discrimination in the lives of their immigrant and

refugee clients, especially as these affect and deflect the acculturation process. Stuart and Ward
emphasize that a major goal of counseling with these clients is to increase counselees resilience in
the face of the stresses and frustrations they encounter in their new environments. Chapter 18 also
includes a wealth of empirically substantiated information on the factors within individuals
personalities as well as within their families and communities that facilitate or impede acculturation.

14 Counseling International Students in the Context of CrossCultural Transitions

Nancy Arthur

Primary Objective
To provide foundational knowledge about international students in the context of their
experience of cross-cultural transitions

Secondary Objectives
To help counselors enhance their professional skills for working with international students
through inclusive cultural empathy
To help counselors facilitate the integration of international students on the campuses of their
host countries
Counseling international students involves counseling across cultures. Counselors worldviews may
be relatively similar to or profoundly different from those of international students from many
countries and many cultures. The primary aims of this chapter are threefold. First, the chapter
provides foundational knowledge about international students in the context of their experiences of
cross-cultural transitions. Second, the chapter is intended to help counselors enhance their
professional skills for working with international students through inclusive cultural empathy
(Pedersen, Crethar, & Carlson, 2008). Cultural empathy is defined as the learned ability of
counselors to accurately understand and respond appropriately to each culturally different client
(Pedersen et al., 2008, p. 44). Counselors are invited to go further in their understanding about the
role of empathy in counseling international students to an inclusive perspective that incorporates
functions and modes of counseling that may fall outside conventional definitions of who a counselor
is, what roles he or she plays, who a client is, and what her or his goals in help-seeking are
(Pedersen et al., 2008, p. 3). The third goal of this chapter is to discuss how counselors can support
the positive integration of international students on campus. Counselors are integral members of
student support services and have important roles in designing formal and informal delivery of
services to address the transition need of international students.
The terms foreign student and international student are often used interchangeably. The term foreign
student, however, has negative connotations, as it positions international students as outsiders to
educational institutions and local communities. Anyone might be a foreigner, depending on ones
cultural point of view (Pedersen, 1991). International students are individuals who are accepted into
academic programs in many different countries around the world. The term international student is
reflective of these individuals efforts, through education, to increase their understanding and
experiences of other countries and cultures. The terms home country and host country are used to
represent the contexts across which international students experience cross-cultural transitions. Home

country refers to the students country of origin or source country; host country refers to the
destination country where the international student is enrolled for an educational program.
This chapter is organized into five major sections. First, background information is provided about
enrollment trends and the contributions of international students to higher education. Next, readers are
introduced to students motivations to leave their home countries to study elsewhere, as a starting
point for understanding the nature of cross-cultural transitions. The third section of the chapter
focuses on culture shock as a learning process that is part of the experience of living in a new cultural
context. Some of the common issues that international students experience in the academic,
interpersonal, and career domains are described in the fourth section, and the fifth section focuses on
recommendations for counseling with these students. Throughout the chapter, the discussion focuses
on six key areas related to the enhancement of inclusive cultural empathy for counseling practices and
for counselor roles (Arthur, 2004, 2010):
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.

Knowledge about models and concepts related to cross-cultural transitions

Knowledge about common transition demands
Multicultural competencies, including self-awareness, knowledge, and skills
Enhancement of access to and usage of counseling services
Advocacy to overcome systemic and institutional barriers
Facilitation of positive integration into the campus and local communities

Modalities of service delivery are considered, and suggestions for improving access to counseling
services are offered. Critical incidents are integrated into the chapter to help readers connect key
concepts with applied practice. These critical incidents, which are composites of real-life counseling
situations with international students, describe the experiences of Ling, a 20-year-old female from a
country in Southeast Asia, and Mohammed, a 25-year-old graduate student from a country in the
Middle East.
Before turning to the core content of the chapter, readers are invited to reflect about their views of
international students. Do you know any international students? What previous interactions have you
had with international students? What are the main source countries of international students at your
local educational institutions? How would you go about making connections with international
students to support them in accessing counseling services? What kinds of competencies (e.g.,
attitudes, knowledge, skills) would help you to increase inclusive cultural empathy for working with
international students? These questions are intended to help readers begin a process of reflection that
not only focuses on international students but also encourages readers reflection on their own
personal worldviews, including their values and beliefs. Although this chapter emphasizes
knowledge about international students, the content is also designed to support readers in exploring
their own attitudes, knowledge, and skills as a foundation for building inclusive cultural empathy.

The Growing International Student Population

Because of the higher tuition fees charged to international students in comparison with students from
universities home countries, international education provides a substantial base of funding to
institutions of higher education. It is estimated that international students and their dependents

contributed more than $21 billion to the economy of the United States during the 20102011 academic
year (Institute of International Education, 2012). Beyond financial resources, international students
bring a wealth of experience from their home cultures and countries, including contacts for future
partnership and trade. Although many international students want to engage in the exchange of
knowledge and friendships, it is incumbent on the host institutions to prepare their local educational
communities, including students and faculty, regarding ways to foster positive integration. One
perspective is that all learners, from home and host countries, are international students. The idea of
encouraging local students to see themselves as global learners and join international students in their
learning journeys is controversial, however. Unfortunately, international students remain a relatively
untapped human resource for fostering the academic and cultural literacy of local students.
There has been substantial growth in the numbers of international students worldwide, from 0.8
million in 1975 to 3.7 million in 2009a more than fourfold increase (Organisation for Economic
Co-operation and Development, 2011). During the 20102011 academic year, more than 700,000
international students were enrolled in colleges and universities in the United States (Institute of
International Education, 2012). Most educational institutions have increased their targets for the
numbers of international students they accept for undergraduate and graduate education, typically
allowing for such students to make up around 10% of the undergraduate student population and around
25% of graduate students, although there is considerable variation among schools. Nonetheless, there
are major implications for educational institutions when one-tenth or one-fourth of students enrolled
are from other countries. Educational institutions have to consider what helps them to be competitive
in the global marketplace as they focus their internationalization efforts to recruit new students.
Beyond recruitment, educational institutions need to be equipped with infrastructure to retain and
support international students with their personal learning goals.

The Journeys of Two International Students

Ling arrived at the counselors office after the physician on campus referred her. She went to see the
physician for symptoms of fatigue and headaches, saying that she was having difficulty concentrating
on her schoolwork and had recently failed an exam. The physician could not find any apparent cause
of her symptoms beyond muscle tension but did notice that Ling seemed to be experiencing a high
level of stress. The physician suggested that Ling talk to a counselor about her experiences. Ling did
not really know what that would be like, as she had never seen a counselor before. When the
physician told Ling to come back if she had any more problems, she thought she had better see the
counselor, or she might get into trouble with the doctor.
During the first appointment, the counselor noticed that Ling had written academic difficulties on
the intake card. When Ling began to describe her issues, the counselor noticed that she seemed very
nervous. To help establish rapport, the counselor expressed some interest in how Ling had decided to
become an international student. Ling described that it was not really her idea; her parents had
insisted that she study in another country. She said that was what a lot of families in her country were
doing, and her parents wanted to make sure she received a good education.
Mohammed initiated the first appointment with a counselor because he wanted to ask about changing
his academic program. He won a scholarship from his home country to study in the United States, but

he had quickly found out during his work for his undergraduate degree that he preferred subjects in a
program other than the one he originally applied for. Mohammed asked that the counselor call him
Mo and was reluctant to talk about other topics with the counselor, stating that he just needed
information about what he could do to change his program. The counselor asked him if he would
describe the terms of his sponsorship and what flexibility he might have to change his program.
Mohammed stated, That is the problem, I am not sure if I will be able to keep my scholarship and
change programs. I was hoping that you would write a letter on my behalf so that I could give it to my
sponsor.
Lings and Mohammeds situations represent different motivations for becoming an international
student. Counselors working with such students should assess the degree of voluntariness of their
participation, the pressures for mobility they may be experiencing, and their perceptions about the
permanence of studying abroad. These factors have been linked to the acculturation process, or the
psychological changes that result from efforts to adapt during cross-cultural transition (Berry, 2001).
In Lings case, her parents were in charge of the decision. International education represented a
source of family honor, and Ling felt a huge burden to be successful for her family. Ling was an
average student who had to study very hard to achieve the marks expected of her by her family. She
was the elder of two children, and she felt that the family was counting on her to be a good role model
for her younger brother. Although she was excited about the opportunity to study in the United States,
she also was troubled about leaving her family and friends behind.
In contrast, Mohammed viewed international education as opening doors that would allow him to
move to another country and pursue permanent immigration. Mohammeds strong academic abilities
resulted in a scholarship that paid his tuition and living expenses. The conditions in his home country
were a strong motivating factor for Mohammed, as uncertain economic and political conditions were
threatening stability in the region. He was very concerned that if conditions deteriorated, he would be
drafted for military service. His acceptance as an international student was a primary means through
which he was attempting to secure a more stable future for himself.
What these students have in common is that conditions in both their home countries and the host
country weighed heavily on their early experiences as international students. Their immigration status
is contingent on enrollment and proof of academic progress. Their journeys as international students
will unfold through the discussion below about the nature of cross-cultural transitions.

Understanding International Student Transitions

International students do not go through fixed or predetermined stages of adjustment. However, their
experiences may be framed by phases in the transition process, from the initial decision to entering
the host culture, living and learning in the host culture, and preparing to end the experience as an
international learner.

Push and Pull Factors

The process of cross-cultural transition for international students begins not when they arrive in their

host countries but in the decision making and planning to become international students. As noted in
the previous discussion, both push and pull factors may be relevant to the decision to become an
international student (Mazzarol & Soutar, 2002). For example, numerous push factors in the home
country may prompt an individual to look for opportunities in other countries. These factors might
include a lack of educational or employment opportunities, family pressures, and unfavorable
political, social, or economic conditions (Arthur, 2004).
The perceived benefits of studying in the destination country serve as pull factors (Mazzarol &
Soutar, 2002). The primary pull factor is the belief that international education will enhance the
marketability of a students skills and future employment options (Brooks, Waters, & Pimlott-Wilson,
2012; Shih & Brown, 2000). Related factors include the perceived quality of education, standard of
living, lifestyle considerations such as personal safety (in some countries) and/or family
reunification, and opportunities to gain knowledge of foreign languages or local economies (Gu,
Schweisfurth, & Day, 2010).
Counselors may find it useful to explore the decision to become an international student to assess how
the student is managing the journey between the home country and the destination country. Reasons for
becoming an international student vary among individuals, and reasons may shift in their importance
over time. Generally, students reasons are connected to their experiences of adjustment in later
phases of cross-cultural transition.

Learners in Cross-Cultural Transition

A key characteristic of international students is that they are learners during their cross-cultural
transitions (Arthur, 2004; Pedersen, 1991). These transitions involve a process over time during
which individuals discover the assumptions they hold regarding who they are, as well as their
assumptions about other people and/or the world around them (Schlossberg, 1992, 2011). The
emphasis on learning is a key for drawing on international students strengths and resources.
During the course of cross-cultural transition, international students inevitably encounter new cultural
contexts that require adjustments in their understanding and behavior. It is the contrasts between home
and host cultures that challenge international students to learn new ways of responding. International
experience is a catalyst for personal learning, but it may be accompanied by varying emotional
reactions, such as excitement, confusion, or a sense of overwhelming dissonance about prior beliefs
and novel experiences in the host culture. The learning for international students is not just about the
host culture; their experiences help them to gain new perspectives about their lives back home.
Counselors can support international students to see positive implications in the more difficult or
negative aspects of their cross-cultural experiences (Pedersen et al., 2008). Conversely, counselors
can help these students to anticipate any potential negative implications of their positive experiences
of cross-cultural transitions.

Culture Shock During Transition

Adjustment difficulties are inevitable during cross-cultural transition, particularly when there are

great differences in practices between the home and host cultures (Pedersen, 1991). The term culture
shock refers to a more or less sudden immersion into a nonspecific state of uncertainty where the
individuals are not certain what is expected of them or of what they can expect from the persons
around them (Pedersen, 1995, p. 1). Essentially, culture shock is the reaction that people experience
when their previous learning does not equip them for unfamiliar situations across cultures. Culture
shock is usually most severe at the point when the individual enters a new cultural environment;
however, it is commonly experienced in various levels of intensity during the process of adjustment.
International students typically experience culture shock that manifests in physical or physiological
symptoms (Oberg, 1960; Ward, Bochner, & Furnham, 2001). One of the earliest models of culture
shock portrayed it as a U-curve to represent the initial contact with the host culture, a growing sense
of conflict over cultural differences, and adaptation over time (Lysgaard, 1955). A W-curve model of
culture shock expanded on the upward and downward shifts in morale over time and added the stage
of adjustment when the person returns to his or her home culture (Gullahorn & Gullahorn, 1963).
Pedersen (1995) has outlined a four-phase model of culture shock. The first phase is akin to being a
tourist, when new discoveries about cultural contrasts seem exciting. The second phase is a turning
point of disintegration, when cultural contrasts may lead to a sense of disorientation and
dissatisfaction. Ling seemed to hit the stage of disorientation immediately when she landed in the
United States. She was overwhelmed by the physical space, the change in living habits from home to
campus residence with roommates, changes in food, and feeling like she often did not know what to
say to people, and she experienced intensive loneliness. In contrast, Mohammed seemed more
prepared, and he enjoyed the novelty of learning about new lifestyles. He did not have any noticeable
signs of culture shock, and he was able to be proactive about finding his way around campus and the
city. He joined in some of the extracurricular activities on campus and seemed to embrace the host
culture with a thirst for new learning.
In the third phase of culture shock, known as adjustment or reorientation (Pedersen, 1995),
international students typically cope better as they begin to integrate new learning and try new
strategies. Positive integration may be related to international students capacity to develop empathy
in new cultural contexts (Draguns, 2007). For example, some international students may have better
skills than others for understanding expectations and communicating those expectations through their
behavior; they seem to hit the ground running with minimal culture shock. Other international
students may struggle with heightened culture shock if they lack the capacity to empathize with the
behavior of people in the host culture. Some international students may experience more culture shock
when they are excluded or their behavior does not seem to help them gain acceptance in the host
culture (Draguns, 2007). It may take some international students longer than others to understand what
is expected of them and to be able to interact effectively with other people in the host culture.
Lings first year was characterized more by crisis than by reorientation. Her grades were negatively
affected, and she had to deal with a lot of shame and self-doubt as she went from being one of the top
students academically in her home country to barely passing some of her courses. It was only after she
returned home during the summer semester break that things seemed to turn the corner toward a
positive experience. Ling realized that not everything in her home culture was as ideal as she had
portrayed it in her mind when she was feeling lonely and homesick. In fact, she found herself missing
some of her new friends and some of the independence that she had gained through living on her own.

Ling returned to the United States with a renewed sense of commitment and motivation to succeed.
She was more prepared to enter the fourth phase of culture shock, which reflects a higher degree of
adaptation in managing cross-cultural transitions. It seemed that Ling was internalizing learning about
both home and host cultures, and this learning helped to increase her capacity to demonstrate empathy
during interactions with people in the country where she was studying.
Although models of culture shock have heuristic value, the process is not always linear, and
counselors need to pay attention to individual differences. For some international students, the pattern
of culture shock follows very closely the progression suggested in the models. For others, the
experience is more cyclical in nature. As they gain success at managing some transition demands, they
may find other aspects of their situation to be more overwhelming, and vice versa. Although all
students who face cultural contrasts between home and host cultures are likely to experience some
initial culture shock, the degree to which this subsides or intensifies over time is related primarily to
the students perceptions of the new demands and of their own coping resources (Chen, 1999).
Culture shock may manifest in physical symptoms such as fatigue, headaches, cognitive impairment,
reduced energy, gastrointestinal problems, and muscle aches and pains. As noted in the introduction to
Ling, some of these symptoms were what led her to seek assistance from a physician. Ling had never
experienced such severe headaches, and they were interfering with her sleep and her capacity to
function during the day. It is important to note that such symptoms are experienced as real for the
individual and not just psychosomatic; intense symptoms, particularly if new, can be very alarming. It
is important that counselors consider these symptoms as valid and that they work with
interdisciplinary teams of student services professionals to find the best diagnostic and treatment
approaches for students.
Culture shock may also manifest in psychological symptoms such as anxiety, depression, and a
general sense of stress. Counselors may want to explore international students understandings of such
symptoms and how they would be treated in their home cultures. Typical Western counseling
interventions such as talk therapy may not be the usual course of treatment in students home cultures,
as many alternative methods of healing are practiced across cultures (Pedersen et al., 2008).
Counselors need to orient international students to the nature of counseling and discuss their clients
preferred approaches. Interventions to address culture shock may include helping students by
providing concrete suggestions about ways to manage perceived demands such as the pace of change,
academic issues, loss of typical support systems, and change of routines. When students are feeling
overtaxed, they may react in survival mode and not be able to muster coping resources. Counselors
can help students to recognize the coping resources they can draw upon and can determine where
students might benefit from skills training or other kinds of interventions. The transactional model of
stress and coping (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984) can provide a foundation for helping international
students to sort out where they are gaining mastery in the new cultural environment and where there is
an imbalance between their perceived demands and their coping strategies. Counselors may also act
in the capacity of cultural interpreters to help international students gain a better understanding about
local cultural expectations. From this direction, counseling can be an intervention to help
international students develop empathy for understanding expectations and demonstrating appropriate
behavior in a new cultural context (Draguns, 2007). There are many positive aspects to the transitions
that international students experience (Moores & Popadiuk, 2011). Culture shock is a catalyst for

individuals to learn from cultural contrasts and internalize that learning into their unique cultural
identities.
The counselor listened to Lings description of her symptoms and how they were interfering with her
health and academic focus. The counselor asked Ling how her symptoms would be perceived in her
home culture. Ling described the herbs that her mother would give her and how she would be
assigned to bed rest until the symptoms were relieved. However, Ling said that she did not want to
tell her parents, particularly her mother, about her symptoms, as she knew that it would cause her
parents to worry about her. The counselor asked Ling if she would be interested in learning about
how these symptoms might be addressed through counseling, and then she could make a choice about
whether to continue counseling or not. Ling agreed, saying that she would be grateful for any kind of
advice the counselor could offer. The counselor showed Ling a chart of symptoms related to culture
shock and explained how many international students experience similar symptoms. Ling stated that it
was a relief to know that she was not going crazy. The counselor invited Ling to work with her to
draw a map of the transition demands that she was experiencing, which ones she was managing, and
which ones she was struggling with in her adjustment to school and to living in the local community.
The counselor then invited Ling to talk about some of the beliefs that felt like heavy weights of
parental expectations and academic success. The counselor also invited Ling to try some mindfulness
training in which she could learn meditation and relaxation skills that she could use to help relieve
some of the physical symptoms that she was experiencing.

Connections Between Common Transition Issues

International students experience many of the same issues all students face, such as adjusting to the
demands of a new academic environment, moving to a new city, and leaving friends and family
behind (Hayes & Lin, 1994; Popadiuk & Arthur, 2004). However, the demand for rapid learning
across cultures adds layers of complexity to the experiences of international students. The types of
common issues affecting international students include (a) interpersonal factors related to their
environments and surroundings, and (b) intrapersonal factors related to internal processes (Johnson &
Sandhu, 2007). When adjustment issues surface in one domain, there are often overlapping issues in
other domains (Hwang, Wang, & Sodanine, 2011); conversely, when international students are able to
increase their capacity for managing issues in one area of cross-cultural transition, their adaptation in
other areas often improves.

Academic Issues
Academic concerns may be connected to the degree of prior academic preparation, changes in
teaching and learning approaches, workload issues, or satisfaction with the content of curriculum.
Capacity to manage academic issues may be highly influenced by language proficiency. In fact,
language proficiency has been noted as the most critical influence for both academic and social
adjustment of international students (Hayes & Lin, 1994). Students language proficiency may affect
their understanding of instruction and class discussion, the degree to which they feel comfortable
offering answers in class, and how confident they feel about approaching local students in class or
participating in group assignments. Language proficiency includes both students actual ability to

speak in the language of the host country and their confidence about their language skills (Swagler &
Ellis, 2003).
When an international student indicates academic issues on an intake card as the reason for seeking
counseling, this may be the tip of the iceberg, signaling underlying concerns about academic,
linguistic, and/or social competency. Students capacities to resolve intercultural stressors often go
beyond academic learning performance to include career aspirations and career outcome expectations
(Reynolds & Constantine, 2007; Zhou & Santos, 2007).
After the initial counseling interview, Mohammed made another appointment in the second semester.
The counselor asked how he was doing, and he said that things were going generally well, but he had
some questions about his academic program. When the counselor invited Mohammed to explain, he
said that he was surprised at some of the things that were happening in class. He said that he had
expected that the quality of academic instruction would be higher and that his classmates and
instructors would be more motivated to engage in discussion about current issues in his field. He said
that he had tried to approach his academic supervisor but found that the supervisor was really busy
and had little time for him. Mohammed was hoping for more of a mentorship relationship with his
supervisor, although he was appreciative of the time and expertise that his supervisor was able to
offer. When the counselor asked about interactions with his classmates, Mohammed stated that he had
made two close friends, both of whom had traveled a lot and seemed to be more open-minded than
other students. The counselor inquired about what was going on with Mohammed in relation to other
students and people he had met in the community, and Mohammed seemed hesitant about whether or
not to answer. After some silence, he stated, It has been difficult. The counselor gave him time to
tell a story that contained examples of how he had been ignored and shut out of group assignments,
even though he was confident that he could make a contribution or take the lead on an assignment. He
also provided the counselor with examples of incidents in which he had overheard racial slurs and
comments about why they let people like him study in the United States.
Counselors must consider what it might be like to move to another country for an extended period of
time, away from friends and family and other usual sources of support. Although advances in
technology have made it much easier for international students to communicate with those they have
left behind in their home countries, these students still experience the loss of support systems.
International students are faced with the need to develop new social connections and build strong
support systems. Instrumental types of support they need include having someone to go to for
assistance and concrete advice about where to find things and how local systems work. International
students are often keen to develop friendships with local students as part of their learning journeys.
However, there are wide variations in the ways that local students are prepared for or open to
widening their social networks to include people whose countries and cultural backgrounds are
different from their own.
In Lings case, she had a roommate who befriended her and encouraged her to join her for some
social activities. It was her roommate who suggested that Ling see a physician, and she accompanied
Ling to the first counseling appointment. In Mohammeds case, interactions with peers were more
challenging. His efforts to engage with others were initially viewed in negative ways by many of his
classmates. What was striking in the conversation that he had with the counselor was that, despite his

outward appearance of confidence and his academic success, Mohammed was experiencing profound
loneliness. Although his determination to complete his academic program never wavered, he was
struggling to make the kinds of social and academic connections that he believed were important for
the achievement of his long-term goals. The counselor also noted Mohammeds comments that
suggested he was possibly experiencing racism from his colleagues. He recounted specific incidents
in which his nationality and assumed religious practices were joked about and commented on in a
hostile manner. Mohammed felt that he was being judged not because of who he was but because of
world events such as the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, which resulted in bias against
international students from the Middle East (Henry & Fouad, 2007). Despite these difficulties,
Mohammed made two trusted friends in his academic program and was able to expand his personal
and professional network through his colleagues and his academic supervisor.

Gender Roles
Gender-role expectations are an important part of social relations. It is often assumed that the
migration flow of international students is from cultures that are more traditional in nature to more
liberal cultural contexts. In such cases, some international students may find that they enjoy the
freedom associated with new lifestyles. However, it should not be assumed that such freedoms are
necessarily desirable or even seen in a positive light. Rather, some students may find that contrasts in
gender-role behaviors help them to appreciate the strengths of their home cultures (Arthur &
Popadiuk, 2010). The migration flow of international students also occurs from more liberal cultures
to more traditional cultures, where expectations for norms of behavior, dress, and ways of interacting
are more socially scripted and the social expectations for males may differ from those for females.
Counseling can be an effective process through which international students are supported to reflect
about gender norms in both the home and host cultures as part of values clarification.

Career Issues
A key reason for pursuing international education is to improve employment prospects for the future
(Brooks et al., 2012). However, the career-related needs of international students may change at
different phases of cross-cultural transition (Arthur, 2007). Similar to the experiences of many local
students, exposure to new ideas and new academic subjects can lead international students to question
whether they have selected academic majors that are appropriate for them. It should not be assumed
that the career and academic plans of international students are consolidated or realistic (Singaravelu,
White, & Bringaze, 2005). Depending on the terms of sponsorship, international students may be
restricted to the academic programs they declared at the time they accepted their sponsorships. Some
students may also feel pressured to pursue the academic routes approved and financially supported by
their parents.
Counselors can assist with the design and delivery of career planning services that address
international students needs during various phases of cross-cultural transition (Arthur, 2007).
Initially, students may request help to investigate study-abroad opportunities, educational institutions
and programs, or student visa information, or they may seek help in selecting an academic major.
Counseling services for international students may include a focus on initial transition demands and

students possible needs for career exploration. New issues may surface through cultural learning that
either confirms students original choices of academic interests or triggers dilemmas about what other
options might be available (Singaravelu et al., 2005). Counselors must be aware that decisions made
in one cultural context may have profound effects on an international students life in another cultural
context.
Ling was struggling academically in her core courses for a science major. She had to work long hours
to understand the course content and prepare for the laboratory portions of her program. When she
discussed her academic program, the counselor noticed that her affect seemed flat. Ling did not seem
to have a sense of direction about what she would do with her science degree other than that she
hoped it would help her to find a good job. The counselor asked Ling how she decided to pursue a
science degree. Ling stated that science was the degree that her parents wanted her to take. The
counselor was initially surprised by this answer, and she paused to reflect about its meaning. She
asked Ling what she would like to study. Ling lowered her eyes and quietly said that she had also
decided to study science. The counselor then faced a dilemma: Should she probe Ling about her other
possible interests, noting the discrepancies between what Ling was saying and her nonverbal
behavior? Ling seemed to be feeling overly pressured about following her parents wishes and not her
personal career interests.
It is important for counselors to include assessment of perceived influences from both home and host
cultures when working with international students on career planning and decision making. Career
counseling may not be a familiar intervention for international students, and counselors may need to
provide education about how it is linked to helping students with their current and future career
choices (Shih & Brown, 2000; Yi, Lin, & Kishimoto, 2003). The career-related needs of
undergraduate and graduate students may differ according to whether they are seeking specialist skills
or planning to enter the workforce for the first time postgraduation (Shen & Herr, 2004).
The majority of the research on international students cultural adjustment has focused on the initial
phase of transition and the kinds of issues that surface during students first few months of living and
learning in the host culture. However, international students experiences of cross-cultural transition
extend well beyond the initial period of adjustment. As students approach the end of their
international education, they may face a critical question: whether to return home or, instead, try to
stay in the host country to gain employment experience and possibly pursue permanent immigration. It
has been reported that approximately 70% of international students studying in the United States say
that they would like to stay in the country permanently following the completion of their academic
programs (Spencer-Rodgers, 2000). Research with international graduate students at one large U.S.
university found that 22% of the respondents stated a preference to begin their careers in their home
countries, 51% preferred staying in the United States, and 27% were not sure (Musumba, Jin, &
Mjelde, 2009).
Whereas international students have historically been viewed as temporary sojourners (Pedersen,
1991), shortages of skilled labor in many developed countries have shifted the view, and international
students are now often seen as desirable human capital (Arthur & Nunes, 2014). Students decisions
to pursue permanent immigration appear to be influenced by perceptions of employment
opportunities, lifestyle options (such as safety and employer expectations), and expectations for a

better future (Arthur & Flynn, 2011). Relationships in both home and host cultures have a strong
influence on international students career decision making, in fostering career opportunities, in
providing support for staying in the country, and in helping to build new support networks (Arthur &
Nunes, 2014; Popadiuk & Arthur, 2014). Career counseling can provide international students with
opportunities to discuss their future options and perceived opportunities in both home and host
cultures. International students who are planning to pursue employment in the host country may need
assistance in their job searches and help in understanding the cultural nuances of the job search
process. International students may benefit from assistance in making connections with employers,
practicing interviewing skills, and learning the best ways to represent their international experience
to employers. In one study, international students reported several barriers in their job searches,
including lack of language proficiency, lack of understanding of networking and interview
expectations, and concerns about whether or not employers actually valued their unique international
experience (Sangganjanavanich, Lenz, & Cavazos, 2011).
Mohammeds academic program included the option of an unpaid placement with a local employer.
Mohammed completed a semester working for that employer and expressed his interest in staying
with the company. However, the employer was not in a position financially to hire him. This set up a
spiral of events in which Mohammed found himself approaching a deadline for employment to satisfy
immigration requirements, and he had no offers of employment. He had been so certain that things
would work out in his favor that he was not prepared for the rigorous nature of the job search
process. He returned to talk to the counselor and request advice about what he could do to secure
employment. When the counselor inquired about his experience in interviews, Mohammed stated, It
is as if the employers really dont care about my international experience and what I might bring that
would add to their company. The last employer actually interrupted me when I was telling him about
my experience back home and kept asking me if I had worked in the U.S. I felt that my chances were
finished then. The counselor explored with Mohammed what it would mean for him if, indeed, his
chances of staying in the United States were limited. Mohammed showed a lot of emotion as he said
he could not imagine returning to his home country. When he departed to begin his international
studies, in his mind he was saying goodbye to his life at home.
Even though many international students wish to pursue permanent employment in their host countries,
the reality is that most return home after completing their academic studies, whether by personal
choice, because they lack suitable employment, or because of immigration restrictions. A key
consideration that counselors should keep in mind about the reentry transition is that it is more than
just a physical relocationit is a process of reacculturation to life back home. Counselors need to
consider students reentry transition issues in relation to the entirety of the students cross-cultural
experiences, including their motives to become international students, their academic and
interpersonal experiences, their acquisition of academic qualifications, and their perceived
employment opportunities. International students bring their cross-cultural experiences home.
Many international students and their significant others, including friends and families, are
unprepared for reverse culture shock (Gaw, 2000). International students may not expect to go through
any adjustments when they are returning to familiar cultures. Some international students find the
constancy or lack of change in their home cultures to be reassuring and an anchor of familiarity for
their reentry. Others find the lack of change to be unsettling as they feel forced to set their new

learning aside to fit in at home. When provided with feedback by friends and family members,
international students may realize how much they have personally changed. Some of the common
issues that may surface during the reentry transition include pressure to find employment and concerns
about career mobility, the transferability of international education, maintaining language skills,
maintaining relationships, and gender-role conflicts (Arthur, 2003). Students may benefit from
learning about the reentry transition before they leave the host country; such information can help them
to anticipate and prepare for returning home. Counselors might offer services through workshops
designed for students in the final year of their academic programs, or they might arrange for reentry
transition to be a featured topic in the international students newsletter on campus. Material on
reentry transition could also be featured in an online workshop for students. The key here is for
services to be offered using multiple delivery formats so that international students can self-select
preferred formats for learning.
Ling was reading an e-mail message from the international student services center when she noticed
that the center was offering a workshop on the topic of job search and returning home. She decided to
register for the workshop, as she knew that she would be expected to find employment shortly after
returning to her home country, and she was concerned about making contacts with employers. When
Ling went to the workshop, she was surprised when the facilitators talked about some of the issues
that other international students had reported when they returned home. She knew that she had mixed
feelings about returning home. She really missed her family and friends and was looking forward to
some basic things, like eating the food that she enjoyed and going out to places in her home city.
However, Ling had started to realize that she would also miss her life in the United States. She had
grown accustomed to making more of her own decisions. She liked the informality of relationships
between people. She had been dating another student, even though they both knew that Ling would be
returning to her home country. After the workshop, Ling began to realize that she would really miss
parts of her life as an international student.

Counseling International Students

At the beginning of this chapter, readers were invited to reflect about their own attitudes and
knowledge about international students as a foundation for inclusive cultural empathy (Pedersen et al.,
2008). This is an important starting place from which to consider practices for counseling
international students. Unfortunately, most counselor education programs offer little, if any, content
focusing on work with international students. Some of the existing counseling literature portrays
international students as problematic and problem laden (Pedersen, 1991; Popadiuk & Arthur, 2004).
Counselors may want to begin by expanding their knowledge about the main source countries of
international students on their campuses and making contacts with other student services professionals
to collaborate on methods of service delivery. To state a fundamental point, counseling international
students requires competencies for counseling across cultures. Counselors should examine their own
multicultural counseling competencies for supporting international students throughout their
experiences of living and learning in the host culture, and as they prepare to make the transition to
employment in the host country or the transition home. Counselors can use multicultural counseling
frameworks (Arredondo et al., 1996; Collins & Arthur, 2010a, 2010b; Sue et al., 1998) to identify
their current strengths and areas for competency development toward increasing inclusive cultural

empathy (Pedersen et al., 2008).

Diversity of International Students

The overarching categorization of international students often obscures the cultural diversity found
within this student population. It is prudent for counselors to remember that international students
come from many countries and many cultures, and there can be major differences in the worldviews
of students from the same country (Arthur & Nunes, 2014). For example, within any country there are
many subcultures with social, religious, and political beliefs that influence behavior. Gender issues
may be associated with family expectations and role obligations, with greater or lesser distinctions
made between males and females. Depending on the norms of the home country, some international
students may be studying in a more liberal environment while for others the destination country is a
more traditional or conservative environment. Some students may also experience major shifts in
economic conditions and standards of living between their home and host countries. Such economic
disparities mean that some students may find the cost of living in the host country affords them good
value for their spending on education and daily living needs. In contrast, international students from
emerging countries and families where financial resources are limited may feel considerable
financial strain in meeting the costs of living in the host country. The demographic distribution in the
home country may be considerably different from that in the host country in terms of population
density and ethnicity. Some international students may have their first experiences of being identified
as members of a visible minority in the host culture, or they may engage in religious or other social
practices that are different from those of the majority of people in the host culture.
The experience of shifting from a dominant to a nondominant ethnic identity can have a profound
impact on international students in terms of their personal identities and understandings of
interpersonal relations. Social attitudes toward identities need to be inclusive of international
students whose sexual identities may be constrained or liberated, depending on prevailing attitudes in
the home or host country (Pope, Singaravelu, Chang, Sullivan, & Murray, 2007). Unfortunately, the
new experience of difference leads some international students also to experience racism and other
forms of oppression that may be part of the social nuances of the host culture. Whether the actions
associated with such forms of oppression are intentional or unintentional (Pedersen et al., 2008), they
may have devastating effects on international students health and on their sense of integration into the
local culture. These examples illustrate the plurality found within the international student population
and the importance of counselors taking into account the multiple influences on cultural identity
during cross-cultural transitions.
Growing numbers of younger students are being sent to other countries for their education, with or
without a parent (Popadiuk, 2009). The developmental needs of such children differ considerably
from those of adult international students. Although this chapter has focused primarily on international
students, it should be noted that the health and well-being of accompanying partners and/or children
are strongly interconnected in the cross-cultural transition experience (Techome & Osei-Kofi, 2012).
Regardless of the ages or life experiences of international students, counselors working with this
population should take a strengths-based approach and focus on the needs of individuals who are
learning while living in new cultural contexts.

Culture Shock Versus Serious Mental Health Issues

The demands of adjusting to new cultural contexts may trigger international students to experience
serious mental health concerns or may exacerbate preexisting mental health issues. For some students,
preexisting mental health issues may surface with the added risk factors and demands of crosscultural adjustment. It should be expected that some psychiatric issues and serious psychological
problems will occur in the international student population, given that these issues are estimated to be
present in as much as 20% of the local population (Leong & Chou, 2002). Counselors need to be
prepared to address serious mental health issuesincluding psychosis, suicide ideation and attempts,
schizophrenia, depression, and anxietyin any student population (Oropeza, Fitzgibbon, & Baron,
1991) and should be skilled at assessments and interventions that take into account cultural diversity.
There is a risk that international students symptoms may be misunderstood or that inadequate
resources may be allocated if serious symptoms are minimized or misinterpreted as only
manifestations of culture shock.

Improving the Cultural Validity of Counseling

Counselors should be aware that there are wide variations in the ways in which helping relationships
are constructed in countries around the world, including the ways in which counseling is understood
and practiced (Arthur & Pedersen, 2008; Hohenshil, Amundson, & Niles, 2013). Counselors need to
consider how they can build positive profiles so that international students consider counseling to be
a viable and valuable campus resource.
It is critical that counselors build partnerships with other student services personnel, such as
international student advisers, residence staff, careers services staff, medical personnel, and
chaplains. The people with whom international students interact on a regular basis, including
academic faculty, are key sources of referrals to counseling services. Interprofessional collaboration
is premised on the idea that the combined expertise of professionals from different disciplines leads
to improved service delivery and outcomes (Mellin, Hunt, & Nichols, 2011).
The literature on counseling international students in previous decades tended to focus on
international student problems, usage rates, and difficulties with accessing counseling (Popadiuk &
Arthur, 2004). Counselors may want to consider providing education to international students about
the purposes and functions of counseling, as pretherapy orientation may help students to derive
greater benefit from counseling services (Leong & Chou, 2002). Counselors should not assume that
all international students prefer a particular counseling style (e.g., directive or nondirective), as such
preferences may depend on cultural norms pertaining to hierarchical relationships and expressions of
respect to the counselor as a person who is a perceived expert. It is important for counselors to
consider the cultural norms of each student and also how acculturated the individual is to the local
norms and ways of communicating. When students are more familiar with the counseling process, they
are more likely to appreciate a collaborative and informal counseling style. Counselors need to be
intentional about adjusting their counseling styles to respond appropriately to their clients needs as
they unfold over time (Pedersen et al., 2008).

International students may first present to counseling seeking immediate solutions to issues that they
are experiencing as crisis or they feel ill equipped to manage (Hayes & Lin, 1994). A single session
may be all that is required to help a student link with relevant resources. However, in my experience,
that single session may also be a time when multiple layers of interaction occur between the
counselor and the international student. For example, first, the counselor can validate the students
choice to seek help. Second, the counselor can provide orientation to counseling and what it might
offer for the students immediate or future needs. Third, the counselor can offer problem solving to
address the students immediate concerns. Fourth, the counselor can assess the students overall
functioning and offer assistance with any identified concerns. Fifth, the counselor can help to
normalize the students experience of cross-cultural transition while addressing the individuals
unique needs. Sixth, the counselor can begin to establish a trusting relationship that may set the stage
for the student to return to counseling or encourage peers to do so. Seventh, the counselor can link the
student with available resources on campus and in the local community. Eighth, the counselor can
listen for issues that the student has in common with other international students and consider whether
advocacy or systems intervention may be a viable direction. As with every client, it is the choice of
any international student whether or not to continue with counseling. However, the counselors
capacity to build a positive therapeutic alliance in a first session sets the stage for future counseling.

Theoretical notes.
The universality of Western theories of counseling has been questioned (Hohenshil et al., 2013).
Counselors need to guard against assuming that mental health and healing practices in one part of the
world are valued by people who have lived in other cultural contexts. It is important for counselors to
understand international students views regarding the causes of their current issues or challenges and
to consider culturally responsive interventions. Counselors should be skilled in performing cultural
auditing processes that help them to assess their conceptualizations of client issues and appropriate
directions for interventions, developed in a collaborative process (Collins, Arthur, & Wong-Wylie,
2010). Clients are the experts on their own cultural identities, and counselors should collaborate with
them in determining the change processes that are the best fit for addressing their presenting concerns.

Empirically supported treatments.

There is a long-standing debate in the field of counseling and psychotherapy regarding the preferential
use of empirically supported treatments (ESTs) (e.g., Hunsley, Dobson, Johnston, & Mikhail, 1999;
King, 1999). Essentially, one side of the debate calls for treatment efficacy to be demonstrated
through experimental design, the use of manualized treatment protocols, the specification of
demographic characteristics, and study by two different research teams (Hunsley et al., 1999).
Concerns have been raised about the emphasis on approaches that are more amenable to empirical
validation (e.g., cognitive-behavioral therapies) versus constructivist approaches (e.g., narrative
therapies). Those on the other side of the debate assert that just because an approach does not meet
the criteria for inclusion as an empirically validated treatment, that does not mean it is ineffective as a
treatment method.
Within the multicultural counseling literature there are pressures to adopt ESTs (DAndrea &
Heckman, 2008), but there are also concerns about how well the criteria for ESTs incorporate the

languages, cultural identities, and practices of people from diverse cultural backgrounds (Atkinson,
Bui, & Mori, 2001). Widely adopting any one treatment modality is counterintuitive to the recognition
of multiple worldviews and the call for counselors to take into consideration the unique contextual
influences on client concerns. It seems that there is a risk of either harm or good when any one
approach is universally applied across diverse populations. We need more examples of counseling
practices and interventions that support counseling international students, particularly research that
focuses on therapist and counseling process variables (Leong & Chou, 2002).

Formal and informal methods.

Counselors are encouraged to be involved in service design that incorporates both formal and
informal methods and takes place in both formal and informal contexts (Pedersen et al., 2008). For
example, services might be marketed through information delivered online, information on topics
related to health promotion might be delivered electronically for students to self-serve, and
counselors might participate in the design and delivery of group interventions. With the increasing use
of social media, some counselors may need to upgrade their skills for connecting with students. It is
important for counselors to consider that talk-based counseling may not be the only method for
reaching out to international students. Educational and preventive information can be delivered
through electronic formats that support international students to learn about common issues, access
online resources, and follow up with counseling if they feel they need more in-depth exploration of
helping resources. The involvement of international students in designing online resources is critical
for ensuring the relevance of these resources. Newer students seem to appreciate testimonials and
role modeling by international students about their personal experiences and what helped them to
cope. Counselors who are involved with designing service delivery modalities need to be cognizant
of the best ways to incorporate the perspectives of more experienced international students.
There are advantages to counselors offering some services in a psychoeducational format directly
with international students; in such settings students gain awareness about transition issues while
having the opportunity to discuss strategies. Group interventions offer the added advantages of
sharing among international students and the development of additional support systems (Arthur,
2003). Group interventions also allow students to make initial contact with counselors, which likely
helps them to feel more comfortable about requesting future counseling.

Accountability for results.

There is growing pressure for counselors in a variety of practice settings to be accountable for the
results of their professional work. This poses challenges both for the practice of counseling and for
the roles that counselors might take in health promotion, illness prevention, and campus
internationalization. For example, there is no straightforward answer to the question, What counts as
counseling with international students? It is not only the work that counselors perform in formal
counseling sessions that international students might rate as most helpful. Outreach and advocacy
efforts on campus, both formal and informal, lead to some of the most effective interventions.
However, counselors are challenged to account for the effectiveness of service delivery that is
focused on prevention and health promotion or is delivered in new and innovative ways.

Conclusion
Counseling international students means counseling individuals who have unique and diverse cultural
identities. There is no single method or theoretical framework that is recommended as being superior
to others. Rather, counselors who work with international students need to consider the worldviews
of their clients and how they can design and deliver interventions to meet the clients needs during the
process of cross-cultural transition. That is not to say that all of the presenting issues raised by
international students are caused by cross-cultural transition. However, the experiences of these
students are often especially complex because of the challenges of navigating local cultural norms,
academic demands, communication issues, relationships in both home and host countries, and
implementation of career plans.
Counselors play an important role in helping international students with their journeys of living and
learning across cultures and across educational contexts. It is important that counselors consider their
own attitudes and awareness about international students, including their personal assumptions and
biases. A growing number of resources about international students are available in both the
educational literature and the counseling literature. Counselors who work in campus settings should
access those resources to increase their level of inclusive cultural empathy for working with
international students. It is important for counselors to remember that this is not just one population;
international students are clients with multiple cultural identities from around the world.

Discussion Questions
1. What opportunities do you see for counselors to have an influence on campus
internationalization, to help foster the integration of international students in the educational
institution and in the local community?
2. What are the cultural assumptions that underpin the theoretical approaches that you use in your
counseling? How can you make sure that those assumptions are appropriate for the worldviews
of your clients?
3. What competencies would help you to increase inclusive cultural empathy for counseling
international students?
4. Given the information on Ling provided in this chapter, as Lings counselor, how would you
attempt to strengthen the working alliance by helping her to surface some of her culture
teachers (Pedersen et al., 2008) and their influences on her decisions and experiences?
5. What ethical issues might surface in the referral of international students from student advisers
or academic faculty, and how might you manage those issues?
6. How would you evaluate the impacts of services on international students, including direct
counseling, outreach activities, and psychoeducational approaches aimed at health promotion?
7. Given the information on Mohammed provided in this chapter, what hypotheses do you make
regarding his reluctance to focus on his home country? What do these hypotheses imply about the
similarities or differences between your worldview and Mohammeds?
8. What ethical responsibilities do counselors have for addressing racism and other forms of
oppression directed toward international students?
9. How might counselors incorporate a stronger focus on career planning and decision making in

interventions with international students?

10. What areas for your continued professional learning have you identified from reading this
chapter?

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15 Counseling Immigrants and Refugees

Fred Bemak
Rita Chi-Ying Chung

Primary Objective
To assist mental health practitioners in understanding and providing effective multicultural
counseling and psychotherapy with refugees and migrants by providing a model of treatment and
psychotherapy (the multiphase model of psychotherapy, social justice, and human rights)

Secondary Objectives
To provide an understanding of the sociopolitical and historical contexts of mental health for
refugees and migrants
To promote awareness and understanding of the impacts of premigration trauma on
postmigration adjustment
To sensitize mental health practitioners regarding acculturation, cultural belief systems, and
associated adjustment issues that affect the psychological well-being of refugees and migrants
Immigrant and refugee migration is not a new phenomenon. People have moved from place to place
since the beginning of humankind. However, in recent years, with increasing globalization, advances
in technology, growing aspirations for a better life, improved access to international travel, and
frequent widespread devastation from natural disasters, the rates of migration have increased
worldwide. In the United States alone there are approximately 40 million immigrants (U.S. Census
Bureau, 2011). It is estimated that one in five persons living in the United States is a first- or secondgeneration immigrant (Mather, 2009). It is critical that mental health professionals be trained to
provide culturally responsive services for this growing population.
To understand migrant populations fully, it is essential to understand the differences between those
who have migrated involuntarily, or were forced to do so, and those who chose to migrate to another
country or region. The forced migration group consists mainly of refugees who have left their home
countries or regions due to war, political instability, regional and national conflicts, genocide, social
and economic upheaval, poverty, or natural disasters (Bemak & Chung, 2008). Others in the forced
migration group are those who have migrated because of coercion, fraud, physical force, deception,
or threat of exploitation, such as persons working in factories, as maids, or in the commercial sex
industry (Chung, 2005, 2009). It is estimated that approximately 2.5 million trafficked persons fall
into this category (Chung, 2005, 2009).
Although refugees and others who are forced to migrate generally experience more difficult
adaptation than voluntary migrants because of their circumstances, immigrants in both groups
encounter similar postmigration challenges. Given these commonalities, we use the term migrants in

referring to people from both groups in this chapter. We begin the chapter with a brief description of
refugees and immigrants, present demographics and salient issues encountered by migrants, and then
discuss the challenges facing this population as a foundation for understanding the migrant experience.
We will then address a number of issues related to providing culturally responsive mental health
services to migrants, laying the groundwork for a discussion of the multiphase model (MPM) of
psychotherapy, social justice, and human rights.

Migration Demographics
Over the decade ending in 2010, the number of international migrants increased from 150 million to
214 million, and it is estimated that migrants make up 3.1% of the worlds population, or 1 of every
33 people (International Organization for Migration, 2010). The United States has witnessed a rapid
increase in immigration, especially between 1990 and 2009, when the immigrant population nearly
doubled, from 20 million to 38.5 million. As of 2011, 39.9 million people in the United States, or
13% of the population, were immigrants (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011). It is estimated that one in five
persons in the United States is a first- or second-generation immigrant, and nearly one-fourth of
children younger than 18 have an immigrant parent (Mather, 2009). By 2020 immigrant children and
adolescents will account for one-third of the U.S. population (Mather, 2009). In addition, it is
estimated that 11.5 million undocumented immigrants are living in the United States (Hoefer, Rytina,
& Baker, 2012), with the number increasing as the result of human smuggling and trafficking (Chung,
2009).

Dispelling the Myths About Migrants

In the United States immigration has generated political polarization, and in this politically charged
climate many myths about migrants have been created and perpetuated. Below, we dispel four
common myths.

1. Migrants have few skills and are using available resources without making any
contribution.
Immigrants to the United States come with a variety of educational and skill levels. They constitute
47% of U.S. scientists with PhDs, almost one-quarter of bachelors degreelevel college graduates
working in engineering and science, and 25% of physicians (Portes & Rumbaut, 2006). Those who
have little or no education and fill unskilled manual labor and service jobs make up 75% of U.S. farm
and fruit and vegetable workers (Kandel, 2008). What is not widely known is that undocumented
migrants in 2005 (the most recent figures available) contributed approximately $9 billion in federal
taxes and generated $75 billion in earnings, but they are not entitled to benefits such as Social
Security (Loller, 2008; Massey, 2010).

2. Migrants are taking jobs from American workers.

Migrants make up 13% of the U.S. population and constitute 15% of the workforce (Meissner, 2010).
Their overrepresentation in the workforce is largely the result of the aging of the U.S. population and

the relatively young age of the migrant population, which has accounted for 58% of the growth of the
U.S. population since 1980. Furthermore, migrants tend to be grouped in high-skilled and low-skilled
occupations, which means these workers complement rather than compete with native-born U.S.
workers.

3. Most immigrants are undocumented.

Two-thirds of migrants in the United States are in the country legally. It is estimated that there are
almost 11 million undocumented immigrants in the United States (Hoefer et al., 2012; Passel &
Taylor, 2010), most of whom hold low-paying and unsteady jobs (Yoshikawa, 2011). Approximately
40% of these undocumented migrants arrived legally but overstayed their visas (Hoefer et al., 2012).
The largest proportion (three-quarters) of undocumented immigrants in the United States are from
nearby regions (Canada, the Caribbean, Central America, and Mexico), with the second-largest group
from Asia, followed by South America (Hoefer et al., 2012). Approximately 1.1 million of the
undocumented immigrants in the United States arrived as young children and have been educated in
U.S. schools (Passel & Taylor, 2010).

4. Strengthening the borders and reducing illegal border crossings will make the
United States safer.
After the terrorist attacks on New York City and Washington, D.C., on September 11, 2001, the United
States undertook concerted efforts to strengthen border security. The U.S. Border Patrol has nearly
doubled in size, to more than 20,000 agents, and the Department of Homeland Security is on schedule
to meet congressional mandates for southwestern border enforcement that includes fence building
(Meissner, 2010). However, given the enormous lengths of the borders separating the United States
from Mexico and Canada (totaling nearly 7,500 miles of land and 12,380 miles of coastline) and the
vast network of seaports and international airports through which people pass daily, guarding and
securing all border ports of entry is a major challenge. It has been suggested that, rather than
emphasizing security measures on borders, the United States should focus on distributing more work
visas to reduce illegal border crossings (Meissner, 2010).

The Refugee Experience

It is estimated that there are 42 million refugees worldwide (United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees, 2010) due to ongoing political instability, regional and national conflicts, wars, genocide,
social and economic upheaval, poverty, natural disasters, and population growth (Bemak & Chung,
2008). The majority of refugees come from developing countries, and refugee populations consist
mainly of women, children, and people with disabilities, many of whom lack the mental, physical,
and economic resources to survive under harsh conditions (Bemak, Chung, & Pedersen, 2003).
Environmental refugeespersons forced to migrate because of the effects of climate change and
environmental racismhave increased in number (Chung, Bemak, & Kudo Grabosky, 2011); the
United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP, 2010) has estimated that there are 25 million such
refugees around the world. Examples of this group include persons displaced by the 2011 floods and
tornadoes in the U.S. Midwest, the 2011 earthquake and tsunami in Japan, the 2010 earthquake in

Haiti, Cyclone Nargis in Myanmar (Burma) in 2008, and Hurricane Katrina in Mississippi and New
Orleans in 2005. UNEP (2010) has projected that, with environmental degradation such as
deforestation, rising sea levels, and the rapid melting of ice caps, 200 million people will become
environmental refugees by 2050.
Regardless of why refugees migrate, there is a high prevalence of serious mental health problems
within this population, often related to struggles to escape from intolerable and chaotic conditions.
Worrying about family members who remain in danger in the home country, being held for prolonged
periods in detention facilities, and being subjected to torture are all conducive to the development of
more pronounced mental health problems (Nickerson, Bryant, Steel, Silove, & Brooks, 2010;
Robjant, Hassan, & Katona, 2009). Refugee migration is extremely difficult and frequently dangerous,
resulting in loss of family, identity, community, and culture; a downgrade in socioeconomic status and
employment; the need to learn a new language; dramatic shifts in social, familial, and gender roles;
and acculturation, adjustment, and adaptation problems in the new country (Bemak & Chung, 2008).

Premigration Trauma
The involuntary flight premigration experience plays an important part in the postmigration adjustment
of refugees. It is critical for mental health professionals to consider the impacts of often highly
stressful and/or traumatic premigration events and to understand their influence on postmigration
adjustment and adaptation (Bemak et al., 2003). Many refugees have been subjected to war atrocities
and refugee camp living; many have experienced and witnessed torture, killing, incarceration,
starvation, rape and other sexual abuse, physical beatings, and injuries. Many who managed to escape
to refugee camps faced problems of overcrowding, poor nutrition, unsanitary conditions, inadequate
medical care, and continued violence that often compounded already existing psychological
problems. Therefore, it is not surprising that numerous studies have found refugees to be more prone
to psychological problems than members of other populations (e.g., American Psychological
Association [APA], 2010; Bemak & Chung, 2008).
Refugees traumatic experiences have been categorized into four major types: (a) deprivation (e.g.,
food and shelter), (b) physical injury and torture, (c) incarceration and reeducation camps, and (d) the
witnessing of torture and killing (Mollica, Wyshak, & Lavelle, 1987). In addition, refugees have
experienced the loss, through death or separation, of nuclear and extended family members as well as
their communities and countries. Premigration trauma puts refugees at high risk for developing serious
mental health problems, including depression, dissociation, anxiety, posttraumatic stress disorder
(PTSD), and psychosis (APA, 2010; Keyes, 2000), and higher rates of psychopathology compared to
the general U.S. population (e.g., Vickers, 2005).
Some refugee groups are at higher risk than others for developing serious mental health disorders.
Older refugees may experience more difficulties in adjusting to new environments, and single men
(under 21 years old) may also be at risk because of lack of familial and social supports (Bemak et al.,
2003). Unaccompanied minorschildren and adolescents with no adult family members present
during resettlementare another vulnerable group. Also susceptible to mental health problems are
refugee women and girls who experienced rape and other sexual abuse before migration (Chung &
Bemak, 2002b; Morash, Bui, Zhang, & Holtreter, 2007) and refugee women whose husbands were

killed during war. For example, Cambodian refugee women who had experienced their countrys
genocidal conflict had significant difficulties in postmigration adjustment (Chung, 2001), similar to
refugee women from Rwanda and Somalia.
In the sections that follow we discuss some of the challenges that migrant populations encounter and
present major themes related to counseling this population. Although some of the constructs discussed
are similar to those in other cross-cultural counseling situations, we emphasize that the cultural
dynamics and the historical and sociopolitical backgrounds of migrant populations present unique
characteristics that are traceable to respective cultures of origin and cultures of resettlement. Mental
health professionals must understand these differences clearly and incorporate that understanding into
therapeutic relationships with migrant clients at multiple levels, including individual, family, group,
and community.

Impact of Culture on Mental Health

Cultural Belief Systems
Understanding cultural differences and cultural belief systems as they relate to psychological
problems and healing is important in providing effective services for migrant populations.
Historically, Western models of psychotherapy have been based on a worldview that emphasizes
individual psychotherapy as a means to enhance optimal independent functioning, coping abilities,
and adaptation. This is in direct contrast to the cultural contexts of many migrants, who often come
from collectivistic cultures that focus on interpersonal relationships and social networks and may take
a holistic approach to mental health. In collectivistic cultures the family, the community, and the
social network define personal identity and cultivate interdependence. The members of many migrant
groups may perceive being individually oriented and independent as contrary to their cultural beliefs.
As a result, standard clinical interventions based on Western European American practices are
frequently in conflict with migrants beliefs and value systems.
Providing psychological services for migrants requires the use of assessment and treatment
methodologies that are consistent with these clients cultural values and beliefs. For example,
refugees from Asia or Africa who believe that emotional imbalance is caused by animism or spirits
may report visualizing and hearing deceased relatives. Traditional Western psychotherapists attribute
such symptoms to psychosis and employ counseling techniques and medication that focus on the
symptomatology (the hallucination) to treat the underlying psychosis. Indigenous healing methods
approach the same symptoms from a different cultural framework, incorporating the deceased
relatives and spirits as important and relevant forms of personal and spiritual communication that may
help stabilize the individual and possibly the entire family.
The need to understand and validate the clients conceptualization of problems within the context of
culture has been strongly emphasized (e.g., Kleinman, Eisenberg, & Good, 1978). The cultural
conceptualization of mental illness encompasses symptom manifestation (Chung & Kagawa-Singer,
1995), help-seeking behavior (Chung & Lin, 1994), and expectations of treatment and outcome. For
example, African refugees who believe deceased ancestors provide wisdom and guidance may have

symptoms of head pain or insomnia that is caused by upsetting ancestral spirits. By seeking help from
individuals who respect and honor their cultural belief system, such as traditional healers, these
refugees believe they can gain assistance in communicating with ancestors to establish the cause of
the problem and subsequent solution. Similar complaints and symptoms are found across cultures, but
they may take different forms and be attributed to different causes (e.g., Kirmayer, 1989; Phillips &
Draguns, 1969); thus, it is important for the therapist to understand and accept the impact of culture
and the complexity of the cultural construction of mental illness/mental health as it relates to migrant
clients. Therapists must be knowledgeable and employ culturally sensitive therapeutic interventions
and skills (Bemak & Chung, 2008; Pedersen, 2000) while also maintaining an awareness of crosscultural errors in under- or overdiagnosing symptomatology. It is critical for therapists to bring
diagnosis and intervention in line with their migrant clients cultural belief systems, values, and
healing practices, acknowledging the clients cultural conceptualizations of their problems.
Effectively counseling across cultures requires a deep and nurturing inclusive cultural empathy, a
concept introduced by Pedersen, Crethar, and Carlson (2008).

Cultural Influence on the Utilization of Mainstream Mental Health

Services
Although there is a need for mainstream mental health services for migrants, several factors
contribute to the historical reluctance of members of this population to seek help. First, consistent
with their cultural belief systems and practices, members of migrant groups are likely initially to
explore traditional healing methods with elders, family members, friends, and religious leaders. Only
after failing to locate or receive help from such customary support networks do migrants seek out
mainstream mental health professionals. (Noteworthy is the fact that more than 75% of people in the
world use complementary or alternative treatments; Micozzi, 1996.) The situation is further
complicated because by the time migrants finally enter into psychotherapeutic treatment, their
problems have often grown more severe, with more serious symptoms.
A second reason migrants often avoid using mainstream mental health services is the cultural
insensitivity of many mental health professionals, which includes failure to understand cultural
differences in the expression of symptomatology (Chung & Bemak, 2012). The lack of cultural
responsiveness by mainstream services has been found to account for low utilization rates, high
dropout rates, and premature client termination among ethnic groups (S. Sue, Fujino, Hu, Takeuchi, &
Zane, 1991). Mainstream service providers may not accommodate cultural differences related to such
issues as time or language, and they may not understand the impacts of their own behaviors, such as
voice tone, speaking volume, and nonverbal communication. For example, in some cultures direct eye
contact, shaking hands with a member of the opposite sex, or pointing the soles of ones feet at
someone is considered offensive. Thus, migrants often view mental health service systems as
insensitive. Additionally, many encounter offensive receptionists or other staff members, and
these interactions trigger recollections of negative experiences with authority figures. Such encounters
heighten migrants negative reactions to mainstream mental health services.
Third, there is the problem of language (Bemak & Chung, 2008; Kim et al., 2011). Not knowing the
language of the host country may be an obstacle to migrants interaction with mainstream mental health

services, either because translators are not available or because the translators provided are not
effective within the mental health domain. That is, even when translators are available, skill
deficiencies may cause problems; some translators are unable to move beyond literal translation and
understand more subtle yet essential issues that provide the contexts of clients within their cultures.
Effective translators working with mental health service providers can assist in interpreting the
innuendoes of tonal changes, the meanings of nonverbal behavior, and cultural frameworks that
provide context for social relationships and definitions of self. Children are sometimes asked to act
as translators for families, but it should be noted that in traditional hierarchical families this practice
creates difficulties in relation to the actual context of the conversation and the lack of verbatim
translations, and it can lead to changes in family dynamics (Bemak et al., 2003). To overcome
language and cultural barriers in the treatment of migrant clients, translators must be carefully trained
and able to establish well-defined partnerships with clinical professionals. A promising technique for
reducing the language barrier is for the therapist to invite the client to name important feelings or
issues in the clients first language (Draguns, 1998).
A fourth reason for migrants low utilization of mainstream mental health services is inaccessibility
(Wu, Kviz, & Miller, 2009). Clinics and private offices are frequently located in areas that are
difficult for migrants to reach and that they may perceive as culturally removed. Public transportation
systems may be complicated and difficult to use, and travel on such systems is time-consuming.
Furthermore, particularly in urban areas, community-based mental health facilities may be located in
poorer sections that migrants perceive as unsafe.

Challenges in Psychosocial Adjustment and Adaptation

The first 12 years of resettlement constitute a crucial period when migrants attempt to meet basic
needs such as housing and employment (Tayabas & Pok, 1983). Bemak (1989) has outlined a threephase development model of acculturation affecting psychosocial adjustment. The first phase is a
period of security and safety, when migrants attempt to use existing skills to master the new
environment and achieve psychological safety. Successful completion of this phase leads to the
second phase, during which skills from the culture of origin and the new culture are integrated in the
process of acculturation. The third phase follows successful adaptation and is highlighted by a
growing sense of the future. In this developmental model, it is only after they have achieved a basic
mastery of culture and language and a sense of psychological safety that migrants begin to contemplate
and plan for realistic and attainable future goals and implement strategies for achieving these
objectives. Migrant adaptation in the resettlement country includes learning new coping skills and
new behavioral and communication patterns. This can present challenges, especially for migrants
who are accustomed to using certain survival strategies. For example, a migrant may use acting
dumbthat is, remaining numb and unresponsiveas a survival skill to cope with psychological,
physical, and sexual trauma. In the resettlement country, such survival strategies may appear to be
strange and inappropriate.
For refugees another important factor in adaptation to a new country is a marked ambivalence about
relocation. Unlike their immigrant counterparts who chose to migrate, refugees have experienced the
loss of decision-making control related to essential life questions, such as geographic location, job
opportunities, and social networks. Furthermore, refugees may be resentful toward the host country.

For example, some refugees in Africa, Asia, and Latin America have felt abandoned by relocation
countries that they believed would protect and take care of them. These feelings contribute to
obstacles in adaptation.
Survivors guilt is another problem that has commonly been associated with refugees (Bemak et al.,
2003) and may have implications for other migrant groups. Many refugees are haunted by feelings of
guilt because they escaped from dangerous conditions in their home countries but left behind family,
friends, and loved ones. Awareness that the people who remained in their countries of origin are alive
and not ill or suffering may partially relieve survivors guilt, while knowledge about them living in
unpleasant conditions causes added emotional distress. Migrants who have little or no information
about those they left behind may be plagued with feelings of intense stress and guilt, and cycles of
pain and sadness may affect their happiness, success, and well-being.

Acculturation
Acculturation models generally include the concepts of assimilation, integration or biculturalism,
rejection, and deculturation (Berry, 2002). As migrants interact with resettlement country cultures
they are challenged to learn the rules, beliefs, values, and attitudes of the countries dominant cultures,
some of which may conflict with their traditional cultures. Acculturation depends on how migrants
accept, integrate, or reject these new rules and worldviews. Research has concluded that
biculturalism or integration produces the healthiest acculturation outcomes (Berry, 2002). Migrants
may experience culture shock accompanied by a sense of helplessness and disorientation, since
resettlement introduces them to new reference groups that are frequently more individualistic than
collectivistic (Bemak & Greenberg, 1994) and present the difficulties of moving from a sociocentric
to an egocentric society (Bhugra, 2004). Individual and cultural differences play an important role in
migrants abilities to integrate their cultures of origin with their relocation cultures, along with factors
such as desire and willingness to adapt, ability to identify with a new reference group, acceptance of
new norms and values, social and family support, and resolution of past trauma. In addition, elements
of acculturation such as cultural identity, social customs, language acquisition, preferred music, social
network choices, and preferred food all contribute to adaptation and adjustment to a new culture
(Yoon, Langrehr, & Ong, 2011). For refugees, difficult premigration experiences that link with
psychosocial maladjustment may hinder acculturation.

Language Barriers
Language plays an important role in adjustment and acculturation. Research has shown a correlation
in the United States between proficiency in English and academic success (Goldenberg, 2008).
English as a second language (ESL) programs in the United States offer language training yet fall
short of addressing associated issues. Learning a new language may symbolize abandoning ones
homeland and can be a catalyst for feelings of cultural identity loss. An example of this is provided
by an El Salvadoran migrant who struggled learning English. In a painful moment she explained in
Spanish, To learn English is to forget my country. I dont want to lose myself and speak English! A
Cambodian adolescent whose mother had been executed during mass genocide under the Khmer
Rouge regime had similar difficulties. One night after she migrated to the United States, the girl had a

dream in which her mother angrily exhorted her to stop speaking English. You must speak Khmer!
Remember you are Cambodian! Experiencing the frustration of trying to learn a new language may
also bring back memories of better times and easier communication with neighbors, friends, and
family. The struggle with language may exacerbate emotional problems and the frustrations of living
in the new environment, contributing to culture shock. ESL classes may also create feelings of
helplessness and cause regressive behavior similar to that seen in earlier developmental years, as
when a childs attempts to learn to master the environment sometimes lead to questions about selfworth, feelings of inadequacy, low self-esteem, and loss in social status.
Furthermore, learning the language of the new culture may stimulate a redefinition of family
relationships, causing dysfunction, conflicts, role confusion, and subsequent painful social
restructuring. An example is the child who acquires language skills more quickly than his parents,
thereby causing a reversal of roles when the parents become dependent on the child for cultural and
language translation. Differences in rates of language acquisition among family members can be
particularly difficult for highly structured matriarchal or patriarchal families, where the ensuing role
confusion affects established family patterns. For example, an Ethiopian wife took ESL classes at
night, which required her to leave home in the evenings and fall short on fulfilling her traditional
household duties. As she became more proficient in English, she identified with the customs and
practices of the new culture, felt more independent, and rejected her traditional role as a wife, which
in turn, triggered marital disequilibrium and conflict.

Employment
Gaining employment and becoming economically self-sufficient are major factors that influence
adaptation. Financial independence is seen as a primary marker for successful adjustment, but for
refugees the ability to attain such independence is inhibited by resettlement policies. For example, the
United States and Canada require refugees to pay back airfare and other transportation costs (they are
the only two countries to do so) (Alexander, 2010). This means that a family of four flying from
Africa to the United States would arrive with a debt exceeding $10,000, or the cost of four airline
tickets. This policy creates an added burden and stress on refugees who are already struggling to find
gainful employment while adapting to a new environment.
In addition to the social and economic readjustment problems that challenge migrants, many also have
difficulties finding employment that matches their training and education. Migrants often experience
downward vocational mobility and underemployment (Davila, 2008) as well as a dramatic decrease
in employability (Yakushko, Backhaus, Watson, Ngaruiya, & Gonzalez, 2008). Educational
qualifications earned in migrants countries of origin are often not transferable to resettlement
countries, and jobs in technologically advanced societies may require specialized skills.
Thus, migrants are often forced to begin again or start from scratch. The search and struggle for
gainful employment may result in feelings of hopelessness, poor self-esteem, and a decrease in status.
Downward occupational mobility in a fluctuating competitive employment market and barriers to
licensure and credentialing may be especially painful for migrants who achieved professional status
in their countries of origin, and this may cause additional family tension, with changes in familial and
gender roles. Unemployment or underemployment of men commonly forces wives to work and may

produce conflict between the gender-role values of migrants cultures of origin and those of the host
country (Bemak et al., 2003). Paradoxically, migrant men may experience downward occupational
mobility while migrant women may experience upward occupational mobility.

Changes in Family Dynamics

Relocation may have dramatic effects on families. Migrants may face new rules that are contradictory
to their traditional child-rearing practices, including methods of child discipline and punishment; they
may find that their traditional practices are illegal in the resettlement country, which can create
confusion and adjustment difficulties. As children acculturate faster than adults, uncertainty and
conflict may arise concerning traditional customs in areas such as dating, marriage, parties, curfews,
and school extracurricular activities, making formerly well-established parent-dictated norms into
topics of negotiation. Thus, adaptation to the host culture may potentially lead to intergenerational
conflicts around traditional values and result in a loss of authority for adults. Migrant youth witness
the transformation of their parents from autonomous and culturally competent caretakers to depressed,
overwhelmed, and dependent individuals. Their confidence in their parents, who struggle with new
language and customs, is often undermined, while the parents experience anxiety over the loss of
authority and control.

Education
In 2011, of the almost one-fourth (23.7%) of U.S. migrant school-aged children (Migration Policy
Institute, 2011), 23% were foreign-born (Mather, 2009). Although large numbers of migrant students
excel in school, many face problems (Garca Coll & Marks, 2012), some of which are related to the
emphasis on high-stakes testing (Surez-Orozco, Surez-Orozco, & Todorova, 2008). Rules for
classroom and school behavior are different from those in migrants home countries, social and
extracurricular activities are not easily accessible for newly enrolled migrants, and expectations for
academic success may not fit with family-determined goals. Furthermore, expectations for academic
success in Western resettlement countrieswith their emphasis on test scores, grades, early course
and vocation choices, and rankingsmay contradict cultural norms for migrant students (Bemak &
Chung, 2003). For example, a 10th grader who is a refugee from Somalia, who is already dealing
with the difficulty of figuring out a new school environment, is expected to choose classes that will
have a significant impact on her vocation. This career-defining moment is based on the students
previous grades and predictions regarding whether she can succeed in more demanding classes.
Selecting ones career at age 15 is quite different from the practice in Somalia schools, where
attendance past a certain age is uncommon and classes taken in 10th grade are not regarded a road
map for a future vocation.
In addition, migrant students whose languages, modes of dress, ways of socially interacting, habits,
and foods are different from those of their resettlement country peers may illicit prejudicial responses
from peers and staff. They may become targets of physical and emotional abuse, verbal harassment,
assault, or robbery. Historically, school personnel and mental health professionals have misdiagnosed
the aggressive behaviors of migrant children who have been exposed to sustained trauma. As Van der
Kolk (1987) notes: Traumatized children have trouble modulating aggression. They tend to act

destructively against others or themselves (p. 16). (For more in-depth discussion of issues related to
migrants and schools, see Bemak & Chung, 2003.)

Racism and Xenophobia as Barriers in Psychosocial Adjustment

In addition to the psychosocial adjustment challenges described above, migrants often encounter
negative discriminatory attitudes in the resettlement country. These attitudes have been identified as
natural by-products of the Western focus on individualism (Pedersen, 2000), which contributes to a
lack of understanding of life in collectivistic cultures. Discriminatory attitudes toward migrants may
be manifested overtly or covertly. Examples include laws that limit the number of cars individual
households can have in their driveways or how many people may live in a single house or apartment
dwelling. An example of more overt prejudice is the anti-Arab sentiment since 9/11 in Australia,
France, the United Kingdom, and the United States, which has resulted in fear and hatred toward
foreigners and those who look different from Anglo-Saxon Europeans and has led to hate crimes,
riots, and beatings (Bemak & Chung, 2014; Chavez, 2008). Migrants of color who look different from
members of the majority culture find themselves at higher risk of experiencing racism and
discrimination than those migrants who are racially similar to the majority culture (Berry & Sabatier,
2010). Migrant experiences of racism and discrimination are related to psychosocial adjustment and
adaptation (Kira et al., 2010).
The degree and overt nature of racist behavior may correlate with antagonism toward perceived
political enemies, such as Iranians and Arabs. Additionally, the economic stability in the resettlement
country influences job opportunities, resource availability, and policies and practices and defines
community and social behaviors toward culturally different migrant newcomers. Immigration policies
coupled with the economic stress and changing demographics of communities may precipitate
hostility and prejudice, leading to migrants being blamed for unemployment or underemployment
among native-born workers. We have coined the term political countertransference to characterize
this type of negative reaction toward migrants (Chung et al., 2011).
Recent public political disagreements focusing on immigrants, and specifically undocumented people,
have fueled xenophobia in the United States. Corporate media frequently portray immigrants in a
negative manner, promoting myths and stereotypes of this group as being a burden on the U.S.
economy, taking jobs from U.S. citizens, and misusing resources and services (Chung et al., 2011).
Immigrants have been the targets of negative media reports (Massey, 2010), and undocumented
migrants have been equated to criminals because they are in the country illegally (Chung et al., 2011).
There has been speculation about the contribution of such media coverage and political controversy
to the rise in hate crimes against immigrants (Holthouse & Potok, 2008; Hsu, 2009; Leadership
Conference on Civil Rights Education Fund [LCCREF], 2009; Michels, 2008). For example, FBI data
show that hate crimes against Latino/as increased approximately 40% from 2003 to 2007 (LCCREF,
2009).
Economic difficulties foster increased xenophobia and fear of newcomers (Bemak & Chung, 2014).
Debates about restrictions on immigrants and immigration laws have led to mixed reactions that typify
the controversyfor example, 12 U.S. states have passed legislation that allows anyone who
graduates from a state high school to qualify for state-resident tuition rates at state colleges and

universities, while 6 states have barred undocumented immigrant students from eligibility for such instate tuition rates, even if they graduate from state high schools (Morse, Binbach, & National
Conference of State Legislatures, 2012). In Arizona, restrictive laws sanction racial profiling and
legalize police questioning of all Latino/as regardless of their official immigration status (Kennedy,
2010). Alabama laws require schools to determine whether any students are undocumented and
stipulate that it is a crime to give an undocumented immigrant a ride in a car. On a national level,
legislators resistance to passing the long-debated Dream Act (formally the Development, Relief, and
Education for Alien Minors Act), which would provide a path to legal residency for immigrants who
may have lived most of their lives in the United States with undocumented parents, may be rooted in
long-standing principles of racism, discrimination, and xenophobia.
Migrants experience discrimination in numerous other areas as well. Housing inequities (including
differential mortgage lending practices), systematic profiling by security and law enforcement
workers, inadequate access to health care, reduced employment opportunities based on language
skills, and poor educational access are some of the barriers to social, employment, and professional
advancement that migrants face as a result of racial and ethnic background (Chung, Bemak, Ortiz, &
Sandoval-Perez, 2008). Such discrimination was evident after Hurricane Katrina in 2005, when
Latino/a Americans in areas affected by the storm were asked to provide proof of residency to ensure
that they were not undocumented immigrants trying to access the hurricane relief resources and take
advantage of the services and food provided for survivors (Bemak & Chung, 2011).
In addition to institutional racism, immigrants and refugees encounter racial microaggressions
subtle forms of individual racism (D. W. Sue et al., 2008)that affect their adaptation and
psychological well-being. For example, as noted above, media coverage of immigration issues and
political attention to undocumented people have created suspicions that Latino/as are undocumented.
Similarly, Asian Americans are often viewed as perpetual foreigners (Chung et al., 2008). An
illustration of this is the case of U.S.-born figure skater Michelle Kwan. When Kwan, a favorite to
win the goal medal in figure skating at the 1988 Winter Olympics, was defeated by another U.S.
skater, the MSNBC headline stated, American Beats Out Kwan (Chung et al., 2008). Similarly, a
Seattle Times headline during the 2002 Salt Lake City Winter Olympics read, American Outshines
Kwan (Chung et al., 2008). Such headlines reinforce the assumption that Asian Americans are not
real Americans but rather foreigners who are in the United States competing for American jobs and
taking resources and services meant for U.S. citizens.

Political Countertransference
Countertransference is a well-established concept that mental health professionals study during
training to become competent therapists. Among the unique challenges that therapists face in working
with migrants is the need to understand their countertransference while also maintaining heightened
awareness about the complexity and impact of their political countertransference (Chung et al.,
2011). Mental health professionals, similar to all citizens, are exposed to political messages through
public media (e.g., television, newspapers, cinema), and these messages become incorporated into
the professionals worldviews. With the current heated public disagreements about immigration,
undocumented people, and the economy, fueled by fears of terrorist attacks, mental health
professionals need to recognize that they may be influenced by these media messages, and that

influence may, in turn, affect their work with migrant clients and create political countertransference
(Chung et al., 2011). Given that immigration is a highly charged issue that receives substantial media
coverage, mental health professionals must be aware that certain messages about migrants may
become subtly and subliminally embedded in their own attitudes. For example, media portrayals of
undocumented people as taking resources and jobs from U.S. citizens in economically difficult times
promote prejudice, racism, and discriminatory behavior in the general public. A mental health
professional who is having difficulty securing a coveted job in the health sector may feel resentment
toward a foreign-born client who comes to counseling for anxiety but has an ideal job working in a
nearby public health agency. Mental health professionals must be aware of their own reactions to
politically charged issues related to migrants.

Family Reunification Challenges

A dramatic issue for migrants is the reunification of family members. Often, parents (or one parent)
may migrate first and then, once established, send for their children and other family members.
Specific to refugees is forced migration, which often causes family separation as some members
escape while others remain in the home country. Serial migration occurs when the migration and
reunification of family members happen at different times that may extend over several years. For
example, one parent might migrate first, followed by the other parent a few years later. Once the
parents are established older children may join them, followed by other children at a later time, then
grandparents, aunts, and uncles over the next several years.
Consequently, family reunification can take many years for both voluntary and involuntary migrants.
After periods of separation a major challenge is the reintegration of family members as a unit (Chung,
Quiros, Bemak, & Ortiz, 2014). Reuniting children with parents who migrated before them requires
adaptation of the children to a new culture and way of life in the resettlement country, childrens
adjustment to parents that they may not remember, and perhaps childrens becoming acquainted with
siblings they do not know, if the parents had more children after settling in the United States. The
longer the separation, the greater the likelihood that the children will exhibit psychological problems
(Surez-Orozco, Bang, & Kim, 2011). Adding to the difficulty of reunification is the childrens grief
over the loss of their home country and of family members, friends, and caretakers back home who
have been looking after them since their parents departed. It is critical for mental health professionals
to be aware of this complex migration process.

Multiphase Model of Psychotherapy, Social Justice, and Human

Rights With Migrant Populations
Migrants to the United States and globally are more diverse than ever before, creating tremendous
challenges for mental health professionals. Providing psychotherapy and counseling to migrants
requires unique skills based in an understanding of and sensitivity to the historical, sociopolitical,
cultural, and psychological realities of migrants lives and their experiences of deeply rooted trauma,
change, and loss. Displaying cross-cultural empathy when working with this population is also
essential. Empathetic responses are understood to be different from culture to culture and yet have the
potential to enhance the richness of the therapeutic relationship (Draguns, 2007). Furthermore,

empathy must incorporate an understanding of the larger ecological and sociopolitical contexts and
backgrounds of migrant clients (Chung & Bemak, 2002a). Cross-cultural empathy also requires
multicultural competencies and skills that focus on relationship-centered connections that go beyond
individualistic perspectives and evolve into inclusive cultural empathy (Pedersen et al., 2008).
Inclusive cultural empathy has been identified as essential for effective counseling across cultures
and relates to counseling with migrants.
It is essential that mental health professionals understand differences in symptom manifestation based
on culture and cultural biases using assessment instruments. Because therapist training and
supervision rarely address multiculturalism, social justice, and human rights themes relevant to
migrant experiences, mental health professionals must reconceptualize responsive clinical
interventions. This is especially important when they are working within Western-based
psychotherapeutic frameworks that rely on trust, reciprocal understanding, and open and free
communication, which can become strained when cultural barriers exist (Draguns, 1998). Given the
complexity of the migrant experience, therapists must consider numerous issues carefully when
providing clinical interventions. It is with an understanding of the distinctness of migrant experiences
that we propose the multiphase model (MPM) of psychotherapy, social justice, and human rights for
migrant populations (Chung & Bemak, 2012).
The MPM incorporates the APA (2003) guidelines on multicultural practice, which promote cultural
competence for psychologists. Therapists must take into account the complexity of each migrant
clients historical background, past and present stressors, the acculturation process, psychosocial
issues in adaptation, and cultural influences regarding the conceptualization of mental illness, healing,
and worldviews. Using the MPM, mental health professionals should be able to culturally adapt their
individual, family, and group counseling skills and techniques to migrant populations while utilizing
inclusive cultural empathy. These culturally responsive interventions are based on a comprehensive
understanding, awareness, and acceptance of the cultural, sociopolitical, and historical backgrounds
of migrant clients, as well as the ability to experience and communicate empathy across cultures
(Chung & Bemak, 2002a; Pedersen et al., 2008). Fundamental in employing the MPM is personal
awareness and understanding of the ethnic/racial identity process for migrant clients, insight into
ones own identity (Helms, 1995), and understanding of the interaction of that identity with migration.
Therapists lack of awareness about these issues frequently leads to misdiagnoses, premature
termination by clients, and even harmful treatment.
Unlike traditional mental health precepts that were originally rooted in psychodynamic constructs, the
MPM is a psychosocial model that includes cognitive, affective, and behavioral interventions,
inclusive of cultural foundations and their relationships to community and social processes, and
incorporates resilience and prevention. The MPM includes five phases: Phase I, mental health
education; Phase II, individual, group, and/or family psychotherapy; Phase III, cultural empowerment;
phase IV, indigenous healing, and Phase V, social justice and human rights. There is no fixed sequence
to employing the MPM phases, and phases may be implemented concurrently or sequentially.
Emphasis on and utilization of any one phase or combination of phases is determined by the
psychotherapist. Use of the MPM does not require additional resources or funding; rather, the model
represents a reconceptualization and diversification of the role of the psychotherapist as a helper.

Phase I, mental health education, focuses on educating the client about mental health practices and
interventions. Migrants may not be aware of or have expectations for how to behave as clients. Basic
elements of counseling such as intake assessments, professional and interpersonal dynamics in the
counseling process, the interpreters role, and time boundaries may be strange and unfamiliar to
migrants. Thus, in Phase I the psychotherapist informs the individual, family, or group about the
MPM, the process of psychotherapy, and the mental health encounter, clearly explaining respective
roles and expectations. Although Phase I is always introduced at the beginning of any mental health
intervention, it may be reintroduced at later points in psychotherapy if clarification is needed and
expectations need to be redefined. It is important during this phase for the therapist to introduce and
employ inclusive cultural empathy, which incorporates affective acceptance, intellectual
understanding, and cross-cultural empathy and counseling skills (Chung & Bemak, 2002a; Pedersen et
al., 2008).
Phase II is based on more traditional Western individual, group, and family therapy interventions
while incorporating the migrant clients cultural norms and practices in healing. Traditional
techniques rooted in Western psychodynamic practices are alien to many migrants, resulting in the
need for therapists to be more directive and active during therapy with some groups (Kinzie, 1985).
Further, the focus on independence as a goal in Western psychotherapy contrasts directly with the
reliance and strength many immigrants gain from their families and communities (Hong & DomokosCheng Ham, 2001). Specific therapeutic techniques have been identified that are effective in working
with migrants. Draguns (1996) has identified salient issues in cross-cultural therapy for PTSD,
including the interpretation of actions, feelings, and experiences; the quality and nature of verbal
interactions between client and psychotherapist; the role of verbal communication; role expectations
for both professional and client; the interrelationship of somatic and physical symptoms with
psychological distress; the use of metaphor, imagery, myth, ritual, and storytelling; and the nature of
the relationship between client and psychotherapist. Cognitive-behavioral interventions have also
been recognized as helpful with migrants (Bemak & Greenberg, 1994; Schottelkorb, Doumas, &
Garcia, 2012), as has existential counseling (Parthasarthi, Durgamba, & Murthy, 2004). Duarte-Velez,
Bernal, and Bonilla (2010) note the compatibility of cognitive-behavioral therapy with Buddhist
tenets and Latino cultures. Storytelling, projective drawing, and play therapy have been found to help
children regain control over traumatic events they have experienced (Pynoos & Eth, 1984;
Schottelkorb et al., 2012), and Charles (1986) found the use of cultural characteristics to be effective
in counseling with Haitian refugees who held strong moral values (e.g., honesty). Bemak and Timm
(1994) have shown how dream work was important in a therapeutic intervention with a Cambodian
refugee. Other techniques that may be employed in counseling include narrative therapy, gestalt
interventions, relaxation, role-playing, and psychodrama. In using these different theories and
techniques, it is critical for therapists to ensure that they are employing cultural empathy (Chung &
Bemak, 2002a; Draguns, 2007; Pedersen et al., 2008), which has been identified as being key to
establishing trusting and effective cross-cultural relationships.
Mental health professionals must also consider migrants backgrounds in relationship to their current
psychological functioning. Many refugees were politically forced to migrate. Forcible and invasive
intrusions into their personal lives and behaviors by governments and authority figures have likely
resulted in fear and distrust. Their daily survival has depended on hypersensitivity about the motives
of those seeking personal information. Such migrants may experience being asked very personal

questions by mental health professionals as highly threatening and inappropriate. Since counseling
requires self-disclosure and social intimacy, psychotherapists must be sensitive when establishing
trust with migrant clients. They must work to create trust while keeping in mind the clients personal
experiences and subsequent worldviews, which affect the therapeutic relationship. For example, in
her home country a Bosnian student had hidden and watched as several men beat and raped her
mother, feeling powerless and knowing that she would face the same fate if she tried to defend her
mother. When this young woman first met a psychotherapist in her resettlement country, her affect was
blunted, she was reluctant to express any feelings or opinions, and she was highly mistrustful.
It is our belief that group psychotherapy is essential for fostering interdependence, healing, and
acculturation among migrant clients. Even though group psychotherapy has not yet been a prominent
mode of therapeutic intervention with migrants, it is viewed as a key element in the MPM.
Therapeutic factors in group work that are applicable for migrants include universality, altruism, and
corrective emotional experiences (Yalom & Leszcz, 2005), as well as love (Bemak & Epp, 1996).
Ehntholt, Smith, and Yule (2005) have reported on the benefit of refugee children sharing common
experiences of trauma in group counseling. Other scholars have also extolled the merits of group
therapy with migrants (e.g., Friedman & Jaranson, 1994). The emphasis on group psychotherapy is
highlighted in Phase II, with the use of the group format expanded upon in Phase I, where
psychoeducational information sessions are incorporated, and Phase III, where groups meet to discuss
cultural empowerment.
Strong family bonds and the demands on migrant families to adapt hold the promise of making family
therapy an important intervention for addressing systemic problems. Therefore, the MPM also
embodies family counseling as a major therapeutic intervention through which the psychotherapist
helps the family examine interpersonal dynamics, communication, relationships, and roles. Family
therapists must clearly understand and be knowledgeable about the backgrounds and traditional
family relationships in their migrant clients cultures of origin.
MPMs Phase III, cultural empowerment, helps migrants gain environmental mastery. Many mental
health professionals are faced with migrant clients whose motivation for seeking counseling is to gain
help in understanding and adapting to the world around them, rather than delving into psychological
problems. Thus, it is important for therapists first to work with these clients to resolve practical
problems that will relieve the frustrations associated with accessing services and support related to
education, language training, social services, housing, medical care, employment, and transport. This
requires being attuned to the challenges of adapting to a new culture and providing case management
type assistance that helps empower migrant clients. Using the MPM, the psychotherapist is not
expected actually to become the migrant clients case manager; rather, the therapist takes on the role
of cultural systems information guide, assisting the client in finding relevant information to help
adjust to a new culture. For example, the psychotherapist might review bus schedules with the client,
role-play with the client in preparation for a meeting with a social service official, or practice with
the client what to say during a phone call responding to a help-wanted advertisement. The therapist
may need to function in this capacity over a prolonged period, with the longer-term goal of
developing the clients skills in dealing with multifaceted aspects of the system in the new culture,
which in turn creates the conditions for cultural mastery and empowerment (Bemak, 1989).

One aspect of cultural empowerment in the MPM relates to experiences of discrimination and racism
that migrants may encounter in the resettlement country (Dietz, 2010). As mentioned previously, some
migrants come from racially homogeneous cultures and have had no previous exposure to racial,
ethnic, or cultural diversity or experiences as members of ethnocultural minorities. They may
encounter an upsurge of hostility to migrants by individuals, local communities, and state and federal
governments that correlates with economic and political trends, resulting in scapegoating. It is
important that psychotherapists understand the effects of individual and institutional racism and
discrimination and explore coping strategies, skills, and deeper psychological problems related to
these hostile acts as part of Phase III.
Phase IV of the MPM, indigenous healing, is the part of the model that combines Western traditional
healing methodologies with nontraditional healing practices. The World Health Organization (1992)
has described how an integration of indigenous and Western healing practices can result in more
effective therapeutic outcomes. Even so, Western mental health professionals often disregard
successful indigenous practices from their migrant clients cultures of origin. It is essential that
psychotherapists remain open to the use of non-Western culturally healing methodologies that support
and enhance the psychotherapeutic process. Simultaneously, they must be mindful that not all
indigenous persons offering services are legitimate healers, nor are all indigenous healing practices
effective or relevant. Assessing the capabilities of potential indigenous healers and incorporating
them in treatment partnerships offers a rich integration of healing practices from both clients
cultures of origin and their resettlement cultures.
An example of such cooperative treatment is the case of a Vietnamese adolescent who was having
problems with anger. Because the adolescent was a practicing Buddhist, the psychotherapist referred
him to a Buddhist monk to supplement counseling. The adolescent spent weekend retreats with the
monk while maintaining weekly sessions with the therapist. In therapy the adolescent described how
the monk would sit with him, share stories about angry people that were relevant to his situation, and
sometimes laugh with him about his problem. The adolescent found his time with the monk extremely
helpful and became more open and trusting with the psychotherapist, expressing appreciation for the
therapists understanding of his culture. The psychotherapist and monk maintained contact, working
together to help the adolescent. The willingness of the therapist to collaborate with the monk was
instrumental in the adolescents healing and fostered credibility through the acknowledgment and
acceptance of the clients cultural belief system.
Phase V, social justice and human rights, addresses social injustices and potential human rights
violations encountered by resettled migrants. Similar to the other MPM phases, Phase V is not
discrete; rather, it is infused throughout the various MPM phases. Phase V requires the
psychotherapist to assume a social advocacy role, emphasizing basic human rights that affect
psychological well-being. In this phase, the psychotherapist is proactive regarding social injustices
and human rights violations experienced by the client. As discussed previously, migrants may
experience daily social injustices such as unequal access to resources, services, and opportunities;
discrimination in health, housing, and employment; and unfair treatment in the legal and educational
systems. The premise of MPM Phase V is that psychotherapists must address ecological social justice
and human rights factors that affect migrant clients mental health and assist them in changing life
conditions that contribute to their situation (Chung & Bemak, 2012). For example, exploring coping

strategies related to workplace discrimination without discussing approaches to changing or

eliminating the ongoing intolerance leaves the client in a perpetual situation of coping with this
problem. Examples of social justice work in Phase V include educating clients about their rights;
assisting clients, their families, and their communities in standing up for equal treatment and access to
resources and opportunities; writing to legislators to advocate for changes in policies and legislation;
and educating helping professionals regarding migrants experiences and cultural influences. This
kind of work on social justice and human rights is an integral component of the MPM and important
for the psychological well-being of migrant clients.

Conclusion
Counseling and psychotherapy with migrants is complex. To assist mental health professionals in
providing effective care for migrant clients, we have proposed the multiphase model of
psychotherapy, social justice, and human rights. This five-phase intervention approach integrates
Western psychotherapy with indigenous healing methods, cultural empowerment, psychosocial
interventions, and social justice/human rights advocacy. The MPM takes into account cultural belief
systems, acculturation, psychosocial adaptation, cross-cultural empathy, and the influence of
resettlement policy on mental health, providing a holistic framework that conceptualizes an integrated
strategy to meet the wide-ranging needs of the migrant population.

Critical Incident
Zewditu came to Chicago from rural Sudan, where her husband and brothers disappeared after they
were captured by soldiers and taken away to fight in the war. Zewditu was then incarcerated, and
during that time she was raped. She recently remarried; her new husband is a Sudanese man she met
in a language class in Chicago. Zewditu is upset with herself for being argumentative and impatient
with her husband, and she also feels overwhelmed being in the city. She is highly anxious as she tries
to figure out how to survive in the confusing urban environment, especially since she was rudely
treated and dismissed at the social services office where she went to inquire about services. Zewditu
is afraid to sleep at night and is distrustful of men in authority.

Applying the MPM

Zewditu does not know about Western counseling. Utilizing Phase I of the MPM, mental health
education, the therapist helps Zewditu to gain a clear understanding of what happens during
counseling. Using Phase II, individual, group, and/or family psychotherapy, the therapist carefully
analyzes how and where to include Zewditus husband in therapy, given that Zewditu comes from a
collectivistic culture where interdependence is very important. The therapist decides that creative
and culturally appropriate counseling techniques that may be useful with Zewditu include narrative
therapy, role-playing, gestalt techniques, and psychodrama; the therapist takes care to employ
inclusive cultural empathy skills in using these techniques. Using Phase III, cultural empowerment, the
therapist helps Zewditu master her new culture and gain the strategies and skills she needs to reduce
her anxiety about living in Chicago. Using Phase IV, the therapist contacts traditional healers and

religious leaders from the Sudanese community, who collaborate with the therapist to help Zewditu
address the difficult issues of rape and her conflicts with her new husband. Finally, using Phase V,
social justice and human rights, the therapist works with Zewditu to ascertain if her treatment at the
social services office involved any social justice issues or human rights violations that require
greater support from the therapist. (It is important to note that, as previously stated, the MPM phases
need not be introduced in any specific order or sequence.)

Discussion Questions
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2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
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25.

What are four common myths about migrants?

What are the causes of refugee migration?
In what ways do refugees differ from other immigrants?
What are some of the impacts of premigration trauma on refugee mental health?
What is the relationship between premigration trauma and postmigration adjustment?
How does culture affect immigrant and refugee mental health?
How do expectations for treatment outcomes affect psychological interventions with migrants?
Discuss the appropriateness of using Western diagnoses with immigrant and refugee populations.
What difficulties might arise from such an approach?
What are some of the reasons for the underutilization of mainstream mental health services by
migrants?
Discuss the four major types of trauma that refugees experience.
What factors contribute to successful immigrant and refugee acculturation?
What are the impacts of racism and xenophobia on psychosocial adjustment for migrants?
How does survivors guilt contribute to mental health problems?
What are the implications of access to education and employment for migrant mental health?
How do changing family dynamics contribute to mental health problems for migrants?
What are some of the ways in which U.S. schools have not met the needs of migrant students?
Describe the family reunification process.
What are the effects of racism and discrimination on migrant mental health?
Describe the importance of cross-cultural empathy in therapists work with immigrant and
refugee populations.
Describe the impact of political countertransference on the effectiveness of counseling and
psychotherapy with immigrants and refugees.
Describe the importance of Phase I in the MPM.
How can therapists creatively adapt the Western model of psychotherapy (e.g., MPM Phase II) to
work effectively with refugees?
Why is cultural empowerment an essential component of the MPM?
Why should mental health practitioners collaborate with indigenous healers when working with
migrant clients? How could such collaboration be incorporated into mainstream practice?
How are issues of human rights and social justice important to migrants and related to the MPM?

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16 Counseling Survivors of Disaster

Beth Boyd

Primary Objective
To provide an overview of disaster mental health care and disaster response in diverse
communities

Secondary Objectives
To identify the effects of traumatic stress at both individual and community levels
To provide overviews of the disaster mental health interventions and the issues that affect
disaster mental health service responses to ethnocultural communities
To discuss the ways in which individual and community resilience can be strengthened
following a disaster
Disasters are often thought of as events that are unusual or outside the range of normal human
experience. However, in just the past 10 years, natural events such as floods, earthquakes, hurricanes,
mudslides, tornadoes, wildfires, and tsunamis have had devastating consequences, affecting more
people worldwide and having greater economic impacts than ever before. In 2011 alone, natural
disasters around the globe resulted in 30,773 deaths, 244.7 million people requiring immediate
assistance, and estimated financial losses of $355.1 billion (Guha-Sapir, Vos, & Below, 2012).
Increasingly, human-made disastersterrorist attacks, mass shootings, bombings, nuclear accidents,
and transportation industry crasheshave also seriously stretched the capacity of disaster response
agencies to care for survivors, rescue and recovery personnel, and the loved ones of those who died.
Although the number of mental health professionals trained in disaster response has grown
enormously since the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the
Pentagon, there are still not enough such professionals to satisfy the needs for psychosocial support
and healing within communities affected by large public health emergencies (Andrulis, Siddiqui, &
Purtle, 2009). In addition, well-intentioned mental health response efforts have repeatedly been
shown to be ineffective, or even damaging, when disaster responders lack the training, experience,
and knowledge they need to understand the complex interplay among their own cultural identities, the
cultural contexts of the disaster survivors and communities, and the unique culture that evolves
from the disaster itself (Fothergill, Maestas, & Darlington, 1999; Marsella, Johnson, Watson, &
Gryczynski, 2008). This chapter will describe the key issues relevant to providing mental health
services in the aftermath of a disaster, with an emphasis on attending to the cultural contexts of
affected people and communities.

Types of Disasters

Disasters cause widespread community disruption and individual trauma (Marsella et al., 2008), as
well as extensive physical damage or destruction, loss of life or property, drastic changes to the
environment, and/or serious effects on the economic, social, and cultural lives of communities
(Kaniasty & Norris, 1995). Concerns about prolonged health effects, job loss, and socioeconomic
deterioration contribute to the damaging effects that disasters have on the mental and behavioral
health of those they touch (National Biodefense Science Board [NBSB], 2008). Disasters are
typically classified as either natural or human-made, but it is important to remember that many
disasters have both natural and human-made components. For example, heavy flooding may
overwhelm a dam, an earthquake may cause damage to a nuclear power plant, and human error or
faulty technology may result in the failure of a tsunami warning system. Such combinations of disaster
types can complicate the ways in which survivors react to the events or affect their ability to cope in
the aftermath (DeWolfe, 2000).

Natural disasters.
Natural disasters are events that occur as part of the natural world. These include severe weather
events (e.g., hurricanes, tornadoes, floods, tsunamis, winter weather, extreme heat), earthquakes,
volcanic eruptions, wildfires, and landslides. People generally see these types of disasters as
unavoidable and typically are better able to cope with such events than with those that can be blamed
on human actions. For some people, it may be comforting to see these types of events as the acts of a
higher power, whereas for others, such events may make the world seem to be a dangerous and
unpredictable place (Yates, 1998).

Human-made disasters.
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention breaks down human-made disasters into the
following categories: bioterrorism, chemical emergencies, radiation emergencies, and mass casualty
incidents. A bioterrorism attack is the deliberate release of a virus, bacteria, or other germs (spread
through air, water, or food) with the intent to cause illness or death to people, plants, or animals (e.g.,
the anthrax attacks of 2001). A chemical emergency is the accidental or deliberate release of a
chemical that has the potential to cause harm to peoples health. Industrial accidents and crashes of
vehicles carrying hazardous chemicals are the most common accidental releases of chemicals. A
radiation emergency occurs when people are exposed to high levels of radiation that may result in
death or serious risks to health (e.g., cancer). This type of event may also be accidental (e.g., nuclear
power plant accident) or deliberate (e.g., dirty bomb or nuclear attack). Mass casualty incidents
are situations in which large numbers of injuries and/or deaths occur. Examples of such incidents
include transportation industry crashes (e.g., crashes of airplanes or trains), bridge or building
collapses, fires, and explosions. Survivors and others affected by these types of disasters often spend
a great deal of energy feeling that the events were preventable, feeling betrayed by fellow human
beings, and affixing blame. If an incident is followed by a protracted investigation and/or litigation,
this may prolong or complicate the natural healing process for survivors (DeWolfe, 2000).

Phases of Disasters

Disasters occur in phases that may or may not appear to be distinct, depending on the disaster. While
there are several models of disaster phases, most contain some variation of the following: warning,
period of threat, impact, inventory, rescue, remedy, and recovery (DeWolfe, 2000). Not all disasters
have all of the phases. For example, many events do not have a warning phase (e.g., airplane crash,
fire). Every disaster has an impact phase, but it is important to recognize that this phase may continue
long after the event itself is over (e.g., survivors live in tents for months following a hurricane). The
following is a brief overview of the phases of disasters.

Warning.
Some disasters have distinct warning phases (e.g., hurricanes, which can be tracked for days before
they make landfall). However, even with credible information, many people disbelieve, overlook, or
simply ignore warnings of impending danger. In order to be effective, messages of warning must be
very clear, specific, immediate, personal, and delivered by a credible source. Input from disaster
mental health professionals regarding the language, type, and delivery of warning messages can have
a significant impact during this phase (NBSB, 2008).

Period of threat.
Panic is likely to occur when people perceive an immediate severe danger, believe there is only one
or a limited number of escape routes from the danger, believe those escape routes may be closing, and
lack current information about the danger. As many disaster situations develop very quickly, it is
predominantly through careful predisaster planning, training, and action that disaster mental health
professionals can have their greatest impact. However, it is important for such professionals to
remember that sociocultural issues may influence what people find to be acceptable preparation
efforts, the ability of people to evacuate, and the amount of trust people put in official warnings
(Marsella & Christopher, 2004). These issues were painfully clear in the aftermath of Hurricane
Katrina in New Orleans.

Impact.
During the period of the impact and the immediate postimpact period, people may be in a state of
confusion, feeling dazed, stunned, or disoriented. This is a temporary state from which most people
will emerge rather quickly, especially as they begin to provide assistance to family members and
others. The most important considerations during this phase are physical safety and meeting basic
needs for shelter, food, water, and reconnection with loved ones.

Inventory.
During the period of inventory, survivors of disaster begin to take stock of their situation. This is a
time when survivors may feel conflicting emotions, such as relief at having survived and
overwhelming grief for what they have lost. Expressions of emotion can change rapidly and may even
be confusing to survivors.

Rescue.

During the rescue period, survivors must shake themselves from the debilitating effects of shock and
act quickly to save loved ones and others around them. It is not unusual for those who participate in
rescue efforts to have feelings of euphoria during this time and experience the more common effects
of sadness, grief, and fear after everyone else is safe. This can be confusing because they may then
express emotions that other survivors have already moved beyond (e.g., shock, disbelief).

Remedy.
In this phase, survivors begin to take a more realistic, measured look at their situation and planning
for the future. Survivors come to understand that there will be long-term consequences of the disaster,
and the process of allocating blame or fault for the situation begins.

Recovery.
During the recovery period, survivors individually and collectively attempt to stabilize and regain
their predisaster levels of functioning. This process may happen relatively quickly or may take
months, or even years. The emphasis during this phase is on adaptation to the changed conditions, and
those survivors with more limited abilities to adapt will begin to show signs of emotional stress
during this phase.

Individual Reactions to Traumatic Stress

Responses to disaster at the individual level are now well understood (DeWolfe, 2000; U.S.
Department of Health and Human Services, 2005). Persons exposed to traumatic events may
experience the effects in all domains of their lives: emotional, psychological, behavioral,
physiological, and spiritual.

Emotional effects.
A survivor may experience any or all of a variety of emotional reactions, such as denial, anxiety, fear,
worry about safety of self or others, anger, irritability, restlessness, sadness, grief, feelings of being
overwhelmed, hopelessness that anything will ever be better, feelings of isolation, abandonment, and
guilt or survivors guilt. It is common for survivors to have distressing dreams or nightmares in
which they relive the events of the disaster, try to save someone, or simply experience the anxiety or
sadness they may be feeling when awake. Sometimes survivors feel they can identify only with other
survivors, and sometimes they feel completely alone even though many others have survived the same
disaster. There is no specific order to what emotions people might experience, and there is no
normal pattern of reactions. People in the same family might experience different emotional
reactions and thus have a difficult time understanding each others responses. Clearly, culture has a
big impact on how people express their emotions, what is considered appropriate for grieving or for
sharing with outsiders, and how the healing process progresses.

Cognitive effects.

Cognitive effects of traumatic events include memory problems, disorientation, confusion, slowness
of thinking and comprehending, difficulty setting priorities or making decisions, poor concentration,
limited attention span, loss of objectivity, inability to stop thinking about the event, and blaming.
These reactions are often the most distressing to survivors because, although they expect and
understand feelings of sadness or anxiety, the cognitive effects often make them feel as if they are
losing their ability to cope, losing their minds, or going crazy. In the course of disaster response,
survivors are often asked to provide multiple important dates, telephone numbers, names of insurance
companies, and so on, and it is quite distressing for them when they cannot remember their own
addresses or their childrens birthdates. Survivors often have to set priorities and make significant
life decisions (e.g., where to stay, how to talk to children about losses, what task to undertake first) at
a time when their cognitive abilities are being overwhelmed by the disaster.

Behavioral effects.
Behavioral effects of experiencing a disaster include such things as changes in sleep, appetite, and
activity level, whether in the direction of increase (e.g., sleeping too much, eating too much, being too
active) or decrease (e.g., inability to sleep, loss of appetite, reduction in activity). There may also be
decreased efficiency and effectiveness in normal activities, difficulty communicating, outbursts of
anger or frequent arguments, inability to rest, changes in patterns of intimacy, changes in job or school
performance, periods of crying, hypervigilance about safety, social withdrawal, silence, or increased
use of alcohol, tobacco, or drugs (including nicotine and caffeine). Survivors are also more prone to
accidents because of inattention to details in their environment. This includes vehicle accidents as
well as household accidents. In many cultures, providing food for others during a crisis is an
important way of coping, and accidents involving knives, boiling liquids, and stove burns are not
unusual.

Physiological effects.
The physiological effects of traumatic stress include increases in heartbeat, respirations, and blood
pressure; upset stomach, nausea, and diarrhea; sweating or chills; tremors (especially hands and lips);
muscle twitching; muffled hearing; tunnel vision; feeling uncoordinated; headaches; muscle
soreness; lower back pain; the feeling of having a lump in the throat; exaggerated startle response;
fatigue; changes in menstrual cycle; changes in libido or sexual performance; and decreased
resistance to infection. Worsening of physical illnesses that tend to be exacerbated by stress (e.g.,
asthma, diabetes, arthritis, hypertension, allergies) is also common. Significant hair loss may occur
23 months after the traumatic event. In cultures were stressors are more likely to be expressed
somatically, these types of symptoms may be especially prominent.

Spiritual effects.
The experience of traumatic stress also has an effect on survivors sense of spirituality (Boyd,
Quevillon, & Engdahl, 2010). People who have experienced a disaster may feel that the world has
turned upside down, that they just cant make sense of anything, or that nothing has meaning
anymore. Traumatic stress tends to make survivors feel isolated, severing important connections to
social support systems and cutting them off from those people and things that help them to make

meaning of life. Survivors may experience crises of faith, where the world no longer makes sense
to them and they question their belief systems, wondering how the disaster could have been allowed
to happen, how so many could be left suffering, and so on (McCombs, 2010). It is important for
mental health professionals to recognize that spiritual and religious beliefs may be expressed in a
variety of ways. Depending on their spiritual views, survivors may see a natural disaster as
punishment for not living in balance with nature or living in violation of divine laws, as a
rebalancing event in the natural world, as an opportunity to realize a divine mandate of mercy, or
even as something imposed by a divine being that is not for human beings to know or understand. In
some cultures questioning divine intention is common; in others, this kind of questioning would never
occur.

Universal effects.
While disaster survivors may experience a wide variety of stressors and effects, the underlying
concerns and needs of survivors tend to be consistent across populations and disasters. All people
are concerned for the basic survival of themselves and their loved ones, feel grief over the loss of
loved ones and the loss of valued and meaningful possessions, and experience fear and anxiety about
personal safety and the physical safety of loved ones. The following reactions to disaster are common
across all people, regardless of culture:
Sleep disturbances, often including nightmares and imagery from the traumatic event
Concerns about relocation and the related isolation or crowded living conditions
A need to talk about events and feelings associated with the disaster (often repeatedly)
A need to feel one is part of the community and its recovery efforts

Community Reactions to Traumatic Stress

The traumatic effects of a disaster may also be experienced at the community level (Hobfall &
deVries, 1995; Williams, Zinner, & Ellis, 1999). A community touched by disaster may experience a
period of communal shock, disbelief, anger, or grief (emotional), disorientation (cognitive), and
unconstructive behaviors (behavioral), and community members may struggle collectively to make
sense of what has happened (spiritual). Ideally, the community can come to see itself as a stronger,
more cohesive, resilient version of itself as it learns to heal. But a large part of that ability to heal
depends on the degree to which interventions contribute to making the event manageable, whether
resources for recovery are sufficient to the need, and whether the community can successfully reframe
the traumatic event into a challenge (Zinner & Williams, 1999).
Community resilience is the ability of a community to face a threat, survive, and bounce back with a
newly defined sense of itself that includes the losses and changes it may have sustained (Norris,
Stevens, Pfefferbaum, Wyche, & Pfefferbaum, 2008). When people have to be evacuated and
relocated from their homes and communities, important community ties, kinship systems, and social
support systems can be seriously damaged, leaving people with inadequate support at the time when
they need it most (Laborde, Brannock, & Parrish, 2011). This presents a serious threat to a
communitys ability to be resilient. The reestablishment of a sense of community (even within a
shelter) as quickly as possible can help people to regain a sense of control and stabilization within

their social environment, even while acknowledging that this context may be forever changed
(Milligan & McGuinness, 2009). The successful reconnection of survivors with their community is an
important source of identity, meaning, and resilience, and achieving that reconnection often depends
on strong community leadership. For example, just hours after Oklahoma City was hit by an F5
tornado in May 1999, community leaders helped affected residents to reframe the disaster by
reminding them of the way the community came together and provided communal support following
the bombing of the Murrah Federal Building in 1995 (Boyd et al., 2010).
Promoting community resilience and wellness is inextricably connected to the historical and cultural
identities of the affected people (Landau, 2007; Walsh, 2007). Just as individuals with histories of
previous unresolved losses often have a more difficult time recovering from disaster, a community
with a history of similar losses will struggle as well. For those who seek to help, it is important to
understand what those losses were, how they were perceived, the overall impacts of the losses, what
community actions were helpful or not helpful, what legacy of loss has remained in the community,
and how the community has grown or found meaning in the previous events (Williams et al., 1999).
Cox and Perry (2011) suggest that communities experience a complex social-psychological
disorientation following disasters and that the process of community reorientation must include a
consideration of sense of place and its critical role in the development and maintenance of social
capital and community resilience. When a community is scattered by dislocation, the resulting
disruption in the foundation of home and identity leads to feelings of helplessness, isolation, and loss
of sense of community and cultural identity (Laborde et al., 2011). This is reflected in the many
examples of African American families relocated to historically White neighborhoods following
Hurricane Katrina.

Vulnerable Populations in Disaster

It has long been known that exposure to predisaster trauma may be higher than average in
economically disadvantaged urban environments (Breslau et al., 1998; Selner-OHagan, Kindlon,
Buka, Raudenbush, & Earls, 1998) and that these populations may also be at greater risk for
postdisaster stress and difficulty with resilience. In the United States, people from diverse cultures,
individuals with limited English proficiency or who are nonEnglish speaking, individuals with
disabilities, elderly persons, children, and individuals who are transportation disadvantaged often
have additional risk factors that may affect their ability to recover from a disaster (NBSB, 2008).
Those living in rural areas, particularly members of ethnic minority groups and persons with low
socioeconomic status, often have preexisting stressorssuch as chronic medical issues, severe
mental illness, and substance use issuesthat may lead to more difficult recovery from disaster
(Institute of Medicine, 2003).
At the community level, the most economically and culturally marginalized communities are at greater
risk for disruptions in the community healing process as well (Cox & Perry, 2011). With fewer
resources available to help in the aftermath of a disaster, these communities are often less prepared,
more likely to suffer devastating effects, and experience a much slower recovery process than more
advantaged communities (Laborde et al., 2011). Further damage may be done when disaster
responders lack the requisite awareness, knowledge, and skills to meet the specific cultural and
language needs of racially and ethnically diverse communities. This was painfully clear in the

aftermath of Hurricane Katrina in 2005, but it is not a new phenomenon. In a review of the literature
on natural disasters, Fothergill et al. (1999) found that, compared with other communities, racial and
ethnic minority communities are more vulnerable to disaster, less likely to have received disaster
education, often left out of preparation activities, less likely to trust official warnings, and
disproportionately affected (both physically and psychologically) by natural disasters. It is not
surprising, then, that these communities often have greater difficulties in the recovery process due to
economic factors (e.g., lower incomes, fewer savings, greater unemployment, less insurance), lack of
access to communication channels and information, differences in language, and experience of
discriminatory practices. Fothergill et al. point out that the kind of marginalization racial and ethnic
minority communities experience in disasters is present in every disaster phase and cannot be
explained simply as the result of differences in economic resources and power. The evidence of
cultural ignorance, cultural insensitivity, racial isolation, and racial bias in housing, information
dissemination, and relief assistance exposed in these scholars review of previous studies is difficult
to ignore, and similar evidence has continued to be reported since their study appeared in 1999
(Andrulis et al., 2009).

Cultural Context
Culture provides the overall framework from which we learn how to think, feel, and behave in
relation to our environment and to others around us. Even a large-scale disaster that seems to be
clearly defined (e.g., river flooding) has to be understood within the cultural contexts of those
affected. Culture influences what individuals perceive as traumatic and how they interpret traumatic
events (e.g., What relationship does the affected community have with that river?). Culture influences
how individuals and communities express traumatic reactions and forms a contextual lens through
which survivors view and judge their own responses to events.
Help is also culturally determinedand it is determined by both the giver and the recipient (Norris
& Alegra, 2008). What may seem helpful in the givers culture may not been seen as anything of
the sort in the recipients culture. It is important for the giver to keep in mind that the sole reason for
being in that helping role is to provide aid and support to those affected by the disaster. Thus it is
imperative for the giver to understand what is meant by help in the recipients cultural view, who
that help should come from, who else should be there, who can sanction the help, what help would
look like, what the expected response would be, how to know when to stop, and so on. As no one is
able to know all the nuances of the concept of help in every culture, it also becomes important for the
potential giver to find the resources within the affected community that can inform and sanction
outside help. The community will also define how recovery will eventually look.
Culture is reflected in language. Language dictates how ideas are formed, how sensory perceptions
are articulated, and how the world is interpreted. While the ability to speak multiple languages is
important for those who provide mental health services, it is equally important for service providers
to remember that one can know how to speak a language without actually having knowledge of the
nuances that convey the culture. Phrasing, silences, speed of delivery, and pitch or tone of voice (even
when using the same words) have different meanings across different cultures.
Finally, culture has an impact on the expected routines and rituals for special events, for grieving, and

for everyday life. For example, eating and sleeping patterns, spiritual practices and beliefs, modes of
dress, and social behaviors are all part of a survivors culture. Disaster responders need to
understand how these rituals and routines may affect a survivors ability to cope with the aftermath of
a disaster. Something as simple as inappropriate food can become a threat to coping and a sign of
cultural insensitivity. Many disasters have provided stories from temporary shelters about survivors
becoming ill from eating food to which they were unaccustomed, or conflicts between survivors and
relief workers about survivors preferences for familiar foods from their own cultures (Phillips,
1993).
It is crucial that each individual, family, or community receiving disaster mental health services be
viewed within the context of that persons, familys, or communitys own cultural group and that
groups specific sociopolitical history. Every community has its own history of difficult times, its
own memories of hope and despair, and its own stories of coping in challenging situations. Styles of
grieving and understanding losses, coping, and moving forward into the future are all determined by
the culture of the community. The communal experience of how outside help has been given and
received in the past has an effect on whether help is desired, how it is interpreted, and how it is
received in the present.
In the ideal disaster response, community experiences of the disaster are understood, community
leaders are actively engaged in working with culturally responsive outsiders to identify and manage
the effects of the disaster in the community, timely and trustworthy communication is disseminated on
a predictable schedule in languages that match those of the community members, and barriers to
services are continually assessed and eliminated (DeWolfe, 2000).

Disaster Mental Health Care Response

What Is Disaster Mental Health Care?
Disaster mental health care is a field of practice focused on helping disaster survivors, rescue and
recovery workers, and other people affected by disasters to develop the skills necessary to cope with
the extreme stress that often occurs after a disaster. Although everyone who experiences a disaster
will have some effects, not everyone will require formal mental health services. In fact, with
adequate support, the vast majority of people can and will overcome the effects of traumatic stress in
the aftermath of disaster without the need for professional services (DeWolfe, 2000). The goal of
disaster mental health care is to provide psychological support, information about normal reactions to
disaster, and aid in the development of positive coping skills in order to prevent the negative longterm effects of disaster, such as posttraumatic stress disorder.

Characteristics of Disaster Mental Health Services

Disaster mental health services are more practical than psychological in nature and are often
provided in nontraditional places, such as shelters, food distribution centers, churches, hospitals,
morgues, and family service centers. These are places embedded in the community where affected

people naturally turn for help and where they trust that help will be relevant to them. If the nature of
the disaster is such that survivors can remain in their own homes, these services may also be
provided in their homes.
From a disaster mental health perspective, reactions to traumatic stress are seen as normal responses
to a situation that is abnormal (Myers, 1994). Those who have experienced a disaster are seen as
active survivors with strengths, resources, and the ability to be resilient, even in times of great stress
rather than as passive victims who are unable to take care of themselves during a time of crisis.
Survivors are not diagnosed, and their reactions are not seen as signs of pathology, illness, or
disorder. This requires counselors to set aside traditional notions of mental health services, avoid the
use of mental health labels, and use an active outreach approach to intervene with survivors
effectively.
Traditional counseling services take place in a providers office at preappointed times. The client
expects to be diagnosed and treated for a disorder or a mental illness. The focus of services is on
individual personality and functioning and tends to examine the content that the client brings to the
session. The clients past experiences and their influences on current problems may be explored.
There is a psychotherapeutic focus to this type of counseling, and the provider of services keeps
records, charts, case files, and so on.
In contrast, disaster mental health response occurs in the field, or where the survivors are. This
might be a shelter, a disaster recovery center set up by the Federal Emergency Management Agency
(FEMA) in a community center, a school, a tent, or a place of worship. Sessions with survivors
may be conducted as they stand in line to access assistance for their material losses, at tables where
they are eating meals provided by humanitarian groups, at sites where they will be identifying loved
ones remains, or on the streets as they view the rubble that was once a familiar place to them. The
providers do not have appointments to see the survivors and often do not know if they will ever meet
with them again. In such a session, the assessment of the survivors strengths and coping skills is the
activity of primary interest, and counseling focuses on disaster-related issues rather than on past
experiences or pathology. The provider takes the things that the survivor reports at face value and
sees the survivor as capable, resilient, and in possession of a range of skills and strengths that have
already led to the individuals survival of the disaster. The counselor focuses on validating the
survivors common reactions and experiences of the abnormal event of the disaster, helping to
normalize reactions that may be quite anxiety-provoking for the survivor and providing education
about possible effects of the event on the survivor, his or her children and other loved ones, and the
community. Finally, the providers of disaster counseling do not collect identifying information on
those they serve. Depending on the organizations they are working with, they may be required to track
information such as numbers of contacts, types of contacts (e.g., assistance in finding a service,
normalizing reaction, providing psychoeducation, helping to reconnect to others), and ages of contacts
(child, adolescent, adult, elderly).

Specific Disaster Mental Health Interventions

Predisaster Community Connections

Clearly, the best way to ensure that appropriate, responsive disaster mental health services will be
provided in any community is for disaster mental health professionals to make connections to the
community prior to a disaster. Becoming familiar with and forming relationships with community
members, particularly in communities that differ from the mainstream, prior to a disaster can help to
ensure that providers can deliver help properly should the need arise. Identifying and building
relationships with respected insiders in the culture can help counselors make connections with the
community, identify resources, and gain authorized access in times of need.
Before a disaster occurs is also the time for mental health professionals to learn about the
sociopolitical history of the community, work to become aware of their own personal biases and
misinformation, and learn about the communitys culturally specific communication styles (e.g., eye
contact, pace of conversation, nonverbal communication). Attending local community events, learning
about access rituals (often involving ceremony, food, expressions of goodwill), learning greetings and
other key phrases in the local language, showing a willingness to learn about the ethnocultural group,
and expressing appreciation and respect for the strength and resilience of the culture will be
invaluable experiences should the community need help in the future. Participating in the community
in these ways can also give disaster mental health professionals opportunities to work with
community leaders to develop culturally and linguistically appropriate psychoeducational materials,
disaster planning documents, and community training materials at a time when the community is not in
crisis.

Postdisaster Interventions
In the immediate postdisaster environment, it is important for mental health professionals to recognize
that although any contact with survivors can be potentially therapeutic, many people are not ready or
willing to talk about their own feelings or reactions to the event. Survivors need to regain a sense of
control over their lives, and respecting their wishes not to talk about their experiences is an important
part of empowering them. Recognizing and supporting their coping strengths, providing clear
information, and offering choices when appropriate may help survivors regain their sense of control
quickly (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2005). In general, most survivors will not
feel that they need mental health services and will not seek them out. However, survivors will
respond to active, genuine interest and concern, assistance in obtaining needed resources, and help in
managing disaster stress (DeWolfe, 2000).

Establishing contact.
Providing mental health services to survivors of disaster requires the full range of counseling skills
needed in other situations, as well as knowledge and skills specifically related to disasters. As with
traditional counseling, working with survivors of disaster starts with establishing rapport. This can
be particularly difficult because disaster mental health services often take place in public spaces
where survivors may be engaged in other activities (e.g., standing in line, filling out forms, sorting
through rubble). In order to make contact, it is most helpful for counselors to introduce themselves
and briefly explain the role of disaster mental health care. As many people may be put off by the idea
of receiving mental health services, it is often useful for counselors to explain their role by talking

about disaster counseling, offering help with coping, or helping with disaster stress.
Sometimes people do not want to talk about their own reactions but are very interested in learning
about ways to respond to their childrens reactions.
By offering a warm, caring, and calm presence, conveying feelings of interest, compassion, respect,
and nonjudgment, counselors can often help survivors feel comfortable enough to talk about their
experience. Providing supportive listening while they stand in line for assistance or while they eat a
meal in a shelter can be exactly the help that some survivors need. Survivors may have concerns
about what they did or did not do during the disaster, and it is very important for counselors to behave
in such a way that survivors do not feel judged. This is easier said than done, because disasters
present situations that may be beyond the realm of anything many counselors have experienced.
However, these situations are very real for the survivors and are particularly painful if losses of life
are involved.

Active listening.
By using active listening skills as they hear survivors stories, counselors can help them begin to
express their thoughts, feelings, and memories of what happened. Allowing silence gives survivors
time to reflect and become aware of their feelings. Simply being there with survivors can help them
to feel they are not alone and allow them to feel support. Sometimes survivors are so overwhelmed
by their experiences that they do not have the words or the ability to organize those experiences in
order to begin talking. Prompts such as Where were you when this happened? can be enough to help
them begin to talk about it. Counselors can convey concern and understanding by using caring facial
expressions and attending to survivors nonverbal communication, matching appropriate eye contact,
space positioning, and pacing. It is also helpful for counselors to give culturally appropriate
occasional signs (e.g., head nodding, vocalizations, facial expressions) to indicate that they are in
tune with survivors. Occasional paraphrasing and reflection of feelings can help convey
understanding and empathy, check for accuracy and clarification of misunderstandings, and give
survivors help in identifying and articulating strong emotions. Demonstrating feelings of interest and
understanding conveys respect for survivors and the ways in which they are handling their reactions.
Counselors experienced in disaster response may refer to this as listening with your heart, as it is
often impossible for counselors to understand fully what survivors have been through. It is equally
important for counselors to remember that all of the skills described above look different in different
cultural contexts (e.g., eye contact and personal space preferences vary greatly across cultural
groups).

Normalizing reactions.
Although most people are able to find ways to cope following a disaster, it is not surprising that
survivors functioning is generally somewhat diminished as they work to process the events around
them emotionally, cognitively, physiologically, and spiritually. Often they just need support and
reassurance that their reactions are normal effects of what they have experienced and that they will
feel better with time. Being able to identify, label, and put into words the reactions they may be
experiencing is very helpful to survivors. Telling people that they are having normal reactions to an
abnormal situation can be very comforting to survivors who feel they do not have control of anything

including their reactions.

Many times, people who have experienced a disaster believe that they are the only ones who have
been affected in particular ways. Disaster tends to isolate people from their support systems, and they
may not recognize that even people close to them are experiencing similar reactions. It is helpful for
counselors to educate people about the effects of traumatic stress and normalize what they may be
experiencing. This may include distributing educational materials about normal reactions for adults,
older adults, children, and vulnerable populations within the community; educating people about how
to get connected with various services; and helping them to anticipate what they may need in the
future. Disaster counseling interventions may also happen in small impromptu groups of people who
may be standing in line together, or in more formal groups that have been set up for specific purposes
(e.g., church groups, community groups, youth groups, parent groups). The more that survivors can be
connected back to their natural support and healing systems, the faster their healing process will
begin, and the better they will be able to provide support to others in their communities.

Allowing expression of emotion.

Survivors often have a need to express intense emotions very early on in their interactions with
disaster counselors. In traditional counseling, such expression might not happen until a strong
relationship has been established, after many sessions. However, this might be one of the first things
to happen in a disaster situation. Expressing intense emotions through tears or angry venting is an
important part of healing and can help survivors clear some of the emotion so that they can engage in
the problem solving that will be required for them to take the next steps in their lives. While it can be
difficult to contain this kind of intense emotional expression, disaster counselors need to be prepared
to experience this, feel comfortable enough to allow survivors this important expression, and give
them the encouragement to simply feel their emotions. Helpers should stay relaxed, breathe, and let
the survivors know it is okay to feel and to express their feelings. If helpers shut down emotions that
feel too intense (for the helpers), survivors get the message that they should not express how they feel,
or that there is something wrong with what they feel.

Problem solving.
The stress of experiencing a disaster often causes disorganized thinking and difficulty with planning.
Unfortunately, in the immediate aftermath of a disaster, survivors are required to make a lot of
decisions, set priorities, and problem solve the next steps in their lives. Sometimes people feel so
overwhelmed they cannot move forward and become immobilized, or they may become
unproductively active. In either situation, disaster counselors can guide them through problem-solving
steps to help them prioritize and focus attention on tasks that need to be addressed first.
It is often necessary for counselors to help survivors identify and define the problems and challenges
they are facing at the present. This can be an important step because survivors may define their
problems differently than how counselors would have guessed. Counselors can assess survivors
functioning and coping by asking how they have coped with stressful life events in the past and how
they are doing now. By helping survivors evaluate available resourcesasking who might be able to
help with the current problem and what other resources might be helpfulcounselors can encourage

them to begin to imagine things being different. Helping survivors to develop plans of action and set
out the steps that will be necessary for them to enact their plans can be the key to helping them move
forward.
From a self-care perspective, it is important for disaster counselors to know that it is easy to become
overwhelmed by the pain and need that accompanies a disaster and want to overfunction on behalf of
survivors. Counselors must, however, stay aware that survivors need to feel empowered to solve
their own problems while helpers stay in the background and support. Survivors will feel more
capable, competent, and able to tackle the next challenge if they are allowed to remain in control of
their own lives.

Other postdisaster interventions.

Other postdisaster mental health interventions might include case finding, mediation, community
outreach, brief counseling (individual and group), case management, public education through the
media, and information and referral. Clearly many of these functions take counselors outside the range
of usual counseling duties, but this is the norm for work in disaster situations.

Psychological First Aid

Both the Institute of Medicine (2003) and the National Biodefense Science Board (2008) have
recommended the development of a national plan for the implementation of community-based
psychological first aid (PFA), a grassroots public health model of psychological support. In the case
of disaster mental health care, PFA involves psychological support that is used for self-care and is
provided by nonmental health professionals to family, friends, neighbors, coworkers, and students.
Such care focuses on education regarding traumatic stress and active listening. PFA also incorporates
psychological support provided by primary care providers to their patients and by emergency
responders to those they serve. PFA is pragmatic, nonintrusive support rather than formal counseling
intervention, and it focuses on providing a sense of safety, calming, self- and communal-efficacy,
connectedness, and hope.
Community-based PFA is adapted to the specific needs of each community in which it is implemented,
making it a genuinely culturally responsive model. Mental health professionals serve as trainers and
consultants in adapting the model to individual communities (including special needs and vulnerable
populations), supervisors of PFA networks, and bridges to the higher continuum of care for those who
may need a professional level of care. A community educated in PFA will help ensure that many
people are trained to provide basic psychological support, so that the limited available time of
disaster mental health professionals can be reserved for those who are most in need. The adaptation
of the PFA model to specific groups is one of the strengths of PFA, providing a responsive model for
disaster mental health care with diverse ethnic, religious, and professional groups.

Barriers to Effective Service Delivery

Communities that differ from the mainstream may experience the effects of long-standing and deeply

embedded barriers to disaster services (Andrulis et al., 2009; Bolin & Stanford, 1998; Fothergill et
al., 1999). A disaster may actually produce new social problems by separating families, disrupting
social networks and community structures, and exacerbating preexisting problems (Inter-Agency
Standing Committee [IASC], 2007; NBSB, 2008). Mental health professionals offering disasterrelated services must be aware of these realities and how they affect the people and communities with
whom they may work. Some of these barriers are discussed below.

Poverty.
The combination of trauma, poverty, and ethnic minority status makes a high-risk situation for many
communities. For example, substandard housing, which is found on many Native American
reservations, is particularly vulnerable to destruction, putting residents at higher risk for becoming
homeless in a disaster (Fothergill et al., 1999; Fothergill & Peek, 2005).

Culture and language.

Help is best given in the native language of the survivor, and in a way that is consonant with the
culture (NBSB, 2008). This becomes difficult in light of a shortage of mental health professionals
trained in disaster mental health and culturally responsive service provision (Andrulis et al., 2009;
Fothergill et al., 1999; Laborde et al., 2011; McCabe et al., 2011). At times, lack of attention to these
issues has affected communities understanding of warnings or damaged their ability to evacuate
unsafe areas. For example, when Hurricane Katrina struck the U.S. Gulf Coast in 2005, evacuation
orders were not properly translated into Vietnamese, and this confusion continued well into the
recovery period, causing a great deal of stress, fear, and confusion in the regions Vietnamese
immigrant community (Lum, 2005). Some communities may reject any outside help because of past
experiences with help in which their cultural values were not recognized or incorporated into the
system of care.

Suspicion about government.

Many communities have had negative experiences with government authorities in the past and/or have
no expectations of receiving help from such authorities (Bolin & Stanford, 1998; Fothergill et al.,
1999). In some cases, suspicions about government intentions or programs preclude survivors from
accessing the resources that might be available to them (Wray, Rivers, Whitworth, Jupka, &
Clements, 2006). For example, after Hurricane Katrina, many people with property in certain areas of
the Gulf Coast were reluctant to go to available shelters, preferring to remain in the ruins of their
completely destroyed homes because they feared their property would be seized by the federal
government (NASA had reportedly been trying to acquire these properties for years). In Latino
communities, rumors circulated of police raids on emergency shelters, and fears of arrest or
deportation kept people from seeking assistance (Bourne, 2006).

Cracks between systems of care.

Some communities have had long-standing problems with access to services because of cracks
between systems of care. For example, many state governments assume that Native Americans will

receive services from the federal government in the wake of a disaster and so have not included
reservation communities in their state disaster planning.

Media attention.
Media attention is often the key to obtaining needed resources and services, but communities of color
often do not receive this critical attention following disasters, or, worse, they may be portrayed
negatively. This was the case in post-Katrina New Orleans when African Americans were portrayed
as looters while White people behaving in exactly the same ways were portrayed as finding food
and supplies for their families. Media attention can make a big difference in attracting needed
resources to a community, but it can also be damaging (Fothergill et al., 1999).

Varying levels of acculturation to the mainstream culture.

Those who hope to provide help in a community must be aware that in any community there are
varying levels of acculturation to the mainstream culture. When services are provided only for those
who adhere to a traditional cultural perspective, or only for those who are aligned with a
mainstream perspective, many others are left out. When determining whether services will be helpful,
disaster mental health professionals must carefully consider who will be included in these services
and who will be left out.

Social contexts.
For a community with a long history of traumatic events and/or losses, the current disaster may not
have the meaning that outsiders might expect. Where poverty, oppression, ongoing violence, and
discrimination are present, the experience of prolonged and repeated trauma is likely to supersede the
singular effects of the current disaster event (Herman, 1992). Knowledge of the communitys
sociopolitical history and experience of traumatic events is critical for those who seek to help.

Lack of knowledge about the importance of spiritual foundations.

Communities with strong spiritual foundations are better able to cope with the stress and trauma of
disaster (McCombs, 2010). The spiritually centered communities of many cultures value connections
between the physical and spiritual worlds, and ongoing relationships with ancestors help to guide
actions in the present. In many communities, the church, temple, or place of prayer are the first places
that people turn to for help in managing disaster stress (Laborde et al., 2011). Those providing
psychosocial support should be aware of such important natural resources for coping after a disaster
and the central role that spirituality plays in mental health and wellness.

Ethnocultural realities.
Preexisting racial or cultural tensions are often exacerbated in the stressful postdisaster environment
(NBSB, 2008). Especially in times of national insecurity, an us versus them mentality is magnified
(Dudley-Grant, Comas-Daz, Todd-Bazemore, & Hueston, 2003). For example, following the terrorist
attacks of September 11, 2001, racial profiling of Latinos increased because they looked Middle

Eastern. Disaster mental health providers need to be aware of these realities, validate those
experiences when told of them, and use their relative privilege as outsiders to advocate for fairness
and social justice.

Inter-Agency Standing Committee Guidelines

The guidelines on mental health and psychosocial support in emergency settings issued by the InterAgency Standing Committee (2007) identify important areas in which service providers should work
with local cultural resources to mobilize communities following disasters. These guidelines provide
a useful framework highlighting the essential nature of community participation, capacity building,
and attention to human rights issues in disaster response. They emphasize the essential need for
culturally responsive psychosocial interventions and include action sheets with suggested activities
and process indicators of success. While these guidelines were developed for humanitarian relief
operations across the world, they constitute a very useful resource for disaster mental health
professionals working with diverse communities within the United States.
The guidelines are anchored by a set of basic principles that guide humanitarian response to
communities in crisis. These principles are briefly described below.

Human rights and equity.

This principle directs humanitarian aid workers to protect the human rights of all those involved,
especially those who are at increased risk for exploitation or discrimination in the aftermath of a
disaster. Disaster response should be inclusive and those involved should be aware of the many ways
in which one set of voices can be privileged over others.

Participation.
All efforts should be made to empower members of the local affected community to participate in
their own healing and recovery from the disaster. Disaster responders should recognize that every
community, no matter how badly affected, has inherent strengths, resilience, and the capacity to heal
itself in its own way. The community has faced other adversities, experienced other crises, and has
survived. At the same time, responders must recognize that their very presence is a political act,
privileging some groups and not recognizing others. Recovery will be fuller and more sustainable if
solutions come from within the community instead of being imposed from the outside. Definitions of
problems, determinations of needed help, and forms of solutions should come from different groups
within the community. This will allow the community to retain local control rather than become
dependent on help from the outside.

Do no harm.
Disaster responders need to be aware that, even with the best of intentions, giving help can cause
unintentional injuries. This is especially hard to acknowledge when people have good intentions for
helping, but survivors are in a heightened state of vulnerability. It is recommended that responders

take care to design their interventions on sufficient data; coordinate services with groups within the
community; commit to openness, evaluation, and transparency; and develop participatory approaches.

Building on available resources and capacities.

It is critical that disaster responders recognize existing strengths within the community and support the
natural healing mechanisms that have sustained the community for many generations.

Integrated support systems.

Although there is sometimes a temptation to offer stand-alone services for specific populations
affected by a disaster (e.g., disaster counseling for women who have been sexually assaulted), it is
more helpful to make certain that services are integrated into broader systems of care, such as health
care, mental health care, social services, and educational systems. This makes it more likely that
services will reach more people, carry less stigma, and be more sustainable overall.

Multilayered supports.
Services should be multilayered and able to support people who are affected in a variety of different
ways. For example, some people just need basic needs met, others need family and community
supports, and others might need specialized mental health services. It is important for disaster
responders to develop complementary supports that meet the needs of different groups.

Conclusions
The sheer number of devastating large-scale natural and human-made disasters that continue to occur
across the world demands that mental health professionals prepare to respond to communities and
cultures where they may have little prior knowledge or experience. Whether or not disaster
responders actually provide what is experienced as helpful depends on their commitment to
cultural responsiveness and unwavering attention to the economic, political, and social contexts in
which survivors live. Counseling survivors of disasters requires counselors to step outside their
accustomed roles in order to support positive individual and community coping and resilience.
Cultural responsiveness requires that disaster response efforts are grounded in affected communities
concepts of help, healing, and wellness. The most important disaster counseling skill is that of
supporting survivors natural healing systems.

Critical Incident
As a member of a team of Native American mental health professionals and traditional spiritual
leaders (hereafter called the Team), I have had the opportunity to respond to community crises in
Native communities. Often these responses have come after communities have experienced clusters of
youth suicides. The following is a description of one of those responses.
The health director of a remote tribal community of approximately 2,500 contacted and met with the

Team leaders (one of the communitys traditional spiritual/cultural leaders and me, a clinical
psychologist). She described the occurrence of 17 youth suicides in the community, all by hanging,
over a 2-month period. Most members of the community had been affected directly in some way, and
some families had lost more than one child. Service providers and first responders in the community
were overwhelmed and exhausted as suicide attempts were continuing almost every day. Community
leaders had sent the health director to request that the Team respond as soon as possible to help stop
the suicide attempts and help the community begin a healing process.

Team Activities
The Team prepared itself through spiritual ceremony and then traveled to the community within 3
days. The following are some of the activities of the Team over the next several weeks.

Meeting with first-line service providers (FLSPs).

The Team spent the first day meeting with a group of service providers and first responders from the
community, providing training on the effects of traumatic stress and using talking circles to give the
FLSPs a chance to talk about the ways they had been affected by the suicides. The FLSPs became the
lead group for all the following work and worked closely with the Team for the remainder of the
visit.

Community meeting.
The Team conducted an open community meeting to hear the perceptions and ideas of community
members about what had been happening.

Meeting with tribal government.

The Team met with the tribal government to ensure that community members recognized that the Team
had been authorized to be in the community, and to present a report and recommendations to tribal
leaders at the end of the visit. The Team maintained contact with tribal leaders as recommendations
were implemented over the next several years.

Meeting with spiritual leaders.

Traditional Native spiritual leaders and church leaders had never met together before but were able
to come together to provide united spiritual support to community members.

Working with schools.

All of the schools serving the reservation children (public, church-based, tribal) were visited. This
was facilitated by school counselors who were part of the FLSP group. Team members working with
members of the FLSP group held talking circles with children in every grade, all teachers, and all
administrators to educate (in grade-appropriate formats) about the effects of traumatic stress and to

identify high-risk children.

Meeting with affected families and relatives.

Team members traveled to families homes or met them in places they felt comfortable. In some cases,
families had not yet reentered the homes where their children had died. Spiritual leader members of
the Team conducted the appropriate ceremonies that would allow them to go into their homes or enter
their childrens rooms. Mental health members of the Team worked with the children, adults, and
families to help them express their grief, honor their loved ones, and support one another.

Meeting with representatives of the judicial system.

Some children whose siblings had died were afraid to return to school because they were afraid
someone else in their families would die. The schools had started to press charges against the parents
for truancy. Team members met with representatives of the judicial system and were able to work out
solutions that included in-home schooling for affected children.

Building a context.
Meetings with the tribal health director over a 2-week period revealed a broader context that
included 4 years of massive flooding on the reservation, basements that held 34 feet of standing
water, increases in respiratory illnesses, deaths of elders, occurrence of hantavirus, and washed-out
roads requiring school buses to detour 70 miles (resulting in children going to school in the dark and
not returning until dark). Many families had moved to the central district of the reservation, where
services and schools were centered, but a severe housing shortage required them to live with friends
or relatives. Families were separated, with members scattered among multiple households and their
possessions somewhere else. Federal funding cuts meant that service providers were overwhelmed.
Overcrowded living conditions led to increases in substance abuse, domestic violence, and gambling.
Preexisting racial tensions between the reservation residents and people living in the nearby town
were exacerbated. There was a single half-time mental health professional for the reservation, and
when the suicide attempts started, young people who attempted to harm themselves were sent off the
reservation to hospitals more than 100 miles away for evaluation. Often, their families did not have
access to transportation and could not go with them. When the young people returned, their families
were not informed about diagnoses, medications, or warning signs, and there was no aftercare in the
community. This was the case for many of the young people who had died. People started to believe
that when their children were sent away, they were put on medicine that contributed to them killing
themselves, so now there were many more suicide attempts that went unreported. The young people
who had died were actually seen as the youth leaders in the community.

Sharing the context.

The Team worked with the health director and tribal governance to build the context for the current
crisis situation. The tribal chairperson called a mandatory meeting of all community members so that
the Team could share the context with community members. People in the community had not
connected the long-term stress brought on by the flooding to the suicides. The tribe did not think of the

flooding as a disaster because it was a part of the natural world (there actually is no word for
disaster in the tribal language). Team members had also been working with the young people,
developing a new set of youth leaders. These youth shared their grief, feelings of loss, and need for
adult guidance at the community meeting. Sharing this context allowed community members to get a
big-picture view of what had been happening and allowed them to come together and mobilize
community resources to support each other and begin a healing process.

Developing a community crisis team.

The Team worked with the FLSP group to develop a community crisis team with an emergency plan
and connection to needed resources. The Team had discovered a pattern of suicide attempts, and
planning was done for the community crisis team to use time periods when no suicide attempts were
happening to do community education and outreach.

Engaging in advocacy.
The Team was able to advocate with FEMA to get needed resources to the community.

Acknowledging the relationship.

The Team maintained contact with the community and its leaders. Follow-up visits focused on further
development of the crisis team, the youth leadership, community education, and advocacy for
resources. It was important for the Team to acknowledge that its relationship with the community did
not end at the end of the crisis.

Engaging in self-care.
The Team met at the end of every day so that members could debrief and check in with each other.
Even when the Team worked late into the night, this meeting was important to make sure that everyone
remained healthy. In a situation where children have died and everyone in the community has been
affected, it is difficult for helpers not to be overwhelmed as well.
Throughout this intervention and the several years that followed, the Team maintained a supportive
presence, stayed in the background, and empowered community leaders and service providers to
shape and implement their plans. Community members who had felt helpless in the beginning became
active leaders for change in their own community. The suicide attempts stopped, the youth leadership
asked for representation in tribal governance, and needed resources (including mental health
professionals) were received in the community.

Discussion Questions
1. What are some of the reactions to traumatic stress seen in the community described above?
2. How did culture play a role in the crisis that occurred in this community?
3. What are some of the considerations for outsiders entering a community that has been affected

by a disaster?
4. Was the community described above resilient?
5. How do the IASC guidelines apply in this setting? How do they serve to protect a community
during a crisis response?

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17 Counseling in the Context of Poverty

Laura Smith
Melanie E. Brewster

Primary Objective
To explore how the context of poverty affects clinical work in mental health care

Secondary Objectives
To introduce a discussion of class structures in the United States (e.g., poverty, middle,
working, upper-middle, and owning) and biases held by mental health professionals
To explore social class at the intersections of identity (e.g., race, gender)
Despite the seemingly monolithic impact of social class on personal aspirations, career mobility,
educational access, and mental/physical health, clear definitions of the concept of class remain
nebulous (Browning & Cagney, 2003; Murali & Oyebode, 2004; Sapolsky, 2005). In near unison,
social scientists acknowledge that class is an important predictor of life experiences and well-being,
yet these same scholars are problematically scattered in their definitions and conceptualizations of
social class (Oakes & Rossi, 2003), with the result that the terms social class, classism, and
socioeconomic status (SES) are often used interchangeably. Such scholarly discord likely stems from
broader confusion about the meaning(s) of social class.
When people think about social class, many different topics likely come to mind that arrange
themselves roughly into a hierarchy (Smith, 2010). As such, the phrase upper class may be loosely
associated with prestige, status, wealth, corporate executives with jets, NBA players, and the
Kardashian family; associations with poverty, on the opposite end of the class spectrum, include
trashiness, inaccessibility, housing projects in Philadelphia, broken-down trailer homes, and poor
dental hygiene. Through this automatic categorization system, the phrase lower class (and all
individuals who may be lumped into this category) has become synonymous with negative images of
poverty, grime, stupidity, drug use, criminality, low achievement, and worse (Lott, 2002). As such,
even the language that we associate with social class often holds power to oppress and marginalize.
In this chapter, we provide an overview of social class and poverty that will allow counselors in
training to begin to factor class into their conceptualizations of the identities and oppressions that may
have shaped their clients experiences. It is important to note that such an overview must necessarily
be general; thus, we will not address many important dimensions of social class membership as a
lived experience. For example, like other dimensions of social identity, social class membership is
not a simple, unitary characteristic. Although a number of broad generalizations may be made, social
class membership is manifested differently at its intersections with other identities such as race,
ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, immigration status, and (dis)ability.

Along these lines, the complexity of social class intersectionality begins with the fact that American
racial group identities themselves are deeply intertwined with social class, in that the establishment
of separate racial categories for people of color served to rationalize the enslavement of kidnapped
Africans and the seizing of Native American lands (e.g., Marable, 2000). The modern legacy of this
history is that people of color continue to be overrepresented among Americans living in poverty
(U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). Gender-related intersections, which have given rise to the phrase the
feminization of poverty, operate with the result that women in the United States are 40% more likely
than men to live in poverty and 60% more likely to live in extreme poverty (Legal Momentum, 2010).
At the intersection of social class and sexual orientation, we encounter the preconception that LGBT
people are affluent, childless, and have abundant disposable income. The reality is that the
multidimensional layers of institutionalized prejudice experienced by LGBT peoplesuch as unequal
access to health care, housing discrimination, and employment discriminationresult in significant
economic hardships for many and elevated poverty rates among queer people (Albelda, Badgett,
Schneebaum, & Gates, 2009; Redman, 2010). In addition to the works just cited, we encourage
interested readers to consult The Color of Wealth (Lui, Leondar-Wright, Brewer, & Adamson, 2006)
to learn more about the intersections of race and class, and Marcia Hill and Esther Rothblums
Classism and Feminist Therapy: Counting Costs (1996) to read about class, gender, and their
implications for psychotherapy. Lustig and Strauser (2007) and Stapleton, ODay, Livermore, and
Imparato (2006) are among those who have written about the intersections of poverty and (dis)ability.

Talking About Social Class

Properly identifying an individuals social class membership often proves to be an elusive task, and
researchers frequently use demographic information such as income, occupation, and level of
education as proxies for social class identification. Utilizing these three demographic characteristics
is problematic because there is no evidence that these indicators consistently predict social class
position (American Psychological Association Task Force on Socioeconomic Status, 2008; Smith,
2010). For example, a sanitation worker, a high school English teacher, a small business owner, and a
security guard may all earn approximately $50,000 per year, placing them in a middle-class category
according to median income levels in the United States, yet assumptions about the people who occupy
each of these jobs (education level, blue- or white-collar), the benefits and flexibilities of these jobs,
and the upward mobility (or not) associated with each of these positions all translate into differential
levels of social power for those who occupy them (Smith, 2010).
In distinguishing social class from related variables like income, theorists vary greatly in their class
designations, though a few commonalities can be found among these definitions. The following
organizational structure presents basic language for social class groupings that draws heavily from
works by Gilbert (2008), Leondar-Wright (2005), Smith (2010), and Zweig (2000):
Poverty: Persons in this group occupy low-wage positions or are currently unemployed.
Individuals living in poverty often used to hold working-class status, but, due to economic
crises, health conditions, or other serious life circumstances, are now unable to garner enough
income to meet basic needs. In 2012, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services defined
the poverty line as an annual income of $11,170 for a single person (add $3,960 for each
additional person in a family). Approximately 13% of the U.S. population is believed to fall

below this line. At the same time, this figure is widely interpreted as underestimating the costs of
supporting a family, and therefore the numbers of Americans living in poverty. Relatedly, a
numerical cutoff such as this one implies that a person attempting to live on $11,170 per year is
technically not poor.
Working class: Individuals in this group generally work in lower-income positions (e.g.,
janitorial staff, people in food service, factory workers) and generally have little power or
agency in the workplace compared with individuals in more privileged classes. In other words,
working-class people often do not participate in workplace policy making, do not hire or fire
other people, and have few options for autonomy or input regarding the pace and content of their
workdays.
Middle class: The people in this group are typically college educated and have slightly more
economic security than working-class individuals. Middle-class individuals, such as teachers,
managers, office workers, and accountants, often receive salaries rather than hourly wages.
Their jobs frequently allow them some degree of autonomy in the workplace, in that they may
create workplace policy or participate in its creation. Persons in this group also typically
exercise greater workplace autonomy with regard to the precise allocation of their time to
particular tasks, the option to create or modify aspects of their workload, the freedom to make
phone calls and take bathroom breaks during the workday, and so forth.
Upper-middle class: Like other middle-class people, individuals in this class must work for a
living, but those in this group occupy positions that are relatively well regarded and highly paid
(e.g., lawyers, lower-level politicians, and physicians).
Owning class: Often referred to as the top 1% (White, Gebeloff, Fessenden, & Carter, 2012),
this group includes individuals with enough wealth and property that they do not need to work
(although they may choose to do so). These people own and control the resources by which the
members of other classes make their livings and have significant social, political, and cultural
power in addition to their economic power.
This typology makes clear the economic component of social classwhether that means earnings,
income, property, employment, or inherited wealth (Gilbert, 2008). In addition, prestige, or
individuals perceived cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1984), can modify the interpersonal experience of
social class membership. For example, the monetary earnings of poets, adjunct professors, and
painters may often place them in the lowest social class brackets, but their presumed cultural
knowledge, intellect, and aesthetic sensibilities may allow them to mix with members of higher social
class groups (Smith, 2010; Weininger, 2005). Finally, there is a sociopolitical dimension in which
behaviors, attitudes, associations (e.g., the people an individual knows, the prestigiousness of the
schools attended), and socialization all interact with power held by members of other social classes;
in turn, this interplay shapes public policy, influences social structures, and institutionalizes
accessibility for members of some classes and not others (Gilbert, 2008).
Like most attempts to impose theoretical frameworks on social reality, this typology contains gray
areas and overlap, yet it provides a starting place for understanding a hierarchy that relegates some
members of society to positions of relative power and privilege and leaves others without the
resources to meet their basic needs. The process by which this differential class-related privileging
occurs and is perpetuatedvia sociopolitical structures, stereotypes, stigma, and discriminationis
termed classism (Lott, 2002; Lott & Bullock, 2007).

Poverty as a Disempowered Social Class Position

Poverty, while highly (and importantly) associated with a lack of economic resources, goes well
beyond just money trouble. Nolan and Whelan (2010) have observed that individuals who live in
poverty also experience nonmonetary forms of deprivation, including inadequacies with living spaces
(noisy and often crime-ridden neighborhoods, environmental pollution, housing deterioration, lack of
running water, heat, or air-conditioning), nutrition (inability to afford healthy or fresh food), and
interpersonal support (feeling excluded from activities, customs, and middle-class living patterns).
The inequality of poverty is also self-perpetuating, in that the poor continue to get poorer.
Specifically, the obstacles faced by people living in poverty tend to restrict those individuals access
to the resources that could possibly promote class mobility (i.e., good school districts, well-paying
jobs in the neighborhood; Wilkinson & Pickett, 2006).
Poverty can also be further deepened through lack of access to adequate medical and dental care. For
example, if an undocumented construction worker receives an injury on the job, he will not have
health insurance to pay for treating the injury and the injury will prevent him from working, which, in
turn, prevents him from being able to afford medical treatment. Or, if a person living in poverty is
unable to afford dental care and loses her front teeth, it is likely that she will experience employment
discrimination that may block her from finding a position that could provide dental insurance to fix
her teeth (Shipler, 2004). This self-perpetuating cycle can extend to the job interview process. Even
when job applicants living in poverty are well qualified for open positions, they may be unable to
afford proper clothing for job interviews. As Smith (2010) pointedly comments in discussing a
client who was overlooked for a bank teller position because he was dressed too casually during
an interview, If [the bank] gave this talented young person a chance to earn a living, he might have
more choices in what he wore to work (p. 71).
Stereotypical images of poverty correspond to the jobless or so-called chronic poor, although
increasing numbers of people living in poverty are employed (Tait, 2005)and estimates suggest that
roughly a quarter of individuals living in homeless shelters in the United States have jobs (National
Coalition for the Homeless, 2009). However, due to rising housing prices and the cost of living in
most cities, the people who would best be categorized as working poor are still unable to secure
housing and meet the basic needs of their family members (Smith, 2010). Housing costs push lowincome families outside the bounds of cities, increasing commute times to and from work (and
decreasing time that could be spent sleeping, visiting with loved ones, and maintaining the home).
Thus, even finding the means to travel to and from work becomes a challenge and an additional
stressor for many people living in poverty.
Decades of research provide evidence that living in poverty is closely linked with poor physical
health outcomes, including, but not limited to, diabetes, obesity, respiratory and cardiovascular
diseases, ulcers, rheumatoid disorders, some cancers, and mortality (for a review, see Sapolsky,
2005). Poverty is also considered to be both a determinant and a consequence of poor mental health
(Murali & Oyebode, 2004, p. 217), in that psychiatric disorderssuch as mood disorders,
psychoses, anxiety disorders, and drug and alcohol dependenceall occur at higher rates among
people living in the most disadvantaged social classes. The inverse relationship between poor
physical and mental health and social class has been termed the SES gradient, and, notably, it persists

even when health care access, health care utilization, and exposure to risk and protective factors
are controlled for (Marmot & Wilkinson, 2005). This is a crucial point for understanding the full
spectrum of oppression that accompanies life in poverty, in that even when these tangible, material
aspects of deprivation are removed from the equation, poor people still get sicker and die earlier than
the rest of us. What else about poverty, then, undermines peoples physical and emotional well-being?
Researchers posit that the SES gradient has roots in psychosocial factorsthat people living in
poverty are harmed by ongoing encounters with interpersonal discrimination, bleak social realities,
and chronically stressful life situations that are not experienced by members of the more privileged
classes (Marmot et al., 1998). Moreover, the psychosocial stressors of living in poverty are
exacerbated by the cognitive and behavioral distancing from poor people enacted by people in
privileged social classes (Lott, 2002). Indeed, the surest way to feel poor is to be endlessly made
aware of the haves when you are a have-not (Sapolsky, 2005, p. 98).

Distancing From the Poor

One of the psychosocial stressors associated with poverty comes in the form of social distancing from
the poor. This distancing is perpetuated via intentional and unintentional separation, exclusion,
devaluation, discounting, and designation as other, and that response can be identified in both
institutional and interpersonal contexts (Lott, 2002, p. 100). In institutional contexts, it is manifested
by government agencies, schools, businesses, housing authorities, and health care facilities that create
procedures and policies that favor the members of privileged classes and act as barriers that impede
access to services by the poor. For example, landlords are often inclined to reject housing
applications from potential tenants who receive government subsidies (Bernstein, 2001). Similarly,
interpersonal distancing takes place in social situations in which people living in poverty are
demeaned, discounted, or ignored in interactions because of their social class status; for example,
low-income individuals may be eyed suspiciously by cashiers when they enter retail shops (Bullock,
1995).
Both institutional distancing and interpersonal distancing are thought to be aspects of the deeper
manifestation of classism posited by Bernice Lott (2002), who addresses cognitive distancing and
behavioral distancing in her theorizing. These are implicit negative attitudes (and the actions that
stem from them) directed toward people living in poverty, who are often tacitly assumed to be
immoral, lazy, corrupt, expendable, deficient, stupid, unmotivated, angry, dirty, and deserving of their
misfortune. As a result of these beliefs, individuals from more privileged classes engage in
behavioral distancing, or tactics that reduce their contact with individuals from impoverished classes.
Many well-intentioned people are not consciously aware that they are engaging in such behaviors,
which might include crossing the street to avoid a homeless person or averting eye contact when
asked for spare changeyet these actions create mental and physical space between the lived
experiences of the more privileged and the realities of poverty.

Mental Health Professionals and Poverty

Research suggests that many mental health professionals struggle to connect therapeutically with lowincome clients (Leeder, 1996)when they encounter them at all. Some of this trouble connecting may

be linked to unaware cognitive distancing by providers, which has, in turn, been linked to the
endorsement of negative beliefs about people living in poverty: that they may be lazy, apathetic,
passive, unwilling to change, or secretly addicted to drugs or alcohol, and are not likely to be good
therapy clients (Lorion, 1973, 1974). It has similarly been linked to therapists own class strivings
and their coinciding (and unconscious) fear of the poor (Javier & Herron, 2002). As a result of these
attitudes, mental health professionals themselves can become unintentional colluders in maintaining
classism (Lott, 2002). This may be one of the reasons why counseling and therapeutic approaches to
working with the poor remain understudied and underdeveloped (Smith, 2005). Other reasons may be
that training curricula for counselorseven multicultural trainingoften fail to address counseling
work with clients who live in poverty (Smith, 2010).

Counseling in the Context of Poverty

Given the origins of psychotherapeutic practice within middle-class/owning-class culture and the
class-related attitudes that its practitioners can unintentionally bring to their work, it is not surprising
to learn that poor people have not always felt well served by conventional counseling treatment.
Chalifoux (1996) was one of the earliest researchers to provide a platform for these clients voices
through her qualitative research, in which she interviewed poor and working-class clients about their
therapeutic experiences. Her participants described clinicians who seemed to mean well but were
nevertheless unaware of their assumptions and blind spots regarding social class:
You dont care if you eat dirt, but youll take a lot of crap to make sure that your kids get what
they need. My therapist couldnt understand that.... In her life, there has always been enough for
everybody and thats a big difference. (p. 30)
In the preliminary phases of a similar study conducted more recently, one of Appios (2012)
participants characterized her counseling session as rigid and tense in keeping with the
atmosphere that the counselors demeanor and office conveyed to him: The way they dressed,
jewelry, their mannerisms were, everything was so... how can I say? It was just, everything was
talking, and its like they didnt fit for the people they were treating (p. 8). Another participant
commented on the seeming impossibility of raising such concerns with his or her counselor, feeling
that discussing social differences and similarities with the therapist might be experienced as an
attack between classes (p. 9).
While some counselors are unaware of the messages they are conveying to their poor clients, others
have encountered their blind spots and challenges via practice experience in the settings that serve
poor clients. Smith, Li, Dykema, Hamlet, and Shellman (2013) interviewed a group of such
clinicians, learning in the process that they felt that their training had not prepared them to encounter
the impact of poverty in the lives of their clients or to address these realities within their
interventions:
You see examples of, sort of, what people go through, and how challenging it is to really just sort

of navigate their day-to-day lives. You know, just maintaining their, their mental health and
emotional stability on top of maybe not having enough money to, you know, to access all the
resources that would help them maintain their emotional stability. Its sort of, you know, kind of
a double-edged sword to have to deal with both. (p. 142)
If conventional counseling practice does not always enable practitioners to connect their interventions
to the realities of life in poverty, what treatment innovations hold promise for increasing the
relevance of mental health practice in poor communities? Smith (2010) has conceptualized such
innovations as constituting a continuum of interventions that range in their degree of similarity to
conventional counseling modalities. Those with the most similarity are termed transformed
psychotherapeutic practices, while the two categories with increasingly less similarity are cocreated
interventions and community praxis. Transformed psychotherapeutic practices are represented by
clear, substantive modifications of traditional practice in keeping with social justice tenets. As a
feminist orientation that is based on mutuality and power sharing within the counseling dyad,
relational-cultural therapy is a well-established example of such a modification (e.g., Jordan, 2000).
Cocreated interventions are new forms of counseling that are created in collaboration with clients or
community members; these have included group counseling modalities based on poetry and spokenword performance (Smith, Chambers, & Bratini, 2009) and peer-led psychoeducational groups
created to address depression in the context of urban poverty (Goodman et al., 2007). Finally, within
community praxis, counselors engage with community members in practices/actions that explicitly
connect individual and community well-being to the larger sociocultural context. Participatory action
research (PAR) represents a vehicle by which community praxis can be practiced. In PAR, counseling
professionals do not conduct studies on community members; rather, they conduct studies with
community members on issues of local interest and urgency. This is a process in which all
participants contribute, learn, and grow as they address the sociocultural conditions that undermine
the communitys emotional well-being in the first place (Smith & Romero, 2010).
Published accounts of class-aware counseling practices that fall along this continuum are scarce, but
they include a recent description of an innovative intervention by Ali and Lees (2013). Developed in
collaboration with the urban community-based organizations with which the researchers partnered,
anti-oppression advocacy (AOA) addresses two issues in concert: therapeutic change and economic
justice. In AOA, counselors weave awareness of poverty throughout the counseling context; they
support clients social justice actions and also act as advocates themselves. Ali and Lees report an
example of AOA that centered on the use of photovoice, an image-based technique for storytelling and
meaning making that was created by Wang and Burris (1997) for use by PAR teams. The use of
photovoice as a counseling intervention has been described by Smith, Bratini, and Appio (2012), who
implemented such an intervention among teenagers in a poor community. Ali and Lees, however,
created their PhotoCLUB for adult members, and they described both individual and group benefits to
the participants. The process began with members taking pictures of their community and each
member showing three photos to the group. Members were to choose photos that represented how
they saw themselves and their futures and then describe them as such. The group then helped to
brainstorm strategies for attaining the individual and collective well-being that was reflected there. In
response to this strategizing, one member sent her pictures of abandoned buildings to a local coalition
for the homeless, which used them to lobby for the conversion of several buildings into subsidized

and transitional housing. Subsequently, a city government lawyer was invited to one of the groups
meetings and ultimately asked the group for permission to use the photos in following up on the unsafe
conditions they depicted.

Training Issues
In Smith et al.s (2013) study of clinicians working in the context of poverty, participants shared the
challenges and rewards that they had encountered and ultimately emphasized that counselors in
training should receive focused preparation to develop their personal and multicultural awareness
with regard to poverty. Given that such training is rarely a part of counseling graduate curricula, how
can graduate programs identify what some of the essential elements of such training might be? How
can they address the preparation of trainees to provide innovative interventions such as those
described above? Stabb and Reimers (2013) frame training for effective counseling in the context of
poverty within a competency-based training model developed by the Education Directorate of the
American Psychological Association (APA) and the Council of Chairs of Training Council (CCTC).
Six clusters of benchmark competencies are represented within this model: professionalism,
relationships, science, application, education, and systems.
Under the heading of professionalism, Stabb and Reimers address the issue of how counselors can
most appropriately present themselves and their work, given considerations of social class and
poverty. Elements of professional presentation include attention to the class-related messages
conveyed by expensive material possessions (such as jewelry or office decor) (Sweet, 2011) and the
use of classist language such as trashy or low-rent. Professionalism also includes the
professionals responsibilities to acquire awareness regarding poverty and its causes and to selfmonitor for classist assumptions within teaching, supervision, and training. Relationship
competencies include the facilitation ofand teaching students to engage incritical dialogues
around class issues and counseling practice, as well as helping class-privileged trainees build
empathy with poor clients (and peers). Science competencies cluster around acquisition of an
adequate knowledge base regarding class and poverty issues, and knowledge of research methods that
are appropriate for use in the context of poverty. In particular, Stabb and Reimers note that
fundamental flaws in such a knowledge base are reflected by a failure to study the strengths of poor
and working-class people and/or by a tendency to study their challenges primarily as individual
deficits without consideration of the impact of structural inequalities (Lott & Bullock, 2007).
Stabb and Reimers (2013) address counseling practice more directly in elaborating the competencies
that correspond to the applications benchmark, those related to assessment, intervention, and
consultation. For example, they advise trainers to encourage contextualized conceptualizations of
clients lives that include historical, political, social, economic, and religious or spiritual factors
(Mattar, 2011). In addressing educational competencies, Stabb and Reimers discuss the effective
provision and evaluation of instruction and skill development with regard to social class and poverty.
Suggestions garnered from the literature include the provision of experiential opportunities through
which trainees have the opportunity to engage with poor communities (Chu et al., 2012; Lewis, 2010)
and incorporation of the materials provided by the APA Task Force on Resources for the Inclusion of
Social Class in Psychology Curricula in its 2008 report, a compendium of class-related experiential
exercises, course syllabi, and fiction along with a bibliography of relevant scholarship. Finally, the

systems benchmark refers to interprofessional knowledge and collaboration, the management of

organizations and programs, and organizational effectiveness and leadership. This domain also
encompasses advocacy competencies, through which counselors acquire the skills to intervene in
social, political, economic, or cultural processes in order to facilitate systemic change. Advocacy
competencies are conceptualized as including the recruitment of economically diverse faculty and
students and the provision of practicum sites that serve poor communities.
Stabb and Reimers (2013) also call for the examination of values throughout academia. For example,
they wonder whether advocacy work might be appropriately listed as direct service hours on
internship applicationsor, if not, perhaps a new category could be created. Advocacy
competencies, they argue, are, in fact a vital accompaniment to the other benchmarks:
Opportunities for advocacy in the face of poverty and classism abound. For example, Mattar
(2011) calls for changes throughout the discipline of psychology, including curriculum, journal
decisions, and in leadership. At the political level, advocacy competencies speak to the
importance of supporting legislative initiatives to decrease mental health disparities (Belle &
Dodson, 2006), attend to welfare and under-employment concerns (Smith, 2010) and numerous
other inequities. At whatever level, from personal-micro to structural-macro, advocacy
competencies are important to implement for competent poverty training. (p. 179)

Critical Incident

Counseling at the Intersection of Social Class, Race, and Rural

Living
Jeanette, a 54-year-old married African American woman, presented at a community mental health
center in rural Georgia with symptoms of depression (weight gain, irritability, social isolation, crying
spells). Jeanettes husband is an independent contractor, but construction jobs have been few and far
between with the economic downturn, and Jeanette herself is currently unemployed. Jeanette has one
adult daughter with whom she describes a distant relationship because her daughter identifies as a
lesbian and lives in Atlanta with her girlfriend. Jeanette states that she garners the majority of her
social support through her womens group at church, though she notes feeling guarded around
friends who dont know too much about her past.
As a child, Jeanette experienced severe physical and psychological abuse from her mother and sexual
abuse from her older brother. Despite having been raised in the 1960s, Jeanette grew up in a
childhood home that had no indoor plumbing or heat, and she states that she was too embarrassed to
make friends for fear they would find out about her poverty. She dropped out of high school in the
10th grade in order to get a full-time job as a line cook that enabled her to move away from her
abusers and support herself.
Jeanette entered therapy at the prompting of her husband, who claims that she overeats away her
pain rather than facing her past trauma. Jeanette has a history of severe drug abuse, but she indicates
that due to Narcotics Anonymous, raising her daughter, and her Baptist faith, she has been able to
remain substance-free for 17 years and has instead shifted her coping method to food. Since her
daughter moved away and came out as lesbian, Jeanette reports feeling that she has lost her identity as
a mother and homemaker. Jeanette completed her GED after her daughter was born and has since
enrolled in a few classes at the community college, but she has little desire to earn her associate
degree. To pass the time, she is currently seeking employment, but because of her past involvement
with narcotics, she has a criminal record and has been unsuccessful in securing even a minimumwage position.
Jeanette indicates that she would like to work on her anger toward her family of origin, her feelings of
helplessness, and her lack of a sense of purpose. In sessions, she explores the context of her traumatic
experiences. Growing up in the rural and racially segregated South, she felt as though she could not
report her abuse or rely on law enforcement for support or intervention. Moreover, as a Black
woman, she describes feeling pressure not to bring negative attention to her family and community by
reporting these assaults. Through therapy she begins to process how these early traumatic experiences
may have contributed to her feelings of hopelessness and disempowerment, which eventually led to
substance abuse and overeating. Jeanette feels trapped and discouraged by her inability to find
employment and notes that her present disempowerment is triggering her to relive past trauma.
At the end of her fourth session, Jeanette expresses the desire to set concrete goals for reestablishing
her sense of personal mastery while allowing for a more healthy release of anger toward her mother
and brother. Jeanette also notes that she would like to work on her relationship with her daughter but
feels stuck because of her spiritual beliefs that same-gender romantic relationships are immoral.
She fears that if her friends in the Baptist womens group find out that her daughter is a lesbian, she

and her husband will be marginalized by their community, and they might also lose the sporadic
economic support they receive from religious leaders and food banks run by faith-based
organizations.

Discussion Questions
1. Jeanettes presenting concerns emerge at the nexus of several poverty- and racism-related
factors. How would you describe the influence of these systemic forms of oppression in her life
and in her presenting concerns?
2. Poverty is often described as a damaging system that perpetuates itself (e.g., the poor get
poorer). How might this have been the case for Jeanette?
3. A primary element within Jeanettes history is the childhood abuse that appears to have triggered
a pattern of withdrawal, depression, and avoidance of emotions via substance abuse. How has
the impact of the trauma been exacerbated by the poverty that Jeanettes family faces?
4. To supplement her husbands sporadic wages, Jeanette and her husband receive support from
their churchthough this faith-based support feels tenuous, as Jeanette worries that it may be
revoked if word of her daughters sexual orientation reaches members of the conservative
church leadership. How do oppression-related issues intersect in this element of Jeannettes
story? How do they contribute to Jeanettes lack of connection to others?
5. If you were a professional employed as Jeanettes counselor, you might or might not share a
number of social identities with your client with regard to race, gender, sexual orientation, and
so forth. You would not, however, be likely to share her identity as a person currently living in
poverty. What are your thoughts about how the correspondence of these identities (or the lack
thereof) between you and your client would affect the treatment? How would you incorporate
your understanding of these issues within your work with Jeanette?
6. How might this case and resultant therapeutic interventions proceed differently if Jeanette were
an upper-middle-class woman who lives in the Northeast?

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18 The Ecology of Acculturation Implications for Counseling

Across Cultures
Jaimee Stuart
Colleen Ward

Primary Objective
To provide a conceptual framework for understanding the acculturation experience and how it
influences counseling

Secondary Objective
To help students understand the various research perspectives in the psychology of
acculturation and adaptation
People have always shifted from place to place, drawn by the opportunities that are present in
particular locations, and this population movement has historically been one of the driving forces in
changing demographics. The recent global increase in the mobility of cultural travelers brought about
by relaxation of immigration laws, policy reforms regarding refugee resettlement, and access to
global information, media, and transport networks has contributed to this trend. As a result, 214
million people (3.1% of the worlds population) currently reside outside their countries of birth, a
figure that grew by an estimated 64 million over the past 10 years (International Organization for
Migration, 2010).
The long-term outcome of migration is the formation of culturally diverse populations in which
different cultural groups reside together under shared social and political frameworks (Berry, 1997).
In situations of sustained intercultural contact, individuals and groups are faced with the issue of how
to adjust to cultural values, behaviors, and systems of beliefs that are different from their own. The
period of adjustment following intercultural contact is known as acculturation and is defined as the
process of mutual and reciprocal change that takes place as a result of intercultural contact between
two or more cultural groups and their individual members within a society (Berry, 1997; Redfield,
Linton, & Herskovits, 1936).
Although some groups of people, and in fact some societies, face the challenges of acculturation more
than others, it is undeniable that acculturation is a phenomenon that influences the lives of all people.
Therefore, the changes arising from intercultural contact are not confined to people who relocate
across cultures (e.g., sojourners, immigrants, refugees). Acculturation affects indigenous peoples who
have been subject to involuntary colonization and established ethnocultural communities in
multicultural societies, as well as majority groups in societies that are culturally diverse (Berry &
Sam, 1997). In this chapter we will consider issues confronted by acculturating people and the

implications of these issues for counseling professionals.

Conceptualizations of Acculturation
The term acculturation has been used to refer to both changes at the group level and changes in the
psychology of the individual (Berry, 1997). At the group level, changes may occur in the social
structure of the group or in the groups economic and value base. At the individual level, changes take
place in identity, values, and behavior (Sam, 2006). Acculturation itself is a neutral process, which
effectively means that the changes arising from intercultural contact may be positive or negative
depending on how the process is experienced by the individual or group. Contact with other cultures
may result in an individual developing a range of cultural skills, better relationships with members of
other ethnocultural groups, and a stronger sense of world-mindedness. On the other hand,
intercultural contact can result in culture shock, intergroup anxiety, and identity conflict (Ward,
Bochner, & Furnham, 2001).
Historically, acculturation has been conceptualized on a bipolar continuum in which adherence to
ones culture of origin (ethnic culture) and adherence to the culture of the receiving society (host
national culture) are mutually exclusive (Gordon, 1964, cited in Ryder, Alden, & Paulhus, 2000).
Thus, as one adopts elements of the host national culture, adherence to ones ethnic culture decreases
and vice versa (LaFromboise, Coleman, & Gerton, 1993). In contemporary research, this
conceptualization has been replaced with bidimensional models of acculturation in which
maintenance of ones culture of origin occurs concurrently with adoption of and participation in the
host national culture (Berry, 1980). The difference between these approaches is that unidimensional
models are based on the notion that cultural adaptation to the mainstream goes hand in hand with a
loss of attachment to ones own ethnic and cultural ties (culture shedding), whereas bidimensional
models do not make this assumption. In fact, recent research has established that the relationship
between cultural orientations is contingent on the context, meaning that in some situations ethnic and
host national cultural orientations are negatively related, in others they are positively related, and in
still others the two orientations are unrelated (Phinney, Berry, Vedder, & Liebkind, 2006; Ward &
Kus, 2012).
The most widely utilized bidimensional model of acculturation was developed by Berry (1980, 1997,
2005). This model posits that there are two major choices individuals make: whether to have contact
with others outside their group, and whether to maintain traditional culture. These choices position
individuals in one of four acculturation categories. When individuals place little value on maintaining
their cultural heritage and choose to interact with and take on parts of the majority culture, they are
seen to adopt a strategy of assimilation. In contrast, individuals who place a high value on retaining
their ethnic culture while avoiding interaction with other cultures endorse a separation strategy.
Individuals who retain their ethnic culture as well as interact with and adopt elements of the majority
culture are seen to be engaged in integration. Lastly, when individuals neither maintain their ethnic
culture nor participate in or adopt elements of the wider society, marginalization occurs.
Although not without their critics (e.g., Rudmin, 2003), Berry and colleagues have produced
persuasive evidence that integration is consistently the most favored acculturation response across
sojourners, immigrants, refugees, and native peoples. Not only is integration preferred by

acculturating groups, but also those who pursue an integration strategy are widely found to achieve
better outcomes than those who acculturate in other ways (Sam, 2006). Integration is related to better
psychological adaptation, more favorable intergroup attitudes, and less acculturative stress (Berry,
1997; A.-M. D. Nguyen & Benet-Martnez, 2013; Sam, 2000; Sam & Berry, 1995; Virta, Sam, &
Westin, 2004).
Beyond the four acculturation strategies, acculturating groups can be distinguished on three
dimensions: mobility, permanence, and voluntariness (Berry, 2005). People who have made crosscultural relocations, such as refugees, asylum seekers, immigrants, and sojourners, are distinguished
from members of sedentary groups, such as native peoples and established ethnocultural communities.
Cross-cultural travelers who resettle temporarily, such as sojourners, differ from those, like
immigrants and refugees, whose moves are more permanent (Van Oudenhoven & Ward, 2013).
Finally, those who voluntarily engage in intercultural contact (e.g., immigrants, sojourners, and
ethnocultural groups) are distinguished from those who are forced into involuntary interactions (e.g.,
refugees, asylum seekers, and indigenous peoples). Marked differences are evident across these three
dimensions: Persons in groups that are involuntarily subjected to culture contact and change tend to
suffer more mental health problems than voluntary migrants (Berry, Kim, Minde, & Mok, 1987).
Identity issues, changing sense of self, and shifting values appear to be less troublesome issues for
short-term, compared to long-term, migrants (Ward & Kennedy, 1993). Groups who relocate across
cultures are likely to experience more acute stress than sedentary populations, although both are likely
to confront chronic stressors (Zheng & Berry, 1991).
By recognizing individual-level acculturation strategies and group-level characteristics relating to
acculturation, we can understand how change occurs for individuals experiencing acculturation, but it
is also important to consider what changes for individuals and groups as a result of negotiating new
cultural environments (Sam, Vedder, Ward, & Horenczyk, 2006). The psychological and behavioral
changes that take place in an individual or group in response to environmental demands are referred
to as adaptation outcomes (Berry, 1997). It must be noted that changes following acculturation may
or may not be positive, and therefore may enhance or diminish individuals capacity to fit into their
environments. Berry (1997) suggests that in the short term, changes tend to be negative and often
disruptive, whereas in the long term some positive adaptation usually occurs.
The adaptiveness of long-term acculturative change can be gauged in two conceptually related but
empirically distinct domains: psychological and sociocultural (Sam et al., 2006; Searle & Ward,
1990; Ward, 2001). Psychological adaptation consists of a persons psychoemotional or affective
responses to acculturation, such as sense of well-being, absence of depression, and life satisfaction
within a new cultural situation. Sociocultural adaptation outcomes, by contrast, involve behavioral
responses to acculturation, or the persons skills for navigating and engaging successfully in novel
cross-cultural encounters (Ward & Kennedy, 1993). The constructs of psychological and sociocultural
adaptation are not only situated in two distinct theoretical domains, but they are also largely predicted
by different variables and exhibit different patterns of change over time (Ward, 2001).
While in the preceding section we have dealt broadly with the theories of acculturation, our major
objective in this chapter is to offer a conceptual framework for understanding the acculturation
experience as applied to the context of counseling and related therapeutic interventions. In the rest of

the chapter, therefore, we will describe the ecology of acculturation as linked to contextual-,
relational-, and individual-level factors. We will also offer guiding questions for counselors to target
the appropriate ecological level when working with acculturating clients.

The Ecology of Acculturation: Implications for Counseling

The majority of acculturation research has focused on the process of change that occurs at the
individual level, particularly centering on how acculturative strategies are developed through choices
concerning culture maintenance and participation in the wider society. Focusing on the individual
assumes that acculturative changes occur in ways that are mainly dependent on intrapersonal
processes, which does not take into account the complex relationships that may exist among
individuals and groups undergoing acculturation.
Traditionally, applying acculturation theory to counseling practice has been particularly difficult
because of inconsistencies in definitions and lack of understanding of the contextual, multilevel nature
of intercultural contact (Kohatsu, Concepcion, & Perez, 2010). In order to assess acculturation
adequately, especially within a counseling setting, mental health professionals need to consider
various interdependent issues. Below, we outline three levels of acculturation that counselors can use
to understand the various issues they may confront: the contextual level, the relational level, and the
individual level. The theoretical underpinnings of these three levels of acculturation are informed by
Bronfenbrenners (1994) ecological theory of development. Ecological theory is based on the
concept that life-course development takes place across a variety of contexts in which the individual
is in constant interaction with other individuals and groups. Behavior occurs within a set of
overlapping ecological systems (e.g., the family, peer group, workplace, community, and broad social
setting) that all operate together, creating a comprehensive set of influences on the individual.
The contextual level of acculturation concerns where and under what conditions acculturation is
taking place: the physical, geographical, or ideological setting (i.e., the influence of societal values
and institutions; see Bronfenbrenner, 1994). The relational level concerns who is involved in the
acculturation process and places emphasis on the interpersonal aspects of acculturation (i.e., the
influence of family members, friends, school peers, workplace colleagues, and members of the
neighborhood). The individual level concerns what characteristics of the individual affect the
management of cultural transitions and how these characteristics interact with influences from the
broader ecological environment. Figure 18.1 illustrates the proposed ecological model of
acculturation. It must be noted that settings characterized by specific types of interpersonal
relationships cross over the levels of acculturation, as they represent both contextual and relational
aspects of acculturation.

Figure 18.1 The Ecological Model of Acculturation

The following subsections offer descriptions of the distinct elements of acculturation at each level,
and counselors can use the model itself as a way to elicit information about interactions among the
domains of acculturation. Tables 18.1, 18.2, and 18.3 provide summaries of relevant questions at the
respective levels for counselors to consider when they are interacting with clients who present with
acculturation-based issues. These questions may form the basis for therapeutic interventions, and
counselors may use the tables as checklists to consult when interacting with clients undergoing
acculturation.

The Contextual Level

Contextual factors are those that make up the broad social setting in which acculturation processes are
embedded. These factors set the scene, define the operating parameters, and guide acculturative
changes (for a review of contexts of acculturation, see Berry, 2006). Contextual factors can increase
or diminish the likelihood that acculturating individuals will adapt well, acquire the necessary skills
to negotiate multiple cultural demands and expectations, and enjoy well-being.

The Multicultural Context

Some of the most important and broad-based contextual factors relate to cultural diversity and the
multicultural nature of the wider society: the extent to which the country, region, or neighborhood is
culturally diverse in terms of population demographics; how cultural diversity is managed in terms of

policies and practices; and how culturally diverse groups perceive and relate to each other (Berry &
Sam, in press).
Cultural diversity per se affords both risks and benefits. Under the right circumstances, enhanced
creativity and innovation are more likely to arise in culturally diverse settings (Legrain, 2007). On the
other hand, diverse environments can generate intergroup hostility and precipitate negative
psychological and social consequences, including decrements in subjective well-being (Vedder, van
de Vijver, & Liebkind, 2006). These are important considerations in North America, as there is
evidence to suggest that both Canada and the United States are highly diverse, generally more so than
European Union countries (Berry et al., 2006).
Overall, the management of cultural diversity in terms of the presence or absence of policies that
support multiculturalism is more important than diversity per se. For example, immigrant youth who
reside in countries with policies favoring diversity are more likely to endorse integration, experience
better school adjustment, and display fewer behavioral problems than their counterparts in other
countries (Vedder et al., 2006). This is not surprising, as policies supporting multiculturalism
encourage the maintenance of traditional ethnic cultures along with fair and equitable participation in
the wider society. The United States lags behind Canada and many European countries, as well as
Australia and New Zealand, in terms of multicultural policies (Multicultural Policy Index, 2010).
While governments, institutions, and organizations can enact policies and prohibit blatant
discrimination, they cannot regulate attitudes and perceptions, which form the basis of everyday
multiculturalism. Is diversity ignored, rejected, tolerated, accepted, or celebrated? Are there
generally positive or negative attitudes toward immigrants and ethnic minorities? Is subtle
discrimination against visibly different individuals and groups common or rare? And how does this
everyday multiculturalismthat is, how members of different cultural groups perceive and interact
with each otheraffect acculturation and adaptation? Many people hold the view that it is the
responsibility of the immigrant, indigenous person, or ethnic minority member to fit in and adapt to
the norms, values, and practices of the wider society. However, this view ignores wider contextual
factors, in particular, how culturally different individuals are viewed and received by members of
the wider society. Societal attitudes toward diversity and multiculturalism have marked influences on
the acculturation experiences of individuals and groups, and negative sentiments are associated with
psychological and social adaptation problems in minority youth (Ward & Stuart, 2012).
National-level attitudes can constrain or increase acculturation options for ethnic minorities,
particularly with regard to possibilities for maintaining heritage cultures. Such attitudes also interact
with individual-level aspirations to affect acculturation outcomes. More specifically, if members of
minority groups prefer to integratethat is, maintain their heritage cultures and also participate in the
wider societybut members of the majority group prefer assimilation, problematic consequences are
likely, including strained intercultural relations, greater perceived discrimination, and higher levels
of stress (Bourhis, Mose, Perreault, & Sencal, 1997; Zagefka & Brown, 2002). In addition, when
integration is preferred, perceived pressures to assimilate have negative impacts on immigrants life
satisfaction (Ward, 2009).
How members of a multicultural society perceive their environmentwhether it is tolerant and
accepting or rife with hostility and prejudiceis also important and has implications for

psychological well-being and social functioning. Subjective multiculturalism has been shown to
predict a range of positive outcomes in minority youth. It is associated with increased resilience,
lower levels of stress, greater life satisfaction, fewer psychological symptoms, and fewer behavioral
problems (Stuart, Ward, & Robinson, 2012). Similarly, within school contexts, perceived
multiculturalism is linked to better academic performance and intentions to remain in school (Tan,
1999). Overall, a multicultural environment can diminish stress and enhance resilience in immigrants
and other ethnic minorities.

Public and Private Domains

Acculturating individuals are called upon regularly to negotiate competing pressures between their
traditional ethnic cultures and the mainstream society. However, the ways individuals manage these
pressures tend to vary between public and private domains. In multicultural settings where cultural
diversity is supported by policy and practices, the demands for cultural maintenance and participation
are largely compatible. In assimilationist contexts individuals are generally required to adapt to and
display behaviors in accordance with mainstream expectations. Within ethnic communities the norms,
values, and behaviors associated with traditional culture are likely to prevail, as is the case in private
settings, particularly within the family (Arends-Toth & van de Vijver, 2003).

As different contexts demand different behavioral repertoires, what is adaptive in one setting may
engender problems in another. Maintaining heritage culture may have a positive adaptive function in
marriage and family domains, but adopting elements of the mainstream culture is likely to be more
functional in public spheres such as school and work settings (Gngr, 2007). Fortunately, many
immigrant and minority individuals are able to move between cultural contexts comfortably (Stuart &
Ward, 2011). Others, however, have difficulty reconciling what they perceive to be incompatible
demands and experience symptoms of distress (Ward, Stuart, & Kus, 2011). Family and peers play a
significant role in encouraging or impeding the cultural frame switching associated with fluid
movement between public and private domains; we discuss this role in the following section.

The Relational Level

At the most basic level acculturation involves exposure to others from different cultural groups,
effectively meaning that acculturation cannot occur in social isolation. Acculturation takes place
across a variety of social interaction contexts, including family, community, peer group, workplace,
and educational settings. Similar to contextual factors, relational factors can increase or diminish the
likelihood that acculturating individuals will adapt well. It is well established that the approach of
any individual to acculturation is shaped by that persons relationships before, during, and following
cultural transition. Relational factors can provide the most important sources of support for
acculturating individuals, but they can also foster interpersonal conflict and contribute to
maladaptation.

Social Support
The direct positive effect of social support networks on the well-being of acculturating peoples is
widely recognized (Jasinskaja-Lahti, 2006). Social support may come from a variety of sources
(including family, friends, and acquaintances) and is found to be one of the most important resources
in coping with acculturative stress. The presence of social support predicts both psychological
adjustment and physical health and has a direct positive effect on sociocultural adaptation, whereas
the absence of social support has been found to exacerbate the negative effects of perceived
discrimination (Jasinskaja-Lahti, 2006; Noh & Kaspar, 2003; Ong & Ward, 2005).
One of the biggest challenges faced by an acculturating person is a loss or lack of social support.
Research with international students has found that moving to a different country means previously
established support systems become inaccessible, making individuals feel less confident, increasingly
anxious, and confused (Hayes & Lin, 1994). The combined effects of acculturative stressors (the
experience of relocation, challenges of sociocultural adaptation, and dealing with a potentially
prejudicial host environment) coupled with a lack of resources to manage the transition to the host
society may render individuals susceptible to maladjustment (Berry, 2005; Poyrazli & Kavanaugh,
2004).
For individuals undergoing acculturation, the establishment of interpersonal support networks can be
challenging, and the ethnic composition of these networks may not be optimal for the difficulties they
face (Finch & Vega, 2003). Co-national networks, such as the family and the ethnic community, have
been found to provide social support that acts to enhance psychological adaptation (Finch & Vega,
2003; Martnez Garca, Garca Ramrez, & Maya Jariego, 2002; Noh & Kaspar, 2003). However,
research indicates that when individuals have access only to co-nationals in their support networks,
this can increase feelings of alienation, isolation, and discrimination (Ward & Kennedy, 1993).
With regard to support networks that include host nationals, it is well recognized that contact with
host nationals facilitates culture-specific learning, which is integral for cross-cultural adaptation
(Wilson, Ward, & Fischer, 2013). Having host national friends and more frequent social contact with
members of the wider society is associated with increased well-being and better general adaptation
in sojourners and immigrants (Berry et al., 1987). Such networks are also an important factor in
reducing cultural stress and encouraging the academic achievement of international students (Hayes &
Lin, 1994; Poyrazli & Kavanaugh, 2004). However, the presence of host nationals in the support
networks of immigrants and sojourners is often limited, especially if the society of settlement is not

receptive to cultural diversity.

Overall, research has shown that acculturating individuals are capable of drawing on sources of
social support from both co-nationals and host nationals, but these sources offer differential benefits
and drawbacks. Specifically, it has been found that host national support networks often provide more
instrumental support, whereas ethnic social networks are responsible for more emotional assistance
(Bochner, McLeod, & Lin, 1977; Johnson, Kristof-Brown, van Vianen, de Pater, & Klein, 2003). For
acculturating individuals, relying primarily on co-national support may be easier in the short term but
may lead to more long-term difficulties with regard to culture learning and sociocultural adaptation.
Alternatively, social support from members of the host culture may be initially more difficult to
access but may have advantages in terms of facilitating long-term adaptation in the new culture.

The Family
To understand an individuals acculturation, it is important to consider the complex mutual and
reciprocal relationships that person shares with intimate others (Georgas, Berry, van de Vijver,
Kaitibai, & Poortinga, 2006). The family plays a particularly important role in acculturation,
fostering well-being, bolstering resilience, maintaining cultural values, and providing a context in
which individuals can share and solve acculturative issues (Oppedal, 2006; Phinney & Ong, 2007).
However, the acculturating family is confronted with many difficulties that challenge its functioning
and the patterns of interaction among its individual members. These challenges include pressure on
traditional roles (both gender roles and familial parentchild roles) and status changes associated
with adapting to the new culture (Chung, 2001; Phinney, Kim-Jo, Osorio, & Vilhjalmsdottir, 2005), as
well as issues of intergenerational conflict and threats to cultural transmission (Weaver & Kim,
2008). Consequently, acculturation, particularly when characterized by large differences in language,
values, beliefs, and traditions between the culture of the family and the culture of the wider society,
often requires fundamental changes in the functioning of the family unit.
For acculturating individuals, the family is usually embedded in a culture that is different from the
culture of the wider society, which effectively means that things may be valued within the wider
society that are not valued in the family, and vice versa (Arends-Toth & van de Vijver, 2006). NonEuropean immigrant families in Western societies often hold collectivistic orientations and, as such,
emphasize interdependence, obedience, and conformity. These values mean that all family members
tend to feel a sense of duty to assist one another and take into account the needs and wishes of the
family when making decisions (Fuligni, Tseng, & Lam, 1999). It has been found that family
obligations are associated with both positive and negative outcomes for acculturating youth (Stuart et
al., 2012). Specifically, strong obligations to assist the family have been associated with greater
adaptation, interdependence, and resilience; however, when family obligations are very high,
mismatched between family members, or viewed by the young person as unmanageable, they may be
related to greater stress and poorer adaptation (Fuligni, 1998; Fuligni, Yip, & Tseng, 2002). (For
more information on families in specific ethnic groups, see Chapter 21 in this volume.)
Another important point to note is that experiences of acculturation are different for each member of
the family; individuals differ in their personal adjustment to the new culture and their exposure to
different sociocultural settings (such as work and school). A number of studies have found that this

can lead to the endorsement of different acculturation strategies within the family (Kwak, 2003;
Rothbaum, Pott, Azuma, Miyake, & Weisz, 2000). Farver, Narang, and Bhadha (2002) found that
when family members share a preference for integration, there is less family conflict and adolescents
have stronger ethnic identities and better adaptation than in families where parents and adolescents
differ in their acculturation styles. However, it is a common theme within the acculturation literature
that parents tend to endorse cultural maintenance more than do their children, whereas children value
more contact and participation with the new culture (Costigan & Dokis, 2006; Fuligni et al., 1999).
Often parents and children disagree on acculturation strategies because parents cannot rely on the new
society to assist in the transmission of cultural values to their children (Kwak, 2003), leading to a
greater adherence to traditional cultural values (Chung, 2001).
In contrast, immigrant adolescents, as part of the process of maturation, tend to accept new cultural
values and practices more easily than do their parents (Kwak, 2003; Rothbaum et al., 2000), a
phenomenon Portes (1997) labels dissonant acculturation. The resultant inconsistency across family
members can prove problematic for cultural maintenance and exacerbate experiences of conflict
(Phinney, Ong, & Madden, 2000). It is well established that discrepancies between parents and their
children concerning acculturation often elevate levels of conflict within the family and threaten the
well-being and capacity for adjustment of family members (Kwak, 2003; Phinney et al., 2000, 2005).

While families may face a variety of challenges in the acculturation process, it has also been found
that family relationships can alleviate the stressful aspects of cultural contact and change. Family
relationships can be strengthened as a result of acculturation, and they may provide a buffer to the
negative impacts of stress by offering a platform to encourage the collective development of
acculturative problems, promoting resilience and greater flexibility in coping with cultural transition
(Arends-Toth & van de Vijver, 2006; Kaitibai, 2007; Lin, 2008).
In our own recent research, we have found that the impact of the family on the acculturating individual
may in fact be a double-edged sword: The family can both promote positive outcomes and increase
the negative impacts of the acculturation process (Stuart & Ward, 2011; Stuart, Ward, Jose, &
Narayanan, 2010; Stuart et al., 2012). Specifically, elements of family interaction (particularly
cohesion) can have a range of positive effects on adjustment outcomes (Stuart et al., 2012). However,
family factors that are more closely aligned to the transmission of cultural values such as obligations
and intergenerational conflict resulting from acculturation can have negative effects on adjustment
(Stuart & Ward, 2011).

In general, migrating families bring a range of strengths to the acculturation process, specifically in
regard to the supportive function of the family unit. However, the acculturation process creates a
variety of novel and sometimes problematic situations for the family unit (Ward, Fox, Wilson, Stuart,
& Kus, 2010). Counselors should bear in mind how acculturation outcomes are influenced not only by
the experiences of the individual but also by the experiences of all members of the family.

The Individual Level

Individual-level factors are the characteristics of the person undergoing acculturation. Whereas the
contextual domain defines the operating parameters of acculturation and the relational domain
illustrates the interpersonal parameters, the individual domain focuses on the specific experiences
and personal attributes that guide each individuals approach to acculturation. Below we briefly
discuss three aspects of the individual domain: personal background, personality, and identity.
Although a range of other individual-level factors are relevant for counselors to explore with crosscultural clients (e.g., physical and mental health status, trauma, employment status, education level,
previous cultural experience), these are outside the scope of this chapter.

Personal Background
The age, gender, and generation of migration of the acculturating individual are factors well known to
affect acculturation outcomes, although findings are mixed with respect to the influences of these
factors on adjustment. With respect to gender there are conflicting research findings. Some studies
indicate that adjustment outcomes do not differ for men and women (Neto, 1995; Nwadiora &
McAdoo, 1996), whereas others have found that females tend to have a greater risk of psychological
symptoms and poorer sociocultural outcomes than males (Berry et al., 1987; Poyrazli & Kavanaugh,
2004; Zlobina, Basabe, Paez, & Furnham, 2006) and that men and boys are more likely than women
and girls to have behavioral and delinquency problems (Bui & Thongniramol, 2005; Sam et al.,
2006).
These trends are affected by assessments of psychological and sociocultural adaptation and reflect
established gender differences in psychopathology (Sam et al., 2006; Ward et al., 2001). For
example, research with immigrant youth has found that boys are more likely to report antisocial
behaviors and engage in risky behaviors, while girls are more likely to display depressive symptoms
and experience greater difficulty negotiating different cultural values. Differences in sociocultural
adjustment between men and women may also be a consequence of changes in the traditional roles
and status of women as part of the acculturation process. It is often the case that immigrant and
refugee women have fewer opportunities than their male counterparts to learn about the culture of the
wider society due to expectations that women are responsible for maintaining the home (Ataca &
Berry, 2002). Also, because immigrant girls are often understood to be the gatekeepers of their
heritage cultures traditions and values, they tend to be subjected to higher expectations for cultural
maintenance, time spent with family, and engagement in traditional female household tasks (Dasgupta,
1998). This can potentially result in conflicting role expectations and lead to greater acculturative
stress as young women attempt to develop autonomy while at the same time maintaining their family
obligations (Dinh & Nguyen, 2006; Yeh, 2003).

With respect to age differences, Beiser et al. (1988) have suggested that adolescence and old age are
high-risk periods. In the first instance, the stress of migration may be intertwined with the stress of
adolescent development; in the latter, it may be that older people have fewer psychological resources
for coping with change. Although both adolescence and old age are seen as life stages during which
acculturation may lead to maladjustment, young people may face more complex issues of adjustment
than their adult counterparts (Oppedal, 2006; Sam et al., 2006; Smetana, Campione-Barr, & Metzger,
2006) because the physical, cognitive, and socioemotional changes that adolescents undergo as they
transition into adulthood influence the manner in which they manage cultural change (Oppedal, 2006;
Sam & Oppedal, 2003). Adolescence can, therefore, be seen as a period in which the issues raised by
immigration, specifically those concerning identity, are particularly salient (Sam et al., 2006).
Another important point to note is that acculturative outcomes for immigrants may differ across
generations (Zlobina et al., 2006). Studies have found that first-generation immigrants experience
greater stress than later-generation individuals, with each succeeding generation experiencing less
stress (Mena, Padilla, & Maldonado, 1987). In contrast to these findings, it has been found that
recently arrived immigrants experience less discrimination and have better adjustment outcomes than
those who have resided in the host country for a longer time (Jasinskaja-Lahti & Liebkind, 2001). The
phenomenon in which first-generation immigrants perform as well as, if not better than, host nationals
on some measures has been labeled the immigrant paradox (H. H. Nguyen, 2006; Sam, Vedder, &
Liebkind, 2008). Recent research has found that children from immigrant families generally adapt
very well, and that first-generation immigrant youth exhibit better health and less involvement in
negative behaviors than host national youth (Fuligni, 1998). Furthermore, results from the
International Comparative Study of Ethno-cultural Youth indicate that second-generation immigrants
and those in subsequent generations become proficient at understanding the social environment, but
their psychological well-being is not necessarily on par with that of first-generation immigrants or
host nationals (Sam et al., 2006).
The influences of education, occupational status, and income are also important, and higher
socioeconomic status has been found to buffer acculturative stress. In contrast, cultural distance (the
degree to which ones ethnic culture is dissimilar to the culture of the wider society) has a
debilitating effect on the psychological well-being of acculturating persons (Ward et al., 2001).
Related to cultural distance, host national language proficiency has important implications for
individuals undergoing acculturation, and in many cases limited language proficiency constrains
individuals choices among acculturation strategies (Poyrazli & Kavanaugh, 2004).

Personality
Personality traits and individual differences can function as resources or deficits in managing the
stress of cross-cultural transition and intercultural interactions. For the most part, personality factors
that contribute to positive adaptive outcomes during acculturation mirror those that are adaptive in
stress and coping processes. There is strong evidence that an internal locus of control is associated
with greater life satisfaction, more positive well-being, and lower levels of depression in
immigrants, expatriates, and international students (Martnez Garca et al., 2002; Neto, 1995; Ong &
Ward, 2005). Hardiness, personal and social self-efficacy, decisiveness, social initiative, flexibility,
cultural empathy, and a sense of coherence also foster resilience and positive psychological outcomes

(Ataca & Berry, 2002; Jibeen & Khalid, 2010; Leong, 2007; Van Oudenhoven, Mol, & Van der Zee,
2003; Van Oudenhoven & Van der Zee, 2002), while extroversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness,
and openness are linked to better social adaptation (Wilson et al., 2013). In contrast, neuroticism
predicts higher levels of acculturative stress (Mangold, Veraza, Kinkler, & Kinney, 2007) and
sociocultural adaptation problems (Wilson et al., 2013), lower levels of life satisfaction, and more
depressive symptoms (Ward, Leong, & Low, 2004; Zhang, Mandl, & Wang, 2010).
While personality factors can bolster or diminish resilience and the capacity to cope with
acculturative pressures, they can also interact with contextual factors to influence adaptive outcomes.
For example, emotional stability, flexibility, and open-mindedness are related to positive affective
outcomes under high-stress conditions but not under low-stress conditions (Van der Zee, Van
Oudenhoven, & De Grijs, 2004). There is also some support for the cultural fit propositionthat is,
the idea that the adaptiveness of some personality factors is determined by the sociocultural context.
For example, it is possible that one can be too extroverted in a more introverted cultural context
and that highly extroverted individuals can experience greater symptoms of psychological distress
under these conditions (Ward & Chang, 1997).

Identity
The challenges faced by sojourners, immigrants, refugees, indigenous peoples, and members of other
ethnocultural groups heighten the salience of issues pertaining to identity. As such, the development
and maintenance of both ethnic and national identities are central to the experience of acculturating
individuals.
Ethnic identity is a complex construct that involves recognition and categorization of the self as a
member of an ethnic group as well as a sense of group belonging and commitment (Ward, 2001). It is
widely recognized that a strong ethnic identity leads to positive adaptation outcomes and can play a
crucial role in increasing resilience (Phinney, 1990; Phinney, Horenczyk, Liebkind, & Vedder, 2001).
Compared to ethnic identity, far less attention has been paid to conceptualizing and assessing
identification with the wider society or national identity. Phinney and colleagues (2001) have argued
that national identity also involves feelings of belonging and positive attitudes toward the larger
society, although there is evidence that ethnic minorities are less likely than members of the majority
group to access national identities successfully and legitimately (Devos & Heng, 2009).
Ethnic and national identities can be related (both positively and negatively) or unrelated depending
on individual and contextual factors (Phinney, 1990; Phinney et al., 2006). These two identities affect
adaptation both jointly and independently, and research has shown that an integrated identity (the
combination of a strong ethnic and a strong national identity) is related to a range of positive
psychological outcomes (Sam & Virta, 2001; Stuart & Ward, 2011). Phinney (1990) suggests that
ethnic identity is likely to be strong when a significant desire to retain identification exists along with
the encouragement and acceptance of integration. Also, when groups feel accepted by the wider
society, their national identity is likely to strengthen (Phinney, 1990). Effectively, multicultural
contexts foster strong ethnic identities while also cultivating positive evaluation of and belonging to
the wider society (LaFromboise et al., 1993; Phinney et al., 2001).

For individuals who are members of marginalized, socially disenfranchised, and devalued groups,
identity issues are very complicated. Retaining heritage culture implies acceptance of a negative
social identity. Some members of such groups respond by rejecting or denying their ethnocultural
heritages. In other instances, revitalization of ethnic consciousness and pride offers a means by which
identity can be negotiated. Many individuals and groups are successful in achieving this, as
evidenced, for example, by the link between ethnic identity and self-esteem found in African
Americans, Asian Americans, and Latino/a Americans (Phinney, 1992). However, those who are not
successful in managing their identities may be at risk of identity conflict, an inner struggle that is
perceived to demand that an individual choose between two or more different identities that prescribe
incompatible behaviors or commitments (Baumeister, 1986).
Within an acculturation framework, the inability of an individual to resolve contradictory components
of his or her cultural identity (termed ethnocultural identity conflict) is negatively related to
adaptation (Lin, 2008; Ward et al., 2011). Research on the predictors of ethnocultural identity conflict
has found that strong national and ethnic identities are both associated with decrements in experiences
of such conflict (Stuart & Ward, 2011). There is also evidence that perceived value discrepancies
between parents and children lead to greater ethnocultural identity conflict in immigrant youth,
whereas family cohesiveness, congruence, and a secure attachment style mitigate feelings of conflict
(Lin, 2008; Stuart & Ward, 2011). However, one of the most powerful predictors of ethnocultural
identity conflict is perceived discrimination (Leong & Ward, 2000; Lin, 2008).

Acculturation and the Counselor

So far in this chapter we have focused on the ecology of acculturation. We have drawn together
common themes and aspects of the acculturation experience, provided a framework that counselors
can use to understand and interpret acculturation-related problems and challenges, and suggested
questions that counselors might consider in formulating therapeutic plans. But working effectively
with culturally diverse clients demands more than an understanding of the psychology and ecology of
acculturation. More broadly, counselors multicultural competencies, based on culturally appropriate
knowledge, awareness, and skills, affect therapeutic outcomes.

These competencies include knowledge and awareness of key issues: that entry into the counseling
system is affected by cultural conceptions of mental health; that culture-sensitive empathy and rapport
are important in establishing a working alliance; that culture-specific modes of counseling work
better with clients from some cultural groups; and that aspects of cultural background and the
acculturation experience can influence receptiveness to counseling (Sue & Sundberg, 1996).
However, awareness and knowledge alone are not sufficient. Counselors also need multicultural
skills to achieve positive outcomes in counseling across cultures.
Tatar (1998) has identified four intercultural counseling strategies with varying degrees of
effectiveness. Although these approaches were originally developed for use with immigrant students,
they can be extended to work with other acculturating persons. The first and most widely used
strategy, counselor as culturally encapsulated assimilator, is the least reflective of multicultural
effectiveness. In this approach, counselors are trapped in the culturally dominant way of thinking that
advocates rapid assimilation in the students best interests. Tatar comments that the assimilative
approach supports a cultural deficiency model, building on the premise that the dominant culture is
also the superior one. The second approach Tatar identifies, counselor as self-facilitator,
emphasizes the individuality of each student, rather than seeing an immigrant as a member of a
labeled group. Tatar describes this method as involving the counselor as an active influence, working
with the individual and with relevant others in recognition and acceptance of the client as undergoing
a developmental transition in a multicultural society. In the third approach, labeled counselor as
specialist, the counselor uses his or her personal and professional expertise to devise innovative
strategies for client needs. Although this often achieves positive outcomes, a challenge for counselors
working with allied professionals is to avoid ethnic stereotyping of certain client groups. Finally,
there is the counselor as translator approach, in which the counselor serves as a bridge between
two cultures, not only assisting the migrant client to operate effectively in the new environment but
also educating local persons about other cultures and what can be learned from them. The last of these
strategies most clearly reflects an ecological approach, as it involves interventions targeted at
individual, relational, and contextual levels.
While the application of the ecological model of acculturation may be relatively new to some
counseling professionals, it should resonate with the more familiar systems theory employed in
counseling and social work practice. Systems theory has been used to understand and interpret
clients experiences in context and from a holistic and integrative perspective. It recognizes that
individual traits and characteristics unfold within social systems and that these systems are situated in
a larger environmental and sociopolitical context (Kaplan, 1995; Patton & McMahon, 2006). One of
the most significant outcomes of systems theory, as with Tatars (1998) counselor translators, is the
tendency to target interventions at levels of the system beyond the individual.
We suggest that therapeutic effectiveness is enhanced by these multilevel interventions. Not only are
they more holistic and ecologically valid, but they are also more meaningful to many immigrant and
minority group members. For example, the high value placed on affiliation, interdependence, and
family ties by Asian and Latino/a Americans suggests that the relational-level aspects of the
acculturation experience assume greater importance (Fuligni et al., 1999). Relatedness is a core value
in collectivist cultures and plays a key role in shaping interpersonal and intergroup behaviors
(Triandis, 1989). Moreover, collectivist ideals often conflict with the individualist values enshrined

in the United States and Canada, including the implicit values held by mainstream counselors.
Ultimately, understanding this big picture is required for therapeutic success as contextual factors
interact with individual and relational factors to constrain or enhance clients psychological and
social well-being.
Employing therapeutic interventions across levels can be difficult and in some instances beyond the
range of a counselors capacity and expertise. Addressing the issue and outcomes of discrimination is
a case in point. Surveys have found that 20% of Muslim Americans consider prejudice and
discrimination against Muslims to be major problems (Pew Research Center, 2011). Three-quarters
of Mexican immigrants and 57% of other immigrants in the United States say there is at least some
discrimination against immigrants (Bittle, Rochkind, Ott, & Gasbarra, 2009). In Canada, 36% of
visible minorities report that they have experienced discrimination on the basis of race or culture in
the past 5 years (Reitz & Banerjee, 2007). We know that perceived discrimination is related to a
variety of negative outcomes, including increased stress, lowered self- and group esteem, impaired
health, antisocial behaviors such as drug use and delinquency, identity conflict, and poorer work
adjustment and job satisfaction (Ward et al., 2001). Counseling efforts can be channeled to provide
support to acculturating people, to increase their resilience, and to assist them in dealing with the
stress of discrimination, but ecological interventions are also required. Further, strategies are needed
to improve intercultural relations in schools, neighborhoods, and workplaces, and programs should
be developed to counter negative societal attitudes toward visible minorities.

Conclusion
In this chapter we have identified generic themes and issues for acculturating persons and provided
an ecological framework for interpreting and understanding their experiences. We have also
recommended multilevel interventions for working with indigenous peoples, sojourners, immigrants,
refugees, and ethnocultural groups. We challenge counselors to consider cross-cultural contact and
change from a broad perspective and to acknowledge the sociopolitical, community, institutional, and
relational influences on both client well-being and the wider outcomes of the counseling process.
Fostering the notion that immigrants and refugees are active coping agents in a continuous process of
life improvement, Ehrensaft and Tousignant (2006) note:
Resilience does not develop in a social or cultural vacuum. The immigrant is part of a family,
which is in turn part of a community, which also interacts with a host society. All of these levels
contribute to the success or failure of the process of resilience. (p. 481)
Mental health professionals should bear this in mind when counseling across cultures.

Critical Incident
Imagine that you are a school counselor in an urban center. A concerned teacher at your school has
referred a 17-year-old female student to you because her behavior has become withdrawn and her

grades have been consistently dropping over the past few months.
The referring teacher, who leads the school orchestra, had noticed that the student, a secondgeneration immigrant from a Middle Eastern background, did not attend orchestra practice for 3
consecutive weeks and asked the other students if anyone knew the reason for her absence. In private,
one of her friends disclosed that the young woman has been having family problems because her
parents found out that some of her classmates were dating boys from another school and that as a
group they had all been spending time together. Although the girl herself is not in a relationship, after
finding out that she was unsupervised in the company of young men, her parents have stopped
allowing her to go to extracurricular activities and outings with her friends. They also now drop her
off at school and pick her up every day, and they will not let her answer phone calls from her friends.
This situation is obviously negatively affecting the students well-being as well as her school
performance.

Discussion Questions
1. How might you facilitate an initial counseling session with this young woman?
2. How does this young womans situation illustrate tensions in the acculturation process?
3. In the contextual domain, what elements of the broader social setting and the specific school
setting do you think are influencing the situation?
4. In the relational domain, how would you identify who should be part of the counseling process?
Should friends, family members, or others be involved? Who should make the decisions
regarding whom to include or exclude, and how will these choices affect the sessions?
5. In the individual domain, what identities, personality attributes, and personal characteristics are
pertinent to the situation?
6. How does this situation illustrate the interactions among domains within the ecology of
acculturation?
7. How would you design an intervention for this young woman that takes into account the
influences from all ecological domains?

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Part V Professional Counseling in a Selection of Culture-Mediated

Human Conditions and Circumstances
In this final section of the volume, both the formats and the themes of cross-cultural counseling are
extended beyond the prototypical encounter between one counselor and one counselee, both of whom
endeavor to reduce the counselees distress and/or to improve his or her functioning. New objectives
and concerns are incorporated into counseling, and procedures for counseling families and groups are
explored in a multicultural context.
In Chapter 19, Daisy R. Singla and Frances E. Aboud broaden the domain of culturally relevant
counseling to include health issues and biomedical disorders. Steering clear of simplifications and
avoiding stereotypes, they trace four pathways: physical stress, problems in the social environment
both within the family and outside it, suboptimal behavior patterns in maintaining health and dealing
with illness, and reduced or inadequate access to health services. All of these factors are negatively
affected by low socioeconomic status, which often interacts with ethnocultural background, yet this
interaction does not operate uniformly across ethnic groups or biomedical diagnostic categories.
Moreover, demographic factors such as gender, age, marital status, and family composition often
constitute important mediators in affecting vulnerability as well as compliance with or
responsiveness to interventions. To cite but two examples of this complexity: Increased rates of
hypertension have been found among African Americans at all levels of socioeconomic status, and
Arab Americans living in ethnic enclaves have reported experiencing more ethnic discrimination than
those who reside in ethnically diverse neighborhoods yet are less stressed by discriminatory
practices. Negative health consequences associated with ethnicity have been detected prenatally;
have assumed even greater importance in infancy, childhood, and adolescence; and have been
observed throughout the life span.
In regard to counseling interventions, Singla and Aboud emphasize the importance of counselors
cultural competence, which they define as the aggregate of practices that promote treatment
effectiveness in a multicultural clientele. Prominent among such skills is the ability to establish trust.
Counselors can accomplish this objective by demonstrating flexibility and sensitivity in interventions,
self-awareness, adaptability, and immersion in core cultural issues. The authors urge reliance on
evidence-based techniques whenever they are available. Cognitive-behavioral therapy is widely
applicable and lends itself easily to culturally appropriate modifications in many domains of
treatment. In particular, self-monitoring has been effective with a great many conditions in diverse
patient populations.
Singla and Aboud recommend motivational interviewing as a highly useful procedure in both
assessment and intervention, and they provide real-world examples of its use with health-related
issues. Grounded in the client-centered ethos, motivational interviewing is nonetheless goal oriented.
It helps identify and foster a clients latent resources in promoting health, preventing illness, and
counteracting illness at all stages of its progression. In general, readers of Chapter 19 will find in it a
coherent and solid body of empirically based and practically applicable information on the relevance
of racially and ethnically tailored approaches to promoting physical health and combating biomedical

illness.
In Chapter 20, James Allen, Jordan Lewis, and Michelle Johnson-Jennings introduce the promotion of
well-being and emotional health as a major goal of counseling across cultures. Their chapter is
organized around an extensive case study of a professional counselor who is trying to accept and
integrate the disparate strands of his self and identity, which prominently include his ethnicity as
experienced at different stages of his life. This process is guided and facilitated in a triadic
relationship involving the client, his culturally oriented professional counselor, and a traditional
healer or elder who acquired her sensitivity and skill not through academic training but from her
father, who practiced and transmitted his age-old practices and outlook within the family setting. This
account is notable for communicating the subtlety of cultural interaction in the course of counseling
and for not shying away from exposing misunderstandings and misinterpretations. Recognizing and
correcting these becomes an integral part of the counseling experience and contributes to its
genuineness and spontaneity.
On the academic level, the authors conclude that personal well-being is promoted by the integration
of the personal value system with the manifold strands of the individuals identity. They refer to the
unique intertwining of these threads as intersectionality. Psychologists understanding of happiness
and fulfillment has been greatly enriched by Dieners theory of subjective well-being, which,
however, is based on individualistic assumptions that prevail within the North American mainstream
culture. Mastery is another, possibly culturally limiting, premise that may not be fully applicable to
persons of different cultural heritages. Allen et al. articulate the contrast between separateness and
connectedness as points of emphasis in various cultures. It is realistic to assume that persons
everywhere strive for autonomy, competence, and relatedness. However, recent cross-cultural
research has shown that while autonomy is highly valued in some cultures, other cultures prize
relatedness more highly. In relation to counseling, Allen et al. assert that there are no culture-free
measures or conceptualizations of well-being and that all counseling is culturally embedded. They
therefore advocate an interpretive approach focused on values clarification at the points of
intersection of the diverse facets of the self and identity. Both goals and methods of treatments should
be chosen on the basis of cultural considerations, in collaboration between counselor and counselee
whenever possible. Implicit philosophical conceptualizations of the good life are practically
relevant in the planning and implementation of counseling with culturally distinctive groups of
persons, but counselors should keep in mind that these groups are composed of individuals with
unique life histories and constellations of values.
These themes are further extended in Chapter 21 by Guillermo Bernal, Jennifer Morales-Cruz, and
Keishalee Gmez-Arroyo as the focus is shifted from the person to the family as the modality of
intervention. Birth family, as these authors assert, is a human universal; human beings are just not
biologically equipped to survive unless they are nurtured and sheltered during a lengthy period of
helplessness and dependence that extends from infancy through much of childhood. However, the
structures of human families vary, and within the contemporary American culture there exist a great
many variants in family composition, values, relationships, roles, and many other features. Both
structurally and functionally, families in a multicultural society differ across ethnocultural and
socioeconomic lines, and often the two strands of influence intertwine. It follows, then, that both the
challenges that individuals face and the ways in which they cope with those challenges are rooted and

reverberate within families. Family counseling is inescapably a major avenue of intervention, and it
is imperative that counselors make it fit the ethnocultural realities of their clients family lives. As
Bernal et al. point out, this approach has somewhat lagged behind others, especially in the
development of conceptual models of culturally fitting and sensitive counseling. Historically, the
family has lost much of its traditional economic function as an autonomous unit of production, while
its expressive and affective aspects have become paramount. The modern family has also shrunk to
become more nuclear and less extended. Current trends point to increases in egalitarianism and
decreases in authoritarianism, but, as Bernal et al. emphasize, these tendencies are less pronounced in
the ethnically distinct components of the American population. At the same time, the stability of such
families is threatened not only by clashes between different sets of values but also by socioeconomic
stress; social disadvantage; the historic, and often still real, burden of discrimination and oppression;
and, more generally, rapid and abrupt sociocultural change.
Bernal et al. provide a detailed and specific account of the values, practices, and challenges
frequently encountered by families in the four major American ethnocultural groupings. The
characteristics of these four groups differ in a great many particulars, but the thread that runs through
all of them is an emphasis on the interdependence of individuals within the family and the sharp line
that separates the often extended and ramified family from outsiders. The authors note the importance
of the use of flexible and innovative approaches in conducting family counseling within multicultural
milieus, and, like Singla and Aboud in Chapter 19, they emphasize the importance of cultural
competence. Cultural competence encompasses both skills and attitudes. One of its attitudinal
components, emphasized by Bernal et al., is humility. Not to be confused with self-abasement,
humility in competent multicultural counseling involves openness to different modes of family
experience and readiness to learn about them while suspending judgment. Humility holds in check any
tendencies counselors may have to privilege their own cultural experiences and curbs their
inclinations to dismiss ethnic families coping mechanisms as inadequate, dysfunctional, or
pathological. In this connection, a specific facet worth mentioning is found in the critical incident
presented at the end of the chapter. It pertains to the perpetuation across three generations of
separations and losses, with grandmothers temporarily assuming the role of principal caregiver, with
no support from fathers or other males, and enabling mothers to reunite with their children and
thereby at least partially overcome adversity.
In Chapter 22, Mary A. Fukuyama and Ana Puig introduce a topic that for too long has been neglected,
shunned, or avoided by both theoreticians and practitioners in psychologythat of religion and
spirituality. Dismissed by some of the major contributors to psychodynamic, behavioral, and
cognitive psychology as artifactual or epiphenomenal, spiritual and religious concerns have long been
relegated to the fringes of counseling and psychotherapy as the disguised expressions of more basic,
biological needs. Yet, as Fukuyama and Puig point out, spiritual and religious concerns are real and
often central in the lives of a great many counselees. Spirituality may be a part of the solution or a
part of the problem, and frequently it is both. Moreover, spiritual themes are ingrained in cultural
worldviews and are closely associated with disease, healing, and health in many cultures. The
authors urge counselors to acquire both spiritual and multicultural competence, the foundations of
which rest on self-awareness, knowledge of otherness, skill acquisition, and assessment of barriers.
On a more specific level, Fukuyama and Puig introduce a brief assessment procedure consisting of the
following four open-ended and general questions: What gives your life meaning? How important is

your faith in your experience of adversity or illness and in your seeking help for it? How can a
religious or spiritual community be helpful to you? How can spiritual issues be integrated in your
life? In reference to actual counseling practices, the authors introduce a multitude of approaches that
have been applied, although as yet not much evidence has accumulated on their demonstrated
effectiveness. In general, the combination of creative and expressive therapies with innovative
specific features appears to be particularly conducive to spiritual exploration. Fukuyama and Puig
provide specific information on the spiritual needs and concerns frequently encountered among
clients from the major American ethnocultural groups and on ways of responding to these needs and
concerns through culturally sensitive counseling practice. It would appear that spirituality is an
especially salient concern in these segments of the American population, perhaps even to a greater
extent than in dominant, mainstream U.S. culture. Fukuyama and Puig pay special attention to the
cultivation of mindfulness, an ancient practice that originated within the Buddhist religious and
spiritual tradition and is now being focused on contemporary, yet ageless, concerns. On a general
level, the authors emphasize that counseling cannot claim to be holistic, comprehensive, or culturally
fitting unless it adequately addresses spirituality, a major aspect of human experience and existence.
Like Chapter 20, Chapter 23, by Lisa Rey Thomas and Dennis M. Donovan, is centered on a detailed
case study. Its subject is an American Indian woman who is struggling to put her life together after a
brutal removal from her family and community, followed by the imposition of an alien language and
culture. At the point of first contact with her counselor, she presents as a recovering alcoholic with
specific aspirations and goals, but she is exhausted and discouraged and unsure of ever converting her
dreams into reality. The authors follow her through the assessment and treatment procedures and
thereby provide a specific account of current culturally sensitive practices of dealing with clients
who experience alcohol and/or substance treatment problems. In line with the general theme of Part
V, this chapter places special emphasis on the attainment and maintenance of health, over and above
the clinical goals of reducing distress and counteracting disability. Thomas and Donovan advocate an
elaborate multimethod collaborative assessment procedure. The client is regarded not just as an
informant but as an expert on her life experience. Standardized assessment instruments are utilized,
provided they have been normed and adapted for the ethnocultural group in question.
The assessment is focused on the clients developmental history, which is both provided by the client
and supplemented by collateral sources of information. The clients acculturative status is also
investigated through interview procedures and validated and appropriate scales and instruments, if
available. Information is gathered on the relevant sociocultural factors, and strengths as well as
symptoms and problems are systematically explored. Thomas and Donovan note that it is important to
pace, rather than rush through, the assessment process so as to allow time for trust to develop and to
usher in the treatment phase.
The authors guide the reader through all stages of the counseling process, from precontemplation to
the attainment and maintenance of sustained change. This progression is not smooth, linear, or
predictable in all cases. Failures do occur, and then treatment is resumed from an earlier stage. The
authors are impressed with the effectiveness of motivational enhancement therapy, which shares many
features with motivational interviewing, prominently featured in Chapter 19. They have found that
American Indian clients favor a direct, pragmatic, fairly rapidly paced approach that is oriented
toward the attainment of concrete goals. These clients have little tolerance for counselors passivity

in letting counseling drift, and, although they welcome the inclusion of indigenous elders and
incorporation of cultural rituals and ceremonies, they react negatively when professional counselors
withdraw and turn over the entire treatment to indigenous healers.
In Chapter 24, Mary B. McRae introduces the group relations model for exploring and changing group
dynamics in multicultural groups. To this end, she presents the basic concepts of the psychoanalytic
and systems theories on which the model is based. The participants in groups using the model learn
experientially through the interplay between the here and now within the group and the then and
there in the external world. In the process, defenses are shed and cultural hostilities and rivalries
rise to the surface. These are then experienced, explored, and worked through, and feelings are both
expressed and checked against their perception by other participants. Private fantasy comes to the
fore, giving rise to clashes with social reality as well as with possible reconciliation with it.
Understanding and acceptance of participants identities is promoted in the culturally diverse
microenvironment of the group. In the course of the group experience, participants may experience
being pulled into their respective ethnocultural stereotypes as well as being helped to free
themselves of such stereotypes. McRae provides copious examples of the subtlety and complexity of
this experience, and of its benefits at the individual and intergroup levels. For the chapters critical
incident, however, she has chosen a case that at the end of the group session remains unresolved. She
then invites the reader to suggest possible solutions for the issues that the client is experiencing,
proceeding from the concepts and observations presented in the chapter.

19 Health Psychology and Cultural Competence

Daisy R. Singla
Frances E. Aboud

Primary Objective
To identify associations among physical, mental, and social health and evaluate how health
providers can counsel behavior change using culturally competent techniques and programs

Secondary Objectives
To understand how and why socioeconomic status and ethnicity are related to illness and
inadequate health behaviors
To outline the current concept of cultural competence in clinical practice and its application to
cardiovascular disease, diabetes, and other chronic illnesses
To specify how evidence-based techniques and programs are applied to change health
behaviors among ethnic minority groups
The World Health Organization (WHO) has defined the health of individuals in terms of physical,
mental, and social well-being, and not simply the absence of disease. This definition has at least two
components that are of great significance to counselors. One is that health is seen as a continuum
ranging from illness to well-being, with growth toward the positive end of the spectrum being as
important as recovery from the disease end. Most people are somewhere in between the extremes and
striving toward well-being. The second component is the explicit recognition of the importance of
mental health and social health and their potential impact on physical health, and vice versa.
The notion of health as a continuum is central to the philosophy of counselors who accept their
clients current positions on the continuum and the clients desire to move forward. The research
reviewed here therefore includes the perspectives of people who are more healthy as well as those of
people who are less healthy. Counseling skills are as beneficial to a health care provider giving bad
news of a cancer diagnosis as they are to a genetics counselor discussing the future probabilities of a
clients contracting a disease or a school counselor coordinating the efforts of a troubled child,
parent, and teacher. Health promotion and education are important in counseling for cancer screening
as well as in counseling for exercise and diet. It is now generally accepted that patient education and
counseling on health-promoting and health-compromising behaviors are both clinically effective and
cost-effective (Fielding, 1999).
The interconnections among physical, mental, and social health are a matter for empirical
examination. Consequently, the major themes running throughout this chapter concern how and why
the three components of well-being connect and how counseling for cardiovascular diseases,
diabetes, and other chronic illnesses addresses all three. The simple answer, of course, is that the

three components are all parts of the same person. However, we know of people whose physical
illnesses have not harmed the quality of their mental or social lives. For example, as a group, men
with prostate cancer have a higher quality of life, according to their own reports of physical, social,
and psychological functioning, than might be expected of individuals who have cancer (Clark, Rieker,
Propert, & Talcott, 1999). Yet few people recognize the pervasiveness of the impact of pain
(Skevington, 1998) or depression (Bonicatto, Dew, Zaratiegui, Lorenzo, & Pecina, 2001) on all
domains of a persons life. It is important to keep these discrepancies in mind while reviewing the
evidence for generally strong connections among physical, mental, and social health. The significance
for counselors is in being able to identify the nature of a problem as physical, mental, social,
environmental, or more than one of these and selecting the best route to address the problem.
Therefore, even if the problem is physical deterioration (e.g., as a result of overuse of alcohol), there
are social and psychological implications for family and job functioning. Thus, addressing all
components of well-being in the counseling encounter should prove efficacious.

Physical Health and Social Markers

Health centers and survey groups in the United States and elsewhere regularly collect data on a
number of indicators of health and illness. By examining physical health in relation to socioeconomic
status (SES), ethnicity, gender, and age, researchers have identified lower-SES groups, minority
ethnic groups, and the young as being in special need of proactive services. The evidence is, of
course, much more complex than this simple conclusion and depends on the type of health problem
being addressed. Our overview below covers not only mortality but also specific types of illnesses,
such as hypertension, diabetes, cancer, and obesity, for which ethnic disparities exist. Disparities also
exist at birth in that minority children are more likely to be born preterm and underweight.
In health studies in the United States, individuals are usually categorized into the following
racial/ethnic groups: White (non-Hispanic), Black (African American), Hispanic, Native American,
and Asian American (Williams & Collins, 1995). These categories are used with simplicity in mind,
for the collection and analysis of health statistics; all of these groupings are heterogeneous in terms of
their actual backgrounds, and they are social constructions unique to the United States (Bradby,
2012). Yet the disparities among ethnic groups in physical health are known to be large. Krieger,
Williams, and Moss (1997) point out that ethnic minority groups also tend to have lower income and
occupation levels and fewer economic assets to be used in emergencies than do Whites with the same
education levels. While studies attempt to isolate the effects of ethnicity by statistically controlling
for SES, careful readers should be aware that for many minorities ethnicity has a powerful effect on
socioeconomic constraints and opportunities. If ethnicity by itself accounts for little of the variation in
health after SES is controlled for, this is most likely because ethnicity and SES are closely connected,
so both together are relevant. As might be expected, the impact of SES and ethnicity on health is due
less to biological vulnerability than to social inequality.

Mortality
The social gradient in mortality is now a robust finding that is generally acknowledged by North
American and European health professionals. It refers to the fact that both SES and ethnicity,

separately or together, are strongly related to an individuals chances of dying prematurely (for
reviews, see Adler et al., 1994; Krieger et al., 1997; Lillie-Blanton & Laveist, 1996; Macintyre,
1997; Williams & Collins, 1995). The gradient appears to characterize a series of steps: with every
increment in income, occupation, and education, a persons chances of not dying prematurely are
increased. This means that over a 10-year period, men and women between 25 and 64 years of age
with only 8 years of schooling are more likely to die than are their counterparts with college
educations.
Several points could be made about the gradient (see the reviews cited above). One is that the
gradient may by steeper for men than for women. Another is that the steps tend to be steeper at the
lower-SES end than at the upper end, implying that small increments in income and education for
those at the lower end are associated with larger differences in survival than are such increments at
the upper end. Third, over the past 40 years, premature mortality has generally declined, but less so
for people at the lower end of the SES scale. Not everyone has benefited equally from recent medical
advances.
There is a similar mortality gradient for ethnic differences (Kaufman, Long, Liao, Cooper, & McGee,
1998; Lillie-Blanton, Parsons, Gayle, & Dievler, 1996; Williams & Collins, 1995). African
Americans, in particular, have a higher premature death rate than members of other groups, largely
due to four causes: cardiovascular disease (heart attack and stroke), diabetes, cancer, and infant
mortality. Higher rates of cardiovascular disease in African Americans are often attributed to
hypertension due to the stresses of racism, higher rates of diabetes to diet, and cancer deaths to
delayed treatment and inadequate screening (Gilliland, Hunt, & Key, 1998). In regard to infant
mortality, compared to White infants, twice as many Black infants die as a result of being either low
birth weight or premature due to maternal stress during pregnancy (Rosenthal & Lobel, 2011). In
2005, the number of infants who died per 1,000 live births in the United States was 5.6 for Whites
and Hispanics, 4.9 for Asians, and 13.6 for African Americans. Yet medical advances are such that
underweight and premature infants need not die or even be significantly delayed beyond the early
years. Childhood mortality shows the same ethnic discrepancy: Compared with White children,
mortality rates are twice as high for Black children between 1 and 4 years old, and only slightly
lower for those between 5 and 14 years old (Singh, 2010). Hispanic and Asian (and Pacific Islander)
children have mortality rates similar to or lower than those of White children, though there is national
variation within these groups. The leading cause of death in children, accounting for some 40% of
deaths, is unintentional injuries resulting from car accidents and violence.

Physical and Mental Illness

The association between SES and disparities across ethnic groups in illness and disability has also
been well-documented for physical (e.g., Adler et al., 1994; Krieger et al., 1997; Lillie-Blanton et
al., 1996; Ren, Amick, & Williams, 1999; Williams & Collins, 1995) and psychological illness (e.g.,
Kessler, Mickelson, & Williams, 1999). The latest evidence comes from a study in which disparities
were found to persist between White and Black Americans over 20 years (Farmer & Ferraro, 2005).
Serious chronic illnesses such as heart disease, hypertension, diabetes, cancer, and stroke were found
to be 25% higher among Black citizens, whose activity limitations were also higher. Further, these
estimates are conservative, because Black Americans are less likely than Whites to seek medical

attention and receive diagnoses. People with less education and income were also found to be more
likely to have serious illnesses. Research findings regarding mental illness are much the same: Both
lifetime and 12-month combinations of depression, anxiety, and substance abuse are more likely to be
present in those ages 18 to 54 years with lower education (Kessler, Foster, Saunders, & Stang, 1995;
WHO International Consortium in Psychiatric Epidemiology, 2000). For example, a World Health
Organization study found that 17% of Americans reported high levels of anxiety in the past 12 months,
10.7% reported depression, and 11.5% had substance abuse problems; 12% had more than one of
these problems. Compared to those with college education, those who did not complete high school
were almost four times as likely to have a combination of these mental illnesses (WHO International
Consortium in Psychiatric Epidemiology, 2000). Conduct disorder and substance abuse have been
found to be the two problems most likely to lead to early school dropout, especially among men
(Kessler et al., 1995). Regardless of whether one looks at education, income, or employment, at each
step down in the SES ladder there are more people with mental health problems.
Ethnic inequalities in physical health are also very wide (see Lillie-Blanton et al., 1996). Black
Americans experience more chronic illness and more restrictions in daily activities due to ill health
than do White Americans (Ferraro, Farmer, & Wybraniec, 1997). Special attention has often been
paid to cardiovascular disease, such as hypertension (high blood pressure). Black men and women
are more likely to have hypertension than White men and women at each level of SES. We will see
shortly how the experience of racial discrimination in daily life may contribute to this problem.
Diabetes is also much more common among Black and Asian adults than among Whites, leading to
more rapid decline in kidney function (e.g., Kropet al., 1999), and cancer outcomes are significantly
worse for minority ethnic groups than for others (Jemal et al., 2008).
Mental illness indicators are usually taken from self-reports of symptoms experienced in the past
month or year, symptoms indicative of depression, anxiety, and perhaps substance abuse. In large
national samples, Black adults have not been found to experience more depression or anxiety than
White adults (e.g., Kessler et al., 1995, 1999; Ren et al., 1999). This is also the case for substance
abuse, where even in the peak years of young adulthood, Black men and women are less likely than
their White counterparts to abuse alcohol (Wallace & Muroff, 2002). However, when present in
young minority men, alcohol abuse tends to have a greater impact on school, family, and job
functioning, leading to school dropout and unemployment.
In summary, there appear to be social inequalities in mortality and physical illness whereby those
with lower education, income, and occupation are more likely to die prematurely and more likely to
suffer from certain diseases, such as heart disease and diabetes, than those at a slightly higher SES,
all the way up the SES scale. In comparison with Whites, African Americans and Native Americans
have higher rates of infant and child mortality, more chronic illness, and worse outcomes for certain
diseases, including hypertension, diabetes, and cancer. While mental illness also appears to be more
common among those with lower SES, it does not appear to be more common among particular ethnic
and racial minority groups.

Pathways From SESEthnicity to Health

To shed light on the social inequalities in health described above, we will review the major pathways

studied. Many analysts have attempted to explain ethnic differences in terms of SES because
minorities are disproportionately represented in lower-SES groups. This simply means that the
pathways from minority ethnic status to poor health (e.g., through unhealthy work environments or
difficulties accessing health care) are similar to the pathways from low income and low education to
health. However, ethnicity may play a unique part in explaining why at each SES level, Black
Americans show higher levels of illness and death than White Americans.
Researchers have long been studying the pathways from social status to health (Macintyre, 1997).
They fall into several categories: (a) the physical environment (e.g., crowding, toxicity); (b) the
social environment (e.g., single-parent families, lack of control over job demands, poor
neighborhoods); (c) health behaviors (e.g., smoking, drinking, diet, exercise); and (d) access to and
use of medical information, treatments, and preventive services. All of these pathways are important
reasons for the poor health of minority Americans. Below, we follow the pathways from three
common sources of ill health, namely, pregnancy and birth outcomes, education, and timely access to
care, including counseling care.
The developmental course of poor and minority children indicates that early levels of poor health set
a trajectory that culminates in poor adult health. Sources of early health problems that affect minority
children include prematurity, low birth weight, asthma, and injuries. These childhood insults lead to
more chronic health problems at 50 years of age and to Black/White disparities in disabilities at 50
years (Haas & Rohlfsen, 2010). So it is important to deal with early childhood health problems
before they impede educational and other sources of opportunity. Prematurity and low birth weight
are twice as high in Black children as in White children, yet both are preventable (Giscombe &
Lobel, 2005; Lobel et al., 2008; Messer et al., 2008; Nepomnyaschy, 2010; Reagan & Salsberry,
2005; Rosenthal & Lobel, 2011). Furthermore, the childhood consequences of prematurity and low
birth weight, namely, respiratory illness and delayed development, are preventable with proper care,
as are the adult consequences, cardiovascular disease, hypertension, and diabetes. However, it is
more effective to prevent these problems by addressing prematurity and low birth weight.
What are the reasons for poor birth outcomes among Black Americans? SES differences do not
explain birth outcome disparities. For example, maternal education might be expected to improve
birth outcomes, but it does not for Blacks. Likewise, higher income and prenatal care do not improve
birth outcomes for Blacks as they do for other Americans (Giscombe & Lobel, 2005). However,
Black women experience more stress during pregnancy than do women in other groups; such stress
arises from a number of sources, including insecure neighborhoods, low social support,
discrimination by health professionals, and anxiety about job and financial security. An empirical
study isolated pregnancy-specific stress from general stress and found that only the former was
associated with poor birth outcomes (Lobel et al., 2008). Pregnancy-related stress also indirectly
affected birth outcomes because it led to more smoking, caffeine consumption, and unhealthy eating,
which in turn reduced birth weight. The strongest source of prenatal stress among Black women was
associated with racial discrimination, such as being treated as if they were less competent, more
dishonest, and more irresponsible than other pregnant women (Rosenthal & Lobel, 2011). Marci
Lobel and her colleagues have proposed pathways through which prenatal stress and specifically
stress associated with racial discrimination can negatively affect birth outcomes. The physiological
pathways include the release of cortisol, higher blood pressure, and compromised immunity, all of

which link discrimination with poor birth outcomes. Counseling pregnant women regarding stress,
infection, and smoking during pregnancy is one avenue to explore to improve outcomes, along with
facilitating medical services for them during pregnancy and delivery.
Childrens and adolescents health behaviors may constrain their educational careers, and thereby
their adult occupations and income (Evans, 2004). A comprehensive review of SES differences in
mortality, chronic illness, symptoms of acute illness, injuries, and self-rated health found large
differences among children under 10 years; these differences narrowed during the adolescent years,
only to reappear in young adulthood (Goodman, 1999). P. West (1997) suggests that a leveling effect
takes place when adolescents move away from a solely parental and neighborhood influence to the
diverse influences of a large high school, along with peer and behavioral choices made by the
adolescents themselves (e.g., to hang around with those who smoke and drink). Findings from a large
study in Finland support this hypothesis. Karvonen, Rimpela, and Rimpela (1999) found that
regardless of parental occupation, adolescents own educational status at 16 and 18 years (e.g., drop
out or remain in school, and achievement) showed a stronger association with smoking, alcohol
abuse, lack of physical exercise, and high-fat diet. In fact, among adolescents whose family origins
were lower SES, those who remained in school and had high achievement showed better health
behaviors. So, adolescents have the opportunity to diverge from their parents SES by making choices
as to who their peer reference groups will be, how achievement oriented they will be, and how much
drinking, smoking, and sexual activity they will engage in. These same choices are available to
minority American youth.
Medical care might also be poorer for low-SES and minority families. One of the reasons education
translates into health and long life is that it improves individuals ability to seek and make good use of
current health care information and services. Independent of education is health literacy, or the ability
to understand health care materials, explanations, and medication instructions (Baker, Parker,
Williams, Clark, & Nurss, 1997). For example, a common test of functional health literacy examines a
patients understanding of written instructions by eliminating every seventh word of the instructions
and asking the patient to select each missing word from a list. In one study, patients who took such a
test were asked to read passages from a Medicaid application and a medication instruction sheet
(Schillinger, Bindman, Wang, Stewart, & Piette, 2004). Those who scored in the inadequate range
would be expected to often misread simple materials, such as instructions on prescription bottles,
appointment slips, and nutrition labels. In the studys sample from a low-SES multiethnic hospital
clinic, 38% of diabetic patients were found to have inadequate health literacy. Without adequate
health literacy, a patient is dependent on a health care provider to translate information into concrete
and practical formats. However, the study participants reported that their providers did not meet these
needs. Patients with inadequate literacy tended to be less satisfied with the clarity of their providers
instructions; they reported that the providers spoke too fast and used too much medical jargon. They
also tended to feel that their physicians did not tell them how or why certain care procedures were
being done. Although overall patients were happy with the care they received, it was clear that many
were confused about their conditions and hospital procedures. Such confusion would certainly have
an impact on their health outcomes.
Although African Americans say they are less likely to experience discrimination in medical settings
than in other situations (Ren et al., 1999), they are unsatisfied with the time and explanations received

from professionals. Researchers who have audio-recorded consultations between providers and
patients and compared the communications of minority and White patients with their physicians have
found that there appear to be a number of differences (Johnson, Roter, Powe, & Cooper, 2004). For
example, physicians are more likely to dominate the conversation with minority Americans and to
provide less patient-centered, collaborative care by asking about their symptoms and preferences.
Black American patients and their physicians express fewer positive emotions such as optimism. The
consequences of these kinds of exchanges are that, compared with White patients, minority patients
feel less involved and responsible for their treatment and less positive about visits to the doctor.
For their part, professionals often generalize about minority patients, viewing them as less likely to
comply with medical advice, less likely to receive social support for complying, and more likely to
engage in substance abuse than White patients, despite evidence to the contrary from the particular
patients (van Ryn & Burke, 2000). Regardless of patients races, doctors are less likely to provide
patient-centered care (i.e., are less likely to encourage patient participation in the treatment process)
if they perceive the patients to be more contentious, less satisfied, and less likely to adhere to advice
(Street, Gordon, & Haidet, 2007). Race concordance between patient and professional does not
appear to improve the communication process. For these and other reasons, minority persons tend to
delay seeking professional help for symptoms that might indicate serious physical diseases such as
cancer, hypertension, and diabetes (Haas & Rohlfsen, 2010).
Although the health care system may be the least racially or ethnically discriminatory of all public
domains, the prevalence and impact of racial/ethnic discrimination in other walks of life can affect
health. Within the category of social-environmental conditions that lead from SES and ethnicity to
illness is racial discrimination. As mentioned above, being a target of racism and discrimination is
stressful (Williams, Neighbors, & Jackson, 2003). Reasonable reactions to unfair treatment and
prejudice include frustration, anger, and depression, but these emotions may be detrimental to
physical and mental health. For example, frustration and anger can lead to heightened blood pressure
and subsequently hypertension, an illness more prevalent among African Americans than among
members of other groups (e.g., Gump, Matthews, & Raikkonen, 1999). And while we have found no
evidence in the literature that minorities have more mental illness than Whites (Schwartz & Ilan,
2010), feelings of powerlessness, sadness, hopelessness, and shame can become a basis for
depressed affect.
Research using scales that measure discrimination and racism reveals how stressful and pervasive
discriminatory and racist attitudes and actions are. In addition to structural forms of discrimination,
such as access to neighborhoods, jobs, and schools, such scales measure frequency of interpersonal
exposure using items describing different types of incidents (e.g., Racial jokes or harassment are
directed to me at work; I am often ignored or not taken seriously by my boss), emotional responses
(e.g., angry, frustrated, sad, ashamed), and coping reactions (e.g., I work harder to prove them
wrong; I deal with it by ignoring it). Large surveys often include one or two questions about
exposure, such as Have you ever experienced unfair treatment, been prevented from doing
something, or been made to feel inferior because of race at school, getting a job, at work, getting
medical care, in a public setting... ? (Kessler et al., 1999; Ren et al., 1999). Data from large national
surveys reveal that 60% to 90% of Black Americans and 10% to 20% of White Americans have
experienced discrimination due to their race at some point in their lives (Ren et al., 1999). While

Black Americans in general do not have worse psychological distress or depression than White
Americans, those who have had frequent exposure to racial and SES discrimination have been found
to have higher levels of psychological distress, anxiety, and depression (Jackson et al., 1996; Kessler
et al., 1999; Ren et al., 1999).
The racism as stressor hypothesis is a promising new pathway to be explored. Research results so
far have been somewhat surprising, in that while Black Americans appear to have more exposure to
discrimination, they may be less vulnerable to emotional consequencesbecause parents teach their
youngsters how to copebut more vulnerable to cardiovascular problems (Harrell, Hall, &
Taliaferro, 2003). Unexpectedly high levels of perceived discrimination have been reported by
better-educated Black Americans. Also, the day-to-day variety of racism may be more detrimental to
mental health than the lifetime variety (Kessler et al., 1999).
Fewer measures of discrimination exist for use with children and adolescents, but even at these ages
individuals are able to provide valid reports on their experiences of being unfairly treated on account
of ethnicity, race, language, or religion. A recent review of research relating discrimination and health
outcomes found that the physical health and mental health of children and adolescents are also
associated with racial discrimination (Priest et al., 2013). Discrimination has a greater impact on
adolescents than on children, perhaps because of the accumulation of stress or because bullying and
exclusion can become more sophisticated and therefore more distressing as children become
teenagers. In addition, rural adolescents are more affected by discrimination than are their urban
counterparts. Rural youth may have fewer ingroup supports to help them cope with racial
discrimination. Family and peer supports, academic success, and strong ethnic/racial identity help to
buffer the effects of discrimination on health.
Arab Muslim immigrants are one ethnic minority group about which relatively little is known in
regard to discrimination and health. Technically Asian, Arab immigrants have historically been
categorized as White (Caucasian) in the United States (Abdulrahim, James, Yamout, & Baker, 2012).
They experience more or less discrimination depending on skin color and whether they live in an
ethnic enclave, such as the one in Detroit, Michigan. Arab Americans who live in ethnic enclaves
experience more discrimination but appear to be less distressed about the experience than those who
live outside enclaves (Abdulrahim et al., 2012). An effective protective factor is strong identification
with being Arab and Muslim, which individuals can enact more fully while living in enclaves. As
Aroian et al. (2009) note, mothers and adolescents in this group experience cultural cross fire while
living in the United States: mothers because they are responsible for maintaining family and religious
obligations while helping their children negotiate American peer relations and school demands, and
adolescents because they are expected to be obedient to parents and to conform to religious rules
while trying to assimilate. Given these challenges, the adolescents in Aroian et al.s study sample
experienced more internalizing but fewer externalizing problems compared to normative samples.
Mothers appeared to be less distressed than expected, despite low levels of education and often
unemployed husbands who were disabled and traumatized by wars in Iraq, Lebanon, or Yemen.
Ethnic enclaves may provide a number of protective structures, such as religious places, recreation
facilities, and healthy food outlets that benefit newly arriving immigrants. Living in ethnic enclaves
may benefit not only mental health but also physical health. For example, Chinese Americans and
Hispanics who live in enclaves, compared with members of these groups who do not, have been

found to have greater access to health food outlets and to eat healthier food, but they also have less
access to facilities for physical activity (Osypuk, Diez Roux, Hadley, & Kandula, 2009).
In the next section, we move from group-level evidence to the individual person who seeks health
care. In many ways, ethnic minority patients are excluded from participating in and taking
responsibility for their medical care.

Cultural Competence in the Consultation Context

Recently, there have been many efforts to address minority health care cultural competence among
professionals. The most widely used definition of cultural competence is a set of congruent
behaviors, attitudes, and policies that come together in a system, agency, or among professionals that
enable that system, agency, or other professionals to work effectively in cross-cultural situations
(Cross, Bazron, Dennis, & Isaacs, 1989, p. 13). Another common definition is the ability to provide
care to patients with diverse values, beliefs and behaviors including tailoring delivery to meet
patients social, cultural and linguistic needs (Betancourt, Green, & Carrillo, 2002, p. v). Similar
alternative constructs have also been introduced, such as cultural safety (Papps & Ramsden, 1996),
cultural attainment (Falicov, 2009), and culturally sensitive, appropriate, and informed practice
(Mier, Ory, & Medina, 2010).
While multiple definitions and terms related to cultural competence are used, most emphasize the
process underlying an attempt to make health care services more accessible, acceptable, and effective
for people from diverse racial and ethnic communities. Cultural competence goes well beyond
providing specialized translators who, unlike nonspecialized workers or family members, do not omit
critical information about symptoms, leading to misdiagnosis (e.g., Elderkin-Thompson, Cohen
Silver, & Waitzkin, 2001). Cultural competence is critical for enabling professionals to gain patients
full participation in identifying and managing their health problems. When patients are limited in
health literacy and professionals are limited in cultural competence, competent care may be
compromised.
Table 19.1 summarizes a major framework of cultural competence in clinical care developed by Teal
and Street (2009). While acknowledging Betancourt, Green, Carrillo, and Parks (2005) inclusion of
organizational, structural, and clinical levels of cultural competence, here we focus on clinical
competence among practitioners in clinical and counseling settings.

Teal and Streets (2009) framework highlights four aspects of counselor cultural competence: a broad
repertoire of communication skills, an empathetic awareness of the patients situation and the
counselors own reactions, adaptability to each different patient, and knowledge of potential cultural
issues. For example, counselors repertoires of communication skills need to include skills that
facilitate the participation of clients who might be reluctant to describe their symptoms or express
their treatment preferences because of cultural constraints (Mead & Bower, 2002). Whatever
counselors need to adapt and respond to each patients individuality adds an extra layer of
knowledge, attitudes, and skills relating to patient culture. As Kleinman and Benson (2006) point out,
it is better for a counselor to ask about a clients ethnic identity and its salience in the clients life than
to make assumptions and risk generalizing from stereotypes.
The acquisition of cultural competence is not simple, and counselors cannot achieve it by following a
cookbook approach. Becoming culturally competent requires time, patience, and a commitment to
meet the needs of each client as a unique individual. All individuals have multiple personal and
social identities, but culturally competent professionals are knowledgeable and sensitive enough to
interpret signals from their clients that reflect cultural styles. Training in cultural competence must
therefore focus on common interpersonal skills, including sensitivity and openness to various cultural
identities, rather than on the content of cultures in order to facilitate a strong therapeutic alliance
between patient and counselor.
Counselors can learn these skills through instruction and experience. Teal and Street (2009) provide
examples of skills related to building relationships to enhance trust (a common issue between ethnic
minority patients and their counselors), and to managing patient problems. For example, they point out
that while eye contact and touching might be considered intrusive in many cultures, listening actively
and focusing on the patient are generally positively interpreted. Expressing nonjudgmental concern,
addressing symptoms mentioned by the patient, and checking for understanding are verbal responses
that are universally acceptable to most patients. Asking open-ended questions and asking if the patient
feels comfortable talking about a topic are relatively safe approaches if the counselor is unsure of

cultural concerns. These are useful steps a counselor can take until he or she is sufficiently familiar
with the patient and the patient is sufficiently trusting. Many of these communication skills are
relevant to cognitive-behavioral techniques and motivational interviewing, which are frequently used
to promote self-management of chronic illnesses, to be discussed next.

Evidence-Based Culturally Competent Techniques and Programs

Disparities among ethnic groups in rates of chronic illnesses such as cardiovascular disease and
diabetes are related to behaviors such as diet, physical inactivity, and substance abuse. For example,
data from the Multiethnic Cohort Study show that, among five ethnic groups, Black Americans have
the highest energy density in their diets (Howarth, Murphy, Wilkens, Hankin, & Kolonel, 2006).
Chronic illnesses are worsened by inattention to preventive screening and treatment adherence
(McDonald, Garg, & Haynes, 2002). In order to improve health practices, counseling professionals
have developed evidence-based practices, such as cognitive-behavioral techniques, motivational
interviewing, and family social support, that are culturally tailored for specific groups and
individuals. Below we present examples of some of these evidence-based techniques that have been
shown to improve health in racial and ethnic minority populations.

Cognitive-Behavioral Techniques
Cognitive-behavioral techniques have been successful in improving medication adherence as well as
physical activity and healthy diet among people with cardiovascular disease and diabetes. These
strategies focus on modifying how individuals think about themselves, their behaviors, and their
surrounding circumstances, as well as on how they can adjust these three components to achieve a
healthier lifestyle. Effective cognitive-behavioral techniques include goal setting, self-efficacy
enhancement, incentives, modeling, homework, and problem solving.
Goal setting, for example, can be established collaboratively between patient and provider to
facilitate patient-centered communication (Staten et al., 2004). The creation of goals to target specific
behaviors should follow the SMART acronymthat is, goals should be specific, measurable, action
oriented, realistic, and time limited. Further, goals that focus on patients behaviors (e.g., increasing
intake of whole grains, fruits, and vegetables) rather than on physiological targets (e.g., improving
low-density lipoprotein cholesterol) are preferable because they empower patients to take actions
that are under their direct control and observation. In addition, self-monitoring, whereby patients
develop awareness of their daily habits, can include both simple strategies such as handwritten
diaries and technology-based approaches such as online electronic logs. Self-monitoring can be used
alongside the well-known strategy of homework, in which program implementers track individuals
progress in order to facilitate realistic feedback and reinforcement for the individuals.
Problem solving has also been found to be effective in targeting lifestyle behaviors (e.g., Eakin et al.,
2007; Yanek, Becker, Moy, Gittelsohn, & Koffman, 2001). In particular, problem solving promotes
individuals ability to identify barriers to successful behavior change and resolve issues in order to
achieve goals and maintain success. Problem solving has been shown to facilitate greater and longerterm weight loss by reducing relapse (Perri et al., 2001). In addition, both self-efficacy, defined as an

individuals confidence in his or her ability to make a desired change, and modeling are common
cognitive-behavioral techniques that have been used to increase physical activity and improve diets
among Blacks and Latinos in church settings (for a complete review, see Bopp, Peterson, & Webb,
2012). For example, trained church staff have been shown to influence self-efficacy by tailoring their
programs to use scripture readings and Bible verses to supplement health interventions. Similarly,
modeling can be effective, as church staff and members demonstrate healthy, positive behaviors
through cooking classes or group grocery shopping.
Multiple studies have shown these techniques to be successful in targeting a wide range of chronic
illnesses among diverse ethnic groups. They include studies of self-management of diabetes among
low-income Spanish-speaking patients (Rosal et al., 2005) and improvement in blood pressure
control among Black Americans (Pickering, 2003). As mentioned above, self-monitoring involves
individuals development of an awareness of their daily lifestyle habits, and thus an awareness of
where their actual behavior conflicts with intended behavior. Rosal and colleagues (2005) pilot
study on self-management of diabetes included an individual session for each participant followed by
10 weekly group sessions led by a nurse and a community volunteer. Self-completed logs helped
participants to monitor their attainment of the goals of improving diet, increasing physical activity
through walking, and regulating daily blood glucose level. This strategy was successful partly
because participants discussed the facilitators and barriers to their adoption of new behaviors and
then used problem solving to overcome identified barriers. The WISEWOMAN (Well-Integrated
Screening and Evaluation for Women Across the Nation) program, funded by the Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention (CDC), provides cognitive-behavioral prevention strategies to improve
cardiovascular health as well as breast cancer screening among low-income, middle-aged women
from multiethnic groups. Specific behavioral strategies vary by site and have included collaborative
goal setting with community facilitators and completing homework through the use of self-monitoring.
In addition, social support has been provided in group and community-based formats (Will, Farris,
Sanders, Stockmyer, & Finkelstein, 2004). The program encourages variation in services depending
on the cultural and regional nature of the clientele. Research has shown that WISEWOMAN
interventions have produced significant increases in participants activity levels (Staten et al., 2004;
Stoddard, Palombo, Troped, Sorensen, & Will, 2004).

Motivational Interviewing
Motivational interviewing is another individual-level counseling strategy that enhances positive
change in health behaviors and adherence to treatment recommendations. Originally used for
addiction treatments, motivational interviewing is a client-centered counseling style that entails openended questions, reflective listening, affirmations, and summarizations of what a client has said.
Reflective listening, arguably the most crucial skill in this approach, requires that the counselor listen
to the client and reflect what he or she says in an empathetic way. This, as well as agenda setting (i.e.,
inviting the client to select a target behavior that he or she is almost ready to tackle), facilitates a
good rapport between practitioner and client. The purpose of motivational interviewing is to
collaborate with the client to elicit discrepancies that point to the clients ambivalence to change and
help the client resolve that ambivalence (Rollnick & Miller, 1995). Rather than attempting to
persuade, the counselor elicits the clients subjective pros and cons for change and thereby draws

attention to discrepancies between the persons current health behaviors and his or her life goals. By
attending to the clients values and goals, this style of interviewing highlights the individuals role and
responsibility in making healthy choices and participating in his or her care. It challenges the
individual to take ownership of his or her goals and arouses an internal motivation to change. By
effectively using the three key communication skills of asking, listening, and informing, a practitioner
can conduct a consultation with a patient efficiently and productively.
Further, motivational interviewing has been shown to be successful in supporting smoking cessation,
dietary change, weight loss, and reduction of substance abuse among various ethnic groups (e.g., Gil,
Wagner, & Tubman, 2004; Lee et al., 2011; D. S. West, DiLillo, Bursac, Gore, & Greene, 2007).
Motivational interviewing has been shown to be particularly effective when coupled with behavioral
counseling and case management. For example, Lee and colleagues (2011) developed a brief
motivational interview that was culturally adapted for immigrant Latinos with drinking problems. The
interview emphasized the role of immigration, shifting family dynamics, and family support, and the
researchers found that participants were highly engaged and satisfied with their treatment.
Furthermore, nearly all participants reported that understanding their culture was important to
understanding their drinking behaviors. Box 19.1 highlights a critical incident in which motivational
interviewing techniques were used.

Box 19.1 Critical Incident Using Motivational Interviewing

Techniques
A Latina patient who experienced a heart attack several weeks ago is being seen for follow-up. She is
ambivalent about quitting smoking.

Community-Based Programs
In recent years, culturally competent programs have been delivered at the community level to

overcome neighborhood-wide sources of ill health. These have included programs aimed at
improving the environment, making neighborhoods more conducive to physical activity, and
promoting the availability of healthy foods. In such programs, communities are involved in setting the
goals and strategies. Community members are also involved in providing social support to one
another and in program development and implementation (Fisher, Burnet, Huang, Chin, & Cagney,
2007). We describe two examples of successful community-based programs below.
The CDCs Racial and Ethnic Approaches to Community Health (REACH) initiative aimed to
eliminate racial and ethnic disparities regarding diabetes. This initiative entailed a culturally tailored
lifestyle intervention that was delivered by trained community residents. Community residents acted
as family health advocates and used motivational interviewing in community meetings as well as
home visits (for details, see Two Feathers et al., 2005). At the first meeting, the family health
advocates provided information about diabetes and methods to reduce individuals stress. Subsequent
meetings focused on encouraging community members to increase their physical activity, increase
their consumption of fruits and vegetables, and decrease their intake of fatty foods and sugar. At the
final meeting, advocates and other community members discussed the maintenance of behavioral
changes, with social support as a key strategy. Study results showed that, in comparison with
nonparticipants in the same health care system, Black REACH participants achieved greater
improvements in their control of blood sugar levels (Spencer et al., 2011) as well as significant
improvements in self-reported knowledge about diabetes self-management and physical activity.
In a program called Supporting Healthy Activity and Eating Right Everyday (SHARE), Blacks
received social support from family members and friends in a lifestyle modification program for
managing diabetes and cardiovascular illness. Over 2 years, Kumanyika and colleagues (2009)
evaluated weight loss in one cohort of patients who participated on their own and another cohort who
participated with family and friends. Ninety-minute group sessions were held weekly for 6 months,
biweekly for 6 months, and then monthly. Sessions included cognitive-behavioral techniques such as
monitoring (weight and activity checks), skill building and homework, physical activity exercises,
and counseling to enhance participants social support from others. Participants were advised on
ways to elicit social support from and work with their partners, who could attend personal counseling
sessions and field workshops. Relevant educational materials were mailed to participants partners.
Individuals in control groups were not partnered with their support networks to complete such
activities. The participants who had the most successful weight loss were partnered with family
members and friends who were also successful in their weight loss. Although not measured in these
studies, depression, which often accompanies physical health problems, may be reduced through
similar interventions that use physical activity and social support. Studies examining exercise as a
treatment for clinical depression have reported that significant changes in physical activity are
associated with significant reductions in depressive symptoms (e.g., Dunn, Trivedi, Kampert, Clark,
& Chambliss, 2005; Van Voorhees, Walters, Prochaska, & Quinn, 2007). This may be an additional
benefit that could be measured in future health promotion programs.

Conclusions
A review of the evidence strongly suggests that race and ethnicity, along with SES, are associated
with disparities in infant mortality rates, rates of premature death, and rates of physical illness, such

that certain minority groups, in comparison with Whites, are subject to much poorer outcomes. While
there does not seem to be more psychological illness among ethnic minorities, the social and
occupational consequences of physical and mental problems are more severe for minorities. The
medical encounter is fraught with difficulties for both the patient and the professional. Counseling and
education provided by professionals must engage patients through patient-centered and culturally
competent practices. For counselors using cognitive-behavioral techniques and motivational
interviewing, culturally competent communication skills, both verbal and nonverbal, are vitally
important. A review of specific programs using these techniques points to the importance of tailoring
lifestyle programs to the cultural needs of minority patients and communities.

Discussion Questions
1. What are the benefits and the problems of the WHOs definition of health as including physical,
mental, and social well-being, and not simply the absence of disease?
2. Can you provide some examples of people whose physical health is compromised or unaffected
by mental health problems, and vice versa?
3. Describe the relation between socioeconomic status and mortality.
4. Describe the relation between ethnicity and mortality.
5. Are physical and mental health similarly related to socioeconomic and ethnic status? What is the
one exception to this pattern?
6. How is the health of children and adolescents affected if the parents are in lower-SES or ethnic
minority groups?
7. Why is adolescence a pivotal period for health behavior?
8. Why are high education level and health literacy so closely associated with maintaining good
health?
9. Name four pathways that explain how social status may influence an individuals health. Give an
example for each.
10. How might you try to prevent poor health by changing characteristics of each pathway to make it
more health promoting?
11. Is there any evidence for or against the idea that being a target of racism is stressful, resulting in
poor health?
12. What is culturally competent care? How does it improve a persons health?
13. Why have cognitive-behavioral techniques and motivational interviewing become important
strategies for effecting changes in health behaviors?
14. How have lifestyle behaviors such as diet and exercise been targeted for change among minority
communities?
15. Could changes in lifestyle behaviors such as diet, exercise, and alcohol consumption improve
mental health? Why?

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20 Well-Being and Health

James Allen
Jordan Lewis
Michelle Johnson-Jennings

Primary Objective
To identify and describe key definitional issues in well-being for cross-cultural counselors

Secondary Objectives
To describe ways in which cultural identity can play a pivotal role in well-being for many
multicultural clients
To demonstrate the importance of intersectionality in identity statuses in multicultural wellbeing
Silent, with a wary but distant gaze, John sat upright, grimacing and grinding his teeth. John, a 24year-old Alaska Native man who is gay, came to see me, an American Indian counselor who is
heterosexual, for help in quitting drinking. We saw each other weekly during his outpatient program,
then monthly. Now, almost a year later, he had called in agitation, wanting to be seen as soon as
possible. We sat looking at each other without speaking.
Through our work, I had become aware of the awful tensions hidden beneath Johns impassive stare;
extreme dysphoria competed with an unendurable, deeply dreaded sense he might explode in rage at
any moment. I sensed that John had identified his current state as one of his triggers. In years past, this
would have precipitated days of nonstop drinking when Johns world would fall apart.
Though this state was all too familiar, Johns current reaction was new. John was now determined he
was not going back to drinkingthis was out of the question. Instead, John had renewed attendance at
daily Alcoholics Anonymous meetings and made this counseling appointment. I now found myself
asking: How do you want to respond to this person at work? He said you were overly sensitive
about a joke he made about Native people drinking on First Avenue. How would you like to
respond? Silence. I realized I had overstepped. I had put John on the spot, before he was ready to
speak. Perhaps this was due to my initial strong reaction to the event, an urge to help John, and feeling
drawn to take action. Caught up in my personal process, I had not allowed John time to think carefully
and compose his thoughts in the way the elders he so deeply respected had taught. Long silence
ensued, as it was not yet the appropriate time to speak. Then, after several minutes, I realized that I
had also not allowed John to provide context and understanding surrounding the profound impact of
this microaggression. John spokequietly, breathlessly, almost imperceptibly: Last week . . . he . . .
mocked . . . gays . . . I walked out . . . got sick.

We sat in silence for several more long minutes. This time I knew better. I did not ask questions.
Then, all at once, John visibly relaxed. The tension appeared to lift, and he did something new in our
year of work together. He told a story. One section of the story included this:
When I was first really getting to know Connie, she talked about when she was a young mom,
raising nine kids in a one-room cabin on her own, in this village that she had not grown up in.
Her husband had left her in his village. She said she took a lot of abuse. People would talk about
her, right in front of her, as if she wasnt there, as if she was invisible. People, and especially the
White settlers, would say negative things about her, and about Native people like her. Connie
told me a story about her father that guided her through this. She said: I never let it bother me.
Thats only one person like that. My dad drilled that into us when we were growing up, he said,
Our cultures, were just different from each other and different languages. He drilled this into
my head before I left, If you are treated badly, be silent about that and dont fight back at it,
because its going to make you just like them. Instead, treat them how you would like to be
treated. I mean he trained us to live life well.
Connie was an elder with whom I had encouraged John to connect early in his struggles to stop
drinking. Sharing Connies story marked Johns move into the realm of counseling for well-being and
health. Counseling shifted from problem to future focus. Instead of coping with present urges to drink
following this microaggression, John moved beyond it to define for himself what it meant to be
trained in a life lived well. His search for the tools to build psychological well-being would
involve negotiating multiple identity statuses in his relationships with others. While John was an
Alaska Native person, he was also a gay person. The work required him to explore how each identity
statusman, gay, and Alaska Nativecarried its own and sometimes distinct set of cultural
assumptions and values. At times, these identity statuses could be in conflict, with each other as well
as with certain dominant cultural values. Johns quest involved more than defining a meaningful life
without alcohol; it required reexamination, understanding, and, at times, reconciliation across these
multiple identities.

Situating Psychological Well-Being and Health Counseling Within

Culture
This chapter focuses on the ways in which psychological well-being and health counseling are
inextricably linked to culture. While some people seek counseling specifically to enhance
psychological well-being, most come seeking assistance in resolution of a problem. For many
counselors, well-being counseling is associated only with the privileged and affluent, as in life
coaching or executive coaching. The nature of much counseling work, in dealing with people facing
very significant life problems, can further encourage counselors to fixate on problems and equate
symptom remission with completion of their work. Further, the time-limited nature of many
contemporary counseling relationships can drive counselors to lose sight of psychological well-being
and health as crucial elements in defining long-term recovery, whether from alcohol, depression, or
any number of other serious life problems.

However, following significant and positive progress on the presenting problem, the counseling
relationship frequently turns attention to the future in the termination process. At this juncture,
therapeutic work moves beyond symptom relief, problem resolution, or prevention of relapse.
Instead, during termination, the focus shifts to building on the gains made during counseling (Hill,
2005), and a focus on psychological well-being and health has the opportunity to be a near-universal
element in a counselors termination work. Well-being is one of the most sought-after outcomes from
counseling.
The determinants of psychological well-being and health are rooted in the assumptions, beliefs, and
values of culture. Hence, understanding the clients culture becomes central to well-being counseling;
stated differently, well-being counseling requires a culture-centered approach (Pedersen, 2003).
Well-being and health counseling poignantly demonstrates how all counseling is cultural.
Our goal in this chapter is to provide an understanding of ways in which cultural assumptions, beliefs,
and values guide a persons understanding, construction, and experience of well-being. Our
objectives are (1) to describe key concepts that define how cultures vary in the ways they construct
well-being, (2) to examine how development of cultural identity can play a central role in the
formation of well-being, (3) to describe how well-being is often tied to the resolution of multiple,
intersecting identities for contemporary multicultural individuals, and (4) to offer recommendations
for integrating cultural elements into psychological health and well-being counseling. We close the
chapter with some general conclusions about multicultural well-being counseling.
In a seminal work in cultural psychology, Lewis-Fernandez and Kleinman (1994) identified three
critical culture-bound assumptions limiting understandings in psychopathology: (1) an individualist or
egocentric view of the self, (2) mindbody dualism, and (3) a view of culture as additive instead of
central to defining psychological state. Our topic is well-being, not psychopathology. We emphasize
that psychological well-being and health are qualitatively different from absence of psychopathology.
Still, we believe these observations have relevance in that they identify parallel limitations in current
understandings of psychological well-being and health with regard to multicultural populations.
These assumptions constrain current psychological conceptions of well-being and health as well as
current counseling approaches to foster them.
In this chapter we develop a culture-centered approach to well-being and health counseling. Our
approach is built on three critical assertions that call into question universalist assumptions regarding
what constitutes well-being:
A life lived well is defined through values, and values are culturally embedded; culturecentered well-being counseling involves values clarification within the cultural frame of the
person.
Being is defined through understandings of the self, and nature of the self is culturally defined;
development of a coherent sense of cultural identity is an important goal for multicultural wellbeing counseling.
Multicultural individuals in contemporary societies typically occupy multiple identities;
multicultural psychological well-being and health often involve negotiation of how different
identities intersect.

Because interest in psychological well-being and health has developed into a global literature of
immense sociocultural complexity, we focus in this chapter on well-being and health counseling from
the perspective of multicultural groups in the United States.

Culture-Centered Well-Being and Health Counseling

Though some elements of Johns story are unique to his personal and cultural background, others are
common to many well-being counseling relationships. One common element is how the person arrives
at the point where well-being becomes important. As in the cases of many who have struggled to
overcome substance abuse, completion of Johns healing experience required him to define a
meaningful life without alcohol. As we will see, as with many multicultural individuals, this included
development of deeper connection as a cultural being. John was no longer interested in drinking, but
he was unsure of how to proceed in living. Beyond learning to cope with problems without alcohol,
John found himself searching for a sense of meaning and purpose in life. For John, this involved new
appreciations of his cultural identity that he developed through actively seeking cultural experiences
that fostered his sense of group membership. This included ways of joining more fully with the social
network of his Native community and giving back to the community in return for what was given to
him.

A Cultural Framework for Well-Being and Health Counseling

In well-being and health counseling, the symbolic meaning system of culture assumes singular
importance. Accordingly, the working definition of culture for this chapter draws from Geertz (1973),
who described culture as a historically transmitted pattern of meanings embodied in symbols, a
system of inherited conceptions expressed in symbolic forms by means of which . . . [people] . . .
communicate, perpetuate, and develop their knowledge about and their attitudes toward life (p. 89).
This definition emphasizes a shared meaning system crucial to culture-centered well-being
counseling. It emphasizes exploration of ways culture forms understanding and directs action in
construction of well-being.

The Cultural Construction of Psychological Well-Being and Health

A core foundation of multicultural counseling emphasizes examination of cultural values and
assumptions underlying definitions and concepts (Pope-Davis, Coleman, Liu, & Toporek, 2003; Sue
& Sue, 2008). Culture-centered well-being counseling inevitably involves questions about the
different ways well and being are defined across cultures. It seeks to understand the values and
assumptions with which individuals wish to identify.
What describes a life lived well is defined through a shared vision, or cultural norms on what
constitutes the good life. Stated somewhat differently, the nature of psychological well-being is
largely defined through values, which are themselves culturally embedded. In a similar way, the
nature of being is defined through cultural understandings regarding nature of the self and relation
of self to other, sometimes referred to as self-construal (Markus & Kitayama, 2010). A significant

body of research in cultural psychology documents enormous cultural variation in values and selfconstrual and the ways they are culturally shaped (Allen, Rivkin, & Lopez, 2014). One implication
for multicultural counseling is that a persons views about living well and the nature of being may be
quite different from those of the dominant culture. A second implication is that when a client and
counselor differ in cultural backgrounds, their values and beliefs about self may also differ. As we
shall see in Johns story, this can be the case even when both come from the same broad ethnocultural
group.
In a provocative and influential review, Henrich, Heine, and Norenzayan (2010) describe numerous
broad, universalistic statements in the psychological literature that were established through research
limited to samples drawn from Western, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic (WEIRD)
societies. Yet people from WEIRD cultural backgrounds contrast markedly with the majority of
people in the world, a fact that has important implications for well-being counseling. In contrast to
most global cultures, WEIRD cultures possess a distinct and unusual set of values and way of thinking
about the self as independent of others. Among WEIRD societies, the mainstream, dominant American
cultural frame occupies an extreme pole regarding independence of the self. Even further out on this
pole are U.S. undergraduates, who constitute the dominant samples in psychological research. This
leads to a situation in which most current psychological knowledge uses samples constituting an
outlier in an outlier population (Henrich et al., 2010, p. 78).
The implications of this situation are as profound and far-reaching for well-being and health
counseling as they are for any area of contemporary psychology. Mainstream psychological
conceptions on the nature of well-being and health, and the events and behaviors that promote wellbeing and health, are based largely in a minority viewpoint among the worlds cultures. These
conceptions may be in conflict with the explanatory models of many cultural groups.
Multicultural well-being and health counseling requires considerably more than attention to cultural
differences and multicultural awareness, knowledge, and skills sets. Effective well-being counseling
must be culture-centered because it is precisely the culture-specific elements of the self that are
central to well-being formation. Culturally defined values and conceptions of the self are at the heart
of personal understandings of well-being.

Psychological Well-Being and Health Are Defined Through Values:

Values Are Culturally Defined
Because any definition of the virtuous life is guided by values, all definitions of well-being are
rooted in the systems of cultural assumptions that guide values formation. The events and behaviors
believed to lead to the virtuous life are also guided by these values. In this way, how a person defines
virtue and identifies the virtuous acts leading to a life lived well inevitably are culturally determined:
Understandings of psychological well-being necessarily rely upon moral visions that are culturally
embedded and frequently culturally specific (Christopher, 1999, p. 149).
Western mainstream psychology describes people as universally valuing such things as being
analytical when reasoning, having a wide range of options available when making choices,

maintaining a highly positive self-image, and possessing a view of their own capabilities as above
average. Yet emerging research finds that people from non-WEIRD societies may instead value being
holistic in their reasoning, being less concerned with the importance of choice, and placing less
importance on viewing themselves as above average (Jones, 2010). Well-being counseling with
multicultural individuals in the United States requires the identification, open exploration, and
reflexive acceptance of these alternative values distinctions and their underlying cultural assumptions.
For many multicultural individuals, well-being counseling involves values clarification. This
includes highlighting and bringing into awareness ways in which a persons cultural values may at
times differ from those of the mainstream or dominant culture. While any two cultural systems may
share numerous values, other elements may prove unique. Even in the case of shared cultural values,
elements within the same value structure may be weighted differently, or even interpreted differently
across cultures. In the case of a person who inhabits more than one cultural identity status, culturecentered well-being and health counseling can reconcile opposing systems, exploring cultural
assumptions leading to values conflict.
The cultural assumptions underlying the counselors own values warrant careful personal exploration.
This is not to say that the cultural embeddedness of the counselor is a shortcoming. Rather, cultural
embeddedness is inevitable; it is a dialogue across cultures between counselor and client that will
lead to health. What is potentially harmful is for a counselor to act ethnocentrically, as if values are
not culturally embedded.

Psychological Well-Being and Health Are Understood Through

Beliefs About the Self: Culture Shapes Understandings of the Self
The nature of the self encompasses a second cultural assumption defining well-being. Above, we
discussed a robust finding from the cultural psychology research on how people from non-WEIRD
cultural backgrounds tend to understand self as connected to others, while people from WEIRD
cultures tend to view themselves as more separate (Heine, 2008). In the well-being literature, this
cultural difference in self-construal is often described through the twin distinction of
individualism/independence and collectivism/interdependence (Ryff, 1995). People from cultures
aligned with an individualism/independence orientation conceive of themselves primarily as
autonomous. This means they perceive themselves as possessing discrete abilities, attitudes, and
personality traits. In contrast, people aligned with more of a collectivism/interdependence orientation
conceive of themselves as intertwined with others in webs of social networks. They view themselves
as possessing obligations toward others within these networks based on role expectations. This latter
view is so culturally distinct that it emerges as a rather peculiar idea within the context of the
worlds cultures (Geertz, 1975, p. 48).
One important attribute of the interdependent model is that possibilities exist for well-being to
constitute a shared experience with others. This means psychological well-being and health can
extend beyond the realm of individual experience. This possibility requires counselor awareness that
well-being for many people can be created only through interactions with others; this understanding
adopts the perspective of intersubjectivity.

Cultural Worldview and Well-Being

To expand our understanding, we next briefly critique two prominent theories of well-being. We will
examine implicit cultural assumptions in the theories of subjective well-being and self-determination
theory/psychological well-being. Our goal is to expand appreciation of what we miss by limiting
understanding of well-being exclusively to current perspectives. Through this exploration, we seek
foundations for a more culture-centered approach to counseling.

Well-Being as Life Satisfaction and Positive Affect: Subjective

Well-Being
For an example of how implicit cultural assumptions shape understandings of well-being, we need
look no further than the most prominent theory of well-being, centered on subjective well-being
(Diener, 2012). Subjective well-being is a persons evaluative reactions to his or her lifeeither in
terms of life satisfaction (cognitive evaluations) or affect (ongoing emotional reactions) (Diener &
Diener, 1995, p. 653). The theory has generated an enormous body of research, firmly establishing
well-being as a measureable outcome for psychological intervention (Diener, 2012; Morrison, Tay, &
Diener, 2011).
However, to evaluate well-being subjectively is to base it on a persons own set of standards. Basing
cognitive evaluations on ones own standards, rather than on the standards of ones ethnocultural
group, invokes a particular system of cultural assumptions that, as described above, are associated
with WEIRD societies and value personal independence over the strivings of the collective. In
contrast, collectivism assumes mutually binding obligations to groups. Though this
individualist/collectivist distinction runs the risk of oversimplifying issues of great complexity and is
not without its numerous critics (Oyserman, Coon, & Kemmelmeier, 2002), a significant body of
research spanning numerous cultural groups has identified collectivist beliefs, values, and selfrepresentations as offering one possible alternative to individualism (Owe et al., 2013).
In a foundational article on subjective well-being, Diener (1984) posited that well-being (1) resides
within the individual and within individual experience, (2) can be defined by measures that tap a
specific set of constructs within positive psychology, and (3) encompasses a global assessment of all
aspects of a persons life. The first two assertions represent cascading arrays of cultural assumptions.
The first proposes that well-being is subjectively evaluated and experienced solely on the level of the
individual. This forecloses the possibility that well-being can be relationally experienced. The
second assertion goes on to define positive psychology measures of well-being distinguished by
value orientations around this individual locus of experience. In summary, subjective well-being uses
an individualist self-construal and value orientation to define (1) the content of the cognitive
evaluations and (2) the types of emotional experience in well-being.
First, the content of the cognitive evaluations in subjective well-being include degree to which the
person experiences self-esteem, self-determination, self-regulation of behavior, individuation,
competence, and mastery. Taking mastery as an example from this list of cognitive evaluations, one is
struck by how mastery is defined in one restricted way through autonomy. Mastery is defined as

personal sense of control arrived at through personal achievement and effort in solving problems,
coping with stressful situations, and overcoming life difficulties (Pearlin, Menaghan, Lieberman, &
Mullan, 1981). This definition emphasizes personal agency and the pursuit of self-chosen goals. In
numerous non-Western cultural frameworks, mastery is not identified as a component of well-being.
For example, well-being may be defined through the skill by which individuals better align
themselves with their existing realities (Weisz, Rothbaum, & Blackburn, 1984) rather than through
mastery. Even within cultural settings where mastery is valued, it may be achieved in quite different
ways. In communal mastery, people solve life problems by joining with other important figures within
their social networks (Fok, Allen, Henry, Mohatt, & People Awakening Team, 2012). Joining with
others, rather than autonomous behavior, is identified as an action defining well-being.
Similar culture-specific assumptions underlie the values interpretation that elevates another example
from this list of cognitive evaluations, high self-esteem, defined as favorable personal evaluations of
the self (Schimmack & Diener, 2003). Yet, even though values elevating self-esteem are rooted in
individualism, the behavior associated with public acts indicative of self-esteem remains to a
significant degree relationally defined, even in individualist cultures (Guisinger & Blatt, 1994).
Behaviors associated with self-esteem become acts with meaning when they are defined through the
responses of others in the social environment (Bruner, 1990). These responses are guided by
culturally normative scripts for behavior that are part of the process of meaning making provided by
culture (Kitayama & Park, 2007).
Normative scripts in personal independence models call for the person to act through behavior
indicative of the internal attribute of high self-esteem. Others respond by providing approval and
validation of the actors display of self-esteem. This selfother interchange is the cultural script that
imbues the act with meaning, here defining self-esteem as an internal attribute of an independent self.
In many non-Western cultures, including many East Asian cultures, an alternative cultural script is at
play that values humility. The person instead is viewed as possessing, and often appropriately
acknowledging, shortcomings and as being in need of support (Kitayama & Markus, 2000). Here the
script calls for the other to express sympathy and interpersonal giving in response to acts that display
need for support. This response from the other imbues these acts with different meaning, validating
the actor as a person worthy of support. This script helps to form a community of interdependent
selves, where humility regarding shortcomings and acceptance and giving of support create wellbeing. A different pathway to well-being emerges, based in different understandings of self and the
meaning of action or behavior.
Second, types of emotional states in which positive affect predominate are valued in subjective wellbeing. However, there are also important differences in how cultures value the subjective experience
of positive affect and happiness. In many East Asian cultures, this emotion can have different meaning
and provide different experience. Here, individuals may instead value a range of affective
experience, acknowledging life more realistically and striving for balance between positive and
negative affect (Kitayama, Markus, & Kurokawa, 2000). Overemphasis on maximizing positive affect
as a well-being goal is viewed from this values perspective as undue self-aggrandizement, or
drawing excessive attention to oneself inappropriately; it can also be viewed as naive in its lack of
awareness of balance. Here balance refers to understanding how overreliance at one extreme end of
affect, always happy, can have consequences, leading to inevitable swings to an equally extreme

negative affective state.

From this values perspective, happiness results from mutual validation, suggesting that the experience
of well-being constitutes an intersubjective state shared between two or more people. Viewed from
this interdependent perspective, well-being arises only when enjoined by others. Here the question
arises, whose well-being is affected? In the individualist model, the focus on the interchange is
clearly limited to the actor as individual, and the interchange is about individual well-being. In the
interdependent model, the arena becomes broadened beyond the individual to others who are affected
by the interaction.
Our intent is not to critique cultural assumptions associated with individualism as flawed or
maladaptive; multicultural perspectives instead embrace a reasoned cultural relativism. Applied to
well-being, such relativism acknowledges that there can be multiple pathways to well-being and
multiple understandings of what constitutes being psychologically healthy and well. Definitions of
well-being based in individualism are just one option among many. Shortcomings emerge only when
subjective well-being is represented as a universal theory (e.g., Diener, Tay, & Oishi, 2013; Morrison
et al., 2011) rather than one of several possible cultural alternatives. This has important implications
for counselors as they work to co-construct definitions of living life well with culturally distinct
persons. Counselors need to remain attentive to their clients values, self-construal, and cultural
scripts.

Well-Being Through Realizing Ones Potential: Self-Determination

Theory and Psychological Well-Being
Subjective well-being, in its focus on life satisfaction and positive affect, adopts a hedonic
perspective (Seligman, 2011), meaning it is focused on maximizing pleasure and minimizing pain
(negative affect). In contrast, two of the major alternatives to subjective well-being in Western
psychology, self-determination theory and psychological well-being, adopt a eudaimonic outlook.
From the eudaimonic perspective, well-being involves more than simply pleasure and positive
feelings. Instead, well-being is constructed through efforts to fulfill ones full potential as an
individual (Deci & Ryan, 2008; Ryan & Deci, 2001).
Self-determination theory seeks to understand well-being as a universal striving for the realization of
human potential (Ryan & Deci, 2011). It posits autonomy, competence, and relatedness as three
universal psychological needs that, when fulfilled, create psychological well-being (Ryan & Deci,
2001, 2011). According to self-determination theory, the needs for autonomy, competence, and
relatedness create intrinsic goals for the person, leading the person to actualization of his or her
potential. The theory emphasizes intrinsic goals that provide for a deeper sense of well-being than
extrinsic goals such as wealth, attractiveness, and social standing.
Psychological well-being theory also broadens notions of well-being, emphasizing several
dimensions of positive psychological functioning that do not appear in subjective well-being theory
(Ryff, 1995). Working from the human development literature, Ryff (2008) describes well-being
through a six-factor structure of needs assumed as universal among people. These are the needs for

self-acceptance, positive relations with others, autonomy, environmental mastery, purpose in life, and
personal growth. An important contribution of research spawned by the theory of psychological wellbeing has been to highlight ways in which the nature of well-being changes across the life span. The
salience of each of these six factors shifts developmentallyfor example, one study found that the
needs for purpose in life and personal growth declined with age, while the needs for environmental
mastery and autonomy increased (Ryff, 1995).
You have probably noted by this point that both these theories, much like subjective well-being, place
emphasis on autonomy. Autonomy values individuation, independence, self-determination, and the
self-regulation of behavior. While these attributes are common to the people who have typically been
studied in Western psychology, as we discussed earlier, ways of understanding the self differ across
cultures. One variation is a cultural self-construal in which autonomy is not emphasized. Further, even
within cultures that value autonomy as an important attribute of the self, autonomy itself can have
different meanings (Christopher, 1999)for example, autonomy can be valued as a striving for
independence or as fulfillment of an important social role, such as a responsibility to ones tribe. In
other cultural frames where individuals attempt to align themselves with existing realities, pursuit of
self-chosen goals through personal agency can be explicitly not valued by the culture (Weisz et al.,
1984). Or in cultural settings where mastery is valued, it may instead be achieved communally,
through joining with others to solve problems (Hobfoll, Schrder, Wells, & Malek, 2002).
Many scholars working from the eudaimonic perspective display an awareness of these issues, and a
number of their studies have found differences in the salience of well-being factors across cultures
(Ryff, Keyes, & Hughes, 2004). Yet, while eudaimonic approaches propose alternatives to hedonic
understandings of well-being, these approaches nonetheless propose a universalist model of
psychological needs or dimensions of well-being. We have explored several lines of cultural
research that question such universal models.
A culture-centered approach to well-being counseling instead emphasizes how behavior and action
are understood through relational interchanges governed by cultural scripts that vary across cultures.
Different scripts lead to shifts in the meaning of behavior, even for behavior that outwardly appears
as the same act. Nonequivalence of meaning emphasizes why exploration of local and personal
meaning is at the heart of culture-centered well-being counseling.

Sources of Values and Sense of Self: Racial and Ethnic Identity

Ethnic identity is a persons affiliation with the values and assumptions of an ethnic group and the
resulting sense of group inclusion (Ong, Fuller-Rowell, & Phinney, 2011). In a recent meta-analysis,
Smith and Silva (2010) explored the relation of ethnic identity to well-being among North American
people of color. Their findings indicate that ethnic identity functions with greater salience during the
developmental period of youth and within settings of significant cultural contact and/or change by
directly affecting well-being variables and not by buffering against psychopathology. These findings
suggest that negotiation of ethnic identity status can be a crucial element in the change processes of
multicultural well-being counseling. Exploration of racial, ethnic, and cultural identities, including
what these identities mean on a personal level and how they affect life experiences, are integral to
personal constructions of well-being.

How personal views become aligned with one or more cultural viewpoints depends on the persons
identification with an ethnic or racial group membership. Accordingly, culture-centered counseling
involves facilitating the development of clients ethnic identities. This requires active engagement
with clients cultural strengths, as well as with their ethnic, racial, and cultural identity distortions
and confusions, given their centrality to well-being. Clarification of the rich and growing history of
racial and ethnic identity is essential for well-being counselors, who are confronted with clients
identities and both the problems and strengths these can create for the individuals. This is particularly
relevant for persons with multiple identities. For John, the values of one ethnic, racial, cultural, or
subculture group membership collided with those of another in which he shared membership.

The Ecological Context of Well-Being

Pedersen, Crethar, and Carlson (2008) emphasize the importance of contextual factors in culturecentered counseling, and especially ecological context, which refers to how the person fits into and is
shaped by the broader social environment. Ecological perspectives are particularly important in
understanding well-being (Brown & Kasser, 2005; Little, 2000); key components of ecological
context include class and socioeconomic status, religious community, ethnicity, quality of available
education, quality of living environment, quality and availability of transportation to work and other
various opportunities, and proximal availability of resources (Pedersen et al., 2008, p. 67). People
in U.S. society do not share equal access to these resources, and a disproportionate burden in the
disparity falls upon people of color. This reminds counselors that well-being work includes a social
justice dimension. For many multicultural individuals, the ecological context can exert profound
limits on the impact of personal change on well-being in the absence of broader social change.

In Search of a Life as It Is Meant to Be Lived: Three Sessions in

Culture-Centered Well-Being Counseling
Session 1. Resolving to Act as a Tradition Bearer: Living Life to
Become an Elder in Training
One reason John returned to Alaska was to reconnect with his culture. Yet over the years, John
followed career ambitions, putting family and cultural connections on the back burner. When the move
did not result in stronger connection, his drinking increased. He felt anxious much of the time and was
episodically depressed, eventually hitting bottom.
In addition to outpatient alcohol treatment, John saw a counselor. The counselor was also Native, an
American Indian enrolled in a lower 48 tribe, but born in Alaska. Counseling initially dealt with
craving for alcohol, coping with stressors, and triggers for drinking. The crisis described at the
opening of this chapter precipitated three final sessions. The termination of counseling evolved into
well-being counseling as John sought to define a meaningful life without drinking.
Early in counseling, Johns counselor referred him to Connie, a respected Alaska Native elder.
Connie joined an early session and talked about her own experiences stopping drinking; Johns

counselor then suggested that John help Connie with some of the daily activities of life in the city,
which were now sometimes a challenge for her. In between running errands for Connie, taking her to
appointments, and doing minor home repairs for her, John would sit and talk with her. Sometimes,
when the time was right, Connie would naturally shift into a different world and tell a story. Some of
the stories were about her life, and others were from her father or her elders. The stories led John to a
deeper understanding of the values underlying beliefs associated with his culture. One impact on John
was a deeper appreciation of and renewed commitment to summer subsistence fishing.
During this session, after telling the story that opened our chapter, John reflected with his counselor
on how he had come to deeply respect his elder mentor. This led to a discussion of what it would
mean to live a life to someday be considered an elder in training. By elder in training, John was
referring to those middle-aged adults he knew who were not yet recognized as elders but were
communally recognized as living in service to their tribe and community in preparation for possible
selection to the role of elder. In Johns culture, as in many Native cultures, to become an elder is
something different from becoming elderly. Elder is a social role of leadership created only through
recognition by ones community. John ended this session by stating that he saw in Connie a role model
for well-being, and he wished to live a life that might prepare him to be like her someday. His
counselor saw an opportunity and encouraged John to invite Connie to the next session.

Session 2. Conjoint Session With an Elder

John had actually known who Connie was for years before he entered counseling; they had always
exchanged polite greetings when they came upon each other in the chance meetings of everyday
community life. John believed he had always shown her respect, but he now admitted he had never
known or understood her true substance. In fact, if he had been honest with himself then, he might
have admitted he considered himself smarter. He shared with his counselor that this embarrassed him
now. True, Connie never had formal schooling, and she spoke in village English, a dialect based in
local vocabulary and her Native languages syntax and sociolinguistics. Now John, who had prided
himself on how he instead spoke English with a college vocabulary, felt embarrassed.
John knew Connie as a woman who had worked much of her life doing housecleaning to support her
children after she moved to the city. He had heard somewhere that Connie was the granddaughter of a
famous leader and revered healer. John had only now come to appreciate the full meaning of this
background through listening to her stories. His past attitudes were now a source of discomfort, as he
now viewed them as condescending.
Toward the end of their session together, John admitted to Connie with shame how he used to look at
her. Connie surprised John by telling him she knew this at the time, but she also knew he would grow
beyond this someday and would become an important leader and help his people. This seemed to
open John up to deeper levels of candor and relationship, and he next found himself confiding in
Connie about his sexual orientation. As he told her, it seemed a big relief, a weight off his shoulders,
as if he had been hiding something from her, and perhaps himself. Connie again surprised John, telling
him she knew this about him, and she repeated her belief that he would become an important leader
and help his people. John became emotionally overwhelmed and, hiding a tear in his eye, ended by
saying that he wanted to live his life from this day forward in a right way, so he could grow more like

her.

Session 3. Reconciling Intersectionality

In their last session, John talked with his counselor about how as he progressed through his education
he experienced an inner struggle with identity and where he belonged in the world. On the outside and
on paper, John had achieved his career goals and had high ambitions. Yet he was struggling with selfidentity and his sexuality, trying to accept who he was as a Native gay man. It was during this time in
his late 20s that his battle with alcohol became more difficult. He noted that he now was much more
comfortable in his identity as a professional while also feeling he could be a gay Alaska Native male,
and all these threads could be in service to his tribal people. Though he knew that at times it might be
hard, as not everyone at home might accept him for who he was, he felt immeasurably strengthened
through the support of Connie. He ended therapy clear about what living life well meant for himin
close relationship to the land of his people, where he vowed to return to subsistence fish each
summer, deeply engaged in the cultural practices and traditions of his tribal people, and connected
with his family and members of his tribal community. Through these practices, he could live a life
following the example of Connie, so that someday he might possibly be able to fill the role of elder.
He closed therapy by telling his counselor he did this not for himself but for his people and their
future.

Cultural Factors in Well-Being Counseling

We have emphasized a culture-centered approach to well-being counseling because often what is
culture specific is central to individual well-being. Well-being counselors must also remain mindful
of the broad variability within racial and ethnic groups and the ways ethnic and racial categories can
intersect with other identity statuses that include, but are not limited to, gender, socioeconomic status,
religion, sexual orientation, and disability. The concept of intersectionality allows us to consider both
the meanings and the consequences of these multiple categories of social group membership (Cole,
2009). Some of these complexities of intersectionality in psychological well-being and health are
illustrated in Johns story.
In our remaining discussion, we identify features within understandings of well-being from the
perspectives of selected ethnocultural groups in the United States. In so doing, we acknowledge two
shortcomings. First, these descriptions are not intended as exhaustive. Instead, they are illustrative of
the types of culture-specific elements among many, but not necessarily all, individuals within each
group. Second, such descriptions always risk stereotype, and we are mindful that presenting groups in
this way often constitutes an ethnic gloss (Trimble & Dickson, 2005). Tremendous variability exists
within each ethnocultural group, so much so that none of the material below will apply to all members
of any such group. Instead of assuming these stances are true of any particular individual, a counselor
can approach a person from a different cultural background using these ideas as possible starting
points for understandings of well-being. The counselor can incorporate structural elements of the
approach we have presented with John, seeking to discover if any of the elements discussed below
are also relevant in this particular persons own search for well-being. In this spirit, we briefly
present selected concepts from the well-being literature on Asian American, African American,

Hispanic, and American Indian and Alaska Native people.

Asian American
Compared with members of the dominant U.S. cultural groups, people from Asian cultural
backgrounds often respond differently to measures of two key elements within subjective well-being:
satisfaction with life and positive affective experience. Cultural factors provide an explanation for
these findings. Kitayama and Markuss (2000) review of a significant body of research documents
how many people from East Asian cultural backgrounds occupy contrasting value poles from the
tenets of subjective well-being theory in the areas of self-evaluation and affectivity. These values are
formed through distinct culturally shaped elements of self-concept, relationality, cognitive style, and
attributions (Kitayama & Park, 2007). One set of East Asian cultural values has important
implications for the expression of satisfaction with life. These values emphasize self-criticism
instead of the self-enhancement common to the independence models implicit in subjective wellbeing theory. As described earlier, another set of values prioritizes balance between positive and
negative affective experience, regarding an expectation for constant positive affect as unrealistic and
unhealthy in that it overlooks the importance of balance to all human experience. By adopting a
culture-centered perspective, counselors from non-Asian cultural backgrounds can avoid
misattributing the meaning of these value stances as indicative of dissatisfaction and unhappiness with
life. Instead, these stances and their aligned behaviors may represent adaptive, culture-specific
pathways to well-being.

African American
For many African Americans, well-being is inextricably linked to supportive social networks and
strong spiritual orientation (Jackson & Sears, 1992; Utsey et al., 2007). Among African American
adults, 89% self-identify as religious and 78% attend religious services regularly, and existing
research links religiosity and spirituality to African American well-being (Mattis & GraymanSimpson, 2013). This research shows that spirituality facilitates African American well-being by
mediating the relation between culture-specific coping strategies and well-being (Utsey et al., 2007)
and by interacting with adherence to African American culture (Jang, Borenstein, Chiriboga, Phillips,
& Mortimer, 2006). Well-being outcomes among African Americans have also been associated with
strong social support formed through the construction of affiliative networks, seeking guidance from
elders, and ritual (Elliott Brown, Parker-Dominguez, & Sorey, 2000; Utsey, Adams, & Bolden,
2000). Finally, more advanced stages of racial identity development have emerged as predictive of
well-being among African American youth (Seaton, Scottham, & Sellers, 2006). While perceived
discrimination has been linked to diminished well-being (Seaton, Caldwell, Sellers, & Jackson,
2010), advanced racial identity statuses are protective against negative effects of discrimination,
racism, and microaggressions (Elmore, Mandara, & Gray, 2012). Well-being counselors working
with African American people should be aware of the important strengths related to the culturespecific elements of social support, spirituality, and racial identity formation.

Hispanic

Familismo is the strong identification and attachment many Hispanic (or Latino/Latina) people
experience with their nuclear and extended families, often involving elevation of family over
individual needs (Smith-Morris, Morales-Campos, Castaeda Alvarez, & Turner, 2012). As a value
system, it emphasizes obligations of material and emotional support to family members. In return, the
individual receives family help and support to solve problems. Through this process, the family
becomes central for decision making and behavior (Sabogal, Marin, Otero-Sabogal, Marin, & PerezStable, 1987). For many individuals of Hispanic origin, these values guide well-being formation. In
return for identification with familismo, the individual gains social support, close proximity to aid in
times of need, and identity formation. Familismo combines with religion and spirituality to create
well-being (Koss-Chioino, 2013). In addition, Hispanic ethnic identity is associated with well-being,
and research has documented its protective effects in providing a buffer from perceived
discrimination and acculturative stress (Iturbide, Raffaelli, & Carlo, 2009). Important to well-being
counseling, these findings suggest that those Latinos who perceive more ethnic discrimination tend to
identify more with their ethnic group, and those with greater ethnic identification exhibit greater wellbeing; political activism is an important component of the expression of ethnic identity for Latinos
(Cronin, Levin, Branscombe, van Laar, & Tropp, 2012). Finally, among the most valuable assets of
Latino families are their social support networks. However, homophily and absence of weak ties
characterize these social networks. Homophily is an inclination to associate and bond with people
who are like oneself (McPherson, Smith-Lovin, & Cook, 2001). Weak ties are links to individuals
outside daily social circles. Homophily and absence of weak ties in Latino networks, and especially
immigrant networks, may affect potential for well-being (Ayn & Bou Ghosn Naddy, 2013). Wellbeing counseling can contribute by introducing strategies to broaden linkages to additional weak ties
among social networks and to build on cultural strengths such as respect, cooperative behavior, and
familismo (Chapman & Perreira, 2005).

American Indians and Alaska Native

American Indians and Alaska Natives represent an extraordinarily diverse ethnocultural grouping of
566 federally recognized tribes. While generalization across such a broad array of cultures is
exceedingly difficult, connectedness describes one core value common to many individuals with
tribal affiliation. Connectedness is concerned with how the welfare of the individual is interrelated
within the extended family, the community, and the surrounding natural world (Mohatt, Fok, Burket,
Henry, & Allen, 2011). More broadly, many Native people emphasize how a holistic connectedness
with the larger spiritual universe underpins a healthy Native lifestyle. Trimble (2013) proposes
connectedness as one of several common elements found among many Native people in their sense of
well-being. He provides examples of concepts that appear repeatedly across several diverse tribal
groups. These include mitakuye oyasin (all of my relatives), a central concept to Lakota spirituality,
referring to everything that is, has been, or ever will be created, and tiwahe eyecinka egloiyapi
nahan oyate op unpi kte, the Lakota definition of healthiness, meaning the family moving forward
interdependently while embracing the values of generosity and interdependence. Similarly, the
Muscogee refer to a healthy individual as ho-nondawgii ahthlot tzeemonadzit heenlee hahdzii
doeezh, or this person is there, a person of good repute, around and available to help. In Navajo or
Dine, balance and beauty is hozho, and saah naaghaii bieh hozho describes hozho through health,
long life, happiness, wisdom, knowledge, harmony, the mundane, and the divine. In Tewa, ta e go

mah ana thla mah can be translated as this person is of good demeanor, kind and empathetic to the
people and generous to those in need, including the animals. And finally, among the Yupik, the
concept appears in ellangneq, awareness of consequences; ellanaq, the process of becoming aware;
and, finally, the spiritual source, Ellam-iinga, the eye of the awareness. Connectedness also links to
sense of place, defined as the meanings and attachments many Native people hold to their traditional
homelands (Semeken, 2005). Place as a lived and living presence is often central to identity,
providing a source for well-being: wellness of the land becomes reflected in well-being of the
people, and, reciprocally, the well-being of the people is reflected in the land (Bishop, Vicary,
Mitchell, & Pearson, 2012). In the case of John, an important element of well-being counseling
facilitated his sense of connectedness and of place.

Conclusions: Values Clarification, Formation of Sense of Self, and

Resolution of Intersectionality Tensions
John is an Alaska Native man who considered himself to live in multiple worlds. To his family he
was an Alaska Native professional doing work on behalf of his people. But John was also a gay man,
and he struggled to accept this aspect of his life when it was not embraced by his immediate family.
John also identified with his Alaska Native heritage. He spent considerable time learning more about
his culture and its history. John sought a better sense of who he is and from where he and his family
have come. Well-being counseling for John involved work at the intersection of these identities.
The nature of intersectionality varies across ethnocultural groups and individuals within groups.
However, we can draw some general conclusions about the nature of culture-centered well-being
counseling. Johns story illustrates ways in which the development of well-being among many
contemporary multicultural individuals involves navigation of intersectionality. John is male, Alaska
Native, and gay, to name just three elements important to his own evolving sense of identity.
Theories of well-being are at best different understandings of what makes up a good person and a life
lived well. These understandings are moral visions in that they are based in values, frequently
culturally embedded, and often culture specific. If we ignore this, we run the risk of interpreting the
lives of non-Western people, ethnic minority people, women, LGBT people, people with disabilities,
and others as less well. We also run the risk of closing ourselves off to the possibilities arising from
culturally different values, visions of self, and understandings of well-being. This leads us to four
conclusions about the nature of culture-centered well-being counseling:
1. There are no universal or culture-free measures or theories of well-being.
2. All counselors are culturally embedded, which is part of what makes them human and effective
as counselors. At the same time, it requires them to recognize the limitations in their own
understandings of well-being and to be insightful about their assumptions.
3. There is no single universal approach to well-being or to well-being counseling; instead, an
interpretive approach can help to clarify values, sense of self, and identities and their
intersectionality in order to strengthen well-being.
4. A critique of what is promoted as well-being by current psychological theory (e.g., autonomy,
mastery, self-direction, positive emotion over balance) leads to a broader critique of the

treatment goals and choices of intervention in other areas of counseling, something that can
further invigorate the field of multicultural counseling.

Critical Incident
As John discussed feeling unaccepted as a child, tears fell from his eyes. My first instinct was to
validate his emotions using my basic therapist tool of reflection. John, I can see that this was a very
painful time for you. John nodded and seemed to relax. I could tell our working alliance around his
identity was growing deeper. I could have stopped there, but given that John had shared a story with
me, I felt the time was right to share a story with him.
I shared how my uncle and cousin were two-spirit and faced a lot of outside discrimination.
However, my family and local community truly valued them as the connection between male and
female genders. Despite colonization, my indigenous culture maintained this respect. This gave them
strength as they attempted to navigate the dominant culture. John turned to me with a confused
expression. Two-spirit? he asked.
Oh, do you know what two-spirit means? I inquired. He did not, so I explained that two-spirit
among many American Indian cultures refers to a person who is LGBT. John was silent. Though I was
used to silence and saw it as valuable, I also knew culturally this could mean disapproval or
disagreement. I was then surprised to see Johns eyes glaze over.
Struggling to recover, I began by reflecting, This two-spirit term does not seem to resonate with
you, does it? He shook his head. More tears fell. Im not sure what you are talking about. My family
is in Alaska and Ive yet to even discuss my sexual identity with them. Ive no idea how they would
react. They attend the Catholic Church and are quite religious. But Im pretty sure it wouldnt be by
valuing it! My stomach flipped. I realized I had presumed that John grew up sharing my own cultural
values. I had failed even to ask if his family was accepting of his sexual orientation. A feeling of
shame crept over me. I had acted on an untested assumption that because we are both Native, we
would share a similar understanding on this issue. Though I have been careful to explore the cultural
backgrounds of my clients who are nonindigenous, I had just assumed my cultural schema fit for John.
I sighed and said, John, I just realized that I made a big mistake, and I am sorry. I presumed that you
shared a cultural background similar to my own without determining first if this was the case. John
shifted uncomfortably in his seat and nodded slightly. All I could do was genuinely apologize: You
know, I really cant stand it when others do that to me, and to do the same to you is not acceptable. I
apologize and would like to start over, if we could. John nodded. I knew it might take several
sessions to repair our working relationship. John, I stated, how about we begin our next session
simply discussing what it was like for you to grow up as an Alaska Native who is gay? I began to
describe the cultural genogram (Gallardo-Cooper & Zapata, 2014) and asked if it would be okay to
draw out his relationships for our next discussion. Lets start next time by discussing what you
valued most about your home life, elders, culture. John stated that he liked learning from Connie,
and, after discussing her life, he wanted to take a look at his own. A wave of relief rolled over me; I
had the feeling John would be back.

I had learned a valuable lesson regarding ethnocultural transference (Comas-Daz, 2014), and in
particular, a specific variantdenial of ethnocultural difference. A critical incident of cultural
misunderstanding emerged when I leaped to preconceptions about a clients circumstances from my
own subjective cultural frame, discounting his very different personal experience. This highlights the
tremendous diversity across Native American cultures, and how our exchange involved elements of
cross-cultural counseling across two indigenous cultures. The point generalizes to all therapy dyads
in which counselor and client share membership in the same ethnic group, as such groupings often
represent ethnic glosses (Trimble & Dickson, 2005) encompassing tremendous within-group
diversity.

Discussion Questions
1. Think back to before you read this chapterat that point, what was your own personal
understanding of well-being?
2. What are your own personal values as they relate to well-being? What are your understandings
about the nature of the self as you see it at work for you? What are some of the implicit cultural
assumptions you have been raised with, or have adopted, that guide these understandings?
3. Can you think of an example of intersectionality in your current life? If you can, do the identities
involved fit together well for you, or has their intersection ever been a source of inner conflict?
If the latter, how have you resolved the conflict, or how might you resolve it?
4. Visit with a friend from another cultural background or, alternatively, a relative from another age
cohort in your family. Ask the other person if he or she has any thoughts about what constitutes a
life lived well. (Most people have some thoughts about this topic). How are this persons
thoughts similar to your own? How are they different?
5. What are some ways in which counselors can ensure that they remain aware of implicit cultural
biases?

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21 Family Counseling and Therapy With Diverse Ethnocultural

Groups
Guillermo Bernal
Jennifer Morales-Cruz
Keishalee Gmez-Arroyo

Primary Objective
To familiarize counselors and therapists with the conceptual tools they need to understand
diverse families in changing social, historical, and multicultural contexts

Secondary Objectives
To provide an overview of the definitions of family, taking into account changing social,
historical, economic, and cultural contexts
To review recent advances in the tools and resources for working with diverse ethnocultural
families, multiculturalism, and the movement toward evidence-based practices
Multiculturalism abounds, but theories and models for counseling work with families of diverse
backgrounds have generally lagged behind the social, cultural, and linguistic realities of practice,
research, and training. Consider the following statement from established family counseling scholars:
Family therapy has ignored [the] multicultural dimension of our society. We have proceeded to
develop models without regard to their cultural limitations. We have failed to notice that families
from many cultural groups never come to our therapy or find our techniques helpful (McGoldrick &
Hardy, 2008, p. 4).
Calls to re-vision, revisit, or even revise theories of family counseling and psychotherapy are
certainly needed. While the multicultural family counseling and therapy movement has advanced the
field from one focused almost exclusively on the individuals internal world to one that examines
external environments, systems, and contexts, McGoldrick and Hardy (2008) call for a deeper revisioning of family theories and models, given the limitations of current theories and models for
application to various ethnocultural groups (ECGs). The multicultural movement also has called for a
recasting of the field of counseling and psychotherapy to include consideration of the role of culture
and context in mental health treatments. Some have proposed cultural enhancement (S. Sue, Zane,
Hall, & Lauren, 2009), others have encouraged adaptation of evidence-based treatments (Bernal &
Domenech Rodrguez, 2012), and still others have urged the development of completely new
treatments for particular ECGs (Gone, 2010). Both the family systems and the multicultural
counseling and therapy movements have encouraged counselors to move beyond what was almost an
exclusive vision of the persons interior world and/or individual behaviors. While not negating the

importance of subjectivity, a re-visioning privileges the individual within his or her social and
cultural contexts, such as various family systems.
A reframing or re-visioning of family counseling and therapy implies an appreciation of human
systems embedded in larger structures and organized around categories such as family, ethnicity,
gender, sexual orientation, and disability. In the family counseling and therapy field, a number of
scholars have proposed a more integrative and inclusive view (Boyd-Franklin, 2003; Falicov, 1998;
McGoldrick, Giordano, & Garca-Preto, 2005; Pinsof & Lebow, 2005; Szapocznik & Kurtines,
1993). However, a close examination of the contents of theories and research reveals that culture,
ethnicity, and language have been historically absent (Bernal, Trimble, Burlew, & Leong, 2003;
Pedersen, 1999; S. Sue et al., 2009; Wampold, 2001). The gap between theories and practice can be
explained in part by changing socioeconomic and cultural contexts. Theories based on concepts
assumed to operate as universal with a particular population may not apply to other groups. The gap
between theories of family change and the implementation of these theories in the world of practice
may be attributable to challenges in understanding the familyhow it changes over time, how it is
influenced by cultureand the challenge of viewing culture as dynamic rather than static. Revisioning family counseling theories and therapy necessitates an appreciation of how notions of the
family have evolved over time. The challenge becomes how to inform mental health professionals
understanding of the family and family process with an appreciation of the sociohistorical and
cultural contexts. Below, we examine some basic definitions of the family and discuss how these
definitions have changed over the years.

What Is the Family?

The family is a fundamental social unit of society (Parsons, 1949) that some have defined as a system
of social interaction (Waller, 1938). While there are many definitions of the family, in Western
societies the nuclear family, as traditionally defined, consists of a heterosexual couple with their
children living in the same household. Single-parent families, blended families (couples and their
children from other relationships), and unmarried persons living together are just a few possible other
forms of families; also, family members may be heterosexual, homosexual, multicultural, and so on
(Crawford, 1999).
The term family has its origin in the Latin familia, meaning household, the root of which is famulus,
meaning servant. The family may be defined as a group of persons who live in one house, including
parents, children, and servants (or domestic slaves). Family is also defined as a group of persons
consisting of parents and their children, whether or not they actually live together as a unit, based on
affinity or blood relations. A somewhat broader view of the family is that it encompasses those
descended or claiming to have descended from a common ancestor (lineage). Engels (1884/1972)
defined the family as a social institution that is changing and certainly not eternal or fixed in time.
In 1949, Murdock published an extraordinary volume on the social structure of the family in which he
affirmed that the family is a basic group present within all human cultures, using his research through
250 cross-cultural studies to support his thesis. Murdock described the nuclear family as a social
group characterized by common residence, economic cooperation, and reproduction. It includes
adults of both sexes, at least two of whom maintain a socially approved sexual relationship, and one

or more children, own or adopted, of the sexually cohabiting adults (p. 1). Based on his research,
Murdock asserted that the nuclear family is a universal form of human grouping. Murdocks view of
the family had a major impact in the field, despite the critiques of many scholars.
A challenge to the universalistic view of the nuclear family came from Ward Goodenough, one of
Murdocks students. Goodenough (1970/2009) noted that Murdocks view was a reflection of middleclass families in developed Western societies such as the United States and Western Europe. Indeed,
what may be considered as the nuclear family in other cultures and societies could be what
Goodenough termed the functional analogue (p. 4) of nuclear families in Western countries. He
defined the family unit as one made up primarily of a mother and her children, but also potentially
including others who are defined as significant and who serve particular functions (p. 164).
The family is more than a group of people sharing a physical and psychological space; the
relationships among the members of this microculture are full of meaning, multilayered, and based on
a shared sense of purpose. In such a system, individuals are tied by emotions and loyalties, and the
intensity of relationships may change over time, but the relationships are presumed to be constant
over the family members lifetimes. Today, families occur in a diversity of forms. They are constituted
as natural social systems with their own properties. Each family and its members develop rules and
roles to form an organized structure that engages in problem-solving activities that enable the system
to function effectively (Goldenberg & Goldenberg, 2000).

Changes in the Family Over Time

The family and views of the family have evolved over the past century and a half. These changes are
relevant to the notion of the family as a social institution as it is restructured across cultures and over
time (Hill, 2012). One key notion is based on an evolutionary perspective: that families adapt in
response to social, historical, and economic transformations to ensure the physical survival of their
members. Families are often presented as primary institutions in sociology, because they have a
critical and early role in the lives of their offspring.
The rise of industrialization displaced thousands of agricultural workers, thereby creating familybased cottage systems of industry that drew on the labor of the entire family (Hill, 2012). By the
middle of the 19th century, the industrial economy was struggling to meet the demands of the new
markets being opened around the world, and factories were springing up in cities and towns; this
economic transition took place over the course of more than a century and resulted in massive social,
geographical, and family changes. With technological advances and the growth in mass production of
staple goods, the need for small family farms was reduced. The onset of World War II further
increased labor market participation by women, as many were drawn into the workforce to replace
the men who went off to war. The increased industrial production that occurred in the United States
during World War II revitalized the nations economy, making it the strongest economy in the world.
With industrialization, new social institutions emerged (e.g., public schools, hospitals, social security
programs) that assumed some of the tasks and functions once fulfilled by families, making people less
dependent on the family. Some important functions seemed to be lost as societies modernized and
marriage became optional rather than essential for survival. Parsons and Bales (1955) theorized that

advanced societies underwent a process of structural differentiation resulting in the construction of

nonkinship structures (e.g., churches, hospitals, schools) that provided specialized functions. Key
functions once provided by family, such as caring for the sick, educating children, and producing
food, were replaced by the new social institutions. Parsons was convinced that human character is
constructed through socialization processes (Hill, 2012). Among the nonkinship structures that arose
were organizations designed to provide support in the form of mental health care, psychotherapy, and
other social services that also served as substitutes for former family functions.
The peace and prosperity that characterized the 1950s led scholars to call the era the golden age of
the family. The social protest movements of the 1960s and 1970s sparked a broader human
liberation focused on civil rights, denouncing racial segregation and ethnic discrimination and
promoting gender equality. Movements emerged that asserted the rights of the elderly, gays and
lesbians, and the differently abled. Such movements transformed the field of family studies. Strides
toward gender equality are currently reflected in the private arena of the home, where men and
women today tend to share responsibility for housework and child care (Sullivan, 2006). Alternative
definitions of marriage and family have arisen, transcending the traditional nuclear family. Such
newer definitions include homosexual couples, who may or may not have children (Gittins, 1993).
Indeed, advances in medicine such as in vitro fertilization have led to substitution of even the family
function of reproduction itself.
The notion of the family as nuclear was in part supported by changes in capitalism, technology,
innovation, and acceptance of modern values. The expansion of capitalism to new markets across the
world sparked a process of modernization, and the advent of new technologies created a global
economy that was impossible to ignore, especially within the family system (Hill, 2012; Sullivan,
2006).
Lashs (1984) critique of the modern family goes a step further, arguing that the contemporary family
is the product of egalitarian ideology, consumer capitalism, and therapeutic interventions (p. 186).
According to Lash, even parenting and child rearing are now taken away from parents: The helping
professions sided with the weaker members of the family against patriarchal authority. The school
system, the child-care professions, and the entertainment industry have now taken over the custodial,
disciplinary, and educative activities formerly carried out by the family (p. 186).
Another perspective is the contextual developmental model of family change (Kaitibai, 1996),
which encompasses socioeconomic processes (Bekman & Aksu-Ko, 2009). According to this
model, interdependence, independence, and emotional interdependence are the three contextual
patterns of family that explain variations in family functions in diverse socioeconomic status (SES)
groups. These patterns are categorized in two dimensions: emotional and material. The first pattern,
interdependence, is explained as the typical model of the extended family, consisting of all material
and emotional interdependence in families located in rural/agrarian traditional societies. The second
pattern, mainly independence, describes nuclear families such as those in middle-class cultures in
industrialized Western countries.
One of the most comprehensive cross-cultural studies of the family was conducted by Georgas, Berry,
van de Vijver, Kaitibai, and Poortinga (2006). These scholars examined similarities and
differences among families in 27 countries based on hypotheses derived from Berrys (1979)

ecocultural theory and Kaitibais (1999) model of family change. The study focused on social
variables such as socioeconomic status, education, religion, and workforce engagement. Family
variables included roles of the immediate and extended family members. The results of this landmark
study have important implications for the field. First, SES accounted for differences in family and
psychological variables. For example, hierarchical values explained the differences between more
and less affluent countries, with lower-SES countries favoring greater hierarchical family values
compared to higher-SES countries. Important differences were found for psychological factors such
as emotional bonds, personality characteristics, and values. Similar SES patterns were found for
personal and family values (e.g., respect, honor, reputation, harmony). The instrumental and
expressive roles of families, however, were similar to those described by Parsons (1949): In lowSES countries parents shared the expressive role with their children, whereas in the more affluent
countries mothers and fathers shared financial responsibilities.
The findings from work by Georgas et al. (2006) and Kaitibai (2007) suggest that family structure
(nuclear or extended) is associated with social and economic contexts. Members of ethnocultural
groups from more agricultural and lower-SES countries are more likely to conceive of the family as
extended than as nuclear. Also, family values (authoritarian versus egalitarian or shared power) are
salient factors that distinguish families from more and less affluent countries.

Is Love All We Need . . . in Families?

The transformations experienced by the family over the past 150 years or so have been unparalleled.
Before industrialization, the family was involved in a host of activities and functions that united
members in shared tasks and functions, such as the protection and socialization of members,
reproduction, education of the children, and care of the sick and aged, as well as economic activities
providing food, shelter, and financial support. The family was also a means for the satisfaction of the
affective and emotional needs of its members.
With industrialization and now globalization, nearly all of the tasks and functions once provided by
the family are now offered by other social institutions. The family has transformed from a taskoriented organization, whose members were bound and connected by many ties derived from
engaging together in a wide range of activities and functions, to a social organization almost
exclusively bound by expressive and affective tiesthat is, ties of love. If affection and love are the
only basis for family relationships, then the threat of losing love unhinges group cohesiveness. If no
other bonds, ties, or connections exist to sustain the family system, it is unlikely that the family can
stay together. For example, if the career plans of one member of a couple interfere with those of his or
her spouse, can the marital unit stay together simply based on unconditional love? If unconditional
love is indeed one of the only remaining bonds that keeps family members united, is it a coincidence
that family therapy arose in the 1950s, soon after large numbers of women left the workforce and
returned to the home to make jobs available for World War II veterans, and when the nuclear family
was being idealized?

Multiculturalism and Families

We began this chapter by acknowledging that while the multicultural world is a reality, many of the
mental health professions theories, methods, and research continue to lag behind the changes that are
taking place daily. Multiculturalism is now considered the fourth force in psychology (Pedersen,
1990), and it became a force as professionals in different venues realized that their theories, research,
and practice methods did not seem relevant or even applicable to the changing demographic
landscape. Prominent scholars in the field suggest that contemporary psychotherapy and counseling
practices have harmed the members of ethnocultural groups by invalidating their life experiences, by
defining their cultural values or differences as deviant and pathological, by denying them culturally
appropriate care, and by imposing the values of a dominant culture upon them (D. W Sue & Sue,
2008, p. 34). Not only has the universality of theories, practices, and treatments been questioned, but
also the basic ethical principle of doing no harm is at stake. A number of terms have emerged, such as
cultural sensitivity, cultural competence, and cultural adaptation, that reframe the therapeutic
encounter to include the experience of race, culture, language, ethnicity, gender, and context. Below,
we consider the meanings of some key terms and subsequently offer a brief commentary on some of
the advances in the culturally informed evidence-based movement as applied to ethnocultural
families.

Cultural Sensitivity, Competence, and Humility

Cultural sensitivity has emerged as a fundamental prerequisite for counseling with ECGs (D. W. Sue,
Arredondo, & McDavis, 1992; Trimble, 2003). Recognition of the need for mental health
professionals to consider race, culture, language, and context in counseling has evolved over the
years. Today, some professional organizations have policy statements concerning diversity, such as
the American Psychological Associations (2003) guidelines on multicultural education, training,
research, practice, and organizational change.
One of the early terms employed in relation to counseling with multicultural clients is cultural
sensitivity. In part, sensitivity is the counselors capacity to respond psychologically to changes in his
or her interpersonal or social relationships (Trimble, 2003, p. 16). People in all cultures hold
exclusive, unique, and distinctive values, customs, traditions, languages, beliefs, and consequent
behaviors. At a minimum, the counselors acknowledgment and appreciation of the uniqueness of the
clients cultural groups contributions are important aspects of culturally sensitive counseling (D. W.
Sue et al., 1992; Trimble, 2003). Cultural sensitivity in therapy consists of understanding the clients
cultural values, beliefs, and language preferences, which may include providing or facilitating
services outside the therapy (Gargi, 2009; D. W. Sue et al., 1992).
Cultural sensitivity in therapy involves counselors engagement in processes of self-reflection and
self-exploration in working with multicultural families. Counselors need to examine their own
cultural and ethnic heritages as well as possible sources within themselves of intolerance to other
cultures, discrimination, attitudes, feelings, beliefs, values, affective styles, and personal behaviors
that could affect their ability to work with these families. Counselors responsibility as clinicians
entails learning more about their own cultural and ethnic backgrounds as well as those of their clients.
For counselors, assuming a position of cultural humility is a strategy that reduces the risk of
stereotyping and encourages appreciation of the nuances of cultures other than their own (Tervalon &
Murray-Garca, 1998). Learning about clients backgrounds and their family experiences in the

acculturation process (see Chapter 18 in this volume) might well include learning about the legacies
of oppression, slavery, genocide, and conquest. Knowledge about ECGs preferences in terms of
foods, languages, dress styles, and ceremonial and religious celebrations may help counselors to
understand how family members give meaning to their experiences and thus help in the engagement
and maintenance of families in counseling.
Notions of cultural competence and cultural sensitivity have evolved over the years, in part as a result
of the development of multiculturalism as a field (Bernal & Domenech Rodrguez, 2012). The
concept of cultural competence added both process and skill components to the earlier notion of
knowledge and awareness (S. Sue, 1998). Other approaches in counseling work with ECGs include
the development of culturally sensitive treatments that are designed for particular groups (Hall, 2001)
and cultural adaptations of evidence-based treatments that infuse already established treatments with
culture, language, and context (Bernal & Domenech Rodrguez, 2012). Multiculturalism has come of
age with the publication of journals, handbooks, and journal special issues. Most recently, the
American Psychological Association (APA) published a two-volume handbook on multicultural
psychology (Leong, 2014), and the Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology published a special issue
on cultural competence (Chiu, Lonner, Matsumoto, & Ward, 2013).

Salient Features of Prototypical Ethnocultural Families in the

United States
It would be folly for us to attempt to list all possible types of the social entities we call families that
have elements of culture or ethnicity at their cores. Instead, we offer below brief overviews of
families in four traditional ethnic group structures that are quintessentially North American: American
Indian/Alaska Native, African American, Asian American, and Latino. We recommend that
counselors also consult the chapters in Part II of this text, which contain valuable information about
all of these groups, as well as information on persons from Muslim and Arab backgrounds (the focus
of Chapter 9). We further recommend that counselors consult reviews of the literature on the
effectiveness of evidence-based treatments (EBTs) with ECGs (Hall, 2001; Miranda et al., 2005; S.
Sue, Zane, & Young, 1994), as well as national registries, and consider selecting treatments with
established evidence for the ECGs of interest. If no EBTs are available for particular ECGs,
Domenech Rodrguez and Bernal (2012) offer evaluation guidelines on the need for cultural
adaptation and both general and specific guidelines for conducting cultural adaptations of EBTs.

American Indian/Alaska Native Families

In the 2010 U.S. census, 5.2 million persons (1.7% of the U.S. population) identified as American
Indian/Alaska Native, either alone or in combination with one or more other races. The population of
American Indians and Alaska Natives is projected to increase to 8.6 million, or 2% of the total U.S.
population, by 2050 (Norris, Vines, & Hoeffel, 2012).
More than 565 American Indian and Alaska Native tribes are recognized by the federal government
(Bureau of Indian Affairs, 2009), and American Indian families are by no means a homogeneous
community; important language, regional, cultural, and tribal differences exist among members of this

group. In counseling Native American and Alaska Native families, it is critical for mental health
professionals to assume a position of cultural humility while developing ways in which they can be
helpful to families in need. The rub here is the degree to which being helpful may be another way of
imposing assimilation via counseling or treatments based in dominant Western mainstream
worldviews and values. The approach to counseling Native Americans needs to be grounded in a
basic knowledge of the legacy that may be affecting these families. Basic knowledge of Native
Americans histories, cultures, languages, values, lifeways, pathways, and changing contexts is
fundamental. This knowledge must be fluid; if it is static, the counselor runs the risk of stereotyping.
As S. Sue (1998) suggests, dynamic sizing and scientific-mindedness can serve as checks on static
knowledge that may not apply to particular families. Assuming a position of humilityin which
counselors let individual families teach them about their cultures and values and how they understand
their legacycomplements the dynamic sizing approach.
There is a growing literature on counseling with American Indians and Alaska Natives. As suggested
above, the literature emphasizes that it is fundamental for counselors to understand the specific social
and historical contexts of families, as each may have particular customs and values, worldviews, and
family processes (Gray & Rose, 2012; Jackson & Hodge, 2010; Schinke, Tepavac, & Cole, 2000).
For example, in the 19th century, the U.S. government employed the ideology of Manifest Destiny
(i.e., the God-given right of territorial expansion) to support a policy of genocide against American
Indians. Millions of indigenous people died and entire communities, tribes, and families were
decimated (Sutton & Broken Nose, 1996). The policy of relocating American Indians to reservations
in the late 1880s created a forced migration of tribes. Forced assimilation meant that American
Indians were removed from their lands and required to dress in Western clothing and abandon their
customs, languages, religions, and philosophies; the result was the disruption of Native culture (Gray,
2012; Stone, 2008). Such policies continued until as recently as the 1950s and the 1960s, when
American Indian families and homes were relocated to urban sites. These experiences have led to
profound historical trauma. Forced assimilation was an attempt to destroy Native cultures and their
roots (Sutton & Broken Nose, 1996; Tafoya & Del Vecchio, 1996). Knowledge of this historical
legacy may be an important resource for counselors working with American Indian and Alaska Native
families, given that this legacy is likely to have a major impact on family structure.
The concept of the so-called nuclear family does not seem to make much sense in a context where the
community is privileged over the individual. Nevertheless, according to the U.S. Census Bureau,
there were 557,185 American Indian and Alaska Native families in 2010; of these, 57% were
married-couple families, including with children (Norris et al., 2012). The family is a central unit to
American Indians, but family values vary depending on tribal and regional differences. American
Indian families have been described as valuing spirituality, humility, respect, generosity, honesty,
honor, gratefulness, forgiveness, helping, and courage (Limb & Hodge, 2009; Red Horse, 1981).
American Indians have been described as speaking softly, but speech is usually a secondary
expression to such behavior as avoiding direct eye contact (an expression of respect) and silence
with careful listening, which is highly appreciated. Many Native Americans prefer indirect forms of
communication, such as the use of metaphors, and view time as cyclical rather than lineal and discrete
(Herring, 1990; Sutton & Broken Nose, 1996).
The typical extended American Indian family differs substantially from the Western norm. For

example, the grandfather and father are key figures, with responsibilities to their grandsons, sons, and
nephews as caregivers in providing discipline. The role of parent is not limited by biological lineage,
as parenting responsibilities are shared among various family members. In some American Indian
cultures the term in-law does not exist, as inclusion in the family system is privileged (Sutton &
Broken Nose, 1996).
In counseling American Indian families, focusing on the strengths of the family and the culturally
sanctioned value of collaboration can go a long way toward helping to address problems or conflicts
(Sutton & Broken Nose, 1996). American Indians who enter counseling often do so for many of the
same reasons as members of other groups. These include dealing with issues of discrimination,
mental health problems (e.g., depression), marital problems (e.g., stress associated with
intermarriage), family problems (e.g., behavior of children, communication patterns), and substance
abuse (Gray & Rose, 2012). As some have suggested, family counseling and therapy strategies may
need to be culturally adapted for work in American Indian communities (Gray, 2012). Counselors
might consider developing new counseling strategies and treatments that are attuned to the cultures,
languages, and contexts of American Indians (Gone, 2008). Therapists need to examine their own
personal values in relation to their clients worldviews, including in regard to religion, spirituality,
rituals and ceremonies, and traditions (Herring, 1990; Limb & Hodge, 2009; Stone, 2008). A wealth
of information, both historical and contemporary, is available that can enhance the competence of
counselors working with this diverse population (American Psychological Association, 2003;
Miranda et al., 2005; Red Horse, 1981).

African American Families

Persons identifying as African American alone (38.9 million, 13% of the U.S. population) or in
combination with one or more other racial or ethnic groups (another 3.1 million, or 1% of the
population) represent 42 million people, or 14% of the U.S. population. In the U.S. Census Bureaus
categories, Black or African American refers to persons who identify with any Black racial groups
of African origin. More specifically, this group consists of those who self-identify as African
American, sub-Saharan African, Kenyan, Nigerian, or Afro-Caribbean, such as Haitian or Jamaican
(Rastogi, Johnson, Hoeffel, & Drewery, 2011). This is a group characterized by diversity in terms of
geography, age, skin color, religious affiliation, socioeconomic status, national origin, and more
(Moore-Hines & Boyd-Franklin, 1996).
Counselors need to understand the social and historical contexts of the lives of their African
American clients (Bernal et al., 2003). Africans originally reached the United States for a variety of
reasons, but most came by force as slaves. As a result of slavery, families were uprooted from their
homelands, tribal lives, native languages, religions, and customs (Moore-Hines & Boyd-Franklin,
1996). From about the 15th century to 19th century, in the New World the enslavement of African
peoples emerged and developed. This period was characterized by harsh punishments, torture,
executions, and sexual abuses as means to retain control over forced labor. Approximately 15 million
Africans were enslaved in the United States before slavery was abolished (Black, 1996).
The institution of slavery brutally deformed the kinship and extended family structure of Africans in
the United States. A host of prohibitions were instituted, including intermarriage of African

Americans with persons of other races. Changes in partners became a strategy to avoid punishments
and sanctions. Gatherings for traditional celebrations or religious rites were not allowed. African
Americans maintained family ties despite such prohibitions, in part because of the value they placed
on blood and orientation to the group. The belief that distance does not take away the bonds of blood
remained strong. The extended family managed to survive slavery and remained an indelible value
(Black, 1996). An example of the inclusiveness of the African American view of family is the use of
the terms brother and sister directed toward nonblood relations as if they were family. Today, there
are 9.4 million African American households, and 44% of African Americans report being married
(Rastogi et al., 2011). African American families are diverse and tend to embrace an extended
kinship system. The extended family is linked not only by biology but also by emotional ties, which
are equally important. For counselors, determining whether family members are present or absent is
an important first step in understanding the nature of the African American family.
In counseling and therapy situations, issues of racial differences between family and counselor, if they
exist, should be acknowledged and discussed. As with American Indian and Alaska Native families,
assuming a position of cultural humility can go a long way toward helping counselors understand
African American families experiences of discrimination, immigration, and spirituality. An
acknowledgment of differences early in therapy signals to the family that the counselor is open to
discussing difficult issues and facilitates the engagement of the family in treatment. Building trust is an
essential part of any counseling experience. Given the discrimination that many African American
families have experienced, distrust in counseling itself may be an issue, particularly with men,
because of counselings association with the mainstream establishment. In these instances, it is often
helpful for counselors to explore signs of distrust and use creative and flexible interventions (such as
contacting hesitant male family members directly by phone or other means). African American women
are often described in the literature as being somewhat more religious than their male counterparts.
They frequently assume a position of strength and self-sacrifice, and they are usually the ones who
initiate family therapy (Moore-Hines & Boyd-Franklin, 1996).
Counselors need to understand the harmful impacts of the legacy of slavery on African American
communities (Bernal et al., 2003), but they also need to recognize that, despite the negative
consequences of racism, oppression, and discrimination, African Americans have a rich heritage of
strength and survival. The cultural values of spirituality and the importance of the welfare of the
family and the larger group serve as resources enabling African Americans to resist oppression. Even
today the church is an important part of community life and serves many important functions in the
everyday lives of African American families (Moore-Hines & Boyd-Franklin, 1996).

Asian American Families

According to the 2010 census, 17.3 million persons (5.6% of the U.S. population) identify as Asian
American. Individuals who self-identify as Asian American or part Asian American constitute the
second most quickly growing ethnocultural group, right after Latinos or Hispanics (Grieco &
Trevelyan, 2010). The term Asian American encompasses a population of great diversity and includes
persons whose heritages link them with any of the original peoples of the Far East, Southeast Asia,
and the Indian subcontinent (Hoeffel, Rastogi, Kim, & Shahid, 2012).

The numbers of Asian American families have grown markedly (Passel, 2011). In 2010, more than
4.5 million families identified as Asian American alone (Hoeffel et al., 2012); of these, 60% were
husband-and-wife households, 3.6% were unmarried couples, and 9.5% were female heads of
households. Asian American families, while sharing a number of cultural values, are widely diverse
in terms of language, migration history, religion, educational level, occupation, income, degree of
acculturation, and political interest. The primary Asian groups in the United States are Chinese,
Japanese, Koreans, Filipinos, East Indians, and Southeast Asians. Most of the mental health research
on Asian Americans conducted thus far has focused on Chinese Americans, Japanese Americans, and
Southeast Asian refugees (E. Lee, 1996a, 1996b).
A review of the outcome literature on evidence-based treatments found that few studies included
Asian Americans (Miranda et al., 2005). Hwang (2012) has proposed integrating top-down and
bottom-up approaches in adapting EBTs for Asian American studies. He advocates using cultural
adaptations that integrate the pertinent cultural backgrounds of individual clients to improve
outcomes, such as addressing issues of immigration, acculturative stress, language limitations, and
disconnections from friends and family members. In addition, it is helpful for counselors to maintain a
balance between dynamic sizing and knowledge of the legacies and cultural contexts of the members
of this highly diverse group. For example, among Chinese Americans, migration histories are varied.
Many of the Chinese who came to the United States to help build the transcontinental railroad in the
mid-1800s worked under near slave-like conditions. During World War II, Japanese Americans were
relocated to internment camps. After the Vietnam War ended in 1975, a large number of educated
Vietnamese entered the United States as refugees. Different Asian American legacies are
characterized by difficult migrations, discrimination, loss, separation, and other traumas. However,
individuals and families attach different meanings to these experiences (E. Lee, 1996a). In counseling
Asian American families, it is important that mental health professionals understand the roles such
legacies might have.
Knowledge of cultural values is another central aspect of counselors being able to engage and work
effectively with Asian families. In general, Asian cultural values are distinct from Western values.
Six cultural value dimensions have been identified as having an important role in counseling with
Asian American families: collectivism, conformity to norms, emotional self-control, family
recognition through achievement, filial piety, and humility (Kim, Yang, Atkinson, Wolfe, & Hong,
2001). Two aspects of Confucianism are also part of Asian American family values: harmony and
well-being (Toyokawa & Toyokawa, 2013). In addition, religion and spirituality play important roles
in Asian American families. Koreans and Chinese share an East Asian Confucian heritage with an
emphasis on a hierarchical and patriarchal family structure. Thus children are expected to fulfill
obligations of filial piety (Oak & Martin, 2000) and to refrain from confronting or disagreeing with
parents (Chung, 1992).
A common challenge faced by immigrant Asian American families is intergenerational conflict, which
arises as the younger generation acculturates to the new context more rapidly than their parents; such
conflict may lead to anxiety and depression (Farver, Narang, & Bhadha, 2002). Portes (1997)
suggests that the phenomenon of acculturation dissonance usually occurs when the children
assimilate faster than their parents, adopting the language and values of the new culture while
showing less interest in the values of the traditional culture. Addressing the phenomenon of

acculturation, value conflicts, and the intergenerational struggle within the family as a normal process
of immigrant families is a useful strategy for counselors to employ in helping both sides adapt to the
new realities. According to R. M. Lee, Choe, Kim, and Ngo (2000), adolescents with high levels of
acculturation perceive their parents as having lower levels, and conflicts are more frequently
reported in families where both generations have high levels of acculturation. (See Chapter 18 of this
volume for more information on acculturation processes.)
As Juang, Baolin, and Park (2013) observe, Immigrants may be even more traditional than their nonimmigrant counterparts in the heritage countries, and in some ways immigrants may continue to
operate on a frozen and mummified notion of their heritage culture (p. 4). Practitioners need also to
assess core differences in the cultural values underlying behaviors. Helping the family discuss values
discrepancies in the face of conflicting cultural norms can increase both parents and childrens
understanding of their respective positions (Juang et al., 2013).
D. W. Sue (1994) notes that Asian Americans who hold traditional cultural values consider it
shameful and embarrassing for any stranger to have information about the problems of the family.
With these families, counselors need to pay close attention to the issues of face and shame, so that
they are allowed into the family system and can engage family members in a counseling process
acceptable to all. The use of traditional Western approaches that privilege independence, support
self-disclosure, and foster the expression of feelings may be ill-advised in these instances. Hwang
(2012) notes that acculturative family distancing (p. 194) can result when communications are
focused on cultural conflicts between parents and youth. It may be helpful for counselors to describe
intergenerational differences in respectful ways and label the resulting conflicts as acculturative
distance. Therapeutic benefits are most likely to result for Asian American families when counselors
incorporate diverse strategies that make use of Asian American cultural values and family processes.

Latino Families
Latinos constitute the largest ethnocultural group in the United States (50.5 million), representing 16%
of the total population. The Latino population has grown 43% faster than the overall population.
These data, however, underestimate the actual number of Latinos, as undocumented individuals are
not counted in the U.S. census. Latinos are a diverse group, with Mexican Americans numbering 20.6
million (54% of the total Latino population), Puerto Ricans 4.6 million (9%), and Cuban Americans
1.8 million (4%) (Ennis, Ros-Vargas, & Albert, 2011). Other important subgroups of Latinos have
roots in the Caribbean as well as in Central and South America.
There is a great deal of diversity among Latinos in the United States in terms of identity, migration,
history, traditions, and use of the Spanish language; this diversity reflects, in part, certain
sociohistorical contexts (Bernal, Sez-Santiago, & Galloza-Carrero, 2009; Caldern, 1992; Padilla,
1995). Latinos have migrated to the United States for diverse reasons, and there are many different
histories of migration among this population. Mexican migration has long been stimulated by the
demand for cheap labor in the United States, and also by high rates of unemployment in Mexico. Many
Cuban migrants have been motivated by political reasons, particularly those in the initial waves, who
have been characterized as being of high to middle socioeconomic status. Later waves of Cubans
from lower SES levels were motivated by the expectation of a better economic situation. Many

Latinos who have migrated from Argentina, Chile, Nicaragua, and San Salvador came to the United
States as political refugees. In contrast, the Puerto Rican migration during the 1940s and 1950s was
stimulated by local policies aimed at reducing overpopulation in Puerto Rico (Bernal & Enchauteguide-Jess, 1994; Bernal & Flores-Ortiz, 1982; Garca-Preto, 1996).
In the broader context, Latinos in the United States share a legacy of colonization, oppression, and
conquest with roots in the ideology of Manifest Destiny. Understanding the historical context of Latino
families migration can help counselors to appreciate the potential links to social and psychological
processes associated with discrimination, lack of mental health care, and the cycle of poverty (Bernal
& Enchautegui-de-Jess, 1994; Bernal et al., 2009; Comas-Daz, 2014). For example, Mexican
Americans and Puerto Ricans share a legacy of subordination and defeat. In 1845, the United States
extended its territory and occupied Mexican lands under the doctrine of Manifest Destiny. In the
MexicanAmerican War, Mexico lost 48% of its national territory to the United States. After the
SpanishAmerican War in 1898, the United States invaded Puerto Rico, and in 1917 Puerto Ricans
became U.S. citizens by an act of Congress. There are important differences between groups that have
been conquered or occupied and those that have immigrated (Bernal & Enchautegui-de-Jess, 1994;
Bernal et al., 2003; Comas-Daz, 2012).
While there are important differences among Latinos, there are also many areas of similarities across
subgroups. Spanish is the common language, except among Brazilians, who speak Portuguese. Many
Latinos share common life experiences such as immigration, and too many face the challenges of
poverty, discrimination, poor housing, and single-parent families. Latinos share a number of values,
including that of personalismoan orientation toward personal relationships and spirituality that
includes a strong sense of family, both nuclear and extended. The notion of familismoor valuing
loyalty to the family over individual interestsis central. With familismo, there is a strong sense of
obligation, responsibility, and dedication to the family. The nuclear and extended family guarantees
protection and mutual caretaking. The family is generally an extended system that transcends blood
ties and marriage. For example, families include comprades (godparents) and hijos de crianza
(adopted children, not necessarily legally adopted). Compadrazco (godparenthood) is a system with
reciprocal obligations of economic help, co-parenting, and support. The concept of hijos de crianza
includes the transferring of children in times of crisis from the nuclear family to other members of the
extended family, for help with parenting and child rearing. Extended family members assume
responsibility as if the children were their own (Bernal, Cumba-Avils, & Sez-Santiago, 2006;
Bernal et al., 2009; Massey, 1993).
It is important for counselors to understand the differences and similarities among Latino families.
What are family members stories and experiences of migration if they are recent immigrants? What
are their language preferences? With immigrant families, the younger generations often prefer to speak
in English while the parents tend to be more comfortable in Spanish. One key assessment issue
involves exploring the family and extended family resources available to the family members. Where
are potential sources of support? Is the family relatively isolated? Depending on the geographic area,
there may or may not be Latino communities nearby that can be sources of support and offer a sense of
community. With Latino families, as with the other families described above, counselors should
assume a position of cultural humility and let the families teach them about their stories, histories, and
cultures. Such an approach can go a long way toward supporting engagement in family counseling and

therapy (Falicov, 1998; Garca-Preto, 1996).

Summary and Conclusions

In this chapter we have emphasized how historical, social, and cultural processes can serve as
resources for counselors who seek to understand how best to approach counseling work with diverse
families in a changing multicultural context. We have provided an overview of basic definitions of the
family, taking into consideration their evolution over time as well as recent cross-cultural research
suggesting that family structure is associated with social and economic contexts. We have reviewed
recent advances in multiculturalism research and have described a number of conceptual tools and
methods (e.g., cultural sensitivity, cultural competence, cultural humility, and cultural adaptation) and
a variety of EBTs that are available to mental health professionals working with diverse ethnocultural
families. The consensus in multicultural psychology is that, at a minimum, counselors need to
consider client preferences, values, beliefs, and worldviews for therapy to be optimally beneficial.
There is also growing evidence that culturally adapted treatments are effective; as more cultural
adaptations are made to EBTs, the better the outcomes. Further, a variety of approaches to counseling
with diverse ethnocultural families incorporate the clients cultures, languages, values, beliefs, and
worldviews. While cultural competence is an ideal that aims to integrate cultural knowledge, skills,
and awareness, counselors should keep in mind that approaching the family from a position of cultural
humility is likely to ensure engagement in counseling and to yield positive results.

Critical Incident
A family therapy research program focusing on drug abuse in a large metropolitan city on the West
Coast included 41 families, 16 of which were Latino. The clients were affected by a variety of
psychological disorders, and all had histories of drug abuse. The Latino families in the program came
from a wide range of Latin American countries. The research program entailed 10 sessions of family
intergenerational therapy that was manual based and conducted in a bilingual format. The Latino
participants were all second-generation immigrants (i.e., the children of immigrants to the United
States). During the course of the therapy, a number of issues came up, as illustrated by the material
presented here. Most of the Latino families were struggling with challenges related to immigration,
family roles, and separation from the nuclear and extended family, in addition to the challenges of
drug abuse. Nearly all of the Latino families were facing issues that often emerge in family counseling
and therapy with linguistically and culturally different clients. As an example, we present the case of
the Martinez family. Identifying details of this family have been altered to protect anonymity.
The Martinez family consisted of Victor, the 33-year-old identified patient, and the family members
with whom Victor lived: his 57-year-old mother and his 36-year-old sister, both divorced; a 10-yearold nephew; and a great aunt, 84 years old. Victors extended family included an older brother (age
40) and the brothers wife and children. Victor had a history of heroin abuse since adolescence. At
the moment of entering the family therapy treatment, he was in a methadone maintenance program, yet
he admitted to continued casual use of heroin. He was disconnected or cut off from his father. Victors
older sister, Patricia, was the breadwinner of the family; Victor did not finish high school and could
not hold a job for more than a few weeks. Victors mother received Social Security benefits and

helped support Victor, which included giving him money for his drug use. She was worried about the
shame that would come to her family if Victor were arrested for a crime and convicted, so she
preferred to give him money to prevent his committing a crime. Later it became clear that the
vergenza, or shame, would be particularly bad for the older brother, who was a law enforcement
officer.
When Victor was 5 years old, he and his mother lived with his grandmother and Patricia in
Nicaragua; his mother then migrated to California alone before gradually bringing her children to join
her, beginning with her daughter. It took 9 years for Victor to be reunited with the rest of his family.
An examination of the family genogram showed a three-generation pattern of losses and separations,
with women in charge of the family but without much help from their male partners, who were
involved in alcohol abuse. Victors mother left Nicaragua to improve the familys economic situation
and left the children behind under the care of the grandmother. The women were seemingly
overinvolved and enmeshed with their children. Gradually, the mother began to bring the children to
the United States, first her daughter and later the grandmother and Victor.
One of the key elements in family counseling is engaging the family. The research context in this case
provided a great deal of flexibility with regard to making reminder calls to the family about
appointments or even holding sessions in the home if necessary. The sessions with the Martinez
family were conducted in both English and Spanish. The older members of the family were addressed
in Spanish, and the younger ones spoke English. Language can be a powerful tool for engaging the
less acculturated members of a family. Deciding which family members to invite is also important.
From an intergenerational perspective, the ideal approach is to invite anyone who is available and
can help. These invitations are not left up to the identified patient or any other family member. In the
case of the Martinez family, the counselor obtained the necessary contact information and called the
potential participants, inviting them to one session. With Latino families, the value of familismo often
means that family members will show interest in being part of at least a first session. Soon thereafter,
the use of the genogram helped to broaden the family members views of their situation. An early task
assigned in therapy was for all family members to engage in the joint project of diagramming their
family tree as far back as possible. The diagram was later discussed in a session with all members
present.

Discussion
This case illustrates many of the complexities involved in counseling families. A first concern was
how to handle the integration of a serious substance abuse condition within the psychological, family,
and social contexts. Our approach was based on a family therapy strategy that incorporates culture
and context. We used the contextual family therapy (CFT) model, which aims to include all available
individuals in its preventive strategies (Boszormenyi-Nagy & Ulrich, 1981) for the benefit of current
and future generations. We culturally adapted the approach as suggested by Bernal and Domenech
Rodrguez (2012). CFT views drug abuse as predominantly rooted in social and community
processes that affect the entire family. Second, we needed to culturally adapt and contextualize
notions about high levels of interpersonal involvement among family members, often viewed as
enmeshment and considered pathological and indicative of overly flexible boundaries. When
mothers become single parents, left to take care of their families on their own, how is it possible for

them not to be overly involved with their children? Here we see that Victors mother assumed both
instrumental and affective roles. And given the cultural context of familismo (valuing the unity of the
family), we needed to culturally adapt and contextualize the pathological concepts of enmeshment,
fusion, and undifferentiated ego mass.
A third consideration is the immigrant experience, which includes the intergenerational conflicts that
evolve from the pressures on the younger generation to assimilate, adapt, and/or acculturate. With
migration comes the loss of social capital and disconnection from the family of origin and the network
of relationships at home. In this case, a number of relational issues arose. Victors mother migrated
alone to the United States from Nicaragua with hopes of improving the economic situation and quality
of life of the family; that by itself is a courageous endeavor for anyone and in particular for a woman
from a context of limited resources and education. She left her children to be raised by her mother
when Victor was 5 years old. The therapy supported Victor and his mother in talking about the losses
they had experienced and ways for the mother to give to her son directly that did not entail paying for
his drug use, perhaps as a way to make up for having left him. At the same time, Victors contribution
was recognized as a sacrificethat is, through his addiction he seemingly remained dependent on the
family as a way to give to his mother. The effort here was to build trust in family relationships. Could
the contributions of each member of the family be recognized, and could a plan be devised based on
an understanding of the legacy of abandonment, limited resources, and loss? Once mother and son
exonerated each other, the focus of the therapy turned to identifying resources and problem solving for
all family members.
Finally, the genogram was a resource for exploring the familys history and changing contexts. From
the genogram it was clear that the family had a three-generation pattern of women leaving children
with their mothers, serious challenges with men suffering from alcoholism and subsequently
abandoning the family, and overinvolvement of women with their children. A broader contextual view
emerged in which all were understood to be victims of a legacy of poverty, war, and exploitation. The
question became what they could do about it now, and the promise of therapy was that they could
learn how to transcend the generational legacy to prevent the younger generation from further
victimization.

Discussion Questions
1. What definition of family would you use in this case? How would you describe the structure
of the Martinez family and the impact of social, historical, and cultural processes on the familys
basic functions (e.g., instrumental, expressive, child rearing)?
2. Did the therapy conducted with the Martinez family follow the APA guidelines on multicultural
education, training, research, practice, and organizational change for psychologists? If so, in
what ways?
3. Cultural adaptations of evidence-based treatments are resources for working with diverse
ECGs. If you identify an EBT that has not been tested with ECGs, what are basic issues you
should consider in culturally adapting the EBT for a particular family?
4. What conceptual resources or tools could help you approach a family that is different from your
own racial, ethnic, and cultural background, given the changing social, historical, and
multicultural contexts?

5. Was the Martinez family helped through this intervention? What other culturally sensitive
approach might have been suitable for this family, and what would you have done differently?

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22 Religion, Spirituality, and Culture-Oriented Counseling

Mary A. Fukuyama
Ana Puig

Primary Objective
To provide an overview of how spirituality and religion are relevant to cross-cultural
counseling

Secondary Objectives
To clarify the meanings of spirituality and religion as they relate to mental health, illness, and
healing
To examine universal and culture-specific approaches to understanding spirituality and
religion in cultural worldviews
To address the competencies for integrating spiritual and religious issues into cross-cultural
counseling
An integral part of any 21st century spirituality is what I call deep ecumenism or others
call interfaith and inter-spirituality. Spirit works and has worked through all cultures
and all religionsVatican II supported this realityand today humans cannot afford
tribalism and hiding in their denominational boxes throwing stones or, whats worse, missiles
at one another. We have to dig up our deepest wisdom from all our wisdom traditions, and
most of that wisdom we share in common.
Matthew Fox (quoted in Shapiro, 2012, p. 29)
Spiritual and religious beliefs are embedded in culture and contain the myriad cultural differences
that all cultures offer, but at the same time commonalities are shared across faiths, as noted in the
above quote. The overall purpose of this chapter is to highlight both commonalities and differences in
spirituality and religion that are relevant to cross-cultural counseling. We will focus on how mental
health professionals can integrate spirituality into cross-cultural counseling by taking a multicultural
approach. The chapter has the following main goals: to provide an overview of the importance of
spirituality and religion to multicultural counseling and psychotherapy, to examine how spirituality
and religion are expressed through different cultural worldviews, and to offer recommendations for
counselors who wish to integrate spirituality and religion into cross-cultural counseling. We use the
terms multicultural and cross-cultural interchangeably throughout the chapter to refer to cultural
differences and similarities based on membership in broadly and inclusively defined identity groups,
such as race/ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, age, national origin, physical ability, religion, and

class. In addition, we sometimes use the terms spirituality and religion interchangeably; we define
these terms in more detail in the overview section below.
The contents of this chapter are built on several assumptions:
Spiritual and religious beliefs and practices are common to humanity and are connected to
health, sickness, and healing in most cultures of the world (Koenig, 1997, 2005; Moodley &
West, 2005).
There is growing interest in spirituality in American society at large and within the profession
of psychology, counseling, and other mental health professions in particular, evident in increased
conference programming and publications (Morgan, 2007; Pargament, 2013).
Although it is not possible for counselors to be experts on all religious or spiritual beliefs, it
is possible for them to have a basic understanding of how religion and spirituality affect
peoples lives and how they relate to counseling issues and the counseling process (Aten &
Leach, 2009).
Spirituality has a natural home within multiculturalism, and counselors who aspire to be
multiculturally sensitive should become familiar with diverse spiritual and religious languages,
beliefs, and practices. Understanding these aspects of cultural diversity has the potential to aid
counselors in becoming more effective and sensitive in many cross-cultural encounters
(Fukuyama & Sevig, 1999).
All people have multiple identities, including the possibility of spiritual and religious
affiliations. Some identities may be more or less salient in counseling, illustrating the
importance of cultural context, thus it is important for counselors to consider the intersection
of multiple identities (Fukuyama, Puig, Wolf, & Baggs, 2014).
Before proceeding with this topic, however, we offer this caveat: It is important to understand why
one would not want to talk about religion and spirituality in a professional context. Bringing up the
subject of religion and spirituality in the workplace may trigger an automatic avoidance response.
Speaking personally, I (Fukuyama) typically ask students and workshop participants at the beginning
for their thoughts by sharing the following: My mother told me, Dont talk about politics or religion
in mixed company! The context was that I was a child of a Protestant minister in rural communities
in the Midwest, and, by todays standards, my father was a progressive thinker and social justice
advocate. So when I approach the topic of spirituality and religion with mental health professionals in
conference workshops, I am aware that the potential for offending members of the audience is very
real indeed. So what is it about this topic that gives one pause before engaging it in a public venue (or
in the classroom)?
I ask audience members for their input, and here are some typical responses: I fear judgment. I dont
want to offend. Its personal. Its private. I dont talk about my spiritual beliefs at work (at school).
Its not safe to be honest about my beliefs. Theres no place for religion or spirituality in science. My
professors would judge me. My classmates would think less of me. I dont know how to talk about
this with clients. I am ignorant. Psychology and counseling is a specialty, and I should let clergy be
the specialists to talk about such matters. Its better to keep the sacred separate from the secular and
church separate from state. I dont want to be pressured to believe in a particular way (fear of
proselytizing). People might judge me because I am an atheist or agnostic.

It is for these many reasons that it is important for counselors to establish a sense of safety in pursuing
this topic further. I find it helpful to invoke multicultural guidelines such as respecting differences,
withholding judgment, and practicing active listening.
So why do we want to talk about spirituality and religion in counselor training in the 21st century?
First, lets consider its relevance. In surveys, 86% of Americans report that they believe in God, and
55% indicate that religion is very important in their lives (Gallup, 2007). Even though mental health
professionals tend to be less religious than clients, religion and spirituality matter to many clients.
The United States remains a religiously diverse nation, with growth in numbers of nondenominational
Christian churches that are related to social status, geography, and sociopolitical attitudes (Newport,
2012). Second, spirituality and religion are particularly relevant in cross-cultural counseling because
they are embedded in culture and cultural worldviews. This holistic approach to life is in contrast to
the secular culture in the United States, which is compartmentalized through professional specialties,
separateness, and emphasis on individualism (Myers, 2000). Third, spirituality and religion are
associated with disease, healing, and health (Koenig, King, & Carson, 2012; Levin, 2001; Miller &
Thoresen, 2003) and may be considered part of the problem and/or part of the solution.
The remainder of this chapter is divided into three main sections. In the first, we provide a brief
overview of the various movements within psychology and counseling that have shaped a
contemporary view of spirituality and religion and present accompanying definitions. In the second
section, we address the inclusion of spirituality within cultural worldviews from both universal and
culture-specific perspectives, with a focus on ethnicity and gender. In the third section, we consider
the implications of integrating spirituality into cross-cultural counseling.

Overview
In the information age of the 21st century, spiritual knowledge from all perspectives is easily
available and no longer reserved for religious experts. Spirituality is a concept that is ever present in
human life and yet, paradoxically, remains difficult to put into words in the traditional sense of a
singular definition. Some of the dimensions that have been identified in the literature range from
esoteric mysticism to matters of everyday living. In fact, many definitions of spirituality include both
vertical and horizontal dimensions. The vertical connects people with transcendence or something
beyond self, also called the transpersonal. Spirituality is seen as an innate need to connect to
something larger, something that may be felt as divine, sacred, and out of the ordinary. Such
experiences are commonly met through religion, but they may also be found through philosophy,
science, and artthat is, through the seeking of an ideal, a truth, or beauty. Hill and colleagues (2000)
have suggested that spirituality includes thoughts, feelings, experiences, and behaviors that arise from
a search for the sacred, for those things that are holy, set apart, transcendent, and of ultimate value
to a person. The horizontal dimension includes a connection to self as well as to others and nature.
Both dimensions are reflected in the following definition of spirituality, which emphasizes
relatedness or connection:
Spirituality is a commitment to choose, as the primary context for understanding and acting,
ones relatedness with all that is. Within this commitment, one attempts to stay focused on

relationships between oneself and other people, the physical environment, ones heritage and
traditions, ones body, ones ancestors, saints, Higher Power, or God. It places relationships at
the center of awareness, whether they be interpersonal relationships with the world or other
people, or interpersonal relationships with God or other nonmaterial beings. (Griffith & Griffith,
2002, pp. 1516)
Spirituality includes certain values, including meaning and purpose in life, a sense of mission and
goals, helping others, and striving toward making the world better (Elkins, Hedstrom, Hughes, Leaf,
& Saunders, 1988). Kelly (1995) emphasizes that boundaries are important in any definition or
discussion of religion and spirituality. He suggests that spirituality and religion are, at a minimum,
grounded in a reality that is clearly outside the boundaries of the empirical, perceived, and material
world.
Achieving spirituality is more often a process than an end point, but some would speak of striving for
spiritual intelligence, that being defined by inner wisdom, compassion, equanimity, and inner
peace. Just as the mental health profession is open to this exploration, there are those who are
interested in how spiritual values may be applied in the workplace (Wigglesworth, 2012).
Religion has been defined as the means and methods (e.g., rituals or prescribed behaviors) of the
search [for the sacred] that receive validation and support from within an identifiable group of
people (Hill et al., 2000, p. 66). Albanese (cited in Kelly, 1995) has described religion as having an
extraordinary dimension that is centered on otherness, transcendence, and moving beyond
everyday culture and a second dimension of ordinary that is centered on everyday life, culture, and
norms. Although some people consider themselves to be spiritual without being religious, by
definition, religion encompasses spirituality because spirituality is its most central function
(Pargament, 1999). Religion by nature has concerned itself with the big questions or ultimate
concerns of life. Core considerations for religious teachings include such existential questions as
Who am I? Where did I come from? Where am I going? and Why? (Shapiro, 2013).
From a historical perspective, psychology in general, and counseling in particular, has had an uneasy
and at times conflicted relationship with spirituality and religion (May, 1982). Although one of the
fathers of modern psychology, William James, studied the religious experience, other
psychotherapists have spoken against religion. As psychology embraced the scientific method as its
foundation, religious and spiritual beliefs were marginalized or considered to be delusions or
symptoms of mental illness. Sigmund Freud was one of the early critics, believing that religion was a
neurosis, and B. F. Skinner and Albert Ellis found little use for religion, preferring deterministic and
rational approaches (Plante, 2009). Conversely, Carl Jung acknowledged the importance of
spirituality as a component of wholeness and necessary for healing from alcohol addiction.
Subsequently, 12-step programs for addiction recovery have supported this view (Hopson, 1996).
The humanistic and transpersonal psychology movements in the 1960s and 1970s counterbalanced the
psychoanalytic and behavioral movements and focused on values and phenomena that may now be
included under the umbrella term spirituality. Notable humanistic psychologists of this era included
Gordon Allport, Viktor Frankl, Erich Fromm, Abraham Maslow, Rollo May, and Carl Rogers.
However, most humanists focused on individual values such as freedom, responsibility, anxiety in

the face of death and crises of meaning that occur in life rather than on a supreme being (Frame,
2003, p. 13). Thus, there have been subsequent negative reactions from religious conservatives
against secular humanists.
Now with the arrival of multiculturalism and postmodern constructivism, multiple perspectives are
invited to define reality. Recent developments in positive psychology and social justice movements
have incorporated religious and spiritual values. Despite the increasing recognition of religion and
spirituality and their impact on clients lives, psychologists remain skeptical and are reluctant to
introduce these topics in therapy (Pargament, 2007; Richards & Bergin, 2000). Puig and Adams
(2007) surmise that mental health practitioners might be reluctant to broach these topics partly
because they are unaware of the positive and negative impacts of religion and spirituality on health.
Frame (2003) suggests that mental health professionals might avoid religious/spiritual themes
because of their own personal histories of unresolved religious questioning or even wounding.
There continues to be expanding interest in spiritual and religious themes in multiple fields of
psychological research and practice (Aten, McMinn, & Worthington, 2011; Pargament, 2007, 2013;
Plante, 2009; Richards & Bergin, 1997; Scotton, Chinen, & Battista, 1996; Shafranske, 1996). Some
of the applications can be found in areas such as addiction recovery, wellness promotion, holistic
health, and transpersonal growth and development, and some have been incorporated into
multicultural counseling and training (Cashwell & Young, 2011; Cornish, Schreier, Nadkarni,
Metzger, & Rodolfa, 2010; Fukuyama & Sevig, 1999; Richards & Bergin, 2000).
An example of the exponential growth of interest in this topic is reflected in the American
Psychological Associations recent publication of the two-volume APA Handbook of Psychology,
Religion, and Spirituality (Pargament, 2013). With more than 130 contributors and 75 chapters, this
work covers a wide range of themes relating spirituality and religion to psychological theory and
research, measurement, methodology, and various social contexts. The authors discuss why and how
people are religious and spiritual, describe characteristics of specific populations (by age, ethnicity,
major religions, Eastern and Western perspectives), and elucidate applications such as in counseling
theories, in clinical issues, and in specific settings, including prisons, the workplace, education,
veterans health care, and health care training.
The dominant culture in the United States, meaning the culture of the group in power, has a religious
base also. Because people originating from Europe, particularly Britain, have held power since the
founding of this country, Anglo-European Christian values permeate the dominant culture of the
United States. Lynch and Hanson (2004) suggest that the values contained within this dominant culture
include individualism, privacy, belief in human equality, informal interaction, future orientation,
progress, change, achievement and competitiveness, strong work ethic, and assertiveness, among
others.
Maxims such as Cleanliness is next to Godliness and Idle hands are the devils workshop reflect
religious roots. Majority-minority statuses and various degrees of power and privilege for
religious groups are factors that influence intergroup relations and political dynamics. These
dominant culture values may be reinforced through religious beliefs propagated by mainstream
churches or challenged by alternative paradigms or culturally different ethnic groups. We discuss
some of these contrasts in the next section along with culture-specific approaches to religion and

spirituality.
However, religious groups are not homogeneous; there is much within-group diversity, even among
adherents of established world religious traditions. It is important to note that there are differences in
levels of orthodoxythat is, religious practices and values differ along a continuum: on the right are
fundamentalist, literal, authoritarian values; in the middle are conservative, traditional, or moderate
values; and on the left are progressive, liberal (flexible, reformed, relativist) values. On the far
extremes of this continuum one can find fanatics and radicals who behave outside convention but
receive most of the (negative) news headlines. The mass media tend to present a skewed picture, thus
promoting negative stereotypes that fuel prejudice against and misunderstanding of mainstream
religious groups (Plante, 2009).
In addition, people have diverse beliefs about God. Judaism, Christianity, and Islam are the three
major monotheistic religions and have a shared history; other world religions may have more than one
godhead (Hinduism) or none at all (Buddhism). Many of the worlds religions include mystery
practices (e.g., mysticism in Christianity, Sufism in Islam, and Kabbalah in Judaism) that embrace the
concept of unity within diversity (Fox, 2000). Religious expressions also vary in whether practices
are public (exoteric) or private (esoteric). Individual participation in religious activities varies along
lines of practicing for extrinsic (other-oriented) or intrinsic (inner-oriented) reasons (Plante, 2009).
Included in these definitions of religious differences, we define atheism as a belief that God does not
exist in reality and agnosticism as not knowing whether or not God exists, but keeping an open
mind. Given that religious diversity is the norm, in the next section we describe universal and culturespecific approaches to understanding the complexity of religion and spirituality as it is embedded in
culture.

Spirituality and Cultural Worldviews

God is unity, but God always works in variety.
Ralph Waldo Emerson
In cross-cultural psychological research and scholarship, the etic (cultural universal) and emic
(culture-specific) perspectives offer insights into the human condition and the diverse ways in which
people survive in the world. Both approaches are helpful for understanding cross-cultural healing and
helping (Fukuyama, 1990; Locke, 1990). An investigation of world religions illuminates common
themes (Beversluis, 2000). Below, we examine universal perspectives drawn from the 15th- to 16thcentury Perennial Philosophy brought into modern times by Aldous Huxley (1945) and elaborated
further by professor emeritus of world religions Huston Smith. We then explore culture-specific
examples, examining worldviews influenced by race/ethnicity and gender. It is our hope that
counselors will become familiar with diverse spiritual and religious languages, beliefs, and practices
in order to understand the role of spirituality and religion in healing.

Universal Perspectives
Aldous Huxley sought the wisdom offered about the nature of God by all religions (Shapiro, 2011)
called the Perennial Philosophy. Huston Smith (cited in Cortright, 1997) described a conceptual
framework for understanding the universal qualities of spirituality and the commonalities that exist
across all religions. This framework provides common ground for understanding a variety of
multicultural expressions found in both organized religion and diverse spiritual paths. The concept of
God taken from world religions perspectives is that God is personal and impersonal and that Eastern
and Western religions include both perspectives (see Smith, 1991). What differentiates them is a
matter of emphasis. From a Western perspective, God is a Personal Divine, as found in monotheism
in the three major Middle Eastern religions, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. The personal God is
known by many names and is contextualized in culture. For example, in the Hebrew tradition G-d has
a Covenant with a chosen people. Even though G-d is so unfathomable the Name cannot be spoken,
G-d is also as intimate as the love between newlyweds.
From a Christian perspective, Gods love is manifested in the life of Jesus, who calls people into
loving one another responsibly and provides a source of salvation to humanity. The Islamic tradition
shares its origins with the Hebrew and Christian traditions. Muslims believe that the Prophet
Muhammad was the last messenger of God, but they also recognize Abraham, Moses, and Jesus as
important historical figures. Central Islamic beliefs include the unity of God and all things, the
recognition of Muhammad as the Prophet, the innate goodness of human beings, the importance of a
community of faith, and the need to live a devout and righteous life to achieve peace and harmony
(Altareb, 1996).
In contrast, in the Eastern traditions, God is known as the Impersonal Divine and is nondual in nature.
Nonduality refers to the unity or completeness of reality despite differences or polarities. A spiritual
goal is to merge the individual into the Impersonal Divine, and this is accomplished through spiritual
practices such as meditation, yoga, and service. As the individual becomes aware of normal human
conditioning and develops an observer self, a connection with his or her nondual nature or unity
becomes possible.
In the Hindu worldview, the impersonal God gives rise to the personal God, and both are present
everywhere. In this way, Hinduism values both the personal and the impersonal equally, and God is
depicted with several faces as well as seen as a unified force. Another way of expressing this
concept is to say that God is both immanent (personal and present) and transcendent (impersonal and
beyond human understanding). For many people, it is easier to develop a devotional relationship with
an anthropomorphic God because it is difficult to relate to an abstract impersonal being (Shumsky,
1996).
After conducting grounded theory research concerning the multiple manifestations of spirituality and
religion, we developed an emergent theory of multicultural spirituality (Puig & Fukuyama, 2008). We
found that across the racial/ethnic and cultural groups represented in our study sample, there were
salient, shared themes that included notions of God, relationship and connection, subjective inner
experience, external actions or behaviors, way of life (e.g., morals, culture), and religion.

Moving from these broad and overarching themes to more specific ones, in the remainder of this
section we describe the worldviews and spiritualities of selected cultural groups to expand readers
awareness of different ways of conceptualizing spirituality and its role in mental health. We have
selected these specific worldviews to be illustrative, but they are certainly not inclusive of all
possible worldviews. By presenting a variety of perspectives, we hope to encourage readers to seek
further knowledge of various cultural spiritual and religious worldviews.

Culture-Specific Perspectives
African Americans.
Taking an Afrocentric approach to counseling, Parham, Ajamu, and White (2011) have suggested that
for African Americans spirituality may be based in traditional African worldviews. Concepts such as
consubstantiation (the belief that all things are interconnected) and the belief that a spiritual life force
permeates everything, including humans, provide a basis for meaning making in counseling. Mental
health professionals working with African American clients should explore how their clients
approach life struggles (Parham & Parham, 2002), and counselors may need to shift their therapeutic
focus from the individual to include groups and families (Mattis & Jagers, 2001). For example, a
collective identity, with values of cooperation and group survival, may be more salient than with
individualism (Parham & Parham, 2002).
Boyd-Franklin (2003) emphasizes the importance of Black churches in providing support networks
for African American extended families. Black churches provide not only social support in the face of
institutionalized racism but also therapeutic responses through worship, prayer, catharsis, and
validation of life experiences (Frame & Williams, 1996). Liberation themes are reflected in gospel
and rap music, and in church involvement in social movements, such as for civil rights (Morris &
Robinson, 1996).

Asian Americans.
Asian Americans participate in diverse faith systems, and their religious/spiritual experiences may be
an amalgam of Eastern and Western beliefs and values. Religion and spirituality are central to the
lives of many Asian Americans (Ano, Mathew, & Fukuyama, 2009). According to T. Carnes and Yang
(2004), about two-thirds of Asian Americans report that religion plays a very important role in their
lives; these authors also observe that the largest panAsian American movement is religious, Asian
Americans more readily identify with a religion than with a political party, the largest Asian
American college and university student organizations are religious, and many Asians come to the
United States seeking religious freedom.
Asian American immigrants face challenges of coping with multiple cultural adjustments. For those
who deal with prejudice, racism, and discrimination, religion may provide a sense of refuge. The
ethnic church may provide social support and mediate pressures to assimilate. T. Carnes and Yang
(2004) note that some Asian Christians, particularly Koreans, actually immigrate to the United States
as a means of seeking validation for their religious identity. Asian Americans may attribute mental

and physical illness to spiritual causes. The concepts of spirit possession and soul loss are related to
illnesses in traditional Asian cultures (Das, 1987). Such patients may be treated with exorcism,
magic, or shamanic rituals to retrieve lost parts of self (Fadiman, 1997; Moodley & West, 2005).
One widely practiced religion that is unfamiliar to many Westerners is Sikhism, which originated in
India and is considered to be the worlds fifth-largest organized religion. Approximately 300,000
Sikhs are currently living in the United States (Sikhism in America, 2012). Sikhs believe in a
genderless, formless, immortal, loving, and omnipotent God and embrace the concept of unity and
equality of humanity. They are encouraged to meditate on Gods name, work honestly, and share their
wealth with others. Because of their outward physical symbols of religious identity (men wear
turbans because they do not cut their hair), Sikhs in the United States have often been targeted for
discriminatory practices and hate crimes. Some examples include the vandalizing of Sikh temples,
physical assaults, and threats of job loss for Sikh men if they do not remove their turbans (Chilana,
2005).

Indigenous peoples and other adherents of Earth-based spirituality.

Earth-based spirituality may be found in various spiritual, religious, and political movements.
American Indian traditions (King & Trimble, 2013), paganism and Wicca (Starhawk, 1999), deep
ecology, ecofeminism, and the study of religion and nature (Taylor, 2008) all share a common focus
on the Earth, environmental concerns, and living in balance with natural forces. The history of
cultural genocide against American Indians has included direct attacks on their lands, spiritual
practices, beliefs, and customs. Healing practices may include the use of herbs, plants, songs,
ceremonies, charms, and prayers guided by a medicine man/woman. However, American Indians may
be cautious about sharing their practices because of the tendency within the popular culture to
exoticize American Indian spirituality and to appropriate spiritual practices (such as the sweat lodge)
for profit (LaDue, 1994; Trimble & Thurman, 2002). In addition, paganism (the name of which comes
from the Latin term meaning country dweller) has been persecuted historically by institutionalized
religion, for example, through witch hunts.

Latino/as.
Religion and spirituality have traditionally been integral parts of Latino/a cultures. Catholicism is the
predominant religion among Latin Americans, although Latino/as participate in many of the world
religions. Recent missionary efforts carried out in Latin America by Pentecostals, Jehovahs
Witnesses, mainline denominations, and various other evangelical religious groups have introduced a
variety of Protestant traditions (Falicov, 1999). It is common to find a mixture of religious traditions
among Latino/as, including Christianity, Afrocentric practices (e.g., Santeria), and indigenous folk
beliefs (e.g., espiritismo). Spiritual beliefs may be intertwined with physical symptoms,
psychological problems, and healing, and illness may be perceived to have supernatural causes, such
as malevolent spirits, bad luck, or witchcraft. Latino/a clients may benefit from consulting psychics
and mediums, but they are not likely to talk to their counselors about participating in rituals that
involve communing with spirits (Zea, Mason, & Murgua, 2000). At the same time, Latinas who are
perceived to have psychic abilities may gain social status and influence within their communities
(Espin, 1990).

These diverse examples from Latino/a cultures reflect various beliefs about religion, spirituality,
psychological issues, the causes of illness, and the necessary treatments, both physical and spiritual.
For counselors, the process of understanding Latino/a spiritual and religious beliefs may include
seeking knowledge about the concepts of spirit possession and spirit guides, as well as rituals for
healing. Mental health professionals may need to collaborate with indigenous spiritual and religious
leaders to learn more about these cultural traditions (see Moodley & West, 2005).

Gender Perspectives
Several scholars have considered the potential impacts of gender on spiritual development. Below
we highlight the work of some who have contributed toward increased understanding of how gender
affects both womens and mens spirituality.

Womens spirituality.
Most womens spiritual development takes place within patriarchal cultural and religious systems
(Anderson & Hopkins, 1991). Western women as an oppressed group have few current institutional
or cultural images that reflect feminine spirituality or religious figures. Therefore, they are faced with
acceptance of current patriarchal religious systems, trying to connect with the relatively few female
figures (e.g., the Virgin Mary) or developing their own paths. Carol Christ (1997) argues that the
current lack of feminine cultural/spiritual role models is not historically the norm, nor is it true for all
religions. Goddess worship and goddess figures were integral parts of spiritual practice for many
cultures in early history, and they continue to be so in some cultures today. For example, Shakti is a
powerful goddess in the Hindu religion who is related to death and rebirththe cycle of life.
Goddess worship is one way in which both women and men may find connection to or expression of
the divine feminine, or woman-centered spirituality. Traditional and nontraditional religious womens
circles, Wicca, paganism, and neopaganism have all been part of the womens spirituality movement
(R. D. Carnes & Craig, 1998).
The predominant Western metaphor for spiritual development is that of the journey (Culliford, 2011),
but Anderson and Hopkins (1991) argue that this concept is based on male hero myths and the idea
that an individual needs to leave home to fully mature. Joseph Campbell described how in almost
every culture the hero myth involves a man severing old bonds and moving his spiritual center of
gravity from family to some unknown territory (cited in Anderson & Hopkins, 1991, p. 46). Parks
(2000) has written extensively on the spiritual development of men and women. She has taken into
account groundbreaking work such as Carol Gilligans In a Different Voice (1993), which expanded
the concept of moral development to include the primacy of connection for women. Parks describes
the experience of developing faith as involving both journeying and abiding. Her description of the
young adults process of venturing and dwelling (p. 52) echoes the words of other authors on the
subject of womens spiritual development. For example, Anderson and Hopkins (1991) state that the
concept of leaving home to develop spiritually may often be much more literal for men than for
women. Womens transformations may happen while they remain connected to home.
Finally, gender may interact with other factors such as race or ethnicity to create unique

developmental paths for women. For example, Watts (2003) suggests that spirituality offers African
American college women a way to (1) cope with racism and prejudice, (2) resist the negative cultural
images of being Black and female, and (3) develop an integrated identity. The poet Ntozake Shange
speaks to the double burden of being a woman and Black in a society defined by white men. In
defiance of this, she proclaims, I found god in myself... & I loved her fiercely (quoted in Christ,
1995, p. 97).
Rodriguez (2004) has proposed a new paradigm for mestiza spirituality, stating that Latino/a
culture, religion, and spirituality are so integrated that to try to define spirituality separated from
culture creates a false dichotomy and does a disservice to the Latina community (p. 319). Because
they live in the cultural borderlands of multiple identities, Latinas must confront oppositional or
exclusive (either/or) thinking and shift their identities depending on the cultural context and type of
oppression they encounter (sexism, racism, heterosexism, and so on). The process of being bicultural
necessitates that one be able to hold multiple worldviews simultaneously and, in doing so, creatively
build bridges that emerge with new paradigms, often resulting in inclusive or both/and
perspectives. The bicultural Latina thus has to deal with conflicting languages and values, see beyond
dichotomies, and transform oppression through developing compassion. Rodriguez proposes that
Latinas (drawing from their Catholic and indigenous roots) simultaneously engage in traditional
religious rituals and community and social justice initiatives. This is an example of a situation in
which being in the intersection of multiple identities is empowering spiritually.
The work of all the authors just discussed illustrates how the spiritual development of women may be
influenced by myriad factors that differentiate that process from mens spiritual development.

Mens spirituality.
Recent mens movements have highlighted alternative views of spirituality for men in the United
States, such as the movement based in the work of Robert Bly and his exploration of expressions of
masculinity and spiritualities (Bly, 1990; Hillman, 1996). Based in Jungian archetypes, the
mythopoetic movement has encouraged men to go more deeply into the meaning of fatherson
relationships in defining what it means to be a man. Bly (1990) introduced the use of sacred space
and rituals, similar to indigenous rituals for initiation into manhood, to aid men in getting in touch
with their authentic selves and healing psychological wounds. The importance of connection and
mentorship between men has also been described by Rohr (2005), who has developed a program of
rites of passage based in Christian mysticism.
Fox (2008) has addressed the sacred masculine by proposing 10 archetypes that can help men to
reconnect with their spirituality. He suggests that men have boxed up their spiritual yearnings just as
they have been conditioned to restrain emotions or think they must hide feelings such as love, wonder,
or sorrow. Observing that veterans of war who suffer from posttraumatic stress disorder have great
difficulty expressing the pain they have experienced, that they feel compelled to hide their suffering,
Fox notes, A lot of self-preservation seems to require silence (p. ix). In response, he provides
metaphors and exercises designed to empower men (and women) to connect to their spiritual cores
through nature, myths, rituals, sexuality, and role models.

Other mens movements have been inspired by conservative religious leaders. Louis Farrakhan,
leader of the Nation of Islam, called on hundreds of thousands of African American men to gather in
Washington, D.C., in October 1995 for the Million Man March to affirm their commitments to family
and community (CNN, 1995). A conservative evangelical Christian mens movement called Promise
Keepers was in the news in the 1990s. Largely appealing to White males, this movement endorsed
traditional gender roles and strict interpretation of the Bible. The group held mass rallies as a means
of inspiring men to lead moral lives (Robinson, 2012). Such movements speak to the need for men to
mentor one another and to go beyond the limitations of traditional masculine gender roles.
The intersection of ethnicity, culture, gender, and religion offers complex interactions. Counselors
who aspire to be cross-culturally sensitive to spiritual beliefs and practices should expose
themselves to diverse belief systems and then decide to what extent they can effectively relate to
particular beliefs. In this section we have offered a modest sampling of spiritualities found in diverse
cultural worldviews. We address the issue of spiritual competencies in the next section.

Implications of Integrating Spirituality Into Cross-Cultural

Counseling
Frame (2003) lists the following as important steps for counselors seeking to attain competency in
working with spiritual issues: (1) self-awareness, (2) knowledge of otherness in learning about
differences, (3) skill acquisition, (4) assessment of barriers, and (5) willingness to learn. The
Association for Spiritual, Ethical, and Religious Values in Counseling (2009) has enumerated
spiritual competencies for counselors. According to the associations guidelines, a counselor needs to
be able to articulate religious and spiritual beliefs, practices, and development over the life span. To
this end, the counselor should be knowledgeable about culture and worldview; counselor selfawareness; human and spiritual development; communication; and the assessment, diagnosis, and
treatment of spiritual and religious concerns in counseling.
In addition to examining spiritual competencies (Cashwell & Young, 2011; Fukuyama, Siahpoush, &
Sevig, 2005), professional mental health workers are encouraged to adopt and operationalize
multicultural competencies (American Psychological Association, 2003; Arredondo et al., 1996).
These areas of competency development are compatible and complementary, and it has been
suggested that training programs incorporate both simultaneously. Following a multicultural learning
model of engaging awareness, knowledge, skills, passion, and action cross-culturally (Fukuyama &
Sevig, 1999), counselors can develop multicultural and spiritual competencies. Ironically,
multiculturalism continues to be challenged by fundamentalist movements that embrace ideological
purity and group loyalty (Atran, 2012).
Various assessment and intervention strategies in therapy utilize spirituality to guide and inform
counseling practice across cultures. The multicultural literature provides a framework of crosscultural counseling that utilizes an intentional focus on understanding the clients spiritual background
and identity (Shimabukuro, Daniels, & DAndrea, 1999). Therefore, in a clinical assessment, it is
important for the counselor to assess the clinical issue of focus as well as the clients spiritual beliefs
and practices that might be influencing the issue.

A simple clinical assessment tool that health care providers can use to explore clients spiritual
beliefs is known as FICA (Fitchett, 2002). The first question is about faith or beliefs: What gives
your life meaning? The second question addresses the importance of the clients faith, or the
influence of faith on the illness (or psychological difficulty) and/or the role of faith in recovery or
healing. The third question relates to community: How can a religious/spiritual community be helpful
to you? The final question focuses on how the client would like the health care provider to address
these spiritual/religious issues in his or her care.
Since it is not always easy to articulate spiritual beliefs in words, the counselor may sometimes find
it useful to ask the client to paint or draw an image of what God or spirituality means to him or her
(Horovitz, 2002). Such an image can be helpful for diagnostic purposes and can also lead to a deeper
examination of how spirituality is or is not playing a role. This exploration phase also helps the client
feel fully understood and suggests directions for possible interventions.
Certain counseling issues include spirituality as a visible component, while other issues are related to
spirituality only indirectly. For example, most clients regard death and dying as having a spiritual or
religious component. Issues such as the meaning of life, the meaning of death, what happens after
death, and terminal illness involve very direct connections with religious and spiritual domains.
Other counseling issues may include spirituality depending on the persons development or particular
history. For example, a career counseling client may be questioning, What is the meaning of my
life? or What is my calling in life? (Duffy & Dik, 2012).
Religion acts as social glue that solidifies ingroup identity and more clearly defines the other;
thus, it can fuel political and social dissent. Religious groups may act in altruistic ways toward their
own members but generate highly negative rhetoric and possibly violent acts against other groups
(Atran, 2012). Since the terrorist attacks on New York City and Washington, D.C., on September 11,
2001, and subsequent U.S. military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan, there has been a noticeable
backlash against Muslims in the Western world (Esposito & Kalin, 2011), which feeds social
prejudice known as Islamophobia (Love, 2009). Unfortunately, this prejudice has motivated hate
crimes against Muslims and Sikhs in the United States.
Another area of rapid social change in the United States is that surrounding LGBT rights and
recognition of same-sex marriage. Religious groups are divided on the issue of gay marriage, but
progressive movements within various denominations recognize the sanctity of same-sex couples
commitment. The public debate on this issue has raised awareness that LGBT persons have spiritual
and religious yearnings that warrant attention from mainstream religious groups (Gray & Thumma,
2005), and such concerns may also be addressed in counseling (Davidson, 2000). Such sociopolitical
forces are likely to affect clients who identify as members of religious and/or sexual minority groups.
Religious and spiritual beliefs and practices may be expressed in both functional and dysfunctional
ways, and the counselor should work with the client to determine in what ways spirituality is part of
the solution and/or part of the problem (Fukuyama & Sevig, 1999). Problematic manifestations of
religion may take several forms, such as contributing to rigidity and restriction of human growth or
bolstering a sense of superiority over others (Griffith, 2010). In some instances, people may have
religious wounds or use spirituality to bypass necessary psychological growth (Battista, 1996;
Cashwell, Myers, & Shurts, 2004).

After the assessment, decisions about interventions can be made. When deciding with a client how
best to intervene, the counselor may find a classification from Faiver, OBrien, and Ingersoll (2000)
helpful. These authors outline five categories of spiritual interventions: (1) in session versus out of
session, (2) religious versus spiritual, (3) denominational versus ecumenical, (4) transcendent versus
nontranscendent, and (5) affective, behavioral, cognitive, and interpersonal. Within each of these five
categories, Faiver et al. list a number of specific interventions. Plante (2009) elaborates additional
concrete spiritual interventions, including bibliotherapy, meditation, prayer, service and social
justice, forgiveness, practicing gratitude, learning from spiritual models, clarifying meaning and
purpose, and consulting with clergy.
Other examples of spiritual counseling interventions include taking a spiritual history by using a
spiritual genogram (Dunn & Dawes, 1999; Frame, 2000), using nontraditional techniques for
creativity in emotional expression (Frame, Williams, & Green, 1999; Puig, Lee, Goodwin, &
Sherrard, 2006), and utilizing visualization or focusing techniques (Hinterkopf, 1997). The spiritual
genogram is a particularly useful way to help clients explore the intersections of spirituality, religion,
race/ethnicity, and culture as they relate to family-of-origin issues. The tool may also be used in
training or supervision to encourage counselors to explore their own heritages and the potential
impacts of their spiritual beliefs on their work with clients (Frame, 2000). The integration of creative
and expressive therapies, in particular, has been increasingly popular in the psychotherapy literature
(e.g., Gladding, 2011), especially as it relates to spiritual explorations (Rogers, 1993, 2011). For
example, Puig et al. (2006) conducted research that explored the efficacy of multimodal art therapies
on breast cancer patients and found the intervention enhanced the participants psychological wellbeing. The creative interventions included poetry, drawing, painting, spiritual exploration, and guided
imagery.
The degree to which counselors elect to incorporate spiritual techniques depends on such factors as
the counselors spiritual beliefs, their theoretical orientation and style, the employment setting, and the
counselors training and supervision. The integration of spiritual and religious competencies in
counseling is more art than science, although several modalities are being researched, including the
application of mindfulness meditation (Plante, 2009), a relatively independent approach that has
recently gained wide attention in psychology. Mindfulness meditation is based on Eastern meditation
practices and encourages the individual to pay attention in the present in a nonjudgmental manner.
Mindfulness has found its way into the fields of psychiatry, counseling, and medicine (Germer, Siegel,
& Fulton, 2005; Kabat-Zinn, 1990). Numerous psychotherapy approaches have included some form of
mindfulness meditation (Hayes, Strosahl, & Wilson, 1999; Kabat-Zinn, 2003; Linehan, 1993; Roemer
& Orsillo, 2009). Mindfulness-based approaches have been used in the treatment of anxiety
disorders, depression, and trauma, as well as in pain management, and they have received empirical
support in these applications. Recently they have been applied to medical education (Ritz et al.,
2010) and K12 education, through teacher and student involvement in meditation practice (Teaching
Teachers Mindfulness, 2009).
Plante (2009) has identified several examples of best practices in spirituality and psychotherapy
integration, including 12-step programs for addiction recovery, biosocial approaches for health, and
manualized religiously and spiritually integrated psychotherapy protocols. Some of these treatments
are based in Christianity, and others are more adaptable to a nonreligious clientele. Another new

development in science is the investigation of brain imaging for meditators. In a field of study known
as neurotheology, scientists are examining the role of the brain in the experience of God (Ritz,
2012, p. 153). With the development of sophisticated imaging technology, studies of the brain have
shown that meditation builds gray matter and increases functioning in the areas of the brain used for
cognitive and emotional processing (Hlzel et al., 2011). Recent trends show modern science joining
forces with ancient meditation traditions for the betterment of the human condition (Hanson, 2009).
As we have mentioned, it is important for counselors working with multicultural clients to be able to
recognize and address multiple social identities (Fukuyama et al., 2014). With respect to assessing
the relevance of spirituality and religion to a clients presenting issue, sometimes a simple question is
all that is necessary; for example, How do you handle your many social identities as they relate to
religion and/or spirituality?
The professional guidelines for multicultural competencies encourage practitioners to collaborate
with indigenous healers and religious or spiritual resources and to refer clients to these resources
when appropriate. Counselors need to know their comfort zones and their limits with respect to
religious and spiritual processes. It is appropriate and desirable for counselors to develop
boundaries concerning this work, especially given the personal and powerful nature of spiritual
experiences. Although this may seem antithetical to learning and growing as a practitioner, it is not.
Counselors often grow along with the clients with whom they are working; however, what is always
central is the clients need for help. This is why the guidelines for competencies in spiritual issues
instruct counselors to know themselves and understand when to refer clients to religious/spiritual
practitioners. If a counselor starts to feel that he or she is learning but is not providing the help that
the client is seeking, then it is time for the counselor to consult and/or refer.
It is helpful for counselors to become familiar with religious leaders (e.g., ministers, priests,
shamans, imams) for referral or consultation purposes in advance of referring clients. Such familiarity
can help counselors to avoid the possibility of retraumatizing clients if they have had negative
religious experiences in the past.
Ethically speaking, it is important for practitioners to stay within their areas of competence, to avoid
dual role relationships in religious communities, and to avoid bias and prejudice in working with
religious clients (Plante, 2009). APA Division 36 guidelines recommend that counselors obtain
informed consent before embarking on religious/spiritual interventions, use only valid clinical
interventions, work within the clients worldview related to presenting problems, be aware of
contraindications such as active psychosis, and promote more adaptive forms of the clients own
faith rather than to undermine that faith (Hathaway, 2011, p. 74).

Conclusion
Our goal in this chapter has been to introduce the reader to theory and practice related to
incorporating spirituality and religion into counseling across cultures. We have included several
examples of cultural groups and accompanying worldviews in discussions of health, illness, and
healing processes related both in general and specifically to counseling. We invite the reader to find
other cultural expressions of mental health and mental illness, with the goal of contributing to a

framework of incorporating spirituality into counseling across cultures.

We reflect here on a number of current and future developments in this specific part of multicultural
counseling. As we have noted, in recent years there has been a growing awarenessindeed, more
than awareness, a blossomingof work on spirituality. In fact, some scholars have suggested that
spirituality is becoming a fifth force in counseling (Stanard, Sandhu, & Painter, 2000). As the field
continues to grow in knowledge that lends itself directly to spiritual issues, a number of
considerations will need to be addressed.
Both quantitative and qualitative research efforts are needed to explicate the complexities of religion,
spirituality, and the transpersonal in multicultural counseling. Traditional quantitative studies are
more likely to be devoted to measuring correlates of religion and health (Koenig, 2005) or to take the
form of studies in psychology of religion or social psychology. A 2002 review of the quantitative
measures used to measure transpersonal and spiritual constructs found that few studies crossvalidated the various instruments currently available in the literature (Friedman & MacDonald,
2002). Given the complexity of spirituality, the researchers recommended that research studies should
incorporate multidimensional measures of constructs.
It is recommended that students and professionals alike engage in training, coursework, supervision,
and/or continuing education workshops on this topic. Training in this area requires a balance of
personal exploration, experiential learning, didactic understanding, and skill building (Savage &
Armstrong, 2010; Sevig & Etzkorn, 2001). In consideration of developing inclusive cultural
empathy, it is important that students engage in spiritual and religious diversity activities to broaden
their understanding of the other. Although counselors typically seek strategies and advice about
interventions, we suggest that personal awareness is a prerequisite of doing this work. As we have
mentioned, many counselors and psychologists have transference issues that may be triggered by
engagement with religious, spiritual, and transpersonal phenomena.
Finally, we would like to end this chapter by suggesting an expansion of the landscape of spirituality
in cross-cultural counseling. This could include some nontraditional approaches within the traditional
boundaries of counseling, such as incorporating creative activities, working collaboratively with
pastoral counselors, and helping clients to integrate day-to-day religious or spiritual practices in
conjunction with traditional psychological counseling (Plante, 2009). We recommend that
counselings path to the integration of mind, body, and spirit be holistic and inclusive of diversity at
many levels.

Critical Incident
A recent shooting incident at a Sikh temple in the Midwest highlights racist hate crimes against
Muslims and Sikhs in the United States fueled by Islamophobia. A Sikh undergraduate student comes
into the counseling center seeking help. The student complains of sleeplessness, anxiety, and grief
resulting from this tragedy. His academic performance has suffered and he is concerned about failing
classes. He no longer feels safe and wonders about his visibility on campus.
Consider the following areas to explore in your counseling session with this student:

1. How severe are his symptoms (e.g., sleep pattern, anxiety, grief)?
2. Has he witnessed or experienced prejudice and/or discrimination previously and how did he
handle it (i.e., protective factors)?
3. Does he have a history of previous trauma?
4. What kind of support does he have from his Sikh community?
5. Can he identify his allies on campus?
6. What other questions might you want to ask him?
Comment: One response to the shooting incident from a campus Sikh group was to sponsor a wear a
turban day, during which all students were encouraged to wear turbans and interact with Sikh
students to learn more about Sikhism. Would you join in such an activity? If so, how do you imagine
your friends and family would react? How can you be an ally for members of religious minority
groups?

Discussion Questions
1. What were your initial reactions as you began to read this chapter? Do you have further points to
add to the list of reasons to avoid talking about spirituality and religion in the classroom?
2. Are there any particular biases for or against this topic in your academic training program?
Identify and discuss ways in which this topic can be made safe for exploration and discussion.
3. Recall a time or place or experience that for you felt spiritual. Describe it in detail using your
five senses and note the feelings that are associated with it.
4. What is your personal story regarding your experiences with organized religion? What metaphor
might represent your spiritual/religious story? For example, was it like a road winding through
peaks and valleys, or was it like a container ship on a stormy sea?
5. Who are some spiritual or religious role models (living or not) from whom you gain inspiration
and insight? Describe the relevance of their wisdom to your life.
6. How has your racial/ethnic and family background influenced your spiritual/religious
development?
7. Visit a religious/spiritual worship service (e.g., at a church, synagogue, or mosque) or
meditation group (or the like) that is unfamiliar to your life experience. Discuss what you
learned and what it was like to take part in a religious diversity activity.
8. Do you have any experience with religious wounding? If so, can you journal about it and/or
share your experiences with a trusted friend/counselor?
9. Do you have any experience with a spiritual bypassthat is, using a spiritual excuse to avoid
necessary psychological work? If so, can you journal about it and/or share your experiences
with a trusted friend/counselor?
10. Review the various types of spiritual interventions and identify those that would be a
comfortable fit for you (or not). Discuss your choices.
11. What do you see as your strengths in engaging in spiritual/religious issues in counseling?
12. For which clinical issues might you need further training and supervision before engaging in
spiritual/religious interventions?

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23 Drug and Alcohol Abuse and Health Promotion in CrossCultural Counseling

Lisa Rey Thomas
Dennis M. Donovan

Primary Objective
To identify and describe essential definitional issues in cross-cultural counseling with
substance-abusing and recovering clients

Secondary Objectives
To identify and describe key components of a strengths-based cultural model for assessment
and case conceptualization
To identify and describe essential factors for culturally appropriate treatment and aftercare
planning
My group facilitator, Shelly, suggested I make an appointment with you. Calliyah looked up briefly
from her hands and then back down again. I dont really know why Im here. I dont know if therapy
will help at all. Ive been clean and sober for 4 months. I just got a job. But I need a house. I need
clothes and food. I need my children back. I dont know how therapy is going to help that. I asked
her if she wanted to tell me how she was feeling. No words came. She continued to look at her hands.
Finally, without looking at me, Calliyah replied, Tired. Im so tired. More silence and one-word
answers to questions encouraged me to ask more questions and to be patient in waiting for responses.
The client in the story above is Calliyah Miller, a 39-year-old Pacific Northwest American Indian
female who is a single mother of three and a grandmother of two. She was born and raised on a small
reservation and has lived there her entire life, as have most of her family members. She started using
alcohol when she attended the local high school. For the past 10 years she struggled with abusing both
alcohol and prescription pain medications. She has been raising her 16-year-old daughter as well as
her grandchildren, who are 3 and 5 years old. One year ago, the tribes Indian Child Welfare (ICW)
authorities removed her daughter and grandchildren due to neglect resulting from her substance abuse.
Devastated, Calliyah began outpatient treatment last year and has been clean and sober for 4 months.
Part of her treatment and recovery plan includes attending a group therapy program developed by the
tribes Wellness Center.
Calliyah gave permission for her group facilitator to share her notes, which help a bit: Calliyahs
family has lived on the reservation for three generations. She was raised by her grandmother, Julia.
Julia was forcibly taken from her home on the reservation as a young child and moved to a boarding
school, where she lived until she was 15. When Julia returned to the reservation, she no longer spoke

her tribes language or engaged in traditional practices or healing. Julia never spoke about her time at
the boarding school, but other children who attended the school reported neglect and abuse at the
hands of the school staff. Julia began using alcohol and, with only the boarding school model of
parenting, struggled to parent her own children. When Calliyah was born, Julia quit drinking in
order to raise her. Calliyahs siblings went to live with other family members, and all but one, who
passed away last year, still live on the reservation. Until Calliyah began outpatient treatment for her
substance abuse, none of the family utilized behavioral health services; in fact, Calliyah and her
family are extremely apprehensive about seeking services. Calliyah states that she is committed to her
sobriety and to getting her child and grandchildren back but is unsure how to do that. She trusts her
group and her group facilitator, which is the only reason she has agreed to explore individual therapy
to support her sobriety and recovery. Recently, she has begun to explore her own culture and cultural
traditions and practices.
This case defines a set of challenges for the counselor who will treat Calliyah and help her navigate
the potentially challenging course of her recovery. These issues are in some ways universal, in that
they surface in most cross-cultural alcohol and drug counseling cases. They can include highly
prevalent psychological disorders such as depression and posttraumatic stress disorder co-occurring
with substance abuse, complex medical problems, the need for a culturally appropriate assessment of
the substance abuse problem and recovery plan, the challenges of establishing and maintaining a
cross-cultural therapeutic relationship with a substance-abusing person and/or person in recovery, the
challenges of working with clients in small and close-knit communities, and the need to develop
individualized, culturally grounded, strengths-based, and culture-specific strategies for effective
interventions.
Drug and alcohol abuse, and its associated negative consequences and comorbidities, presents
critical issues for cross-cultural counseling. A client may present with substance abuse as the primary
concern, or, as in Calliyahs case, substance abuse and recovery may be only a part of many issues the
client faces (e.g., difficulty meeting basic needs, marital and other family problems, daily living
problems, health problems). The client may not view his or her substance abuse as important at all,
relative to other presenting and immediate issues. Approaches to treating substance abuse are well
documented and include a variety of different evidence-based approaches (for reviews, see
Donovan & Marlatt, 2005; Longabaugh et al., 2005; Marlatt & Donovan, 2005; McGovern & Carroll,
2003: P. M. Miller, 2009; Waldron & Turner, 2008). However, empirical support for the usefulness,
appropriateness, and effectiveness of current evidence-based practices for diverse populations
remains minimal. One recent review identified 43 different interventions possessing at least some
evidence of being effective for treating substance abuse. Out of these 43 interventions, 4 had been
tested with African Americans and 2 with Hispanics/Latinos/Latinas; none had been tested with
Asian Americans/Pacific Islanders, American Indians/Alaska Natives, or
gay/lesbian/bisexual/transgendered populations (University of Washington Alcohol and Drug Abuse
Institute, 2013). Given this current status, it is critical that strategies developed in cross-cultural
counseling for mental health concerns inform counselors approaches in working with ethnically and
culturally diverse clients with substance abuse problems and in recovery (Blume, Resor, & Kantin,
2009).
As there are a number of counseling and therapeutic strategies for the treatment of substance abuse

from which counselors can draw, but few possessing any empirical support with diverse populations,
there is increasing need for rigorous adaptation or cultural tailoring of existing interventions (see
Bernal & Domenech Rodrguez, 2012). This emerging and critical area has to date focused primarily
on adapting interventions for prevention of youth substance abuse (Thomas, Donovan, Sigo, Austin, &
Marlatt, 2009; Whitbeck, 2006), grounding treatment approaches in local culture (Gone, 2011; Gone
& Calf Looking, 2011), and emphasizing the need for future research (Unger, 2012). Given the current
lack of comprehensive culturally grounded and empirically supported approaches, we will present a
methodology for adapting methods that appear to us as promising in their potential to fit within a
cultural model for treatment. We begin by addressing definitional issues in culture and how culture
shapes the counselors work with a client. We then discuss a cultural model for assessment and case
conceptualization, followed by a presentation of cultural factors in treatment and aftercare planning.
We conclude the chapter with a discussion of some of the cultural considerations important in
substance abuse counseling with people from four ethnic, racial, and cultural groups: African
Americans, Latino/as, Asian Americans, and American Indians/Alaska Natives.

Cultural Frames for Alcohol and Drug Abuse Counseling: A Point

of Departure
For the purposes of this chapter, our working definition of culture comes from Geertz (1973):
The concept of culture I espouse . . . is essentially a semiotic one. Believing, with Max Weber,
that man is an animal suspended in webs of significance he himself has spun, I take culture to be
those webs. . . . It is public because meaning . . . systems of meaning are necessarily the
collective property of a group. (pp. 45)
This definition stresses that culture is a shared meaning system, one that regulates the web of
behavior. In this chapter we focus on four aspects of culture that are critical to the counseling
process: linguistics, sociolinguistics, values, and symbolic meaning. Each of these aspects has a
specific role in the counseling relationship, as well as in helping counselors and clients to understand
important cultural factors in drug and alcohol abuse and the recovery from abuse. In addition to these
four aspects, the unique sociopolitical, historic, and current contexts of each client are critical.

Linguistics
Recognition of linguistic differences is critical to the counselors ability to understand the person he
or she is working with in the counseling relationship. The client may be unable to explain his or her
experience to a counselor who speaks a different language or dialect, or to do so adequately and with
trust that the counselor will understand. The counselor will have great difficulty in understanding the
client unless he or she is able to do so through the clients first language. In order to understand the
clients experience, which is essential for developing a therapeutic alliance, the counselor may need
to work with an interpreter, who will become, inevitably, a co-counselor. This is particularly the case
in refugee counseling.

As complex as language differences are, many of the differences among English-language dialectics
can also present a challenge. How will Calliyah talk to the counselor? Is there a reservation dialect?
If so, the counselor must be aware of it and know the words Calliyah chooses to express emotions in
that dialect. What did Calliyah mean by tired . . . so tired? Within her dialect, tired may refer not
only to physical exhaustion but also to the experience of being overwhelmed or even depressed. This
is a working hypothesis that the counselor will need to explore further, given the high rates of cooccurrence of substance use disorders and depression (Beals et al., 2005; Rieckmann et al., 2012).
What is clear is that the counselor must gain access to an understanding of the clients meanings, as
embedded in the clients language and dialect, in order to conceptualize the clients issues and
strengths and form a treatment and recovery plan. To the extent that the client has the perception of the
therapist being attentive to and appreciative of cultural issues as described in his or her dialect, the
therapeutic alliance is strengthened, which enhances the likelihood of treatment success (Owen, Tao,
Leach, & Rodolfa, 2011).

Sociolinguistics
Sociolinguistics encompasses the social language of nonverbal behavior (e.g., body language, eye
gaze, nodding) as well as the verbal sequencing of speech (e.g., pace, pause time). For example,
some African Americans may speak in a rapid and nuanced way that forms a sense of interactional
rhythm, while many American Indians/Alaska Natives (AI/ANs) might speak at a slower pace and
take longer pauses in establishing an interactional rhythm. The interactional rhythm between client
and counselor is critical for a sense of comfort and for the clients development of trust that he or she
will be understood (Erickson, 1975). Nonverbal expressions can also serve as a source of data that
allows the counselor to make assessments about the client and how counseling is progressing.
Calliyahs group facilitator wondered why she seemed so engaged and animated during group but had
a more monotonic verbal presentation and avoided eye contact during the one-on-one intake session.
Calliyahs counselor concluded that this sociolinguistic aspect of the interaction might be a sign of
depression. However, an alternative explanation is that Calliyahs alternation of averted gaze with
direct gaze signified the working out of a culturally based interactional rhythm that would become the
heart of a comfortable, trusting relationship.

Values
Values are significant and fundamental aspects of culture. For example, many AI/AN groups are
collectivist in nature (Herring, 1999; Triandis, 1988; Trimble, 1987). Calliyah presents a number of
values-focused issues for the counselor to address and to integrate into therapy using a strengthsbased perspective. For example, Calliyah is a caretaker for her family and, prior to ICW
involvement, was the sole caretaker for two of her grandchildren. How might the counselor see this?
Is this codependence as defined from a Western perspective, or is this an expression of culturally
defined role responsibilities that Calliyah takes on as a member of her extended family? Without a
cultural assessment and understanding of values, the counselor cannot accurately assess Calliyahs
life situation in order to begin to work effectively with her, as well as her family network, in
counseling. If this caretaker role is a culturally sanctioned role and responsibility, the counselor will
want to nurture and support it, build on the strengths that it lends to Calliyahs life, and avoid labeling

and pathologizing it according to a Western model of case conceptualization. Other values issues also
emerge in Calliyahs case. She stated that she was tired... so tired but also shared that she needed to
keep going. The counselor will need to work with Calliyah to determine if her cultural value of
supporting her family network is overwhelming her and she could benefit from some life skills
building, or if she is interpreting her depressive symptoms as fatigue, knowing that her ancestors
taught her to go on no matter what. Calliyah also shared that her family was not supportive of her
seeking services outside the family, and in fact preferred that she not do so. American Indians/Alaska
Natives history with institutional care is one in which great harm has been done to children, families,
and the community. The counselor will need to take care to understand any reluctance toward
treatment and therapy that Calliyah might exhibit.

Symbolic Meaning
Culture relates to the symbolic order, the deep cultural meanings and explanatory models (Kleinman,
1988) for illness and health held by the client. Calliyah presents an emergent and somewhat
conflicted example of the symbolic. Like many American Indians who were taken from their tribal
communities and placed in boarding schools, Calliyahs grandmother was forced to stop speaking her
Native language and practicing culturally valued ceremonies, traditions, and activities; this was an
attempt on the part of the government and certain religious missionaries to tame the Natives and
assimilate them into Western ways. As a result of her grandmothers experiences and the horrific
impact that practicing traditional culture had on her grandmother and their community postEuropean
contact, Calliyah has been taught by her grandmother to dismiss the traditional values, practices, and
teachings of her tribe. However, Calliyah is beginning to explore her culture and teachings and may
be ready to begin to understand her experiences and issues through this symbolic lens. Importantly, the
symbolic may also provide culturally grounded healing and health promotion. For example, Calliyah
may begin to hear the whispering of the teachings of her ancestors. A careful history of Calliyahs
background and cultural orientation, what the voices are saying, when they began, and how they
began, can help the counselor properly identify if these voices are potential culturally based symbols
related to spirituality or if they may be symptoms of an undiagnosed mental health issue.

Sociopolitical Context
Finally, it is critical that the counselor be aware of the unique and diverse sociopolitical context of
the client, both current and historic. For example, a counselor may have a general understanding of
AI/AN culture and history, but there are more than 565 federally recognized tribes in the United
States, and while there may be some overall shared cultural values (e.g., reverence for elders and
children), each tribe is unique culturally and has been affected differently by colonization and current
political climates. Clients from diverse ethnocultural backgrounds may differ immensely with regard
to political status, geographic location, language, refugee and immigrant status, enculturation,
acculturation, assimilation, biculturality, and so on. Situating the client and his or her community in
their current and historical sociopolitical context is critical. For example, Calliyahs tribe is
semirural and had most of its land and culture (practices, language) taken away during the 1800s; only
recently has the tribes traditional culture reemerged.

We have now provided a case example, a brief description of our understanding of culture, and a
sense of how this cultural framework may inform our understanding of this case. For a counselor to
utilize this framework in counseling, he or she must next have a methodology that situates the client
within his or her culture. Clearly, Calliyah is a complex person possessing many aspects of her
indigenous culture along with a number of influences from Euro-American culture. Creating a
collaborative, strengths-based counseling plan for her will require an equally sophisticated
assessment approach that links culture to an understanding of Calliyahs present and emergent
problems, builds on her culturally grounded values and teachings for good health, and informs
treatment and recovery planning (Allen, Donohue, Sutton, Haderlie, & Lapota, 2009; Asnaani &
Hofmann, 2012; Blume, Morera, & Garca de la Cruz, 2005; Donovan, 2003, 2005, 2013).

Multicultural Substance Abuse Assessment

Substance abuse assessment is most effective when practiced using models that systematically bring
cultural knowledge into the assessment process (Asnaani & Hofmann, 2012). This can be achieved
through the use of a culturally congruent, collaborative, and strengths-based approach that includes
the input of a collateral information source. Drug and alcohol abuse assessment should explore the
clients history of substance use/abuse and its consequences, as well as the clients acculturation
status, levels of identity, motivation for change, and personal assets, all of which include important
cultural elements (Trimble, 1987). Multicultural substance abuse assessment identifies cultural
factors that are important to a positive counseling outcome.
Each of the five aspects of culture essential to cultural competency in multicultural substance abuse
counselinglinguistics, sociolinguistics, values, symbolic meaning, and sociopolitical contextis
also critical in the assessment interviewing process. Knowledge of how interpersonal interactions are
sociolinguistically patterned within the cultural group of the person being assessed, the meaning of
nonverbal cues within the culture, and nuances of local dialect and linguistic conventions are all
examples of culturally competent interviewing skills in assessment that are crucial to the
establishment of trust, which is the first step in obtaining a detailed history and understanding of the
client. In addition, the counselor should approach this work with cultural humility. Cultural humility,
which is different from cultural competence, has been defined as a process that requires humility as
individuals continually engage in self-reflection and self-critique as lifelong learners and reflective
practitioners (Tervalon & Murray-Garca, 1998, p. 118).

A Collaborative Approach
A strengths-based, culturally informed collaborative approach to assessment can be particularly
helpful in multicultural substance abuse assessment. In the case of cross-cultural assessment, the
assessors cultural background is often different from that of the client. The power differential
between minority clients and majority or high-status counselors replicates the historical and
institutional context of racism and oppression experienced by many clients and their ethnic groups.
This alone can produce distrust between counselor and client. One goal of a collaborative assessment
approach is empowerment of the individual through the assessment process. Providing an opportunity
for the client to achieve a sense of control and self-direction in the assessment process can serve as

an antidote to the sense of disempowerment that such contexts have created in the past, and instead
enhance client self-efficacy and commitment to the treatment and recovery process. Collaborative
assessment also allows the client to share local expertise and knowledge about issues as well as
solutions that the counselor may not have access to. In collaborative assessment, the client is invited
to frame his or her own assessment questions regarding use and misuse of drugs and alcohol, to
describe his or her history of past attempts to reduce or abstain from substances, and to provide input
and reflection on the interpretation of the meaning of assessment results and the use of these results.
This also allows the person to include information on issues in addition to substance abuserelated
goals, such as difficulty in meeting basic needs. Alongside the assessor, the client develops a
description and interpretation of the assessment findings. The client may even assist in modifying an
initial assessment finding to improve its accuracy and usefulness. Clear procedures are laid out in
advance for dealing respectfully with instances in which client and counselor disagree on the meaning
of a behavior or the consequences of substance use.

Cultural Assessment of Use and Consequences

Multicultural substance abuse assessment entails a comprehensive exploration of the clients history
and consequences of use, motivation for change, acculturation status, and personal assets. The
importance of a thorough psychosocial history in substance abuse assessment cannot be
overemphasized. It is crucially important for counselors to develop the ability to explore with clients
their social histories, important life events (especially traumatic experiences), and histories of mental
health problems, within an atmosphere of trust. For many multicultural clients, gaining an
understanding of historical events that have affected their entire cultural group is also critical to their
understanding of their current challenges.
Genograms may be useful in assisting clients in identifying important family relationships as well as
patterns of substance abuse within kinship networks (Witko, 2006). From a strengths-based
perspective, genograms may also highlight patterns of wellness, sobriety, and health in kinship
networks. In addition, more specialized elements of history taking are needed related to the persons
lifelong use of substances. This should include an assessment of initiation into and patterns of early
use, as well as past and present quantity and frequency of use. For a client in recovery, a history of
past attempts to reduce or abstain from substances is important, along with information on the
challenges and successes associated with prior attempts. It is important for counselors to be aware of
cultural factors in quantity and frequency of use. For example, within some cultures, such as some
American Indian and Alaska Native groups, drinking style is often characterized by binge use (May &
Gossage, 2001) followed by long periods of abstention.
Alcohol and drug use assessment instruments can be helpful for assessing the severity of a substance
abuse problem. Two measures of hazardous or harmful drinking patterns and consequences that have
been used or adapted for use with multicultural groups are the Drinker Inventory of Consequences
(DrInC; W. R. Miller, Tonigan, & Longabaugh, 1995) and the Alcohol Use Disorders Identification
Test (AUDIT; Conigrave, Hall, & Saunders, 1995). The AUDIT was developed by the World Health
Organization (WHO), has been used globally, and examines quantity, frequency, alcohol-related
problems, and signs of alcohol dependence. The DrInC is a widely used measure of adverse drinking
consequences developed for Project MATCH, a multisite alcohol treatment matching study that

included Hispanic and African American samples. The DrInC, as a measure of consequences, avoids
confounding drinking style with more severe, long-term alcohol dependence; it is available in both
long and short forms, as are versions designed to assess drug use consequences. The WHO has also
developed the Alcohol, Smoking and Substance Involvement Screening Test (ASSIST), which
assesses the frequency of use, negative consequences, and dependence symptoms of alcohol, tobacco,
illicit drugs, and pain medications (Humeniuk et al., 2008).

Acculturation Status Assessment

An important component in multicultural substance abuse assessment, as in all multicultural
assessment, is the assessment of acculturation status and racial, ethnic, or cultural self-identification
(Dana, 2005; Trimble, 1996, 2003). If possible, this should be done early in the assessment process
to ensure that the counselor can be as respectful and culturally appropriate as possible. In the
acculturation assessment, the focus is at the individual level of analysis. Berry, Poortinga,
Breugelmans, Chasiotis, and Sam (2011) provide one useful way of understanding cultural contact
status in terms of integration or biculturalism, assimilation, separation, or marginalization. From
the perspective of a person from the nondominant group, assimilation occurs when the individual no
longer wishes, or is able, to maintain his or her cultural identity but rather adopts that of the majority
culture; separation occurs when the individual maintains his or her cultural identity; integration, or
biculturalism, occurs when the individual maintains his or her original culture and seeks also to
participate in the more dominant cultural network; and marginalization occurs when the person has
little interest in cultural maintenance or participation in the dominant culture. Assessment of
Calliyahs acculturation status can help the counselor to understand Calliyahs strengths, identify
assets that can be mobilized in counseling as well as in Calliyahs own community, and establish an
appropriate balance between culturally specific approaches and more conventional treatment choices.
Counselors should keep two important cautions in mind when thinking about acculturation. First,
though there has been a significant effort in the research to understand cultural identification as a
protective factor in relation to substance abuse, with some promising findings (e.g., Gone, 2011;
Gone & Calf Looking, 2011; Torres Stone, Whitbeck, Chen, Johnson, & Olson, 2006), no direct
relationship has emerged; rather, the relationship appears to be complex (Oetting, Donnermeyer,
Trimble, & Beauvais, 1998; Trimble & Mahoney, 2002; Whitbeck, Hoyt, McMorris, Chen, &
Stubben, 2001). Second, although an understanding of cultural identity can be enormously beneficial
for clients in long-term recovery from substance abuse problems, for clients who are very early in the
recovery process, engaging in counseling that directly explores identity issues may be premature. As
mentioned earlier, the assessment of acculturation and identity is critical and should be done as early
as possible, but only when the client is ready to increase the success of the process of learning and
using critical skills necessary to cope with the immediate feelings of craving and the triggers for
relapse into substance abuse.

Collateral Assessment
Although a client has taken the important step of seeking treatment and support for recovery, denial
and minimization can be part of the problem in substance abuse. Therefore, collateral assessment, if

possible, can be useful. A collateral is someone who can provide an additional perspective on the
issues that the client is facing as well as the strengths and resources available to support recovery.
The collateral can be a significant other, a relative, or a concerned friend; for Calliyah, it is her
auntie. Aunties play a very important role for many AI/AN people and communities. An auntie is
usually someone who has known the person for most, if not all, of the individuals life. In most AI/AN
communities, aunties have the role and responsibility of helping to raise their nieces and nephews
(not necessarily biologically related). Providing the client has given permission to work with a
collateral, he or she serves as an additional source of information, providing a cross-check on the
veracity of the assessment information provided by the client; he or she may also share information on
important historic events as well as local knowledge and healing practices that the client might
benefit from. In the case of Calliyah, her auntie was a rich source of cultural knowledge regarding
Calliyahs identity, cultural factors in her substance use, and, in particular, some of the culturally
based strengths that could motivate Calliyah to change. The auntie offered this new information about
Calliyah:
Calliyah rarely leaves the reservation area except to shop or take her family members on
errands. Her mother was killed in an alcohol-related auto accident, which is why her
grandmother raised her. There is a new group on the reservation that is focused on
intergenerational and historical trauma; the community is just recently willing to begin to discuss
and reflect on the impact that the boarding schools had on their families and their tribe. Calliyah
was a good student but experienced a lot of racism and prejudice at the local school. She wants
to try college but is reluctant given her past experience; however, she aspires to an
undergraduate and then graduate degree to better serve her own tribe. The Wellness Clinic now
offers traditional healing as well as conventional therapy. Though Calliyah does not speak her
tribal language, she is taking a class in the language and understands a little; she has tried
speaking it with a couple of elders and young people. She has begun volunteering at tribal events
and is learning some of the old stories from the elders. Before she started using drugs and
alcohol heavily, she was a devoted mother and grandmother, and she is determined to get her
children back. This is what finally motivated her to seek individual therapy in her recovery
efforts.
On the basis of these observations, the acculturative status concept of integration informs the
counselors cultural understanding of Calliyahs strengths and status.

Strengths-Based Assessment
Following an examination of acculturation and self-identification status, a culturally informed
strengths-based substance abuse assessment focuses on the identification of strengths and assets that a
treatment approach might access, including individual, family, community, and cultural strengths.
Across cultures, assessment in three general areas can guide the counselor in identifying these assets:
behavioral control and prosocial commitment, mood stability, and psychocultural factors.
Behavioral undercontrol (Sher & Trull, 1994), which includes impulsivity, sensation seeking, and, at
the extreme, antisocial characteristics, can increase risk for substance abuse. Though Calliyah has

experienced recent periods of severe distress as she has struggled to secure basic resources for
herself and her children while working on her recovery and sobriety, she has refrained from acting
impulsively (as she reported she did in the past). Instead, she has participated regularly in her
therapeutic group, is working with ICW to fulfill the requirements for having her children returned,
has applied for and obtained a job with the tribe, and has sought individual treatment to support her
recovery. This suggests that one of Calliyahs strengths is her ability to control her behavior. This
assessment was confirmed by her auntie (collateral).
A second behavioral pattern to assess in multicultural substance abuse assessment is mood stability.
Degree of uncomfortable anxiety and depression, often termed negative affectivity, increases risk of
using substances for relief from discomfort (Conger, 1956; Sher, 1987). Calliyah appears to endure a
significant degree of psychological pain, as reflected in her reporting of being extremely tired; in
addition, she may have feelings of disappointment, failure, and shame regarding the loss of her
children. This highlights the important consideration of co-occurring disorders in substance abuse
assessment. Like many other individuals with alcohol and drug disorders, Calliyah may have a cooccurring mental health disorder; in this case possibly depression. Many American Indians and
Alaska Natives have been found to have high rates of depression and posttraumatic stress disorder,
often based on intergenerational historical trauma such as that experienced by Calliyahs grandmother
and transmitted to her, as well as current contributors to stress and anxiety that are comorbid with
substance use (Beals et al., 2005; Rieckmann et al., 2012). Thus, the likelihood is high that a
counselor will encounter a substance abuse client who also has some form of psychological disorder.
It is important that the counselor screen for potential signs and symptoms of such disorders as part of
the assessment process, and that the counselor review and interpret these signs and symptoms within
the individual clients cultural context. However, this may require a more thorough and focused
psychiatric diagnostic assessment to determine whether the individual meets the diagnostic criteria
for one or more disorders as specified in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental
Disorders (DSM-5; American Psychiatric Association, 2013). If present, these disorders need to be
taken into account and incorporated into an integrated treatment plan to ensure a coordinated treatment
for comorbid disorders, both to reduce symptom severity and to minimize the risk of relapse to
alcohol or drugs. Using the DSM-5, the counselor can develop a cultural formulation and link the
substance abuse and any mental health issues to a cultural explanatory model specific to the
individuals cultural group that can inform treatment and recovery (see Cultural Formulation,
2009).
An assessment of psychocultural factors is potentially the most important area for multicultural
substance abuse treatment and recovery planning. These factors include such things as community and
cultural norms for health; community and cultural norms for substance use; peer influences; role
models of sobriety, recovery, and abstention; and the types of prosocial cultural role expectations,
obligations, and practices that are incompatible with drug and alcohol abuse. Calliyahs collateral
informant, her auntie, shared the following additional information on psychocultural factors:
Most of Calliyahs friends used to abuse alcohol and other drugs. However, over the past few
years many of them have reduced or quit altogether in order to fulfill their roles and obligations
in the community, to participate in traditional activities and practices, and for other reasons. In

addition, the younger people in the tribe are standing up and asking their families and their
community to become drug- and alcohol-free. The tribe also has more financial stability, and
college scholarships are available to members who commit to working hard to maintain a
certain grade point average and to working for the tribe over the summer breaks. Calliyah has a
strong and large family network. She has begun spending time with the elders and knows that
substance abuse is in conflict with their teachings. Calliyah has a strong desire to serve her
reservation community now and in the future as an elder herself. She also wants to model good
health and sobriety for her own children, grandchildren, nieces, nephews, and the community.
A clear strength coming out of Calliyahs cultural background is her commitment to her tribal cultural
values of extended family and kin as well as of serving her community. Her strong desires to bring her
family back together, to learn about her culture, and to continue her education motivate Calliyah to
continue to gain control over her life. These are examples of the types of strengths-based
psychocultural factors that can facilitate recovery from substance abuse, maintain sobriety, and
promote good health.

Motivation to Change
An additional area to consider in substance abuse assessment is the persons current level of
motivation for change. At the beginning of her outpatient treatment last year, Calliyah completed the
DrInC with her counselor as part of one of their first interviews. Calliyah had reported that she had
been aware of a problem with her drinking and drug use for some time but had been unsure about her
ability to change anything about it. Calliyah said that she and her treatment counselor reviewed the
long list of life consequences from alcohol in Calliyahs life. This had proved to be a key moment in
the assessment, and in the entire counseling and intervention process. As Calliyah looked at her
answers and her score on the DrInC, she said she cringed when told she experienced a level of
consequences from drinking at an intensity similar to people admitted to inpatient treatment. Calliyah
said she was surprised when the counselor, rather than making her feel this was something shameful,
instead invited Calliyah to work with the counselor to try to make sense of this in terms of what it
meant in Calliyahs life. She said she told her counselor, I am ready. I am ready to become the
person that I was meant to be. My children and grandchildren and their grandchildren deserve that. I
deserve that. I am ready. As Calliyah shared her story, she and the counselor carefully identified the
challenges she had overcome and the success she was experiencing in her sobriety at 4 months and
assessed her readiness, motivation, and commitment to continued recovery.
Assessment was carefully paced, and trust was built slowly along the way; it was made clear to
Calliyah that she was the expert about herself and her recovery. Instead of leaving Calliyah feeling
ashamed about the disarray of her life, the assessment process proved therapeutic in supporting her
continued recovery.

From Assessment to Counseling

In terms of allowing Calliyah to move along in her readiness to continue her change away from her

addictive behaviors, we can understand this readiness as a cycle, from Stage 1, precontemplation
(not yet considering change), to contemplation (an awareness of the problem and ambivalence), to
determination to change, then action to change, and finally to maintenance of sustained change, with
occasional relapse, involving a return to Stage 1 (DiClemente & Prochaska, 1998). The counselor,
during Calliyahs intake for outpatient treatment, assessed Calliyah as moving into Stage 3,
determination. Today, we can see her moving from action to maintenance. This model of change is
very helpful in engaging those entering into the treatment process and facilitating change across time
(Connors, DiClemente, Velasquez, & Donovan, 2013).
Calliyahs counselor proposed a complementary therapeutic approach for recovery. This included
work with her counselor to enhance her motivation to continue to abstain from the use of alcohol and
substances, using a culturally adapted motivational enhancement therapy (MET) approach (W. R.
Miller, Zweben, DiClemente, & Rychtarik, 1992). As part of their review of the assessment, the
counselor also discussed with Calliyah a referral to a respected local traditional healer, who would
work with Calliyah to prepare her for her continued recovery and to support her health from a holistic
perspective (emotional, physical, mental, spiritual, and cultural). Additionally, the counselor
encouraged Calliyah to continue attending Alcoholics Anonymous and Narcotics Anonymous group
meetings in her reservation community. They also discussed traditional cultural activities that
Calliyah might want to participate in and planned to get her connected with a caseworker to begin to
address her need for housing and other basic resources. Finally, Calliyah agreed to continue to attend
her group, continue her counseling, and see a psychiatrist for a more thorough diagnostic assessment
for depression or other psychiatric disorders. Each of these elements is part of a multimodal system
of care that mixes indigenous and Western treatments, patterned according to the clients cultural
background and the recently completed assessment. Next, we briefly describe key elements in this
mix.

Motivational Enhancement Therapy

The counselor chose the MET approach because of its cross-cultural use, its congruence with the
assessment approach taken, including the use of the DrInC, its flexibility for cultural adaptation, and
its fit with the work of Marlatt and Donovan (2005) on mindfulness training as part of relapse
prevention later in the counseling process. MET is based on the principles of motivational
interviewing (W. R. Miller & Rollnick, 1991), which is consistent with AI/AN cultural perspectives
and values, with its person-centered emphasis on listening, reflecting, respect, and personal
empowerment (Venner, Feldstein, & Tafoya, 2007). MET has been found to be more effective than
either 12-step facilitation or cognitive behavioral therapies with alcohol-dependent American Indians
(Villanueva, Tonigan, & Miller, 2007), and the effect sizes for motivational interviewing
interventions have been shown to be larger in ethnic minority populations than in the dominant
population (Hettema, Steele, & Miller, 2005).
Our experience with indigenous groups points to a number of factors critical in the selection of
counseling approaches with culturally diverse individuals. No one set of factors applies to all groups,
but in our clinical and research experience with American Indians and Alaska Natives, we have
found that certain qualities are important. First, AI/AN clients often desire a practical, problemsolving approach (LaFromboise, Trimble, & Mohatt, 1990). Second, they expect to make rapid

progress and experience relief analogous to their experience with healing ceremonies (Mohatt, 1988).
Third, depending on their acculturation status, they prefer to combine and integrate Western and
indigenous approaches (LaFromboise et al., 1990). Fourth, they prefer an approach that enhances
efficacy, particularly in the form of communal mastery (Hobfoll, Jackson, Hobfoll, Pierce, & Young,
2002). Fifth, although clients want their clinicians to be open to working with healers and other
healing modalities, they expect that the counselors will commit to work on this material with them in
counseling, rather than simply refer them to other people for this work (Mohatt, 1988). This last
factor is consistent with face-to-face, kinship-based cultural values that emphasize personal and
consistent relationships. The following are recommendations for a brief counseling approach that
comes out of these considerations, recognizing that no two clients are alike, new information may
arise in the process, and changes in a clients life circumstances will always require flexibility in any
approach.

Session 1: Feedback
For Calliyah, the foundation of empathy was achieved during the initial assessment process. As the
treatment system places her with new counselors, each counselor will need to achieve this same
relationship. Our recommendation is that one person complete the assessment and continue as the
counselor to preserve continuity and established trust. If the client seeks additional therapy, as
Calliyah did, then transparency, respect, and continuity of care among clinicians, across agencies or
programs, and in collaboration with the client are critical, with the client determining when, and with
whom, her information is shared. An important issue with respect to trust and information sharing in
Calliyahs case is whether her involvement in treatment has been mandated as part of the
requirements for her to get her children and grandchildren back from the ICW authorities. If she has
been mandated to treatment, this may have an impact on her motivation. On one hand, individuals
mandated to treatment often feel resentful and may be less likely to engage fully in the therapeutic
process. On the other hand, as it appears with Calliyah, knowing that engagement in therapy may
facilitate a desired outcome, such as the return of children to the home, may serve as a powerful
incentive that helps move a person forward and motivates positive behavior change. The client also
needs to be made aware of the parameters of the information the counselor may be required to share
to the mandating authority. Discussing such an issue openly is a crucial initial step, because it affects
the building of trust in such circumstances, which is essential for effective intervention. The
nonjudgmental approach of motivational interviewing has been used to address such issues with
mandated clients (Lincour, Kuettel, & Bombardier, 2002; Mullins, Suarez, Ondersma, & Page, 2004).
In Calliyahs case this discussion reveals that she has not been mandated to therapy; rather, she sees
therapy as a positive step that, if taken and successful, will increase her likelihood of regaining her
parental rights.
One focus during the assessment feedback session is ensuring that the sociolinguistics, environment of
the sessions, and feedback information provided are consistent with the clients views and
explanatory models about his or her substance abuse problem and reflect the clients sense of self.
This serves to enhance the clients sense of efficacy. At each point in this session, Calliyah guides the
process, receives feedback from the clinician, and decides on the next step. At the end of the feedback
session, the final summary worked out by the clinician and Calliyah leads the clinician to choose a set

of treatment and recovery support modalities that include counseling, Alcoholics Anonymous (AA),
use of a traditional healer, work with a case manager, and possible work with a psychiatrist for a
more thorough diagnostic assessment, a medication regime if indicated, and continual monitoring of
Calliyahs depression in the course of ongoing therapy (which could also be addressed within the
context of a motivational interviewing approach) (Hails et al., 2012; Westra, Aviram, & Doell, 2011).
Therefore, the first session of MET recapitulates this assessment summary and provides additional
feedback to enhance Calliyahs sense of determination, to solidify her current stage of change, and to
encourage her to move into the next phase of change, maintenance. The counselor lets Calliyah direct
much of this process, allowing her to further educate the counselor about who Calliyah is and what
she learned during the assessment process. In closing this session, the counselor finalizes the specific
set of modalities that Calliyah has chosen (AA, psychiatrist, and so on). The counselor also might ask
at the end of the session if Calliyah would like to choose some symbolic item that represents the work
of the assessment and her commitment to maintenance, such as an oral recording, a stone, a piece of
sage, a photograph, or a written contract. This will then allow the counselor to move seamlessly into
the second session, devoted to values clarification.
It is critical at this and every stage of Calliyahs process for the counselor to consider how to
integrate his or her work into the traditional ceremonies that Calliyah might be attending by utilizing
an integrative strategy. For example, Calliyah plans to attend a healing ceremony on the reservation to
request help in her progress and healing. The counselor can encourage Calliyah to present the
feedback plan within the ceremony and to request assistance in developing a plan based on this
assessment. The counselor can also suggest that Calliyah bring the symbolic item from counseling to
the ceremony, in order to present it with a verbal prayer if appropriate.

Session 2: Values Clarification

In the second session the counselor and Calliyah begin to create a plan based on Calliyahs values,
with the goals of strengthening her motivation to move toward maintenance and fostering and
maintaining those motivational strategies inherent in her cultural life. For Calliyah, many of these
assets emerge from her commitment to her family, her cultural role as a caretaker, and her desire to
serve her community as a strong role model. In addition, she has a goal to continue her education. The
session should provide her with opportunities to reflect on how she feels when she is able to care for
her family, how her decisions influence her relationships and roles within her family, and how her
decisions affect her family and tribal community. The counselor can invite Calliyah to consider how
she will begin to experience, as she continues to recover successfully, having her children returned
and her family moving toward a life that is safe and protected, as well as herself becoming helpful to
the next generation.
The focus on these positive aspects of Calliyahs recovery process also is meant to deal with her
depression, which has been monitored across time. She has seen a psychiatrist as part of the
coordinated treatment process, and in that therapists opinion her depression is mild to moderate and
does not warrant treatment with medications. Calliyahs depressive affect is related to her current life
situation and the negative feelings she has held toward herself for past failings regarding family and
children. In the context of the therapy, with its focus on the positive changes she is making in her life,

in conjunction with some very basic cognitive restructuring regarding her sense of disappointment,
failure, and shame over the loss of her children, the treatment of her substance use disorder and the
co-occurring depression is integrated. If left unaddressed, her negative feelings represent a potential
trigger or a high risk for relapse, but her feelings are being addressed in the context of family
values, and the depression and relapse risk have been reduced. Further, the positive appraisal of her
evolving recovery serves to reinforce her motivation to change. Mindfulness exercises that allow
Calliyah to feel within her body and her thoughts this sensation of helpfulness and how service to the
next generation can replace it may be taught in this session. She may choose to make these
experiences concrete by writing statements on a card such as When I sit with my grandson and share
stories of our past, he wants me to continue. I cant do this unless I am well and sober. Accomplishing
this makes me feel like I am doing what a grandmother is supposed to do in our culture.
Another motivational resource that represents a culture-based asset is Calliyahs increasing
involvement with the elders. Her ability to serve them and learn from them is a point of pride and
humility, another important cultural value. She may also write on a card a statement about her ability
to embrace this value in action: When I am involved with the elders I help them and future
generations. I receive guidance, teaching, and help from them that makes me realize how important it
is for me to be healthy. I can heal and help others.
Finally, Calliyah is beginning to attend traditional activities and ceremonies. This is a good time for
the counselor to review with her what she is learning and what she is being advised to do (e.g., have
other ceremonies for healing, review her thoughts regarding her goals toward healing). For example,
she might be thinking of promising to complete a ceremony to help her family. Exploring the meanings
she is making out of her immersion in ceremonial life can help Calliyah choose ways to become
further involved with these cultural practices that can help sustain her sobriety and good health.
At the end of this session, the counselor should review with Calliyah how she feels about each value
that she has articulated. Is it consistent with her desires? Will it support her toward the changes that
she wants, to live a clean life committed to her family and community? Again, at the end of this
session, the counselor should encourage her to summarize her ideas regarding her most important
values for maintaining sobriety and to present them in the next ceremony she attends, during which she
can again ask for help in achieving them.

Sessions 3 and 4: Recapitulation and a Plan for Change

The first two sessions provide a base for spending the next two sessions recapitulating the work that
Calliyah and her counselor have done and crafting this work into a long-term plan for maintaining
sobriety, with specific goals toward holistic health. We suggest a minimum of four sessions for
Calliyah, as many AI/AN ceremonies are in multiples of four (e.g., Sun Dance, Four Winds, Four
Season, Vision Quest, and healing ceremony for a serious illness). It is important for counselors
working with ethnically and culturally diverse clients to orient formal therapy plans so that they
correspond with elements of the clients cultural frameworks.
At this stage, the counselor should discuss with Calliyah the possibility of having a special traditional
ceremony at the end of their sessions in which the counselor and Calliyah jointly present the change

plan and ask for assistance from all of those involved in the plan (e.g., the family, the AA group,
professionals, healers, and Calliyah). The counselors attendance would recapitulate the integrative
nature of the process that is at the foundation of this cross-cultural work. Finally, the counselor should
schedule a follow-up session with Calliyah for a later date. This will serve as more than simply a
booster session. Within the AI/AN cultural context, the follow-up session has meaning in that it
communicates to Calliyah the sense that this is a relationship that she can count on, and that the
counselor is willing to continue to assist. Counselors working with clients from other cultures should
approach the idea of such a follow-up by analyzing whether their clients would prefer a level of
autonomy that is less interdependent.

Treatment Framework Synopsis

Because our focus here is on counseling, we have not described in detail each of the other treatment
modalities chosen by Calliyah (AA, psychiatric consultation, and so on) and the cultural
considerations related to them. The counselor needs to address each of these during the counseling
process, consistently reviewing with Calliyah important elements outside counseling, such as how she
is doing in AA, or with the psychiatrist, or in her role with the elders and her family. In Calliyahs
substance use counseling, the counselor is actively working with a mixture of traditional and Western
approaches that constitute a system of care for Calliyah. Therefore, we would recommend that the
counselor consider facilitating a meeting among Calliyah, the traditional healer, the psychiatrist (if
needed), Calliyahs AA sponsor, family members such as her auntie and adult children, and the
counselor to discuss ways to collaborate and integrate the elements of Calliyahs treatment (Herring,
1999; Trimble & Thurman, 2002). Such communication would allow the key members of the
treatment team to receive direction from Calliyah and her family, identify areas that might present
problems with integration, and discuss openly the cultural framework of the therapeutic process.

Cultural Factors in Substance Abuse Counseling

We have emphasized assessing and understanding the within-group variability in substance use
patterns and assets useful to recovery among ethnocultural groups. Thus far, we have used a case
study with an American Indian woman to elaborate key concepts. In the remaining discussion, we
describe selected strengths common to many members of other selected ethnocultural groups that
provide examples of the types of assets that can be mobilized in recovery. Though we focus here on
groups in the United States, elements of the discussion are relevant to immigrant groups globally and
provide a model for beginning to think of assets within specific cultural contexts. In addition, we
acknowledge that in providing these examples we risk stereotyping members of cultural groups,
particularly when presenting groupings that often constitute an ethnic gloss (Trimble, 1995).
Tremendous variability exists within ethnocultural groups, and none of these examples applies to all
members of a group. However, any approach to substance abuse treatment with a client whose culture
is different from the counselors can utilize many of the conceptual structures that we present.
First, we recommend that counselors use the cultural formulation interviews in the DSM-5 to guide
case conceptualization, diagnosis, and treatment planning. Second, careful attention to initial matching
of counselor and client ethnicity can be important, as it was in our example because of Calliyahs

family and tribal history. Such matching may or may not be critical to counselors work with other
ethnocultural clients, but that possibility deserves careful consideration. Third, counselors should
attend carefully to linguistics, sociolinguistics, values, symbolic meaning, and sociopolitical context
(both current and historical) for all ethnocultural clients. Fourth, strengths-based assessments of
acculturation, significant family relationships, and motivation to change are appropriate for use with
clients from most ethnocultural groups. Fifth, blending culturally relevant traditional healing practices
with more conventional treatment approaches may be beneficial for all ethnocultural clients. Below,
we briefly describe specific cultural assets associated with four ethnocultural groups: African
Americans, Latino/as, Asian Americans, and American Indians/Alaska Natives.

African Americans
Substance abuse remains a serious problem for many African Americans. However, surveys suggest
that drug use prevalence rates are decreasing for younger African Americans (Johnson, OMalley, &
Bachman, 1996). At the symbolic level, spirituality has played an important historical role for
African Americans as they endured slavery and racism in the United States. This role for spirituality,
along with the important role of the church, continues to this day. Afrocentric identity, or Nigrescence
(White & Parham, 1990), emphasizes collectivism, a focus on concern for the welfare of the whole
group and for relationships within the community. Values associated with spirituality, family, religion,
community, and collectivist concern all provide important assets that can potentially be mobilized in
an African American persons recovery from substance abuse (Antai-Otong, 2002).

Latino/as
The general term Latino/a refers to members of many disparate groups that vary enormously in their
substance use patterns. For example, heroin has been the main drug of abuse for several generations
among certain families in East Los Angeles who identify with the pachuco or cholo lifestyle (Moore,
1990), as well as the most frequent illicit drug of abuse for people of Mexican descent, according to a
study of substance abuse treatment admissions (Rouse, 1995). Similar to American Indians/Alaska
Natives, Latino/a clients vary widely in acculturation. Some may be steeped in a culture of healing
that utilizes various types of traditional healing systems such as the curandero. Careful assessment of
culture-specific explanatory models for substance abuse must take into account such systems.
Potential assets for Latino/a clients in substance abuse counseling include the values of respeto,
deference to elders and others of higher social ranking; personalismo, attention to the wishes of
others; and confianza, the development of strong interpersonal relationships based on trust.

Asian Americans
Although Asian Americans constitute perhaps the most diverse ethnocultural group in the United
States, data on patterns of drug and alcohol use for this group are limited. Further, the studies that
have been conducted have often combined disparate Asian subgroups possessing quite different
languages, religions, and histories (Yu & Whitted, 1997). In contrast to the model minority
stereotype, research suggests that recent Japanese immigrants, along with Chinese Americans who are

at higher levels of assimilation to the host culture, exhibit high levels of alcohol use, while the less
assimilated members of many Asian American subgroups are heavy cigarette smokers (Myers,
Kagawa-Singer, Kumanyika, Lex, & Markides, 1995).
It is difficult to generalize about a pan-Asian values set, but many Asian Americans are influenced by
values emphasizing the importance of family as the central social unit and the avoidance of behavior
that brings shame to the family; a social hierarchy of respect to elders and those of higher social rank;
and personal and emotional restraint. Recognition of these values as assets, and adaptation of
conventional substance abuse counseling approaches to accommodate them as strengths, can facilitate
the substance abuse recovery process for many Asian Americans. Explanatory models that reflect the
symbolic understanding of disease and the use of traditional healers are important, particularly for
many of the more recent Asian immigrant groups, such as the Hmong (Fadiman, 1997).

American Indians/Alaska Natives

In the case study discussion, we illustrated an integrated, complementary approach to assessment and
counseling structured by indigenous culture-specific treatments that utilize traditional healers,
ceremonial life, collaborative assessment, and a cultural adaptation of MET. Additional culturespecific treatments include cultural or spirit camp immersion experiences that accentuate traditional
values and spirituality. Other modern forms of treatment have been culturally adapted for American
Indians and Alaska Natives. A good example is the talking circle, a form of group counseling that was
derived from the ways in which healing ceremonies are structured. Mindfulness training and
meditation have been adapted for use with AI/AN adolescents to resonate with the cultural-spiritual
systems of their particular indigenous groups. Each of these treatments focuses on providing the client
with a linguistic and sociolinguistic context that is comfortable, that is structured by indigenous
values, and that resonates with the explanatory models that symbolically make sense within the
culture.

Summary: Cultural Factors in Multicultural Substance Abuse

Counseling
Table 23.1 provides an overview of the principles of multicultural substance abuse counseling that
guided our work in the case presented and organized our discussion in this chapter. The principles
emphasize the importance of consideration of the high rates of comorbidity of substance abuse with
other disorders in substance abuse counseling. They also emphasize the importance of the social
context, including attention to the acculturation status of the individual; appreciation of cultural norms,
not only in terms of risk but also as providing protection from substance abuse and serving as assets
that can support recovery; and attention to cultural understandings of spirituality and its role in the
recovery process. Most important, the substance abuse counseling process should be structured to fit
the individual clients cultural understandings, providing a culturally based system of care.
By way of summary, we conclude with four recommendations for structuring multicultural substance
abuse counseling driven by the guiding principles described in Table 23.1.
1. Establishing a relationship of trust is essential for effective multicultural substance abuse
counseling; such a relationship is best initiated by assessment, intake, and counseling processes
that are collaborative and strengths based in nature. This also requires cultural competence and
cultural humility on the part of the person completing the assessment and doing counseling. A
professional of the same ethnicity as the client can often establish trust most effectively,
provided the professional has the requisite cultural humility and competency. When it is not
possible to match counselor and client ethnicity, the counselor must possess cultural competency
with the clients ethnocultural group.
2. Training and supervision of the counselor should include continuing development of an
understanding of cultural factors at the linguistic and sociolinguistic levels, as well as an
understanding of how values, explanatory models, and symbolic systems can structure each part
of the process of understanding and helping the client. Training and supervision should also
include ongoing reflection of cultural humility.
3. Complementary therapeutic approaches that utilize existing local knowledge, practices, and
resources from within the community can be crucial elements for effective treatment. These
resources include traditional healers and ceremonies; elders as role models, mentors, and
potential natural helpers; and significant others in the extended family system. All of these
cultural assets can influence clients to initiate change or to maintain gains and avoid relapse.
4. Substance abuse often is comorbid with various psychiatric disorders, including depression,
anxiety, and posttraumatic stress disorder. The presence of such comorbid disorders has major
repercussions for the clients extended family and for community systems within the culture. It
requires an integrated approach to treatment that does not separate services by agencies or by
healing approaches (i.e., Western versus traditional). In multicultural substance abuse, the
counselor must understand the counseling process as it fits within a system of care of
complementary therapeutics that includes community resources and professionals. Counseling
cannot be separate; rather, it must be actively linked with traditional healing practices, other
resources, and other professionals in the system of care. Further, the system of care in
multicultural substance abuse treatment should be client and family directed.

In summary, cultural factors structure the patterns and the meaning of substance use and abuse, the
clients expectations for the substance abuse counseling process, and several important factors within
the course of recovery. Throughout this chapter, we have emphasized an approach that highlights the
strengths and assets within various cultural traditions that can be mobilized in the recovery from
substance abuse. A deeper understanding of the role of culture in the substance abuse counseling
process can allow counselors to form relationships that empower their clients to initiate, maintain,
and solidify change.

Discussion Questions
1. Calliyah, your counseling client, invites you to the graduation ceremony for the group she just
completed and wants to honor you publicly. What should you do? What may be some of the
consequences of your attending or not attending the graduation ceremony?
2. Because you have worked as a counselor with a number of American Indian/Alaska Native
clients from two Pacific Northwest tribes, a colleague asks you to consult on a case with a
Native client from a tribe in the Southwest. Do you feel qualified to do so? In what ways might
there be similarities and differences between the clients from the Pacific Northwest and those
from the Southwest?
3. Calliyahs Aunt Carrie, who is also a respected elder, needs a place to stay for a few months.
Carries daughter struggles with substance use and misuse and often turns to her mother for
support. As Calliyahs counselor, how would you support her as she decides what to do? What
are some of the possible unique cultural tensions in this situation?
4. Think of clients you have worked with whose backgrounds are different from your own. What
are the similarities and differences? Are the steps outlined in this chapter appropriate for all
clients? Why or why not?

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Authors Note: Preparation of this chapter was supported by a grant from the National Institutes of
Health/National Institute on Minority Health and Health Disparities (5R24MD001764) (Dennis M.

Donovan, principal investigator, and Lisa Rey Thomas, coinvestigator). Portions of this chapter are
preserved, with minor revisions, from Drug and Alcohol Abuse in Cross-Cultural Counseling in the
previous edition of Counseling Across Cultures to honor the late Dr. Gerald V. Mohatt.

24 Group Dynamics in a Multicultural World

Mary B. McRae

Primary Objective
To provide a conceptual framework for understanding racial and cultural dynamics in group
and organizational life

Secondary Objectives
To present an experiential model of working with multicultural groups
To describe racial and cultural dynamics that occur in intergroup, group, and group-as-awhole relations
Groups are microcosms of the societies in which they are formed and offer opportunities for people
to work within and across the multiple differences that exist among individuals. Aside from
personality differences, there are many differences that are related to attitudes, beliefs, stereotypes,
and hidden assumptions about others who belong to certain racial, ethnic, and cultural groups, as well
as those who differ from us in sexual orientation, social class, religion, age, and disability. The
tensions between these differences can linger just below the surface, not talked about, continuously
reenacted interpersonally and in groups.
In this chapter I will introduce an experiential model for the study of group dynamics, with a focus on
issues of authority and leadership in groups and organizational life. In a society where there are
strongly knit identity groups, each having a stance on values, beliefs, ideology, religion, class, and
sexual orientation, the question of who has the authority to make decisions and who will lead the
process creates tension. In this model, a combination of systems and psychoanalytic theories is used
as a lens for analyzing and making meaning of interpersonal, group, intergroup, and group-as-a-whole
relations as they occur in the here and now of the moment and later in the more reflective space of
the then and there of the experience. When a multicultural lens is added to this model it allows us to
explore the dynamic interactions that occur between participants from varying social and cultural
identity groups, an increasingly important ability in the current age of globalization. These
interactions can be experienced and observed in the ways in which group participants engage in
working to task, managing boundaries, and working with those in various roles of authority.

The Group Relations Model

The group relations model is part of the Tavistock tradition of experiential learning. A group relations
conference is an intensive temporary experiential educational institution designed for the study of
authority and leadership. It enables participants to examine and question the kinds of roles taken
(leader or follower), who takes them, how authority is taken up, and how others authorize or

deauthorize those in authority roles. Roles, boundaries, and authority are examined on three levels
interpersonal, group, and organizationalall in the context of the socioeconomic and political
environment. Such a conference provides a place for learning about feelings, thoughts, expectations,
impressions, fears, and assumptions. The experiential learning process involves sharing of similar
and conflicting narratives, space for reflection and meaning making, and openness to learning what is
immediately visible and known and what is not.
The group relations conferences were developed at the Tavistock Institute in London during the 1950s
and were brought to the United States in the 1960s. Miller and Rice (1975) developed the conceptual
framework for the group relations model, and Rice (1975) developed the conference design. This
model of learning has spread to many institutions around the world, including across the United
States.

Theoretical Framework
The theoretical framework for the group relations model is based on psychoanalytic and systems
theories. This framework holds together the importance of emotions, relationships, and the contexts in
which interactions occur.

Psychoanalytic Theory
From a psychoanalytic perspective, the concepts of splitting, projection, and projective identification
are helpful for understanding the dynamic processes that occur interpersonally, in groups, and in
intergroup relations. These are defense mechanisms, unconscious processes that can distort reality
and impede optimal functioning (Klein, 1946). Individuals use defense mechanisms to ward off and to
manage the anxiety related to the desires and fears about belonging and rejection held by those in the
group. According to Bion (1961), individuals are afraid of being engulfed by or excluded from the
group. At the same time, defense mechanisms are social tools of survival; they help us to cope with
the anxiety that surfaces when we are confronted with emotional and physical challenges to our daily
well-being. Splitting, projection, and projective identification are social defense mechanisms used in
groups to protect members from feelings of inadequacy and vulnerability (Cheng, Chae, & Gunn,
1998). In multicultural groups where there are issues of power, control, leadership, and authority,
social defenses allow members to view one group as different and/or better than the other, and
perhaps more or less deserving of certain privileges.
When anxious, most people tend to see things as either/orthe dichotomy simplifies the situation,
making it more manageable. Splitting refers to ambivalent and conflicting emotions that create
opposite feelings within the self, such as good/bad, powerful/powerless, smart/dumb, and happy/sad.
Splitting involves ridding oneself of the anxiety stimulated by the emotions of shame, guilt, or other
negative feelings about self (McRae & Short, 2010). Creating the polarities of good and bad helps to
identify or characterize group members in positive and negative ways. When intergroup conflict
arises in groups, it is often related to cultural, racial, ethnic, social class, gender, religion, or sexual
identity differences, where one group is identified as the negative other. In some groups splitting
can occur along occupational lines of status, power, and control of resources. Splitting within groups

may be related to internalized messages that individual members have received about their own group
as well as other groups, and the historical relationships that exist between groups (Alderfer, 1997).
The internalized messages may be related to race, ethnicity, gender, religion, sexual orientation, age,
or social class with regard to good and bad, or worthy and unworthy of certain privileges and
resources. When the opposing feelings are too difficult to contain, they are split off and projected
onto others, who may be targeted because of certain characteristics attributed to their being other,
objects deserving of those unwanted, undesirable, and potentially frightening emotions. The targeted
others may be chosen because of proximity and relationships. In groups, they may be targeted based
on stereotypes, attitudes, hidden assumptions, beliefs, and perceptions about race, ethnicity, gender
roles, social class, religion, sexual orientation, and disability.
Projection involves the process of projecting those parts of self that are too difficult to hold, those
unacceptable and undesirable impulses, onto the other (Kernberg, 1976). In groups projections
often are related to what individuals might represent in the minds of others. For example, an Asian
man who has displayed leadership skills may be perceived stereotypically as not the best candidate
to lead the group in an activity, this perception having little to do with his actual role in the group and
more with what he might represent to others in the group. The Asian man may represent for other
group members the passive and vulnerable parts of themselves, aspects of self that they find
unacceptable.
Projective identification is an interactive process in which group members who are targets of the
projections identify with them and act as if they are true. Projective identification occurs when the
group deposits these ambivalently held emotions onto a member or members of the group. These
emotions are experienced by all group members but are aspects of themselves that they refuse to
acknowledge (Cheng et al., 1998, p. 376). Many members of disenfranchised groups have
internalized negative messages, attitudes, and perceptions about their identity groups and can be
drawn into enacting certain behaviors in mixed racial and cultural groups. Projective identification is
an unconscious defense mechanism that involves projection of undesirable aspects of self onto others
who in some way identify with these projections. In groups members of subgroups that are
disenfranchised or stigmatized may become the recipients of negative attributes and can be pulled into
a dynamic of enactment. In the example of the Asian man above, he may indeed find himself being
silenced and not taking up a leadership role as he has in other group situations. The targeted person of
the projections often has a valence or tendency to take up certain roles in groups. The Asian man may
have a valence for stepping back when not asked to lead or acknowledged for his leadership skills.
This valence may have grown out of his upbringing and his familys cultural value of humility. A
Black woman in a group may become the target and container for group anger, holding to the
stereotype of the angry Black woman and perhaps her own assertive tendency for her voice to be
heard and recognized. The Asian man and the Black woman have a valence to take on and identify
with the projections bestowed on them by others in the group.

Systems and Context

A key area of learning in the group relations model is that of experiential learning about the systemic
structures in which group members function. The experiential learning theory model purports that
there are two dialectically related modes of grasping experienceapprehension (concrete

experience) and comprehension (abstract conceptualization)and two dialectically related modes of

transforming experienceintension (reflective observation) and extension (active experimentation)
(Kolb, Baker, & Jensen, 2002, p. 52). The goal of the group relations conference is to create a
receptive space where participants learn through their experience of conversing and engaging with
each other in various group and intergroup events.
A system consists of several levels of functioning. If we consider an institution as a whole, its various
subsystems, the interactions of those subsystems, the interpersonal interactions in and across
subsystems, and then this institution and other institutions in the contexts of city, state, country, and
world, the complexity of the group as part of a larger system becomes clear. Systems exist in social,
political, and economic contexts that affect attitudes, beliefs, perceptions, and values (Lewin, 1951).
A group can be examined in terms of its overall structure as well as its various levels of functioning.
The group consists of its members and leader(s). The members belong to certain social identity
groups that often represent the various identity groups in the community and thus some of the attitudes
and beliefs ascribed to those groups.

Overall structure of the group.

The concept of BART (boundaries, authority, role, and task), which is drawn from systems theory, is
used to create a structure for the survival of the group (Green & Molenkamp, 2005). Boundaries are
the psychological and physical spaces of the group, such as time, task, and territory (Hayden &
Molenkamp, 2004). Boundaries can be permeable or impermeable, setting the rules for inclusion and
exclusion. Boundaries determine the meeting time, the territory or location, and the task that the group
will work on. Boundaries also are psychological in that they create a sense of belonging to or being
excluded from the group.
Authority is the right to do work in the service of the task, and it comes from three sources. Authority
can be obtained from someone with more authority and power in the structural hierarchy. It can also
come from those below or on the same level, such as subordinates and colleagues. Then there is
personal authority, or the individuals capacity to take up his or her own authority (Obholzer, 1994).
Role refers to the individual functions that members take up in the group. The task is the work that the
group is supposed to be doing. Kahn and Kram (1994) note that classic social psychology studies
have indicated the power of roles and norms in shaping the experiences and behaviors of group
members in their relations to authority. They suggest that certain internal models (dependence,
interdependence, and counterdependence) shape how individuals authorize and deauthorize
themselves and others in roles of authority.
Wells (1990) addresses the complexity of groups by identifying multiple levels of group functioning:
(1) intrapersonal processes (the internal life of the individual group member, which includes
personality characteristics, levels of self-awareness, and object representation), (2) interpersonal
processes (the relations and dynamics between individuals in the context of the group), (3) group-asa-whole processes (the groups behavior as a social system, an entity), (4) intergroup processes (the
relations and dynamics between and among groups in an overall system), and (5) interorganizational
processes (the relationships among organizations, environmental conditions in which the
organizations exist, and the impacts of the environment on them). Wellss work offers a perspective

from which to examine group and organizational processes and diagnose psychosocial activities and
behavior.
At the intrapersonal level, a group members behavior is related to the members racial/cultural
identity and sense of affiliation, as well as the impact these factors have on the member. As Cross and
Cross (2008) have indicated, a persons sense of affiliation to a racial or ethnic identity group may
vary and have different meanings for the individual. When a group forms, each member enters with
multiple racial/cultural and subgroup affiliations (race, ethnicity, gender, age, religion, social class,
and sexual orientation, as well as social and occupational affiliations), with some being more salient
than others, given the context. Interpersonally, group members may view each other as racial/cultural
beings with similarities, or they may face challenges related to internalized/externalized identities,
perceptions, and projections of power, authority, and privilege (McRae, 1994).
At the group level, members are part of interdependent subsystems, and their actions or behaviors are
on behalf of the group or certain members of the group. According to Wells (1990), each person is a
vehicle through which the group expresses its life (p. 54). McRae, Kwong, and Short (2007) provide
an example of this, describing a large group session in which the majority of the members were White
women and the topic of discussion was racial differences. When a Black woman attempted to take up
a leadership role by leading the discussion, she was perceived by the group as angry. She became the
vehicle through which the group could express its anger at the leaders of the group for not being more
giving and nurturing. When Black women identify with the angry Black woman stereotype, they
contain the anger of White women as well as other women of color and make it more difficult for
others to see and identify with their vulnerability. When these dynamics occur in groups, they are
immediately available for exploration and meaning making, allowing White women and other women
of color to own and speak to their anger, and Black women to own and speak to their feelings of
vulnerability.
The final level, interorganizational processes, involves the relatedness of various institutions in a
community, a state, a nation, and the world. These institutions may have collaborative or conflicting
relationships. Interorganizational relations are influenced by power and control of resources as well
as by political and social privileges. Institutional affiliations affect the ways in which members
interact and work toward accomplishing a task with members of other institutions. Wellss (1990)
work addresses the complexity of group life as it involves multiple levels of functioning, each
affected by context, relatedness, and possible influence on the others.
Groups establish cultural norms that guide group interactions and behavior. When members come
from diverse backgrounds, the question of who sets the group norms, what those norms are and why,
and whose cultural values are dominant are underlying issues often difficult to discuss. In the case of
group therapy, the therapist sets the preliminary guidelines for group participation, but members
determine the groups cultural norms, which are usually based on therapeutic factors of universality,
hope, imparting information, altruism, improving socializing skills, and imitative behavior (Yalom &
Leszcz, 2005) as well as shared and different assumptions, beliefs, and feelings related to creating
positive and negative environments.

Experiential Learning

The experiential component of the group relations model is essential. The models method of working
has been described as one that deals with knowledge of acquaintance, or learning through
interpersonal, group, and intergroup behavior. In the traditional model, experiential learning takes
place during an intense residential or nonresidential group relations conferencea temporary
educational institution, a laboratorythat includes a number of events designed to provide
opportunities for learning through interpersonal, group, intergroup, and institutional experience. This
temporary institution is formed with a hierarchy of roles, such as director, associate director,
administrator, consultants, and members:
The Group Relations conference provides a highly visible but minimal structure. The time
schedule, the staff roles, the theoretical perspective about group-as-a-whole, and the
arrangement of the chairs constitute its basics. Beyond that, the structure is provided by the
members and their projections. (Hayden & Molenkamp, 2004, p. 155)
Providing space for the freedom of discovery permits conference participants to explore their
perceptions and projections of the structure. In group relations conferences members and staff learn
about boundaries, authority, roles, and task as issues, and dynamics related to each concept occur in
the here and now of the moment. Issues of power, privilege, leadership, and followership surface
during the various conference events, such as the intergroup, institutional, community, and world
events. The intergroup event involves members forming their own small groups and studying the
relationships as they occur between and among groups (Hayden & Molenkamp, 2004). In the
institutional event, members are also free to form their own groups: the directorate of the conference
does its work publicly, working with the consultant staff to make meaning of their understanding and
experiences that are taking place in the institution as a whole. The world event is a combination of the
intergroup and the institutional events, designed to explore the relatedness of the multiple social
identity differences represented by members and staff to the roles given and taken of leadership and
followership and the authority and authorization of these roles in the temporary institution created
(McRae, Green, & Irvine, 2009). Greater emphasis is placed on how differences of representation
among the members change the nature of authority relations.
The group relations conference method is constructed to reduce conventional social defenses that
constrain interpersonal and intergroup hostilities and rivalries, thus permitting examination of the
forces at work by lowering the barriers for expressing both friendly and hostile feelings while
providing opportunities for continuous checking in on ones own feelings and comparing with those of
others in a given situation (Rice, 1975). The entire institution is studied, including how it is managed
and the competence of the staff in carrying out their task; all parts of the temporary institution
contribute to the learning.
In adapting this model to train counselors, psychologists, and other mental health professionals, I
include a significant amount of time in experiential groups. The group dynamics course consists of
three components: lecture and discussion of theoretical concepts, experiential groups, and review and
application of learning. Ideally, a weekend group relations conference is a part of the group dynamics
course. The group course always engages students as participant/members of small groups so that
they can experience the dynamics that occur in groups and learn to identify and diagnose group

behavior. The group experience provides an opportunity for students to learn through the knowledge
of acquaintance as described above. They are then able to reflect on their experience, applying
theoretical concepts to give meaning to behaviors. The method values both emotion and intellect,
providing space for direct and honest feedback, allowing those who wish to take the risk of giving
voice to experience. Interpersonal and group learning is a process of internalizing and incorporating
felt experience into the inner world of fantasy and reason (Rice, 1975, p. 72).

Racial and Cultural Group Dynamics

Group dynamics are related to the stages of groups development (Tuckman, 1965). When a group is
forming, members are more inclined to polite engagement, as they are getting to know each other; as
time passes, conflicts emerge, resolutions are made, group norms are established, and the search for
productive work on the groups task takes place. The dynamic interactions that occur interpersonally
and for the group determine how the group moves through the various stages of development. Bion
(1961) has described the group as an entity that functions on two levels: as a work group and as a
basic assumption group. The work group works diligently toward accomplishing its tasks and
objectives, usually in a predetermined structure (Rioch, 1975). The work group is functional;
members contribute in various clearly defined roles to achieve a task in a given period of time.
However, groups do not always behave in a sensible manner; as Rioch (1975) observes, Man seems
to be a herd animal who is often in trouble with his herd (p. 23).
The basic assumption mode of functioning is a defense mechanism that helps members to cope with
anxiety that they experience in the group. Each of the basic assumptions represents a way in which
group members experience some tensions in belonging to the group. They desire to be a part of the
herd, but anxiety around feelings of dependency, inclusion/exclusion, affection, and control can
make it difficult to remain a member. Bion (1961) identifies three basic assumptions in groups: basic
assumption dependency, basic assumption fight/flight, and basic assumption pairing. In basic
assumption dependency, the group functions as if it is totally dependent on the leader, powerless,
and lacking in intellectual capacity. In basic assumption fight/flight, group members avoid talking
about or dealing with issues that may seem obvious to an observer, or they engage in conflict with
each other or the leader, another way to avoid the task at hand. In basic assumption pairing, two
members are put forth by the group as its leaders who will produce a messiah, or something that
will save the group. To these assumptions, Turquet (1985) has added the basic assumption one-ness
to address the rise of cults and gangs in which members merge to form a single identity, and
Lawrence, Bain, and Gould (1996) have identified basic assumption me-ness to address the
narcissistic and ego-centered individuals who find it almost impossible to work as a part of a group
or team.
In mixed racial and cultural groups members may be particularly dependent on the leader to address
issues of difference. If the leader is a person of color, members may want to know that individuals
stancethat is, is the leader biased toward one group, or is there a sense of social justice in the
group? Members from similar cultural backgrounds may feel free to fight with members from similar
or different backgrounds. Two members from different identity or ideological groups may pair after a
conflict to demonstrate symbolically the potential for members to work across differences.

Intergroup Dynamics
Racial and cultural dynamics in groups are related to some basic intergroup differences that are
contextual in society. According to embedded intergroup relations theory, five characteristics can be
observed in groups: group boundaries, power differences, affective patterns, cognitive formations
and distortions, and leadership behavior (Alderfer, 1997). In multicultural groups members have an
opportunity to experience the interplay of the management of boundaries; working with power
differences; various cultural modes of emotional expression; the testing of assumptions, beliefs, and
myths held about individuals who are different from them; and working with perceptions of
leadership fit as a role for members and the group leader. A multicultural group functions as a group
as a whole that consists of multiple subgroupings with varying cultures, beliefs, and behaviors. I use
the term culture broadly here as defined by Goldberger and Veroff (1995), who include the
traditional definitions of shared history, geographic region, language, rituals, values, rules, and laws
but also add that in a pluralistic society, groups of individuals with shared characteristics (such as
race, gender, social class, ethnicity, sexual orientation, disability, and age) may call themselves
cultures, and be regarded as such by others, despite their membership in the larger culture and
dissimilarities of history, language, rules, beliefs, and cultural practices. This broader definition of
culture makes for a more complex understanding of multiple identities and the ways in which they
intersect. It becomes more difficult to identify just one aspect of any individual or group; each is like
a Janus figure, with many different faces. Therefore, the cultural, economic, political, and social
contexts in which interactions occur become the background and sometimes the foundation for our
efforts to communicate with and understand one another.
Power differences encompass differences in access to resources and assumptions concerning who has
control and who does not. Reed and Noumair (2000) describe how power differences affect
intergroup relations:
There may be significant intergroup conflict related to which groups are most deserving of
corrective advantage. Identity groups and individuals may minimize their own advantage or
emphasize their disadvantage within the context of such discussions. We refer to this as the
relationship between context and currency: What chips are worth the most in what context, and
how is public identity selected and displayed to others on this basis? (pp. 6263)
In my experience in working with multicultural groups, the issue of context and currency is usually
prevalent. It is a competitive process to give precedence of oppression to one group, with little room
for recognition of multiple kinds of oppressive experiences.
Conflicts and disconnections occur in groups when the emotions related to power, authority, and
leadership bump up against one another or collide without group members recognition or cognitive
understanding of what is happening. Many experience the disconnect as it occurs but are unable to
label or acknowledge it in a manner that makes sense. When the subtle meanings ascribed to
comments and behaviorswhether intended or notare negative, the consequence can be
withdrawal or conflict (Tsui, 1997). These interactions could be described as racial, ethnic, and

cultural microaggressions. Sue et al. (2007) define racial microaggressions as

brief and commonplace daily verbal, behavioral, or environmental indignities, whether
intentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory, or negative racial slights and
insults toward people of color [or cultural groups]. Perpetrators of microaggressions are often
unaware that they engage in such communications when they interact with racial/ethnic [or
cultural] minorities. (p. 271)
Racial and cultural microaggressions are often the results of individuals perceptions, hidden
assumptions, stereotypes, and attitudes about the social roles expected for members of different
racial, ethnic, and cultural groups. In multicultural groups the roles taken by members and the leader
may not fit what some members have seen and experienced in the past. For some members who have
had little exposure to multicultural environments, a form of cognitive dissonance may occur. Making
sense and meaning of an experience sometimes requires exposure to additional voices, knowledge,
alternative considerations, and opinions. When group members are in an environment that provides
opportunities for more freedom of expression of both positive and negative thoughts and feelings,
risks are taken, anxiety rises, and learning occurs. Groups can be safe spaces for members to be
curious, ask questions, and challenge, confront, and test interpretations about dynamic processes as
they occur from a spectrum of levels: interpersonal, group, intergroup, group as a whole.

Strategies for Working With Racial and Cultural Dynamics

The A. K. Rice Institute for the Study of Social Systems (2003), the national organization responsible
for bringing the group relations model to the United States in the 1960s, deems a number of
competencies important for leaders working with groups and organizations. Those that are most
relevant to working with multicultural groups are as follows:
The capacity to maintain task and role boundaries in the face of positive or negative responses
from others
The courage to speak what is felt to be unspeakable in the particular work context as long as it
relates to the task of the group at hand
The ability to reflect on and express ones internal experience rather than acting on it
An understanding of how elements of ones own identity and history affect ones work as well
as call forth particular fantasies and projections from others in the context of groups
The ability to recognize that individuals carry or express some aspect of the experience of
the group as a wholefor example, scapegoating and rescuing
An understanding that the exercise of leadership and representation affects, and is affected by,
group and intergroup dynamics
An understanding of how group and organizational dynamics are reflections of the larger
sociopolitical context
Each of these competencies requires a certain level of awareness and curiosity about self and others
in a sociopolitical context: a capacity to do internal work, an ability to focus on task and maintain

boundaries, an ability to hold the group in mind as an entity with its own characteristics, and the
courage to speak the unspeakable. Thus, group leaders who work with multicultural groups must be
willing to state observations that may sound politically incorrectotherwise, the unspoken topic will
become the elephant in the room, something that everybody sees but pretends is not there. Below, I
provide some examples from small groups at weekend conferences. These vignettes are taken from
transcripts of my research and have been edited to demonstrate some of the racial and cultural
dynamics that occur in groups.

Here-and-Now Experience of Differences

In this small group, the members talked about differences outside the group, with no mention of their
current experience in their group that was racially and culturally diverse. The group consultant asked,
How could this discussion be brought to your experience here, now, in this group? An African
American man spoke of his fears of being attacked in other group situations, so he came prepared to
do battle in the current group:
Being an African American, Im generally accustomed to being attacked and having others
consider my thoughts as being out of line. As I sit here my heart is racing because I have to be
ready to fend off whatever is going to come at me next. Im ready to do battle. I was talking
about this with a friend this morning. It sucks to always be this tough warrior and its exhausting.
I wish I could show people that I can be weak. I wish I could show people that I have a heart.
Im afraid Ill be destroyed. Because being a Black male, I feel as though Ive spent my entire
life experience carrying negative projections. So to a certain extent, I have to be rugged in order
not to collapse. But thats not all of who I am.
Another African American man, who was older, stated that for himself he was more concerned about
aging and how others in the group might see him as fragile. His warrior days were over, and now he
felt more vulnerable. While the older man was dealing with the loss of virility, the younger one was
speaking of his need to be constantly on guard when engaged in predominantly White groups. His
defense, his struggle for survival against the negative perceptions, acted to reinforce perceptions of
him as the cautious, angry, hostile Black male other. A White male member spoke about his
experience of being gay:
I dressed with a sort of unusual attention this morning. I was like, How am I going to be a
militant faggot? I put on seven different things only to put on the thing that I was originally going
to put on. I think there is a silent homosexual subgroup in here and nobody is talking about it.
The initial intervention allowed three different subgroups to emerge, based in race, age, and sexual
orientation. When salient identities are acknowledged, they become available for discussion. The gay
member learned that he was not the only gay person in the group and that he could talk openly about
his experience. The two African Americans were able to share experiences of how they are

perceived as Black men and received feedback about other members perceptions. The leader then
intervened, saying, I wonder what you have to suffer to get in here? It feels like competition to prove
who has the biggest wound.
The group members unconsciously identified currency as competition, related to outsider status of
race, age, and sexual orientation. While the young African American man seemed to have currency in
his role of victimization due to negative stereotypes and projections about Black men in society, the
older man claimed the currency of the vulnerability of aging, and the gay man claimed the currency of
discrimination against homosexuality. The group spent time on each issue and explored some of the
members assumptions. While risky and at times tense, the discussion provided an openness that
allowed members to explore differences and competition, and to recognize that these issues could not
be resolved during the groups time together. So there was some agreeing to disagree as a way of
managing the tension. It is often the case that White group members are cautious about broaching the
subject of race; doing so can bring up feelings of guilt and shame that make the group feel stuck and
threaten group survival.
The issue of representation by race, sexual orientation, age, and gender in relationship to authority,
power, and leadership is another aspect of this groups experience. The members of groups are
cognizant of whether those in roles of leadership represent their particular social identity groups. The
leader of this group was a White man who had been hired by a gay African American man to work
with the group. When group members see their own social identities represented by those with
authority, it seems to give them personal authority to take up roles of leadership or give them stronger
voices in the group. The members were able to connect with the multiple identities of the gay African
American male in charge, given their own fantasies, personal needs, and desires. The group leader in
this instance spoke the unspeakable about currency and competition in the group. He encouraged
members to speak to internal feelings, which decreases the potential risk of acting on them. He also
demonstrated an understanding that each of these members represented certain aspects of the group in
terms of intergroup dynamics.
Sometimes women in groups have a valence for working to keep the group feeling safe or for taking
up stereotypical gender roles. In a small experiential group of students in a class, a Muslim woman
and a Jewish woman who had experienced some tensions between them began to talk about their
cultural differences. Another woman in the group quickly intervened and was joined by other women
discussing other differences that existed in the group, taking the focus away from the work the Jewish
and Muslim women were about to embark on. The consultant to the group asked, I wonder if the
Jewish/Muslim differences are too hot for exploration in this group. What are some of the fears of
what might happen if the conversation between these two members continued? At the time, Israeli
Palestinian conflict was on the front pages of the daily newspapers. Brazaitis (2004) notes that
White women take on the role of being fragile or emotionally sensitive in groups. They are the
ones who cry. White womens historical legacy is that of delicateness and fragility. I have yet to
be a participant in a Group Relations conference as a staff or member when a White woman did
not burst into tears, silently weep, or leave the room wiping her eyes in the middle of a group
session. (p. 105)

Representation
I have also found that there is power in numbers. Often when we create groups at group relations
conferences, we distribute the people of color to provide some diversity in all groups, with the hope
that this will enhance the experience of all members. At one conference I had a large number of
members who needed to be divided into seven small groups. I decided to group members by race,
ethnicity, and sexual orientation, using information they had provided on their registration
applications. In one group there was a predominance of Latino members with a Latino consultant. The
Latino members monopolized the first 20 minutes of the session, sharing stories about having their
names changed because their original names were too difficult for either priests or educators to
pronounce:
Alberto: There was a time that I was Albert. And now Im Alberto. I was originally Alberto, then
Albert. When I went away to college, I became Alberto again. It felt good to go back home as
Alberto.
Fernando: I have a story. I was brought up Catholic. And when I was being baptized, my mother was
asked to state my name and she says Fernando. The Catholic priest, who happened to be White, went
into a conference, and said thats not his name. Thats not a real name. So my baptism certificate says
Frederick. Even though thats not my name.
Fernando: These stories are about painful experiences. Whats sort of hidden is the reality of what it
feels like when I change from one side, then to become someone else.
Alberto: So, to be part of that group, we change our name, instead of being Alberto, we become
Albert.
After listening to the Latinos in this discussion for some time, the group leader, who was Latino,
commented: What is the message the Latinos are sending to other members in this group and why is
there no space for other voices? Perhaps the Latinos in this group now have the power to change the
course of things? The group leader recognized that individuals carry and express some aspects of the
group as a whole. He was also aware that his ethnic identity may have helped the Latino members
feel empowered to speak to their experiences, letting others know what they have done to belong.
The issues of power differences, boundaries, affective expression, cognitive formations, and
leadership are all at play in these examples. The basic assumption groups are also visible. In the first
group, the members initially took flight to discuss issues of differences outside the group; when the
group leader brought their attention to this, the members began to focus on the here and now of their
experience in the group. In the second example, the group used Alberto and Fernando as a basic
assumption pair to give birth to the Latino voice and experience in the group. The number of Latinos
and the presence of a Latino leader were instrumental in allowing them this opportunity. One of the
Latino members commented after the group that he had rarely been in a work or educational situation
where Latinos were the dominant group. He felt a sense of empowerment and freedom to speak his
mind that he had not experienced before.
The young African American man entered a group in which most of the members were White. His

perception of his role in the group was one of less power and authority; he must stand strong, hold his
own. How much of his position was based on the reality of this group and how much was a
consequence of his living in an environment where he is constantly perceived as a threat? In the
predominantly Latino group, the power to control the topic was taken up and later owned as most
memorable by one of the members. There is power in numbers, and experiencing this can be
empowering for the members of any disenfranchised group who are most often in the minority.

Conclusion
In this chapter I have provided an overview of the group relations model of working with groups and
how this model has been adapted to train counselors, psychologists, and other mental health
professionals to work with different types of groups. This experiential model based on
psychoanalytic and systems theories provides unique opportunities for students to learn through
experience. While this form of learning is intense and at times difficult, it has proven to be immensely
valuable to most students who have participated. This approach to group work promotes an
understanding of the dynamic interplay of different perspectives of authority and leadership in
interpersonal, group, and intergroup relations while at the same time exploring conscious and
unconscious processes that affect interactions within and across social identity differences.

Critical Incident
Alice is a 25-year-old second-generation Chinese woman who has been educated in the United
States. Her parents moved here long before she was born; in fact, they met and were married in a
northeastern state. Alice is the older of two children and has attended top schools. She is highly
intelligent and competitive, and she held a number of leadership roles in high school and college.
Alice attended a weekend group relations conference and was assigned to a small group in which she
was the only Asian. At first this was not an issue, since she had become used to this pattern in the
schools she had attended. The group was to meet for four 1-hour sessions over the weekend. Other
small groups were occurring simultaneously, and Alice was engaged in a number of other events
during the weekend.
During the second session Alice told the group that she had been a member in other groups that talked
about racial and cultural differences. She noted that she was often the leader in these groups and was
able to demonstrate her leadership ability, stating that she was good at delegating and getting people
to follow her command. She told the members that when she is in a culturally mixed group where she
is the minority, she gets frustrated. She found herself falling into the stereotypical Asian female role
of being quiet and submissive. She could not identify anything that anyone had done to her. She was
perplexed about how she had fallen into that role.

Discussion Questions
1. What are some of the racial and cultural dynamics that Alice may be experiencing in the group?
2. Why do you think Alice has been pulled into this particular role?

3. What competencies would the leader need to help the group explore this issue?
4. Can you think of other situations that might occur in counseling and psychotherapy groups where
members from different backgrounds might take up stereotypical roles related to their race,
ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, social class, or age?

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Index
Acculturation
acculturative stress, 8485, 130, 390
adaptation outcomes, 385386
American Indians and Alaskan Natives, 103
Asian Americans, 128129, 467468
assimilation, 103, 330, 384
bidimensional models of, 384385
contextual level of, 386389, 387 (figure), 389 (table)
counseling strategies, 396398
definition of, 84, 383384
ecological model of, 386396, 387 (figure), 397
family, role of, 391393
individual level of, 386, 387 (figure), 393396, 396 (table)
integration, 103, 330, 385
Latino/as, 174175
marginalization, 103, 385
measure in substance abuse assessment, 506
relational level, 386, 387 (figure), 390393, 392 (table)
separation, 103, 384
social support/networks, 390391
treatment outcomes and, 8586
well-being and, 85
See also Marginalization
Adams, C., 481
Additive approach to oppression, 218
ADDRESSING assessment framework, 61
Adolescents. See Children and adolescents
Adrian, G., 146, 147
African Americans
achievement gaps, student, 249250, 251252
African consciousness, 147148
challenges in cross-cultural counseling, 146147
collectivism of, 155156
colonialism, adaptations to, 150151
counseling approaches, 144, 152, 154156, 465466
demographical information, 144145, 465
family, 155, 465466
gender discrimination, 216218
historical background, 145146, 465
identity development, 147151
integration, effects of, xiv

mental health issues, 151154

physical health, 415416, 417418
racial discrimination, 82, 145146, 149150, 154, 216218
racio-ethnic culture, xv, 8384
Shamanism, 2122
spiritual/religious influences, 148149, 483484
substance abuse, 515
traumatic experiences, 149150
well-being, counseling strategies for, 448
gisdttir, S., 56
Airhihenbuwa, C. O., 22
Ajamu, A., 483
A. K. Rice Institute for the Study of Social Systems, 531
Alabi, D., 153
Alcohol, Smoking and Substance Involvement Screening Test (ASSIST), 506
Alcoholism. See Substance abuse
Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test (AUDIT), 505506
Ali, A., 375
American Counseling Association, xiv, 238
American Indians and Alaska Natives
acculturation, 103, 108
communication styles, 107, 502
counseling approaches, 109112, 445446, 463465
counseling considerations, 113114
counselor multicultural competence, 78, 102, 103, 105107, 463465
family, 110111, 463465
gender roles, 111, 221222
healing practices, 2122, 102, 106, 112113
Shamanism, 2122
sociopolitical history of, 103105, 464, 503504
spirituality/religion, 484485
tribal rituals, 104105, 112113
well-being, counseling strategies for, 445446, 449
worldviews and values, 108109, 502503
American Personnel and Guidance Association, xiv
American Psychiatric Association, 63, 276
American Psychological Association (APA), 35, 218, 231, 238, 239, 248, 462, 463
American School Counselor Association (ASCA), 253
Anderson, S. R., 486
Anti-oppression advocacy, 375
Aosved, A. C., 214
APA Handbook of Psychology, Religion, and Spirituality (Pargament), 481
APA Task Force on Appropriate Therapeutic Responses to Sexual Orientation, 284
Appio, L., 374, 375
Arabs and Muslims

acculturation, 188189, 194195

collectivist culture of, 199
counselor and client matching, 193194
counselor competencies, 194195
culturanalysis approach, 197198
discrimination and health effects, 420421
family systems, 189, 191, 196
indirect therapies, 198199
Islamophobia, 488489
language/communication styles of, 194, 198199
mental health assessment, 192193, 194195
political history, 187188
psychosocial development, 190191
psychotherapy process with, 195196
PTSD and, 193
religion, 185188, 196
sexuality, 187
Shariaa laws, 187
transference and countertransference, 196197
Aroian, K., 420
Arora, A. K., 175
Arredondo, P., 78
Arthur, N., 28, 32
Asian Americans
acculturation, 128129, 467468
attitudes toward mental health services, 129130
as collectivist culture, 2022, 23
communication styles, 125126
counseling considerations, 135136, 467468
cross-cultural competencies of counselor, 131134, 467
cultural congruence model of counseling, 136137
demographical information, 466467
family, 123124, 126128, 466468
gays/lesbians, 222
gender roles, 124, 127, 221222
mental health issues, 130131
personality characteristics, 122124
racialization and racism, 132133
racial match and treatment outcomes, 134135, 137n1
research trends on, 121122
shame/loss of face, 124125
spiritual/religious support, 131, 484
substance abuse, 515
traditional healing methods, 132
well-being, counseling strategies for, 447

worldviews, 122124, 442

Assessments/appraisals
bias, 59
equivalence, 5658
general considerations, 52
of human values, 6768
isomorphism, 53
knowledge-based, 6468
mixed methods and models, 6163, 62 (figure)
multicultural assessment-intervention process (MAIP), 6162, 62 (figure)
multicultural assessment procedure (MAP), 6263
NEO Personality InventoryRevised, 56, 66
neuropsychological, 6364
preliminary assessments, 54
qualitative approach to, 5960
quantitative approach to, 5558
of spiritual beliefs, 488
Assimilation. See Acculturation
Association for Spiritual, Ethical, and Religious Values in Counseling, 487
Atkinson, D. R., 176
Austin, R., 79
Autonomy, 443444
Ayurvedic therapy, 20
Bailey, J. M., 215
Bain, A., 529
Bales, R. F., 460
Baolin, D., 468
Beggs, B., 64
Behavior, cultural expectations of, 2325, 23 (table), 3334
Bennett, R., 111
Bennett, S., 107
Benson, P., 422
Bernak, F., 329, 337
Bernal, G., 126, 337, 463
Berry, J. W., 19, 384, 385, 461
Betancourt, J. R., 421
Bhadha, B. R., 391
Bias (in assessment), 56
BigFoot-Sipes, D., 107
Bion, W. R., 524, 529
Black Bear, T., 111
Bly, Robert, 487
Boesch, Ernest, 52
Bohart, A. C., 37

Bonilla, K., 337

Bonilla-Silva, E., 147
Bordin, E. S., 36
Borodowsky, L., 37
Boyd-Franklin, N., 484
Bratini, L., 375
Brave Heart, M. Y. H., 104
Bresler, D., 199
Brislin, R., 34, 58
Bronfenbrenner, U., 168, 386
Brown, K., 261
Brown, S. P., 78
Buddhist therapy, 21
Bullying, 250251
Burke, L. A., 153
Burris, M. A., 375
Calf Looking, P. E., 105
California Brief Multicultural Competence Scale (CBMCS), 61
Canada
indigenous peoples, treatment of, 104105
regional cultural variations, 57
Career counseling of international students, 310313
Carlson, J., 37, 328, 444
Carnes, T., 484
Carr, S. C., 60
Carrillo, J. E., 421
Casas, J. M., 170
Castillo, R. J., 61
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 348
Chalifoux, B., 374
Chang, D., 136
Changing the Odds (Pelavin & Kane), 261
Charles, C., 337
Chi, 21
Children and adolescents
acculturation levels, effect of, 8485, 392, 394
Arabs, 190191
Asian Americans, 128, 131
bullying, 250251
educational achievement gaps, 249250, 261262
gender and sexuality, 219220, 221
mental health disparities among minorities, 248249
student-adult relationships, impact of, 260261
Chinese culture

familistic collectivism, 15, 23

interpersonal relatedness, 135
social orientation, 1517
therapies of, 21, 23
See also Asian Americans
Cho, Y., 134
Choe, J., 468
Christian, A., 38
Chung, R. C.-Y., 337
Chung, R. H., 127
Civil rights movement, xiv, 217
Clairmont, J., 106
Classism, 218220
Classism and Feminist Therapy (Hill & Rothblum), 370
Client outcomes. See Outcomes, client
Clinical Versus Statistical Prediction (Meehl), 55
Coates, T., 282
Cocreated interventions, 375
Cognitive-Behavioral Intervention for Trauma in Schools, 248249
Cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT)
cultural adaptations to, 89
evidence-based treatments and, 3839, 423424
with Native clients, 110
Cohen, D., 57
Colby, S. M., 425
Cole, M., 60
Collectivism
in African American culture, 155156
Arabs and Muslims and, 199
in Asian American culture, 2022
human values, 68, 439440
non-Western therapies and, 2022
vs. individualism, 4142
well-being and, 439444
Collins, S., 32
Colmant, S., 113
Color-blindness, 147
The Color of Wealth (Lui, Leondar-Wright, Brewer, & Adamson), 370
Comas-Daz, L., 169, 172
Communication styles. See Language/communication
Competence, counselor, 6465, 7781
See also Multicultural competencies; specific ethnic/racial subject headings
Complementarity, 44
Conceptual (Construct) equivalence, 5657
Confucianism, 23, 467

Conner, A., 67
Construct bias, 59
Consultation approach, school counseling, 257259
Conversion therapy, 284
Conwell, Y., 153
Cook, D. A., 105, 146
Council for the Accreditation of Counseling and Related Educational Programs, 248
Counseling, purposes of, 3132, 238
Countertransference, 196197
Cox, R. S., 352
Crethar, H. C., 37, 328, 444
Cross, T. B., 527
Cross, W. E., Jr., 527
Cross-cultural counseling
with African Americans, 146147
alignment and adaptation to clients, 8890
with American indigenous peoples, 105107
with Asian Americans, 131134
gender and sexual orientation implications, 222223, 279286
of immigrants, 335339
of international students, 301303, 313318
with Latino/as, 170, 171 (figure), 172174
school counseling approaches, 255262
See also Multicultural competencies; Multicultural perspectives in counseling
Cultural adaptations, 8890
Cultural awareness, 1920, 2627, 32, 7779, 105107
Cultural competence. See Multicultural competencies
Cultural dimensions, Hofstedes, 4143, 67
Cultural empathy, 301
Cultural encapsulation, 146
Cultural intelligence, 56
Culturally Informed Functional Assessment (CIFA), 3839
Cultural psychology, 437440
Cultural recovery programs, 105
Cultural sensitivity, 462463
Culturanalysis, 197198
Culture, components of, 3334, 438, 501, 530
Culture-infused counseling, 32
Culture-oriented perspectives in counseling
evidence-based treatments, effects on, 35
goals and outcomes, 23
influences on psychotherapy, 2627
well-being and health counseling, 438440
Culture shock, 306308, 315
Culture teachers, 1, 17, 18 (table)

Daibo, I., 15
Dana, R. H., 57, 61
Darlington, J. D., 353
Das, A. K., 153
Dasen, P. R., 19
das Nair, R., 275
Davenport, D. S., 238
Davies, D., 258
Day-Vines, N. L., 133, 257
DeBruyn, L., 104
Defense mechanisms, 524, 529
Der-Karabetian, A., 57
Development theories, 168169, 190
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (APA), 193, 276, 508
Diamond, L. M., 274
Diener, E., 441
Disaster mental health care
barriers/challenges for, 359361
characteristics of services, 355356
crisis teams, 363365
goals of, 354355
Inter-Agency Standing Committee guidelines, 361362
postdisaster interventions, 356359
predisaster community connections, 356
psychological first aid, 359
See also Disaster victims
Disaster victims
community reactions, 352, 360361
cultural context of effects, 353354, 360361
individual reactions, 350351
phases of disasters, 349350
types of disasters, 348
Discrimination
employment, 216
female athletes, 217
gender inequality, 211214
in health care system, 418420
against immigrants, 237, 332334
transphobia, 214216
See also Racism
Diverse populations
identities, intersectionality of, 283285
and inclusive cultural empathy, 1314
and mental health disparities, 248
support and management of, 387389

Dixon, D. N., 131

Domenech Rodrguez, M. M., 126, 463
Donovan, D. M., 510
Draguns, J. G., 337
DREAM Act, 333
Drinker Inventory of Consequences (DrInC) measure, 505506
Drug use. See Substance abuse
Duarte-Velez, Y., 337
Duncan, C. F., 258
Duran, B., 104
Duran, E., 104, 112
Dykema, S., 374, 376
Eastern psychology vs. Western psychology, 1517, 22
Ecological culture, xiv, 444445
Ecological model of acculturation, 386396, 387 (figure), 397
See also Acculturation
Ecology of human development theory, 168169
Economic status. See Poverty; Social class
Education
achievement gaps, 249250, 251252
college access disparities, 250, 261262
drop-out disparities, 250
English language learners, 252
immigrants and, 332
peer victimization in school, 250251
See also School counselors
Ehntholt, K. A., 338
Ehrensaft, E., 398
Elliott, R., 37
Ellis, Albert, 480
Embedded intergroup relations theory, 530531
Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 482
Emotional intelligence, 56
Empathy, 1314, 1819, 3637
See also Inclusive cultural empathy (ICE)
Empathy, cultural, 2, 78
See also Inclusive cultural empathy (ICE)
Empirically supported treatments, 316317
Empowerment-based counseling, 256257
Engels, F., 458
English language learners (ELL), 252
Enigmatic other, concept of, 5253
Environment and person, theory of, 167169
Epidemiological Catchment Area (ECA) studies, 152

Equivalence, types of, 5658

Erikson, E. H., 190
Espin, O. M., 274
Ethical considerations
codes of ethics, knowledge of, 239240
conversion therapy, 284
counselor multicultural competence, 77
race discrimination issues, 146147
for school counselors, 253255, 255 (table)
Ethical Principals of Psychologists and Code of Conduct (APA), 147
Ethical Standards for School Counselors (ASCA), 253
Ethnic identity. See Identity
Ethnocentrism, 1415
Etics, 123
Eubanks, R., 146, 147
Evidence-based treatments (EBTs)
cognitive-behavioral techniques, 3839, 423424
community-based programs, 427428
and cultural adaptations, 35, 126
effectiveness of, 35, 3940
motivational interviewing, 424425, 425427 (box)
skills identification model (SIM), 39
Fadiman, Anne, 53
Faiver, C. M., 489
Family
acculturation and, 391393
adaptations of, 459460
African American, 155, 465466
American Indian and Alaska Native, 110111, 463465
Arab and Muslim, 189, 191, 196
Asian American, 15, 123124, 466468
developmental model of change, 460461
functions of, 461462
immigrants and, 331332, 338
Latino/a, 468470
multicultural counseling strategies, 462470
types/structures of, 458459
Family Almost Perfect Scale (FAPS), 127128
Farrakhan, Louis, 487
Farver, J. M., 391
Fausto-Sterling, A., 274
Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), 355
Feisthamel, K. P., 152, 154
Feller, R. W., 251

Feminist activism, 220

Feminist multicultural psychology, 218
Feminist Theory (hooks), 229
Fernando, S., 152
Fetzer, J. S., 237
Finch, C., 148
Firehammer, J., 104
Fisek, G. O., 191
Ford, D. Y., 260
Foreign students. See International students
Fothergill, A. E., 353
Fox, Matthew, 477, 487
Frame, M. W., 481, 487
Freud, Sigmund, 7, 190, 480
Full-score comparability, 58
Gallardo, M. E., 39
Gamoran, A., 261
Gamst, G. C., 57
Garrett, J. T., 111, 112
Garrett, M. T., 107, 111, 112
Gay, Lesbian & Straight Education Network, 251
Gays/lesbians. See Gender and sexuality; Homosexuality
Geertz, Clifford, 17, 438, 501
Gender and sexuality
in American indigenous cultures, 111
in Arab and Muslim cultures, 187
in Asian American cultures, 124
child development and, 219220, 221
class/economic status, effects of, 218220
counseling implications, 222223, 279287
employment discrimination, 218219
femininity/masculinity, 213214, 278279, 282
feminist theories on multiple discrimination, 218
gender expectations, 213, 278279
gender privilege, 214216
heteronormativity and heterosexism, 220222, 273274, 277279
racism and gender discrimination, 216218
self-identification, 275
sexism and male privilege, 211214, 219, 278
sexual identity, 274276
social class and, 370
spirituality/religion and, 485487
terminology of gender-related concepts, 209211, 278, 289n1
transphobia, 214216

See also Homosexuality; Sexism; Sexual identity; Transgender

Genograms, 505
The Geography of Thought (Nisbett), 126
Georgas, J., 461
Gerstein, L. H., 56
Gibbs, J. T., 257, 258
Gilligan, Carol, 486
Glassgold, J. M., 287
Globalization and cultural adjustments, 34
Goldberger, N. R., 530
Gone, J. P., 105, 107, 113
Gong, Y., 56
Gonzalez, J., 104, 110, 111, 112
Gonzalez-Santin, E., 111
Goodenough, Ward, 459
Goodwin, L., 489
Gould, L., 529
Graham, S., 251
Grandbois, D., 106
Grant, S. K., 176
Grantham, T. C., 260
Green, A. R., 421
Greenberg, L. S., 37
Greene, B., 284, 285, 286
Griner, D., 38
Grothaus, T., 133, 257
Group relations model
experiential learning, 528529
psychoanalytic theory, 524525
systems and context, 526527
See also Organizational and group dynamics
Guidelines on Multicultural Education, Training, Research, Practice, and Organizational
Change for Psychologists (APA), 231, 238
Guterman, D. K., 126
Guttman, M., 112
Hage, S. M., 177
Hall, G. C. N., 35
Hall, J. M., 126, 234
Hambleton, R. K., 58
Hamlet, D., 374, 376
Hannigan, E. C., 261
Hanson, M. J., 481
Hardin, E. E., 123
Hardinge, G. B., 252

Hardy, K. V., 457

Hartmann, W. E., 105
Hawley, E., 256
Hayes, S. A., 110
Healing practices, traditional, 14
African Americans, 148149
American Indians, 2122, 102, 106, 112113
Asian American, 132
immigrant considerations of, 327328
Health care system. See Mental health services, cultural adaptation of; Physical health
Heilbron, C., 112
Heine, S. J., 439
Helms, J. E., 61, 105, 146
Henrich, J., 439
Heppner, P. P., 56
Hernndez, L., 425
Herring, R. D., 111, 113
Heteronormativity and heterosexism
counselors awareness of, 279282
definitions of, 220221
as dominant social norm, 273274, 277279
Hicks, C., 274
Hill, C. L., 62
Hill, Marcia, 370
Hill, P. C., 479
Hipolito-Delgado, C. P., 256
Ho, David, 23
Hodge, D. R., 112
Hofstede, Geert, 34, 41, 43, 56, 67
Hofstede, G. J., 34, 41
Holcomb-McCoy, C., 254
Homophobia, 280, 282
Homosexuality
coming out process, 285286
counseling considerations, 222223, 285287
femininity and masculinity, concepts of, 213214, 278279
and heterosexism, 220221, 273274, 277283
historical context of, 276277
peer victimization, 250251
social class and, 370
spirituality/religion and, 284285
stigma and, 279
transgender inclusion in community, 221222
See also Heteronormativity and heterosexism
Hood, R. W., 479

hooks, bell, 229

Hopkins, P., 486
Hough, E. S., 420
Howard, G. S., 17
Huxley, Aldous, 482
Hwang, K.-K., 15, 23
Hwang, W.-C., 467, 468
Identity
acculturation and, 395396
ethnocultural identity conflict, 396
foreclosed/diffused, 190
gender, 210211
intersectionality of, 283285
perceived racism, 8182
and psychological well-being, 8384, 444
psychosocial development of, 190
racial and ethnic development, 8384, 147151, 188189
sexual, 274276
Identity Continuums, 210
Idle No More movement, 105
Immigrant paradox, 236237, 394
Immigrants
acculturation, 330
adaptation factors, 329330
counseling approaches, 335339
cultural belief systems, 327328
demographics, 324
employment issues, 331
family considerations, 331332, 334335, 338
forced migration/refugees, 323324, 325326
hate crimes against, 333
language barriers, 330331
marginalization of, 234238
myths about, 324325
premigration trauma, 326327
racism and xenophobia barriers, 237, 332334
utilization of mental health services, 328329
See also Acculturation
Imparato, A. J., 370
In a Different Voice (Gilligan), 486
Inclusive cultural empathy (ICE)
features of, 18
importance of, 2
and multicultural counseling, 1920

as therapeutic influence, 37
Indigenous resources
of healing, 14
relational counseling and, 23
therapeutic alternatives, 1517
Individualism
in American counseling, 42
collectivismvs., 4142
human values, 68
well-being and, 439444
in Western society, 1617
Ingersoll, R. E., 489
Institute of Medicine, 359
Intelligence tests, 56
Interactionist perspective of oppression, 218
Inter-Agency Standing Committee, 361
Intercultural counseling, effectiveness of, 45
Internal dialogues (self-talk), 2526
International Comparative Study of Ethno-cultural Youth, 394
International students
academic issues, 308310
career issues, 310313
counseling considerations, 313318
culture shock, 306308, 315, 390
deciding factors for, 305
enrollment trends, 303
learning experiences, 305306
mental health issues, 315
reentry process, 313
International Test Commission, 59
Islam. See Arabs and Muslims
Islamophobia, 488489
Item bias, 59
James, William, 40, 480
Japanese therapies, 21
See also Asian Americans
Jaycox, L. H., 236
Jimnez-Chafey, M. I., 126
Johnson, C., 110
Johnson, D., 110
Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 12
Juang, L. P., 468
Judd, T., 64
Jung, Carl, 480

Kaitibai,., 191, 461

Kaffenberger, C., 260
Kahneman, D., 64
Kalibatseva, Z., 136
Kalyanpur, M., 259
Kane, M. B., 261
Karvonen, S., 418
Kataoka, S. H., 236
Katz, A., 420
Keith, K. D., 43
Kelly, E. W., Jr., 480
Kerka, S., 251
Kessler, R. C., 149
Kim, G., 468
Kim, H., 127
Kinsey, Alfred, 274
Kitayama, S., 41, 67
Kleinman, Arthur, 33, 53, 422, 437
Kluckhohn, C., 43
Knowledge, shared, 34
Knowledge-based assessment
cross-cultural competence, 6465, 7779
of human values, 6768
patterns and categories, 6567
Koenig, H. G., 196
Kohut, Heinz, 37
Koltko-Rivera, M. E., 59
Kopp, R. R., 198
Korean Americans. See Asian Americans
Kulwicki, A., 420
Kumanyika, S. K., 428
Kurtines, W. M., 175
Kwan, K.-L., 56
Kwan, Michelle, 334
Kwong, A., 527
LaDue, R., 113
LaFromboise, T. D., 110, 112
Language/communication
American Indians and Alaska Natives, 107
Arabs and Muslims, 194, 198199
Asian Americans, 125126
assessments, cross-cultural, 58
challenges for immigrants, 330331
international students, proficiency of, 309

in medical/clinical settings, 421423, 422 (table)

metaphor therapy, 198199
nonverbal communication, 502
in substance abuse counseling, 502
Lash, C., 460
Last Real Indians, 105
Latino/as
acculturation, 174175
achievement gaps, student, 249250, 251252
counseling approaches, 176178, 469470
counselor competence, 172174
cross-cultural counseling of, 170, 171 (figure), 172174
cultural diversity of, 165166, 468469
demographical information, 164, 468
economic status, 167
educational factors, 166167
ethnic identity and well-being, 84
family, 468470
perceived racism, 82
racism and discrimination of, 174
religion/spirituality, 485
strengths and resilience of, 175176
substance abuse, 515
and theory of person and environment, 167171
well-being, counseling strategies for, 448449
Laungani, P., 31
Lawrence, W. G., 529
Lawson, K., 153
Lee, C. C., 256
Lee, C. S., 425
Lee, H. B., 126
Lee, R. M., 468
Lee, S.-H., 43, 136
Lee, S. M., 489
Lees, K. E., 375
Leong, F. T. L., 43, 44, 121, 123, 135, 136
Leu, J., 127
Leung, S.-M. A., 56, 58, 59
Lewin, Kurt, 168
Lewis, E., 112
Lewis, T. K., 215
Lewis-Fernandez, R., 437
Li, L. C., 62
Li, V., 374, 376
Liang, C. T. H., 57

Limb, G. E., 112

Linguistic equivalence, 58
Lipps, Theodor, 7
Little, S. G., 126
Liu, J. H., 16
Liu, S. H., 16
Livermore, G. A., 370
Lloyd, A. W., 215
Lobel, Marci, 418
Loewen, J. W., 145
Long, P. J., 214
Lonner, W. J., 56
Lpez, S. R., 425
Lott, Bernice, 373
Luria, A. R., 25
Lustig, D. C., 370
Lykes, M. B., 216
Lynch, E. W., 481
Maestas, E. G., 353
Maestas, M., 56
Male privilege, 211214, 219
Malone, J., 111
Mandlis, L., 210, 215
Mangelson-Stander, E., 111
Mankowski, E. S., 213
Marginalization
counseling considerations, 234, 238240
definition of, 103, 230231
dimensions of, 232233
of female athletes, 217218
health outcomes, effects on, 233234
male privilege, 211214
perspectives of, 231232
of undocumented immigrants, 234238
Markus, H. R., 41, 67
Marlatt, G. A., 510
Marsella, A. J., 34, 58, 60
Martin, K. A., 221
Martn-Bar, I., 287
Matheson, L., 113
Maton, K. I., 213
Matsumoto, D., 59
McCabe, K., 38
McCarthy, E., 146, 147

McCullough, M. E., 479

McCurtis, H. L., 153
McDevitt-Murphy, M. E., 153
McDonald, J. D., 110, 112
McGoldrick, M., 457
McIntosh, Peggy, 83, 146, 211
McLeod, J. D., 213
McRae, M. B., 527
McWhirter, E., 256
McWhirter, J., 110
Measurement unit equivalence, 58
Meehl, P. E., 55
Meleis, A. I., 234
Mental health. See Well-being, client
Mental health services, cultural adaptation of
cultural competence in, 421423, 422 (table)
discrimination in, 419420
effectiveness of, 3738
levels of, 38
Mental illness, ethnic and social factors, 415421
See also Well-being, client
Merta, R., 113
Meta-analytic research methods, 7677, 80
Metaphor therapy, 198199
Method bias, 59
Meyer, O., 134
Mickelson, K. D., 149
Microaggressions, 15, 8182, 279, 334, 530531
Miller, D. T., 17
Miller, E. J., 524
Million Man March, 487
Milner, R. H., 261
Milton, M., 274
Mindfulness meditation, 490
Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI), 56
Minorities, underrepresentation of, 15
Miserandino, M., 40
Mixed-method assessments, 6163, 62 (figure)
Mixed race/ethnicity, 98
Mizock, L., 215
Mohatt, G. V., 110
Moodley, R., 14, 28
Morita therapy, 21, 89
Morris, E. F., 61
Morrison, E. G., 215

Morrissette, P., 105

Motivational enhancement therapy, 510514
Motivational interviewing, 424425, 425427 (box), 511
Muhammed, C. G., 262
Multicultural assessment-intervention process (MAIP), 6162, 62 (figure)
Multicultural assessment procedure (MAP), 6263
Multicultural competencies
in clinical care communication, 421423, 422 (table)
components of, 7781
in family counseling, 462470
of school counselors, 252253, 267272
spiritual competencies, development of, 487488
See also specific ethnic/racial subject headings
Multicultural perspectives in counseling
empirically supported treatments, 316317
in family counseling, 462470
goals and outcomes of, 23, 7677
inclusive cultural empathy and, 1920
influences on psychotherapy, 2627, 462
interpersonal behavior expectations, 2325, 23 (table)
meta-analytic research on, 7677
Multiphase model of psychotherapy (MMP), 335339
Multiracial background, identity choices of, 98
Murdock, G. P., 459
Murray, H. A., 43
Naikan therapy, 21, 89
Napoli, M., 111
Narang, S. K., 391
National Biodefense Science Board, 359
National Center for Children in Poverty, 236
National Comorbidity Survey (NCS), 152
National culture, definition of, xivxv
Native American cultures. See American Indians and Alaska Natives
Natural disasters. See Disaster mental health care; Disaster victims
Neimeyer, R. A., 153
Nell, V., 64
NEO Personality InventoryRevised, 56, 66
Nestor-Baker, N., 251
Neuropsychological assessment, 6364
Neville, H. A., 146
Ngo, V., 468
Nisbett, R. E., 126
No Child Left Behind, 249
Nolan, B., 372

Non-Western perspectives
in health care, 2122
on self, 6667, 441442
values and well-being, 442443
Norcross, J. C., 35, 40
Norenzayan, A., 439
Norsworthy, K. L., 56
Noumair, D., 530
Obama, Barack, 279
Obasi, E. M., 153
OBrien, E. M., 489
ODay, B. L., 370
Officer, L M., 275
Olendzki, B., 424
Olfson, M., 153
Organizational and group dynamics
cultural competencies for leaders, 531534
group relations model, 524529
intergroup, 530531
racial and cultural, 529530
Osipow, S. H., 123
Outcomes, client
acculturation and, 8486
counseling methods and, 76
racial and ethnic matching with counselor, 8688, 133134, 137n1
Owens, T. J., 213
Paniagua, F. A., 63
Pargament, K. I., 196, 479
Parham, T. A., 39, 483
Park, E. R., 421
Park, I. J. K., 468
Parks, S. D., 486
Parsons, T., 460, 461
Participatory action research (PAR), 375
Pedersen, P. B., 15, 28, 37, 173, 306, 328, 444
Peer victimization, 250251
Pelavin, S. H., 261
Peng, C., 124
Perez, L. M., 196
Perry, K.-M. E., 352
Personality traits
acculturation and, 394395
Arabs and Muslims, 191192

Asian Americans, 122124

five-factor model of, 66
Person and environment theory, 167169
Person-in-Culture Interview, 192
Petermann, F., 40
Pew Hispanic Center, 164, 165, 167, 252
Pew Research Center, 97
Pfeiffer, Wolfgang, 36
Physical health
cultural competence in consultation, 421423, 422 (table)
ethnic and social factors, 415421
mental illness and, 415417
mortality, social gradient of, 415
social markers and, 414415
Pichette, E. F., 107
Pinderhughes, E., 146
Pipes, R. B., 238
Plante, T. G., 489, 490
Political countertransference, 333, 334
Ponterotto, J. G., 61, 79
Poortinga, Y. H., 19, 59, 461
Portes, A., 392, 467
Post-traumatic slave syndrome, 149, 337
Poverty
classification of, 371, 372373
counseling considerations, 374376
counselor training issues, 376377
cycle of, 372
health outcomes, effect on, 373
as margin, 230231
physical and mental health, effects on, 417421
social distancing, 373374
See also Social class
Prejudices, overcoming, 37
Professional development of multicultural competence, 7981
Projection, 525
Projective identification, 525
Promise Keepers, 487
Pryzwansky, W. B., 258
Pseudoetics, 123
Psychoanalytic theory, 524525
Psychological first aid, 359
Puig, A., 481, 489
Purcell, I. P., 60

Qualitative methods of assessment, 5960

Quantitative methods
of assessment, 5556
bias, 59
equivalence, types of, 5658
Racial and Ethnic Approaches to Community Health (REACH) initiative, 427428
Racial microaggressions, 15, 8182, 530531
Racio-ethnic culture, xv
Racism
African Americans and, 8182, 146150
Asian Americans and, 130, 132133
color-blindness, 147
effects on well-being, 8183, 149150, 154
and gender discrimination, 216218
Latino/as and, 174
microaggressions, 15, 8182, 279, 334, 530531
perceived, 82
scientific, 1415
white privilege, 146
See also Discrimination
Ramaswamy, V., 420
Rao, S. S., 259
Rape myth, 214
Reed, G. W., 424, 530
Refugees. See Immigrants
Regional culture, xv
Reimers, F. A., 376, 377
Relational counseling, 23
Relationships. See Therapy relationships
Religion. See Spiritual/religious influences
Renfrey, G., 110
Rice, A. K., 524
Ridley, C. R., 37, 62
Rimpela, A. H., 418
Rimpela, M. K., 418
Rioch, M. J., 529
Roberts, J., 153
Robinson, T. L., 212
Rodriguez, J., 486
Rogers, Carl R., 81
Rohr, R., 487
Rokutani, L. J., 252
Romano, J. L., 177
Root, Maria P. P., 98
Rosal, M. C., 424

Rothblum, Esther, 370

Rothenberg, P. S., 239
Rust, P. C., 275
Ryan, C., 110
Ryff, C. D., 443
Salzman, M., 105, 114
Santee, R. G., 15
Scalar equivalence, 58
Schmidt, C. D., 252
School counselors
accreditation standards, 248
consultation approach, 257259
data utilization by, 259260
empowerment-based counseling, 256257
impact on school culture, 260261
multicultural competencies of, 252253, 267272
social-justice framework for, 253255, 255 (table)
strengths-based counseling, 257
See also Education
School culture, 260261
Schwartz, R. C., 152, 154
Schwartz, Shalom, 68
Scientific racism, 1415
Scott, N. E., 37
Scott-Dixon, K., 214
Segall, M. H., 19
Self, concepts of
assessments/appraisals of, 6667
interdependent and independent, 41, 67
non-Western perspectives, 20
twenty statements test (TST), 66
well-being and, 440
Self-determination theory, 443444
Self-esteem, 441442
Self-interest, 17
Self-talk, interpretation of, 2526
Sennott, S., 210
Serano, J., 282
Sexism
benevolent sexism, 220
concept definition, 211212, 278
consequences of, 213214
social constructs of, 212, 278279
in the workplace, 219

See also Heteronormativity and heterosexism

Sexual identity
categorization of, 274276, 289n1, 289n3
historical context of, 276277
religion/spirituality and, 284285
See also Gender and sexuality; Homosexuality
Sexuality. See Gender and sexuality
Sexual orientation, 276
Sexual stigma, 279
Shamanism, 2122
Shame in Asian American culture, 124125
Shared knowledge, 34
Shellman, A., 374, 376
Sheridan, S. M., 258
Sherrard, P. A. D., 489
Shin, R. Q., 275
Short, E. L., 527
Shults, J., 428
Silva, L., 444
Simms, W., 112
Simning, A., 153
Skinner, B. F., 480
Smith, Huston, 482
Smith, L., 372, 374, 375, 376
Smith, L. C., 275
Smith, P. A., 338
Smith, P. B., 65
Smith, T. B., 38, 210, 444
Social axioms, 60, 65
Social class
definitions of class structure, 369372
gender and, 370
physical health and, 414415
poverty, cycle of, 372373
race and, 370
sexual orientation and, 370
See also Poverty
Social justice counseling, 253255, 255 (table)
Socioeconomic status (SES). See Poverty; Social class
Spanierman, L. B., 146
Spates, K., 153
The Spirit Catches You and You Fall Down (Fadiman), 5354
Spiritual/religious influences
on African Americans, 148149, 483484
on American Indians and Alaska Natives, 112113, 484485

on Arabs/Muslims, 185188
on Asian Americans, 131, 484
counseling approaches/interventions, 488491
counselor competencies, 487488
dimensions/definitions of, 479480
FICA assessment of clients beliefs, 488
gender perspectives, 485487
intersectionality of identities, 283285
on Latino/as, 485
mindfulness-based approaches in treatment, 490
and psychology movements, 480481
sexual identity and, 283285
universal perspectives, 482483
See also Healing practices, traditional
Spitzer, Robert, 284
Splitting, 524525
Stabb, S. D., 376, 377
Stanford Achievement Test (SAT), 250
Stapleton, D. C., 370
Stein, B. D., 236
Stereotypes, 8081
Stevens, P. E., 234
Stevenson, M. R., 287
Strauser, D. R., 370
Street, R. L., 421, 422
Strengths-based counseling, 257, 507509
Strickland, B. R., 279
Structural equivalence, 5758
Substance abuse
African Americans, 515
American indigenous cultures, 111112, 499513, 516
Asian Americans, 515
collateral assessment, 507
communications in therapeutic relationships, 502
cultural considerations in counseling, 514517, 516 (table)
effectiveness of treatment options, 500501
Latino/as, 515
motivational enhancement therapy, 510514
motivation to change, 509
multicultural assessments, 504506
sociopolitical contexts, considerations of, 503504
spirituality and psychotherapy integration for treatment of, 490
stages of acceptance of treatment, 509510
strengths-based assessment, 507509
values-focused issues, 502503

Sue, David, 4, 26, 128, 468

Sue, Stanley, 27, 128, 464
Sufism, 21
Sundberg, Norman, 4
Supporting Healthy Activity and Eating Right Everyday (SHARE), 428
Suro, R., 237
Systems and context in group relations, 526527
Szapocznik, J., 175
Takeuchi, D., 127
Talking about a significant object (TASO) technique, 192
Tanaka-Matsumi, J., 38
Tart, C. T., 27
Tatar, M., 397
Tavistock Institute, 524
Teal, C. R., 421, 422
Templin, T. N., 420
Theory of person and environment, 167169
Theory of the ecology of human development, 168169
Therapeutic alliance, 3536, 78
Therapy relationships
complementarity, utilization of, 44
cultural barriers, 36
inclusive cultural empathy and, 1819, 3637
prejudices, overcoming, 37
race and ethnic identity, dialogues about, 8284
racial and ethnic matching, 8688
therapeutic alliance, 3536
trust in, 7576, 103
Thomas, S., 275
Thompson, C. E., 146, 176
Thornton, R., 109
Timimi, S. B., 190
Timm, J., 337
Tjosvold, D., 124
Toporek, R., 78
Tousignant, M., 398
Training programs for multicultural competence, 7981
Transference, 36, 196197
Transformed psychotherapeutic practices, 375
Transgender
definition of, 210211
inclusion in LGB community, 221222
transphobia, 214216
Transphobia, 214216

Traumatic experiences
African Americans, 149150
American Indians, 103105
community reactions to, 352
individual reactions to, 350351
of minority children, 248249
premigration trauma, 326327
Triad training model (TTM), 2526
Triandis, Harry, 42
Trimble, J. E., 39, 105, 110, 113
Trust, 7576, 103
Turner, S. M., 258
Turquet, P. M., 529
Udipi, S., 37
Ulane v. Eastern, 215
United Nations Environment Programme, 325
United States
demographical information, 9798
regional cultural patterns, 57
Universal culture, xiv, 4344
U.S. Census Bureau, 97, 98, 164, 167
U.S. Department of Education, 250
U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 235
U.S. Department of Labor, 236
Utsey, S. O., 146, 147
Values, culturally defined, 6768, 439440, 502503
Values Survey, 68
Vandello, J. A., 57
van de Vijver, F. J. R., 38, 56, 58, 59, 461
Vasquez, M. J. T., 170
Veroff, J. B., 530
Vischer, Robert, 7
Vygotsky, L. S., 25
Wadden, T. A., 428
Walker, R. L., 153
Walton, E., 127
Wampold, B. E., 35, 40
Wang, C., 375
Wang, K. T., 127
Watson, J. C., 37
Weaver, Jim Ironlegs, 101
Weiss, J. T., 221

Weissman, M. M., 153

Well-being, client
acculturation levels, 85
African Americans, counseling approaches for, 448
American Indians and Alaska Natives, counseling approaches for, 445446, 449
Asian Americans, counseling approaches for, 447
culture-centered health counseling, 438449
ecological context, 444445
intersectionality and, 449450
Latino/as, counseling approaches for, 448449
racial and ethnic identity and, 8186, 444
and self, nature of, 440
self-determination theory, 443444
self-esteem and, 441442
subjective, 440443
universalist assumptions, 437438, 450
and values, culturally defined, 439440
Wells, L., 526, 527
West, P., 418
West, W., 14, 28
Western perspectives
on self, 6667
vs. Eastern perspectives, 1517, 22
Whelan, C. T., 372
White, J. L., 483
White privilege, 83, 146, 239
Whiting, G. W., 260
Wijngaarden, E., 153
Williams, D. R., 149
Williams, J. L., 153
WISEWOMAN interventions, 424
Women. See Gender and sexuality
Womens National Basketball Association, 217218
Wood, S., 257
Wood, S. M., 133
Woodard, Colin, 57
Woodis, W., 112
World Health Organization, 338, 413, 506
Worldviews, 5960
American Indians and Alaska Natives, 108109
Asian Americans, 122124
well-being and, 440444
Worthington, R. L., 146
Wu, K. A., 175

Xenophobia, 332333
Yang, F., 484
Yang, K.-S., 15, 16
Yeh, C. J., 39, 175
Yellow Horse-Davis, S., 104
Yin/yang, 21
Yip, A. K. T., 285
Yoga, 21
Young, A., 260
Yule, W., 338
Yurkovich, E. E., 106
Zane, N., 134
Zeldow, P. B., 39
Zen Buddhism, 21
Zenisky, A. L., 58
Zhang, N., 131
Zulu, 148149

About the Editors

Paul B. Pedersen
is Visiting Professor in the Department of Psychology at the University of Hawaii and Professor
Emeritus from Syracuse University. He has taught at the University of Minnesota, Syracuse
University, University of Alabama at Birmingham, and, for 6 years, at universities in Taiwan,
Malaysia, and Indonesia. He was also on the Summer School Faculty at Harvard University,
19841988, and the University of PittsburghSemester at Sea voyage around the world, spring
1992. His international experience includes numerous consulting positions in Asia, Australia,
Africa, South America, and Europe and a Senior Fulbright award for teaching at National
Taiwan University, 19992000. He has authored, coauthored, or edited 40 books, 99 articles,
and 72 chapters on aspects of multicultural counseling and international communication. He is a
Fellow in Divisions 9, 17, 45, and 52 of the American Psychological Association. For more
information and a complete curriculum vitae, contact http://soeweb.syr.edu/chs/Pedersen.
Walter J. Lonner
is a charter member, Past President, and Honorary Fellow of the International Association for
Cross-Cultural Psychology (IACCP). As either author or editor, he has been involved with about
40 books that have been central to the field. For 25 years he was coeditor (with John Berry) of
the SAGE book series Cross-Cultural Research and Methodology. He is Founding and Special
Issues Editor of the flagship Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology (inaugurated in 1970) and
Founding Editor of IACCPs Online Readings in Psychology and Culture (founded in 2001).
He has had sabbatical leaves in Germany (as a Fulbright scholar), Mexico, and New Zealand
(twice) and has participated in conferences in more than 30 countries and traveled in many
others. He is the 1993 recipient of the Paul and Ruth Olscamp Outstanding Research Award,
given annually by Western Washington University, where in 1969 he cofounded the Center for
Cross-Cultural Research and where he is currently Professor Emeritus of Psychology. Honoring
his many contributions to the field, in 2004 IACCP inaugurated the biennial Distinguished
Invited Lecturer Series in his name. In 2014 he received the Outstanding International
Psychologist award from Division 52 (International Psychology) of the American Psychological
Association. He is the 2015 recipient of the APA award, Distinguished Contributions to the
International Advancement of Psychology.
Juris G. Draguns
was born in Riga, Latvia. He completed his primary education in his native country, graduated
from high school in Germany, and obtained his undergraduate and graduate degrees in the United
States. He holds a PhD in clinical psychology from the University of Rochester. For 30 years he
was on the faculty of the Pennsylvania State University, where he is now Professor Emeritus of
Psychology. His areas of interest encompass cross-cultural research on personality,
psychopathology, psychotherapy, and counseling as well as on interaction among ethnic and
cultural groups. He has taught and lectured, in six languages, in Australia, Estonia, Germany,
Latvia, Mexico, Sweden, Switzerland, and Taiwan, and has held a visiting appointment at the
East-West Center in Honolulu, Hawaii. He has made presentations at conferences in 24

countries. He was awarded an honorary doctoral degree by the University of Latvia, served as
President of the Society for Cross-Cultural Research, and received the American Psychological
Associations Award for Contributions to the International Advancement of Psychology. The
Penn State College of Liberal Arts bestowed upon him the Emeritus Distinction Award, and the
New York Academy of Sciences chose him as invited speaker for its annual Psychology
Address, on empathy and culture.
Joseph E. Trimble,
PhD, is Distinguished University Professor and Professor of Psychology at Western Washington
University; he is also a Presidents Professor at the Center for Alaska Native Health Research at
the University of Alaska Fairbanks. Throughout his long career, he has focused his efforts on
promoting psychological and sociocultural mental health research with indigenous populations,
especially American Indians and Alaska Natives. He is the editor or author of 19 books and
more than 140 journal articles and chapters and the recipient of 20 fellowships, awards, and
other honors. Among these are the Excellence in Teaching Award and the Paul J. Olscamp
Outstanding Faculty Research Award at Western Washington University; the Distinguished
Psychologist Award from the Washington State Psychological Association; the Peace and Social
Justice Award from the APAs Division on Peace Psychology; the Distinguished Elder Award
from the National Multicultural Conference and Summit; the Henry Tomes Award for
Distinguished Contributions to the Advancement of Ethnic Minority Psychology from the Council
of National Psychological Associations for the Advancement of Ethnic Minority Interests and
APAs Society for the Psychological Study of Ethnic Minority Issues; and the International
Lifetime Achievement Award for Multicultural and Diversity Counseling from the Ontario
Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto. In 2013 he received the national
Elizabeth Hurlock Beckman Award, which is given by the Elizabeth Hurlock Beckman Award
Trust in Atlanta, Georgia, to current or former academic faculty members who have inspired
their former students to create an organization which has demonstrably conferred a benefit on
the community at large. Also in 2013 he received the Frances J. Bonner, MD, Award from
Massachusetts General Hospital. This annual award recognizes an individual who has overcome
adversity and has made significant contributions to the field of mental health and/or the care of
ethnic minority communities.
Mara R. Scharrn-del Ro
is Associate Professor and Program Coordinator of the School Counseling Program in the
Department of School Psychology, Counseling, and Leadership at Brooklyn College City
University of New York. She received her PhD in clinical psychology from the University of
Puerto Rico and completed her clinical internship at Harvard Medical School in Boston. After
moving to New York City, she worked as a child psychologist at the Washington Heights Family
Health Center, a primary care clinic that serves a predominantly Latino/a immigrant community.
She has been an active leader in GLARE (GLBTQ Advocacy in Research and Education) since
she joined the Brooklyn College faculty in 2006. She is committed to the development of
multicultural competencies in counselors, psychologists, and educators using experiential and
affective educational approaches. Her research, scholarship, and advocacy focus on ethnic and
cultural minority psychology and education, including multicultural competencies, LGBTQ
issues, gender variance, mental health disparities, spirituality, resilience, and well-being.

About the Contributors

Frances E. Aboud
is Professor of Psychology at McGill University in Montreal. She has been conducting research
on ethnic identity and prejudice for the past 35 years. In addition to her publications in social
psychology and child development journals, she is the author of Children and Prejudice (1988).
She has also taught courses and studied issues in health psychology, particularly as they apply to
problems of developing countries. After her experience in Ethiopia as a member of the McGillEthiopia Community Health Project, she published Health Psychology in Global Perspective
(1998). More recently, as a scientist associated with the Centre for Health and Population
Research (ICDDR, B) in Bangladesh, she has given courses and conducted research on early
childhood education and feeding in rural Bangladesh. She is currently serving as a consultant to
international organizations evaluating early childhood health and development programs in
Southeast Asia and East Africa.
James Allen,
PhD, is Professor and Head of the Department of Biobehavioral Health and Population
Sciences, University of Minnesota Medical School, Duluth Campus. His research focuses on
American Indian and Alaska Native health, rural community health and health services, and
culture and health. Part of this research includes construct elaboration of well-being, and wellbeing and health counseling and promotion strategies. He is also interested in community-based
participatory research and its role in the development of tribal and community-directed
intervention. His current research tests health, community resilience, and well-being
interventions as prevention efforts to address a broad array of problem areas among youth,
including suicide, substance abuse, metabolic syndrome, and vascular risk.
Kelechi C. Anyanwu
is a doctoral student in counseling psychology at Howard University. Her research interests
include academic success, religious coping, cumulative stress, and historically Black colleges
and universities. She received a BA in psychology with a minor in mass communications from
Winston-Salem State University and an MA in counseling psychology from Bowie State
University. She has served two terms as president of the Howard University Graduate Student
Council, and currently she is the coordinator of the Graduate Student Assembly, an organization
that represents all graduate and professional students at Howard University. She is an active
member of the American Psychological Association and the American Psychological
Association of Graduate Students and a lifetime member of Psi Chi, the international honor
society in psychology. She is also a student representative for the Student Affiliates of Seventeen
as well as an active member of Delta Sigma Theta sorority.
Nancy Arthur
is Professor and Associate Dean Research, Educational Studies in Counseling Psychology,
Werklund School of Education, University of Calgary. Her research and teaching interests
include professional education for multicultural counseling and social justice, international
transitions, and career development. She has provided training and consultation on counseling

and counselor education in Canada as well as in many other countries. She is the author of
Counseling International Students: Clients From Around the World. She has authored and
presented nationally and internationally on the counseling model she developed in collaboration
with Sandra Collins and described in Culture-Infused Counselling, which received a Best Book
Award from the Canadian Counselling and Psychotherapy Association. Her work as coeditor,
with Paul Pedersen, of Case Incidents in Counseling for International Transitions involved
collaboration with more than 60 authors from 12 countries, highlighting the diversity of
theoretical and applied approaches to counseling.
Fred Bemak
is Professor in the College of Education and Human Development and Director of the Diversity
Research and Action Center at George Mason University. He received his masters and doctoral
degrees from the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, and he has held administrative and
faculty appointments at Johns Hopkins University and Ohio State University and faculty
appointments at the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul (Brazil), Universidad
Iberoamericana (Mexico), and University of Queensland (Australia). He directed the University
of Massachusetts Upward Bound program, the Massachusetts Department of Mental Healths
Region I Adolescent Treatment Program, and a National Institute of Mental Healthfunded
training consortium. He has done extensive consultation and training and has presented
throughout the United States and in 55 other countries. His work has focused on cross-cultural
counseling, refugee and immigrant mental health, counseling at-risk youth, and postdisaster
counseling. He was a Fulbright scholar in Brazil, Turkey, and Scotland; World Rehabilitation
Fund International Exchange of Experts Fellow in India; Research Visiting Scholar in Taiwan;
Kellogg International Fellow; and American Psychological Association Visiting Psychologist.
He has published more than 90 book chapters and professional journal articles and has
coauthored five books. In addition, he is the founder of Counselors Without Borders and the
recipient of numerous national and regional awards for his human rights and social justice work.
He is a Fellow in APA Divisions 17 and 52.
Guillermo Bernal,
PhD, is Professor of Psychology at the University of Puerto Rico and Director of the Institute for
Psychological Research. His work has focused on research, training, and the development of
mental health services for ethnocultural groups. His current research is in efficacy trials on
culturally adapted treatments. He was an early contributor to the dialogue on cultural adaptations
of evidence-based treatments. Since 1992, his team has generated evidence on the efficacy of
culturally adapted cognitive-behavioral therapy and interpersonal therapy, carried out
translations and development of instruments, and published on factors associated with
vulnerability to depression. His cultural adaptation framework has served as a guide for many in
the field of psychotherapy research. He is a Fellow in APA Divisions 12, 27, and 45. His most
recent books are Cultural Adaptations: Tools for Evidence-Based Practice With Diverse
Populations, with Melanie M. Domenech Rodrguez, and Estudios de Casos Clnicos (Clinical
Case Studies: Contributions to Psychology in Puerto Rico), with Alfonso Martnez-Taboas.
Beth Boyd,
PhD, is an enrolled member of the Seneca Nation of Indians. She teaches in the clinical

psychology doctoral program at the University of South Dakota, where she is Director of the
Psychological Services Center and a member of the Disaster Mental Health Institute (DMHI).
She has responded to numerous disasters nationally and internationally, working with the
American Red Cross, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, the Indian
Health Service, and the DMHI. She is Past President of the American Psychological
Associations Society for the Psychological Study of Culture, Ethnicity, and Race, and of the
Society of Clinical Psychologys Section on the Clinical Psychology of Ethnic Minorities. She
has served on the Board for the Advancement of Psychology in the Public Interest and on the
Presidential Task Force on PTSD and Trauma in Children and Adolescents, and she is Chair of
the Commission on Ethnic Minority Recruitment, Retention and Training in Psychology II Task
Force.
Melanie E. Brewster,
PhD, Assistant Professor of Psychology and Education at Columbia University. She earned her
doctoral degree from the University of Florida. Her research focuses on marginalized groups
and examines how experiences of discrimination and stigma may influence the mental health of
members of such groups. She also examines potential resilience factors, such as bicultural selfefficacy and cognitive flexibility, that may promote the mental health of minority individuals.
Most of her research has centered on the experiences of members of sexual minority groups;
specifically, she has focused on people who occupy the margins of marginalized populations
(i.e., bisexual individuals, queer people of color, and transgender persons). Her first book,
Atheists in America, was recently published.
A. Pati Cabrera,
PhD, received her doctorate from the Counseling, Clinical, and School Psychology Department
at the University of California, Santa Barbara. She was awarded a university-wide dissertation
fellowship at UCSB to support the completion of her dissertation, which focused on the
characteristics of natural mentoring relationships among high-risk Latino/a youth. She has
published in the areas of Latino/a mental health, Latino/a resilience, and prevention program
development and evaluation. She completed her predoctoral clinical psychology internship at the
Albany Psychology Internship Consortium in the Department of Psychiatry at Albany Medical
College. She began her postdoctoral psychology fellowship in September 2014 at the Infant,
Child, and Adolescent Psychiatry Department at University of California, San Francisco/San
Francisco General Hospital.
J. Manuel Casas,
PhD, received his doctorate from Stanford University in counseling psychology. He is Professor
Emeritus in the Counseling, Clinical, and School Psychology Department at the University of
California, Santa Barbara. He has published extensively in the area of minority mental health
and serves on numerous editorial boards. He is coauthor of the Handbook of Racial/Ethnic
Minority Counseling Research and one of the editors of the three editions of the Handbook of
Multicultural Counseling. His research in this area gives special attention to the resilience
factors that can help Latino/a families avoid or overcome mental health problems. He is a
Fellow in APA Divisions 17 and 45. He has received many honors and awards, including the
California Association of School Psychologists Research Award, the Distinguished

Contributions to Latino Psychologists Award, the National Multicultural Conference and

Summits Distinguished Elders Award, and the 2010 Elder Recognition Award for Distinguished
Contributions to Counseling Psychology.
Rita Chi-Ying Chung
is Professor in the College of Education and Human Development at George Mason University.
She received her PhD in psychology from Victoria University in Wellington, New Zealand. She
has held positions at the World Bank, Johns Hopkins University, Ohio State University, and the
University of California, Los Angeles, where she was a project director for the National
Research Center on Asian American Mental Health. She has done extensive work related to
Asian mental health, immigrant and refugee mental health, and child trafficking. She has more
than 90 professional publications and has consulted, provided training, and given presentations
throughout the world, including in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, Europe, the Pacific Rim, and
Latin America, on cross-cultural mental health. She was invited to present on her work on child
trafficking at the United Nations in New York. She has been the recipient of numerous human
rights and social justice awards for her work, including the American Counseling Association
(ACA) Kitty Cole Human Rights Award and the ACA Gilbert and Kathleen Wren Humanitarian
Award. She was recently awarded the Commonwealth of Virginia State Council of Higher
Education Outstanding Faculty Award and the Commonwealth of Virginia General Assembly
Commendation Award for her social justice and human rights work. She is a Fellow in APA
Divisions 45 and 52.
Melanie M. Domenech Rodrguez,
PhD, is Professor of Psychology at Utah State University. Her scholarship has focused broadly
on research, teaching, practice, and training with diverse populations. In her clinical research
she has contributed evidence of the importance of engaging cultural adaptations of evidencebased interventions. She recently coedited a book on the topic, Cultural Adaptations: Tools for
Evidence-Based Practice With Diverse Populations (2012). She has specific expertise in
Parent Management TrainingOregon (PMT-O), a model program that has been adapted for use
across ethnic and cultural groups internationally. She has also made substantive contributions to
teaching, research, and training in professional ethics. She received her doctoral degree from
Colorado State University (1999) and was a postdoctoral fellow with the Family Research
ConsortiumIII. She is a Fellow of the American Psychological Association.
Dennis M. Donovan,
PhD, a clinical psychologist, is Director of the Alcohol and Drug Abuse Institute and Professor
in the Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences, University of Washington. He has
more than 30 years of experience as a direct service provider, clinical trainer and supervisor,
treatment program administrator, and clinical researcher in the substance abuse field. He has
been involved in a number of community-based studies investigating substance abuse and mental
health issues in urban and reservation American Indian and Alaska Native (AIAN) populations,
including National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholismfunded research focusing on
alcohol abuse in urban AIAN adolescents and women and on statewide treatment among AIAN
individuals. As the Principal Investigator on the current community-based participatory research
project Healing of the Canoe, funded by the National Institute on Minority Health and Health

Disparities, he is working with two tribal communities to culturally adapt, implement, and
evaluate an evidence-based intervention for substance abuse prevention among Native youth,
incorporating the communities culture, traditions, and values into the program.
Melissa Donovick,
PhD, is Assistant Professor in the Counseling Psychology and Human Services Department at the
University of Oregon. She received her doctoral degree in combined clinical, counseling, and
school psychology from Utah State University. She completed her clinical internship at the
University of Southern California, Childrens Hospital Los Angeles, and postdoctoral research
at the University of Southern California focused on Latino/a mental health and cultural
competence. Her research and scholarship are focused on the cultural contexts of family
processes among Latino/a immigrant families. In her current projects, she is evaluating culturally
relevant parenting interventions to prevent child emotional and behavioral problems and
examining Latino/a child mental health and educational outcomes to improve family well-being.
Her clinical interests include multicultural child and family therapy and bilingual psychological
assessment. She is committed to reducing mental health disparities among ethnic and cultural
minority children and families and enhancing multicultural therapy training and development.
Eliza A. Dragowski,
PhD, is Assistant Professor at the Graduate School Psychologist Program in Brooklyn College,
City University of New York. She is interested in issues of social justice in education. Her
research and pedagogy are aimed at exploring and implementing socioemotional supports for
students who are marginalized by structural inequalities.
Marwan Dwairy,
DSc, who is Palestinian, is Professor of Psychology at Oranim Academic College in Israel. He
is a licensed expert and supervisor in three areas: educational, medical, and developmental
psychology. In addition, he is a licensed clinical psychologist. He has served as a professor at
several universities: the graduate program at Nova Southeastern University in Florida; Haifa
University, Israel; and Technion, Israel. He has conducted many cross-cultural research projects
on identity, individuation, parenting, and mental health in Western and Eastern countries. He is
an editorial board member and reviewer for many journals, and he has published several books,
book chapters, and articles on cross-cultural psychology and mental health among Arabs in
which he has presented his models and theories concerning culturally sensitive psychology. His
most recent book is Counseling and Psychotherapy With Arabs and Muslims: A Culturally
Sensitive Approach.
Fatimah El-Jamil,
PhD, is Assistant Professor and Director of the Graduate Clinical Program in the Department of
Psychology at the American University of Beirut in Lebanon. She is a New Yorklicensed
clinical psychologist with a private practice in Beirut. She received her doctoral degree in
clinical psychology from St. Johns University, New York, in 2003. Both her writing and her
clinical work have focused on ways of adapting current psychotherapy models for use within
Arab populations and addressing the challenges of psychological practice in non-Western
countries. She is also exploring culturally relevant ways of handling such challenges during the

psychotherapy process.
Michi Fu,
PhD, is Associate Professor of the Clinical PhD Program of the California School of
Professional Psychology at Alliant International University, where she teaches courses related to
diversity and mental health, advocacy in community psychology, and cultural immersion. She is
also the Statewide Prevention Projects Director for Pacific Clinics, where she manages mental
health programs related to stigma and discrimination reduction. Her current research interests
include Asian American psychology, gender, sexuality, positive psychology, and cross-cultural
issues. Her private practice is focused on providing culturally sensitive mental health services
to Mandarin- and Taiwanese-speaking clients. She also serves as a consultant and provides
workshops to the community to help spread awareness regarding mental health issues. She
maintains a blog (http://asianamericanpsych.blogspot.com) and is the resident contributing
psychologist to the Asian American blog Thick Dumpling Skin
(http://www.thickdumplingskin.com). She enjoys mentoring students and young professionals
and has coauthored multiple publications and presentations.
Mary A. Fukuyama
received her PhD in counseling psychology from Washington State University and has worked at
the University of Florida Counseling and Wellness Center for the past 32 years as a counseling
psychologist, supervisor, and trainer. She is a member of the University of Floridas Center for
Spirituality and Health, where she teaches a graduate seminar on spiritual issues in multicultural
counseling. She has coauthored numerous publications and conference presentations on
multicultural counseling and spiritual themes in counseling. She is coauthor, with Todd D. Sevig,
of Integrating Spirituality Into Multicultural Counseling (1999) and, with Woodrow M.
Parker, Consciousness-Raising: A Primer for Multicultural Counseling (3rd edition, 2007).
She is a Fellow in Division 17 (Counseling Psychology) of the American Psychological
Association.
Keishalee Gmez-Arroyo,
BA, is a doctoral student in the clinical psychology program at the University of Puerto Rico,
Ro Piedras Campus, and a Research Assistant at the Institute for Psychological Research. She
has trained in cognitive-behavioral therapy, hypnosis, and family, couples, and group therapy.
Her work has focused on health psychology research, and she served as coordinator of the
Breast Cancer Research Project for the Management of Secondary Effects of Chemotherapy. She
has also worked as a group therapist in a study treating adolescents with type 1 diabetes and
depression. She is a member of the Family and Couples Therapy Association of the Puerto Rico
Psychological Association and is part of its Health Psychology interest group. Currently, she is
completing her clinical internship at the University of Puerto Rico Medical Schools Department
of Psychiatry. She has coauthored several articles, most recently a paper on the conceptual,
methodological, and ethical issues of cognitive-behavioral therapy plus hypnosis as an
adjunctive therapy for breast cancer patients, published in Revista Salud y Sociedad.
Ileana Gonzalez,
PhD, is Assistant Professor of Counseling and Development at Johns Hopkins University. She

received her doctorate in counselor education from the University of Maryland, College Park.
Prior to her doctoral work, she was a school counselor for Broward County Public Schools in
Florida, working with underserved immigrant populations. She is currently the coordinator for
the School Counseling Fellows Program, an urban-based, social justicefocused training
program. Her research interests include urban school counselor preparation, school counselor
social justice belief systems, and cultural competence in counseling.
John Gonzalez
is a member of the White Earth Anishinaabe Nation and Associate Professor of Psychology at
Bemidji State University. He received his doctorate in clinical psychology from the University
of North Dakota through the support of the Indians into Psychology Doctoral Education
(INPSYDE) Program. His professional interests include multicultural psychology, cultural
psychology, and community psychology. All of these areas come together to provide a holistic
view of people and their environments. His research interests are in the areas of mental and
behavioral health for indigenous people and ethnic minorities, with an emphasis on
understanding ethnic and cultural identity factors. Related to this, he has engaged in communitybased participatory research methods, which involve developing and building relationships with
communities to work collaboratively to address the issues the communities view as important.
He has published and presented in the areas of multicultural and cultural psychology, with an
emphasis on indigenous populations.
Derek Griner,
PhD, is a licensed psychologist and assistant clinical faculty member at Brigham Young
University. He currently holds a joint appointment in which he teaches graduate students in
BYUs counseling psychology doctoral program and provides direct clinical services to students
at BYUs Counseling and Psychological Services. He has worked in several university settings
in various capacities. He is committed to furthering knowledge surrounding diversity, has
conducted research in this domain, and in 2007 received APAs Division 17 Outstanding
Contribution to Scholarship on Race & Ethnicity Award and the Jeffrey S. Tanaka Memorial
Dissertation Award in Psychology.
Cheryl Holcomb-McCoy,
PhD, is Vice Provost of Faculty Affairs and Professor of Counseling and Human Development at
Johns Hopkins University. Previously, she held appointments as Vice Dean of Academic Affairs
at JHUs School of Education and Associate Professor of Counselor Education at the University
of Maryland, College Park. She received her doctoral degree in counseling and educational
development from the University of North Carolina at Greensboro, and an MEd in school
counseling and a BS in early childhood education both from the University of Virginia. Her areas
of research specialization include the measurement of multicultural self-efficacy in school
counseling and the examination of school counselors influence on low-income students college
and career readiness. She is the author of the best-selling book School Counseling to Close the
Achievement Gap: A Social Justice Framework for Success and is Associate Editor of the
Journal of Counseling & Development. In 2014 she was selected to speak at the White House
summit titled College Opportunity Agenda: Strengthening School Counseling and College
Advising, which was held at the Harvard Graduate School of Education.

Michelle Johnson-Jennings,
PhD, an enrolled tribal member of the Choctaw Nation, is an integrated primary care
psychologist and Assistant Professor at the University of Minnesota College of Pharmacy. She is
also the founding Codirector of the Research for Indigenous Community Health (RICH) center, a
joint project of the universitys School of Medicine and the College of Pharmacy that promotes
interdisciplinary research in indigenous health equity. She received her PhD in counseling
psychology from the University of WisconsinMadison, her masters degree in human
development and psychology from Harvard University, and her BS from the University of
Oklahoma. Her therapeutic expertise lies in working with members of indigenous communities
and cross-cultural psychology. Her research involves her expertise as an integrated primary care
psychologist and focuses on patients cultural health beliefs, American Indian health, provider
unconscious bias, and chronic pain and prescription medication misuse.
Zornitsa Kalibatseva,
MA, is a doctoral student in the clinical psychology program at Michigan State University. She
works under the mentorship of Professor Frederick Leong at the Consortium for Multicultural
Psychology Research. She received her dual BA in psychology and area studies in Spanish from
Kenyon College and her MA in clinical psychology from Michigan State University. Her
research and clinical interests focus on cross-cultural psychopathology and cross-cultural
psychotherapy. She is interested in examining how culturally relevant factors may influence the
prevalence, experience, expression, diagnosis, and treatment of psychological disorders. In
particular, she has concentrated on investigating the symptom presentation and assessment of
depression among Asians and Asian Americans. Additionally, she is interested in the adaptation
of existing psychotherapies for culturally diverse individuals.
D. John Lee,
PhD, is a staff psychologist and Coordinator of the Multi-Ethnic Counseling Center Alliance
(MECCA) at the Michigan State University Counseling Center. He specializes in working with
Asian American and mixed-race students as they negotiate living in a multicultural but racialized
American society. He received his BA in psychology from the University of British Columbia,
his MSc in counseling psychology from Western Washington University, and his PhD in cognitive
psychology from Kansas State University, where he was an American Psychological Association
Minority Fellow. He completed his postdoctoral clinical training at the Michigan and Hudson
Valley (New York) Psychodrama Institute and is certified as an action methods facilitator.
Frederick T. L. Leong,
PhD, is Professor of Psychology and Psychiatry at Michigan State University. He is also
Director of the Consortium for Multicultural Psychology Research within the department.
Previously, he held faculty positions at Southern Illinois University, the Ohio State University,
and the University of Tennessee. He obtained his PhD from the University of Maryland with a
double specialty in counseling and industrial/organi-zational psychology. He has authored or
coauthored more than 150 articles in various psychology journals and 100 book chapters, and he
has also edited or coedited 15 books. He is Editor in Chief of the Encyclopedia of Counseling
and APA Handbook of Multicultural Psychology. His honors include the 1998 Distinguished
Contributions Award from the Asian American Psychological Association, the 1999 John

Holland Award from the APA Division of Counseling Psychology, the APA Award for
Distinguished Contributions to the International Advancement of Psychology, and the 2009
Stanley Sue Award for Distinguished Contributions to Diversity in Clinical Psychology.
Jordan Lewis,
PhD, is Assistant Professor at the University of Washington School of Social Work and the
Indigenous Wellness Research Institute. He is Aleut, from the Native village of Naknek. He
received his doctoral degree in cross-cultural community psychology from the University of
Alaska Fairbanks, where he conducted research with Alaska Native elders to establish an
Alaska Native model of successful aging. As a cross-cultural community psychologist and social
worker, he has focused on exploring the role of culture in the aging processspecifically, how
culture affects individuals ability to age successfully despite sociocultural challenges. As a
researcher interested in the mental health and well-being of indigenous elders, he has attempted
to shed light on these issues and bring much-needed awareness directly from the perspectives of
those with firsthand experience. As a social worker, community psychologist, and gerontologist,
he uses a holistic or ecological systems approach to health, incorporating the family, community,
and environment in explorations of health behaviors and health disparities among American
Indian and Alaska Native populations.
Casilda R. Maxwell
is a doctoral student in the counseling psychology program at Howard University. Her research
interests include trauma recovery, posttraumatic growth, and religious coping. She received her
bachelor of science degree in psychology from Morgan State University and her masters degree
in counseling psychology from Howard University. She is an active member of the American
Psychological Association, the American Psychological Association of Graduate Students, and
APA Trauma Division (Division 56), and she is a lifetime member of Psi Chi, the international
honor society in psychology. Her passion to work in the area of trauma in the field of psychology
led her to work with the DC Rape Crisis Center and then to train at the Washington, D.C.,
Veteran Affairs Medical Center. Currently, she is conducting research on posttraumatic growth
among African American men who experience trauma in the military.
Mary B. McRae,
EdD, is Associate Professor in the Department of Applied Psychology, Steinhardt School of
Culture, Education and Human Development, at New York University, where she teaches
courses in group dynamics and cross-cultural counseling. She received her doctoral degree in
counseling psychology from Teachers College, Columbia University. Her scholarship involves a
psychoanalytic and systemic study of authority and leadership in groups and organizations, with
a focus on issues of difference such as race, ethnicity, gender, social class, and culture. She is
the founder of and has directed New York Universitys annual experiential group relations
conferences, considered to be the most innovative adaptation of the Tavistock model in working
with issues of diversity by the A. K. Rice Institute for the Study of Social Systems, where she is
a fellow. She has codirected the internationally renowned Leicester Conference and has been a
consultant at other conferences and institutions in the United States, Britain, the Netherlands,
Switzerland, and Peru.

Jennifer Morales-Cruz
has a bachelors degree in social work and is a doctoral candidate in the clinical psychology
program at the University of Puerto Rico. She is affiliated with the Institute for Psychological
Research. She has extensive practicum experiences in family therapy, cognitive-behavioral
therapy (CBT), and suicide prevention. She has worked on several research projects, including
a campus-wide suicide prevention program at the University of Puerto Rico. She has served as a
therapist for a study exploring the efficacy of a culturally adapted CBT with adolescents who
have type 1 diabetes and major depression. She is a member of the Puerto Rican Family and
Couples Therapy Association and a member of APA Division 12, Section 6, Clinical Psychology
of Ethnic Minorities. She is coauthor of a paper on the conceptual, methodological, and ethical
issues related to the use of hypnosis as an adjunct to CBT to treat the side effects of
chemotherapy for women with breast cancer. She is currently completing her clinical internship
at the Roberto Clemente Family Guidance Center in New York City.
Joe Nee,
MA, is a doctoral student in clinical psychology at the California School of Professional
Psychology at Alliant International University, Los Angeles. He is a Research Assistant working
under the guidance of Dr. Michi Fu. He is trained in cognitive-behavioral therapy, motivational
interviewing, seeking safety, and individual and group therapy. His clinical and research
interests have been focused on multicultural and community psychology. Specifically, he is
interested in ethnic and minority psychology, as well as in working with underserved
populations. He is committed to synthesizing academics, clinical research, and clinical work to
make meaningful contributions to the field. He is a student affiliate of the American
Psychological Association (Divisions 45 and 52), the Asian American Psychological
Association, the Western Psychological Association, the California Psychological Association,
the Los Angeles County Psychological Association, and the San Gabriel Valley Psychological
Association.
Mark Pope,
EdD, is Professor and Chair of the Department of Counseling and Family Therapy at the
University of MissouriSaint Louis. He has served as president of the American Counseling
Association (20032004), the National Career Development Association (19981999), the
Association for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Issues in Counseling (19761978), and
the Society for the Psychological Study of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Issues
(Division 44 of the American Psychological Association) (20112012), and he was founder and
first chair of the Professional Counseling Fund (20042006). He is the author of numerous books
(10+), book chapters (35+), and professional journal articles (40+), as well as more than 100
international, national, regional, state, and local presentations, including keynote addresses in
China, Australia, Canada, and the United States. He has served as a consultant in Malaysia,
Singapore, Hong Kong, and throughout the United States with companies such as Apple,
Hewlett-Packard, and AT&T, and with agencies such as the U.S. Internal Revenue Service.
Ana Puig,
PhD, NCC, LMHC, serves as Associate Scholar and Research Director in the Office of
Educational Research, College of Education at the University of Florida, and as affiliate faculty

of counselor education in the School of Human Development and Organizational Studies in

Education. She is a licensed mental health counselor and qualified supervisor in the state of
Florida and a National Certified Counselor. She holds a spirituality and health certificate from
the Center for Spirituality and Health at the University of Florida. Most recently, her research
interests have focused on the integration of spiritual and religious competencies in counselor
training and supervision, creativity and play across the life span, and adolescent palliative care
program evaluation.
Yin-Chen Shen,
PsyD, is a psychologist at North Kern State Prison in Delano, California, where he provides
access to and delivery of mental health services for inmates incarcerated in California state
prisons. He is also a psychologist at BHC Alhambra Hospital in Rosemead, California, where
he provides clinical care for pediatric, adolescent, adult, and geriatric clients and oversees all
aspects of individual treatment plans in an acute inpatient psychiatric setting. He has a strong
interest in gender and multicultural issues and is devoted to helping individuals find a greater
sense of self-esteem, self-worth, and empowerment. He has published in the Journal of Motor
Behavior, and for his doctoral research he placed emphasis on clinical considerations for the
assessment of attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder in adult transgender students. His latest
publication is a coauthored chapter in the APA Handbook of Multicultural Psychology: Volume
2. Applications and Training (2013).
Daisy R. Singla
is a PhD candidate at the Department of Psychology at McGill University in Montreal. As a
clinician, she has a vested interest in ethnic minority health and the promotion of culturally
competent and evidence-based techniques for disadvantaged groups. As a researcher, she studies
maternal health and its impact on young children as well as the integration of mental health
services in current health systems. By developing and evaluating culturally appropriate
strategies, she advocates building capacity for local, long-term, sustainable solutions in lowresource settings. Her clinical and research experiences range from community-based clinics
and hospitals in North America to rural and semiurban settings in Uganda, South Africa,
Ethiopia, Bangladesh, and India.
Laura Smith,
PhD, is Associate Professor in the Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology at
Teachers College, Columbia University. She received her doctoral degree in counseling
psychology from Virginia Commonwealth University. Previously, she worked in a variety of
applied settings in New York City. She was the founding Director of the Rosemary Furman
Counseling Center at Barnard College and the Director of Psychological Services at the West
Farms Center, where she provided services, training, and programming within a multifaceted
community-based organization in the Bronx. Her research interests include social class and
poverty, the influence of classism on psychological theory and practice, the development of
socially just practice models for psychologists at the community level, and participatory action
research in schools and communities.
Timothy B. Smith,

PhD, is Professor and Chair of the Department of Counseling Psychology and Special Education
at Brigham Young University in Provo, Utah. His scholarship focuses on spirituality, quality
relationships, and multicultural psychology.
Alberto Soto
is a doctoral student in the counseling psychology program at Brigham Young University in
Provo, Utah.
Kee J. E. Straits,
PhD, is an American Psychological Association Minority Fellow (she is Quechua, born in Peru).
She received her doctoral degree in professional psychology from Utah State University. She has
focused her career on reducing mental health disparities among Native American, immigrant
Latino, and other underserved communities. She is the sole owner and manager of Tinkuy Life
Community (TLC) Transformations, LLC, through which she provides direct clinical services,
training, consultation, and research/evaluation. She is also a Research Assistant Professor in the
Department of Psychology and an Associate Fellow of the Robert Wood Johnson Center for
Health Policy at the University of New Mexico. Her work addresses social inequities at the
individual, family, community, and systemic levels that have impacts on the mental health of
culturally disenfranchised youth. Her current endeavors also focus on the development of ethical
research guidelines for collaborating with Native communities; substance abuse prevention
through a strength-based, decolonizing model of community change; and the mentoring of ethnic
minority students in health fields who intend to return to their communities to serve.
Jaimee Stuart
received her PhD and MSc in cross-cultural psychology from Victoria University of Wellington
and went on to hold a research position at the University of Auckland in the Centre for
Longitudinal Research. She is now working as a Fellow of the Centre for Applied Crosscultural Research and the Roy McKenzie Centre for the Study of Families at Victoria University
of Wellington. She also works as a trainer in the area of intercultural awareness. She is the
author of a variety of journal articles and research reports spanning many facets of social,
developmental, and cultural psychology. Her research focuses on positive youth development,
with particular emphasis on methodologies for assessing change over time. In 2012 she was
awarded a 3-year grant to study the longitudinal impacts of bullying and victimization on youth
in New Zealand.
Lisa Rey Thomas,
PhD, is a member of the Tlingit Tribes, and her family is from southeast Alaska. Her doctoral
degree is in clinical psychology. With more than 25 years of experience working with indigenous
communities, she is currently a Research Scientist at the Alcohol and Drug Abuse Institute and
Codirector of Indigenous Protocols and Research Ethics at the Indigenous Wellness Research
Institute Center of Excellence, both at the University of Washington. She is Coinvestigator and
Project Director of the community-based participatory research project Healing of the Canoe:
The Community Pulling Together and the Strong People Pulling Together, funded by the National
Institute on Minority Health and Health Disparities. She has also been principal investigator on a
number of other National Institutes of Healthfunded projects in collaboration with American

Indian and Alaska Native communities. She has served on numerous committees and task groups
and is currently an Associate Reviewer for CES4Health.
Ivory Achebe Toldson,
PhD, was recently appointed by President Obama as the Deputy Director of the White House
Initiative on Historically Black Colleges and Universities. Previously, he was an Associate
Professor at Howard University, Senior Research Analyst for the Congressional Black Caucus
Foundation, and Editor in Chief of the Journal of Negro Education. He is a regular education
contributor for TheRoot.com and has been featured on C-SPAN2 Books, NPR, the BBC, and
POTUS on XM Satellite Radio. His research has been featured on Essence.com, BET.com, and
theGrio.com, and in Ebony magazine. He is the author of the Breaking Barriers series, which
analyzes academic success indicators from national surveys that together give voice to more than
10,000 Black male pupils from schools across the United States; coeditor of Black Male
Teachers: Diversifying the Nations Teacher Workforce; and author of the novel Black Sheep.
Melba J. T. Vasquez,
PhD, is Past President of the American Psychological Association, the first Latina and woman of
color of 120 presidencies of APA to serve in that role. Her theme for the 2011 APA convention
was social justice, and several of her presidential initiatives (immigration, reducing prejudice
and discrimination, educational disparities) were relevant to that theme. Previously, she served
a term on the APA Board of Directors. She is a former president of the Texas Psychological
Association and of Divisions 35 (Society of Psychology of Women) and 17 (Society of
Counseling Psychology) of the APA. She is a cofounder of APA Division 45, Society for the
Psychological Study of Ethnic Minority Issues, and of the National Multicultural Conference and
Summit. She is a Fellow in 10 divisions of the APA and holds the Diplomate of the American
Board of Professional Psychology. She is in full-time private practice in Austin, Texas.
Clemmont E. Vontress,
PhD, Professor Emeritus of Counseling at George Washington University, was born in Alvaton,
Kentucky, in 1929. He graduated from high school in 1948 and received the BA degree in French
and English from Kentucky State University in 1952. After college, he spent two years in
Europe, where he encountered Jean-Paul Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir, both of whom would
later influence his view of existence as a licensed psychologist. When he returned from Europe,
he entered Indiana University in Bloomington, where he received the MS and the PhD in
counseling. He then served as Professor of Counseling at George Washington University. He has
published more than 100 chapters, books, and articles in national and international journals. He
also has studied and published on the problems of immigrants in France and the use of
ethnopsychiatry, the therapeutic intervention developed by Tobie Nathan and his colleagues at
the University of Paris, to help them.
Colleen Ward,
PhD, is Professor of Psychology and founding Director of the Centre for Applied Cross-Cultural
Research, Victoria University of Wellington. She received her doctoral degree in social
psychology from Durham University in England and held an Organization of American States
postdoctoral fellowship at the University of the West Indies, Trinidad. Since then she has held

academic appointments at the Science University of Malaysia, National University of Singapore,

University of Canterbury (New Zealand), and Victoria University of Wellington. Her areas of
research expertise include identity, acculturation, adaptation, and intercultural relations, topics
summarized in her coauthored book The Psychology of Culture Shock and featured in the more
than 150 journal articles and book chapters she has published. She has served as Secretary
General of the International Association for Cross-Cultural Psychology and as President of the
International Academy of Intercultural Research and the Asian Association of Social
Psychology. She is currently editor of the International Journal of Intercultural Relations.