Author contact information:

Martin Pachner

Ive been living in the Philippines for a longer time since 2007. I did this research out of interest for the
topic on my own. Comments and criticisms are very welcome.
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Agtaindigenouspeoples
povertyfromthecultural
perspective

ByMartinPachner

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Contents
Contents........................................................................................................................................................2
Illustrations...................................................................................................................................................3
Preface..........................................................................................................................................................5
Glossary.........................................................................................................................................................6
1. Introduction..........................................................................................................................................8
Thepeopleandtheplace..........................................................................................................................8
Theenvironmentalsituation...................................................................................................................11
2. AnupdateonAgtaviolence................................................................................................................18
Homicidereasons,statisticsandhistory................................................................................................18
18casesofAgtaviolencefrom19962009.............................................................................................22
Persecutionofthekillingsinthesecases...............................................................................................27
ReasonsforkillingsbetweenAgtaandlowlandersinthesecases.........................................................28
3. LivelihoodinDipagsanghan,Palanan2008........................................................................................31
Timeinvestedindifferentlivelihoodactivities.......................................................................................31
FoodconsumedbyAgta..........................................................................................................................32
Ediblebirdsnestgathering....................................................................................................................34
Fishing.....................................................................................................................................................36
Snaretrappingandhunting....................................................................................................................38
Rattan......................................................................................................................................................41
Agriculture?Whatagriculture?...............................................................................................................42
Lowlanderagriculture,commoditypricesandtheisolationofPalanan................................................45
4. IllegallogginginPalananandnearbymunicipalities..........................................................................50
Historyandtypesoflogging...................................................................................................................50
IllegalloggingsituationandAgtainvolvementin2008..........................................................................55
Surveyedwagesandpricesinillegalloggingin2008.............................................................................58
Crackdownonillegalloggingin2008......................................................................................................61
5. Ancestraldomains,kinshipandresourceroyalties............................................................................64
6. ReasonsforextremepovertyamongtheAgta...................................................................................75
Thelimitsofcharity................................................................................................................................75
AretheAgtasomebodysvictim?...........................................................................................................80
IsAgtaeconomicbehavioramainreasonforAgtapoverty?.................................................................86
Healthsituation.......................................................................................................................................91
Education................................................................................................................................................97
WorksCited.................................................................................................................................................98
Appendix:photosandsomeraremaps....................................................................................................108

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Illustrations
Tables
Table1.1:Populationgrowthinsomeselectedmunicipalities
Table2.1:Listofviolentincidentsandclassification
Table3.1:breakdownof625PWDsoftheDipagsanghanAgtaintomainactivities
Table3.2:MealsconsumedbyAgtainDipagsanghan
Table3.3:OriginofAgtamealsinDipagsanghan
Table3.4:BirdsnestgatheringtripsDec.2007untilFeb.2008
Table3.5:Ediblebirdsnestpricesin2008
Table3.6:Ironrodspearfishing
Table3.7:Paymentforrattanworkgatheringandcuttinghandsplit
Table3.8:LandofAgtasurveyedinDipagsanghan,Lukban,Brgy.Didian,Palanan
Table3.9:CerealproductioninCasiguranandPalanan
Table3.10:RicepricesJanuarySeptember2008
Table3.11:Wildmeatandfishpricesindifferentlocalities
Table3.12:Transportationofcommodities
Table3.13:Palanancropcalendarforriceandcorn
Table3.14:TimeexpenditureandperformanceofwhitecornfarminginPalanan
Table4.1:Loggingwoodprices
Table4.2:Loggingwaterhauling
Table4.3:Loggingchainsawoperator,carabaohauler
Table5.1:BenefitsoftheAgtafromresourceroyaltiesandemployment2008
Table6.1:CarabaosownedbyAgta
Table6.2:EducationalstatisticsinPalanan

Maps
Map12:DetailedmapofthemunicipalityofPalanan
Map22:DetailedmapofthemunicipalityofPalanan
Map12:DetailedmapofthemunicipalityofSanMariano
Map22:DetailedmapofthemunicipalityofSanMariano
Map3:MunicipalitiescoveredbytheNSMNPandhectareage

Photos
Fig.1:Asnaretrapperscollection(monkey)
Fig.2:Asnaretrapperscollection(wildpig)
Fig.3:Astandardsnaretrap
Fig.4:Agtamenshowingthelatest'FilipinNegro'fashion
Fig.5:Agtamenwithdifferenttoolsforlivelihood
Fig.6:Agtamenwithdifferenttoolsforlivelihood
Fig.7:Agtawomenlivelihood
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Fig.8:Dipagsanghanpanoramaview
Fig.9:royaltybeneficiariesconcessionareaDinapigue
Fig.10:royaltybeneficiariesDibulogroup
Fig.11:royaltybeneficiariesDibulogroup2
Fig.12:royaltybeneficiariesDinapiguetowncenter
Fig.13:theobligatoryleantoforshorttimestaysandasharphuntingdog

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Preface
Iamthankfultoeverybodywhotooktimeandtruthfullysuppliedmewithinformation.Imespecially
gratefultothelowlanderBenjaminLopez,AgtaJunelOchoaandotherpeoplealertingthemforpulling
meoutofthefloodedDipadianRiver,whichhadanextremelystrongcurrent,inJan.2008afterImadea
badchoiceandswamacrossitwithoutatruckinterior.Inthistightsituationtheprobabilityhadbeen
veryhighthatIwouldhavenotsurvivedwithouttheirhelp.ItisadeptIcannotpossiblypayback.Many
Filipinosdieeachyearcrossingrivers,becauseofunderestimatingtheforceithasattimesandIalmost
learneditthehardwaytoo.Riversarekneehighonedayandtoodeeptowalkwithlethalcurrentthe
nextday.

Inthistext,becauseofconvenienceandlackofbettersourcesIcitesourceslikeWikipedia,whichmight
notliveuptoscientificstandards.ThereisaprobabilitythatIcitederroneousinformation,whichcould
be higher than using only peer reviewed information. By far it is not guaranteed that peer reviewed
information is correct or depicted in an unbiased way. Also sometimes things go wrong in the peer
reviewing process, as for example the Great Barrier Reef scientist Professor Walter Starck points out,
thatitputspressureonthescientiststoconformtoprevailingviewstogetagoodevaluation,because
researchgrantsareallocatedwithit(Byrne,2005).Anothersideeffectistheaspirationsofscientiststo
appearinprestigiousjournals,whichhavelimitedspaceandturndownthemajorityofthesubmitted
papers. Only research, which sticks out of the crowd with dramatic results is published, which were
exaggeratedandturnoutlatertobewrong(TheEconomist,2008).Ithinkithastobedealtwithona
casetocasebasis.

Furthermoretheresearchobjectishumanandtheinformantsstoryisalsonotpeerreviewed.Anytime
thereerrorcancrawlintothedatasetbecausetheinformantlied,whichisinthenatureoftheactivity.

In this research I included the underrepresented insights of Weber, Sowell, Lewis and Friedman in
contrast to the common view, which is the latent Marxist materialist perspective telling of
discrimination, exploitation and victimhood and maybe class struggle overemphasized in the IPrights
movement(Giddens&Dunneier,1999,pp.1114;71).Thelatterviewislegitimatetoacertainextent,
butitcannotexplainthewholestory.

BecausesomanystudieshavebeendonealreadyabouttheAgtaalsoinrecentyearssincenumerous
DutchstudentsfromCVPEDhavewrittenmanyreports,althoughwithshortfieldtime,Iwashesitating
tocollectmuchquantitativedatainmanydifferentvillages,whichispainstaking.Itbecomesclearnow
to me that the validity of the data could have been enhanced with applying statistical methods like
sampling of a population using the census data, which is available now (Bernard, 1990, p. 79). The
research done by Headland is highly sophisticated and very in depth. Most of the issues I present
certainlyhavebeentackledalreadyinothertextsaswell.

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Glossary
Tagalog,Ilocano,Bikolano Language or member of a Malayan looking Philippine population
group.Tagalogisalsonationallanguage.Seealsoforalanguagemap:
www.sil.org
Dumagat, Agta, Alta, TermsfortheNegritosinEastLuzon.
Aggay
Ilongot Malayanlookingformerheadhuntertribe.Residingamongotherareas
inthecentralandwesternSierraMadreMountainRangeinAuroraand
Quirinoprovince.
ebukid Agtas in North Eastern Luzon is used in some areas to refer to Agtas
living in less accessible mountains which had less contact with the
surrounding population and live on a less accultured level before. Is
also used as derogatory term by more modern Agtas, meaning
backward,hillbilly.(Headland1998:4)oroldfashioned.
gaygay Portionofforest,butmostlyriverclosedbyanAgtaforsomeyearsfor
recoveryoffishandgamepopulation.Theareaisfencedoffwithvines
andredstripesofcloth(Magana,2000,p.53).Anybodynotrespecting
the demarcation might be killed by an Agta. A gaygay is also set up
among some Agta groups after an Agta died. When the gaygay is
reopened sometimes the Agta invite the lowlanders to enjoy the
abundantfishandgametogetherwiththem.
aribay SpecialexchangerelationshipofanAgtawithalowlanderquitesimilar
toapatronclientrelationship.ThelowlanderhelpsoutwhentheAgta
isinneedinformofcreditandgoods,whiletheAgtagivesitbackby
supplyinggenerousportionsofgamemeatorfishwhenhavingagood
catch, without exact accounting of the balance (Early & Headland,
1998, p. 16). The term is applied in a wide variety of situations
nowadays,butusuallyitfallsunderthedescribedscenarioorgenerally
isatrustedtradepartnerandfriend.
Aeta,Aita,Ayta TermsfortheNegritosaroundthePinatubovolcano,Bataanpeninsula.
Filipino MalayanlookingPhilippinemainpopulation,whichissocializedinthe
mainstreamculture.OfcoursetheNegritosarepartofthePhilippines.
lowlander Malayan looking nonNegrito population can include other Malayan
indigenouspeople.
NSMNP Northern Sierra Madre Natural Park. Protected area declared 1996
comprisingPalanananditssurroundingmunicipalities.
acculturingpopulation Agta, who are staying with the lowlander community, because of
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descent or outmarriage. Agta of mixed ancestry are called Agta, but

can be member of the acculturing population or the Agta population
dependinginwhichcommunitytheystay.
Carabao WaterbuffaloinTagalogandaccordingtoWebsteralsoanAmerican
Englishword,sincetheAmericancolonialtimesinthePhilippines.
RCC RattanCuttingConcession.
DENR DepartmentofEnvironmentandNaturalResources
DSWD DepartmentofSocialWelfareandDevelopment
bft Boardfoot1m^3is429boardfeet.1boardfoothasadimensionof1
footx1footx1inch.
CVPED CagayanValleyProgramonEnvironmentandDevelopment
dbh Diameteratbreastheight.
NFA NationalFoodAuthority
NPA New Peoples Army. Asias oldest communist insurgency, active since
1969, having a foothold in almost every Philippine rural area, but
greatlyweakenednowadays,becauseofideologicaldifferences,which
caused a major split in the organization, purges among members
resulting in atrocities, breakdown of foreign funding and general
disinterest of the population. It has an estimated 5700 armed
memberscurrently(Wikipedia,NewPeople'sArmy,2009).
PNP Philippine National Police, the sole police force on the Philippines
nowadays.
inch 1inchis2.54cm.
gal. USgallonsareusedinthePhilippines1gallonis3.78l.
Barangay(Brgy.) The smallest political unit in the Philippines. Is not only a village, but
rather a village district with the main village, which names it carries,
and several smaller settlements called Sitios within its area. Every
Barangayisentitledtobeequippedwithaschool,ahealthcarefacility,
etc.andisgovernedbytheBarangayChairmanorCaptainandaboard
ofcouncilors.EverymunicipalityconsistsofBarangays.

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1. Introduction

Thepeopleandtheplace
There are ca. 32,000 Negritos living in the Philippines nowadays (Headland T. N., Thirty Endangered
LanguagesinthePhilippines,2003).Theirancestorsmigratedmostprobablyaround20,000yearsagoto
the Philippines. Little is known about the history of this people before the 20th century, in particular
before the Spaniards arrived in the 16th century in the Philippines, because of the lack of reliable
documentsanduncleararcheologicalevidence(GriffinM.,1998,p.37).Onlylinguisticstellssomething
aboutalongertimeago.ThetermsforNegritosinthePhilippineslikeAgta,Ati,Aeta,etc.comesfrom
the Proto Austronesian language the Malayans spoke, which cannot be found in modern Malayan
languages like Tagalog or Ilokano. The languages of the Negritos in the Philippines furthermore have
somearchaicfeatures,whichcomefromtheProtoAustronesianlanguageandcannotbefoundinthe
contemporary languages too. There must have been a close contact between the Malayans and the
Negritos more than 1000 years ago in order for them to adopt the Proto Austronesian language and
thenalongtimeoflesscontacttodeveloptheirownlanguages.Itisdifficulttoimaginehowtheyhad
lived together to lose their own language. The Negritos were interested to trade with the Malayans
becausetheyhavetastystarchfoodintheformofrice,whilewildrootcropsareratherscarceinthe
forestwithpeoplelivingthroughouttheyearfromgenuinelyuncultivatedundomesticatedwildstarch
foods from the forest have not been observed yet (Headland T. N., Why Foragers Do Not Become
Farmers:AHistoricalStudyofaChangingEcosystemandItsEffectonaNegritoHunterGathererGroup
in the Philippines, 1986, pp. 164178), (Headland T. N., Could Pure HunterGatherers Live in a Rain
Forest?,2002).

Although the Negritos in the Philippines speak 32 different languages and practice slightly different
customs regarding kinship and religion and different regional groups have not much contact to each
other, they are all known for traditionally being not sedentary and practicing a hunter gatherer
livelihood employing bow and arrow extensively with little or no agriculture until recently. Another
distinctivefeatureistheirdifferentphysicalappearancewithkinkyhairanddarkskinincontrasttothe
MalayanororientalAustronesianlookingpopulationinthePhilippines,whichmigratedca.5000years
ago to the Philippines. Small and simplest housing is also a common trait among the Negritos in the
Philippines.ApartfromtinyhutswithelevatedfloortheNegritosstayinleantosforlongerperiodsof
time.NowadaystheuseofleantoshasdeclinedandtheNegritosareadiverselot.Outmarriagewith
lowlanders has increased in most areas with some couples join the Negrito communities and keeping
theirculturemoreorless,whereasothersjointhelowlandercommunity.Asmallminoritypromotedby
aidagenciesormissionariessucceededingettinganeducationhavelefttheareaandlivealowlander
lifestyle in towns. Negritos have been seen travelling to other countries like joining the World Social
Forum.Othereducatedonesknowhowtooperatelaptopcomputersandtranslatethebibleintotheir
languagethemselves.WhenIwriteaboutculturaltraitsinthistextthenIrefertothemajorityorthe
averageNegrito.SomeNegritoshavebeenindeedsuccessfulinagriculture,drivingtouristsinfourwheel
drivestotheMt.Pinatuboortradingrattan,butunfortunatelythesecasesareaminority.Themajority
ofNegritos,whichgrewupinNegritocommunitieslivesinaratherprecarioussituation.
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The Agta are just one Negrito group out of many living widely dispersed in the whole Philippine
Archipelago.ThistextisabouttheNortheasternLuzonAgtanumbering23000people(HeadlandT.N.,
ThirtyEndangeredLanguagesinthePhilippines,2003),whospeakfivedifferentlanguagesandcanbe
considered loosely as one group because of intermarriage up to very long distances within that
population. Geographically these Agta inhabit the Northern Sierra Madre Mountain Range from
northern Aurora province up to the northern tip of the mountain range at the northern end of Luzon
Island.

MyknowledgeabouttheNegritosinthePhilippinesisbasedonaroundoneyearofselffinancedstayin
andaroundNegritocommunitiesinshorttermvisitsin2001,2005and2008totheNortheasternLuzon
Agta,theUmirayAgta,AetaontheMt.PinatuboandAtiinPanayandNegros.SometimesIwillreferto
experiencesintheseareasoutsidetheAgtagroupthistextisabout.Istartedoutin2001asavolunteer
for the NGO FPCN were I observed the donation of land to the Agta in Dipuntian, Barangay Cozo,
Casiguran. I met my Tagalog speaking Filipina wife in 2001 and she translated for me. In 2008 I
conductedmostoftheconversationbymyselfinTagalog,thenationallanguageinthePhilippinesand
linguafrancainthearea.

For this text I collected data in ca. 8.5 month field time in the following Agta communities: Calabgan,
DibakongandDipuntianinCasiguran,Auroraprovince;Diwagden,DivinisaandDivisoriainSanMariano,
Isabela province; Dinapigue landing, Ulingan and Dikadikan in Dinapigue, Isabela province; Kanaipang,
Dipagsanghan,Lukban(nearDipagsanghan),BisagandDibungkoinPalanan,Isabelaprovince(seetable
3.8foraGPSdatafilewithdetailedwaypointdataofthearea).

ItookaspecialfocusontheDipagsanghanAgta.InthreevisitswithinJanuarytoAugust2008Ifollowed
mainlytheeconomicactivityofthisgroup.Irecordedtimeallocationandfoodconsumptionintwoshort
periods of time apart from income of different livelihood activities. Dipagsanghan is a remote village
upstream of Palanan where the Dipadian River meets the Disallang River. In the Dipagsanghan
population I included here also the small populations living nearby in river valleys adjacent to
Dipagsanghan. Coming from Palanan town center Dipagsanghan is beyond the Palanan valley and is
surroundedbymountainsandonlyasmallareaofallinallca.50haflatlandexistsandisintensively
used nowadays as permanent fields for wet rice and white corn cultivation. Interestingly farming is
confined to food production for subsistence and there are no cash crops like coconut grown on the
adjacent hilly areas. When leaving the flat farming area one almost immediately reaches old growth
forest. Slash and burn farming is practiced by lowlanders and Agta alike at a very small scale. Cash is
earnedbythelowlandersthroughbreedingcarabaosandpigs,andillegallogging.Beforethe1960sno
lowlanderswerelivingthere.Nowadaysthereareca.20lowlanderfamilies,aminorityareIfugaos,and
throughouttheyearIobserved1018Agtafamilieslivingthere.

Thepioneermigrantsortheoneswhoweresuccessfulinbuyinglandownrelativelylargelandswith10
ha the biggest owned by the village councilor Benjamin Lopez, who is a son of a pioneer migrant.
Althoughtheareaisveryremotesomechildrenofthesepioneersareabletosucceedineducationin
town. One finished college and has successfully established herself now outside Palanan. Apart from
some success stories a sizeable part of the lowlanders is very poor comparable with the Agta. These
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lowlandershavesmallhousesunlikethebetterofflowlanderhouseholds,whohavebiggerhousesmade
ofwoodenplanks.Lowlanderkidsareseenwithbigbellies,becauseofroundworminfestationlooking
malnourishedjustliketheirAgtacounterparts.InwholeDipagsanghantherearenotoilets.Healthcare
musthavebeenextremelybadbeforethe1990swhenthehospitalwasbuiltinPalanan.Asanexample
inthe1980sonelowlanderkidslegwasamputatedbytheparentsthemselveswithasaw,becausethey
couldnt afford the transportation out of Palanan. The kid had contracted rabies according to the
parents, which was destroying his leg. Dipagsanghan was visited in 1975 by the Anthropologist P.B.
Griffin.ManyoftheAgtawhomhemetaredeadnowandtherehasbeenintermarriagewithAgtafrom
Disokad,Dimapnat,Palanan.

Dipagsanghan is reachable by poling a canoe upstream only when the river is not flooded and the
currentmanageable,bymotorizedoutriggerboatwhentheriverisnottooshallow,orbywalking.The
trail to the village takes around 1.5 hrs local walking speed (around twice for an untrained outsider)
from the last village in the Palanan valley Diambarong. Horses and carabaos cannot carry load when
goingthere, becauseofthedifficultyofthetrail.Ittakesaround0.5daylocalwalkingspeedtoreach
Palanantowncenter.Bulldozzerloggingneverreachedthearea,thatswhynoroadisavailable.

The eastern watershed of the Sierra Madre Mountain Range in North Eastern Luzon, because little
populated has kept its forest in relatively good shape, although no logging companies entered only in
Palanan.Thisattractedtheinterestofnatureconservationagenciesandin1996alargeareacomprising
ofPalanananditsneighboringmunicipalitieswasdeclaredastheNorthern SierraMadreNaturalPark
(NSMNP).Biodiversityconservationagenciesconductedprojectstoprotecttheparkandupliftthelives
of the populace in and surrounding the park from 19962005 financed by the Royal Netherlands
Embassy and the World Bank among others. Unfortunately this project didnt result in a long lasting
improvementofthelivelihoodsituationofthepopulace,especiallyontheeasternwatershedwherethe
people have little options. The agencies were doubtless successful in keeping the status quo with
preventinganyroaddevelopmentconnectingthemunicipalitiestotheoutsideandminingandlogging
projects. On the western watershed this had the effect that the suspended legal logging concessions
werecontinuedillegallyonabigscalewithinferiorequipmentandoccasionalcrackdowns,butuntilnow
nolongerlastingcessations.FortheAgtathismeansthatunlikeinthemunicipalitiessouthoftheParkin
Dinapigue, Dilasag and Casiguran, where they receive royalties from the logging companies and other
support, this is not the case in the Park except informally in some cases. On the western watershed
environmentalprotectionmightbeworsethanbefore,becausecommercialloggingcompanies,seenin
otherareasnowadays,atleastoperateanurseryandconductreplantinganddoselectivelogging,while
theoperationsrightnowinthewesternsideoftheparkaretotallyconductedinillegalitywithoutany
rules.Intheloggingconcessionthereisatleastsomepressurefromthemanagementtocomplywith
rules and there are checkpoints to know who is entering the concession area, although on the other
handtheloggingbusinesshadbadlydisintegratedalreadybeforeinthearea(Top,2003).Furthermore
the harvesting technique is less destructive not needing a skid trail to every single tree. A road
connection is available only up to Dinapigue. Dinapigue and the towns south of it have been recently
connectedviaalateralroadstartinginDinadiawan,DipaculaocrossingthemountainstoMaddela.The
roadconditionisverybadandtheslightestrainrequirestheuseofchainsonthetires.Theroadgoing
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fromDinapiguetoBalerhasbeenwidenedandismorereliable.Stilltheseroadsarebasicallydirtroads,
whichsufferlandslideswitheveryheavierrain.Transportationisveryslow,becauseitisnotconcreted
andtheroadiscurvyinthemountains.Althoughthesetownshaveroadconnectionithasntresultedin
more illegal logging activities or attracted an exorbitant higher population compared to the towns
having no road access. The logging situation is difficult to compare, because of commercial logging
concessions active in the towns with road connection. A road connection doesnt mean the area is
suddenlythecenterofattractionortheaccessibilitysuddenlydrasticallychanges,becausetraveltime
stillremainslongandiscumbersome.

Thebiggestimprovementsintheremotetownsoftheeasternwatershedhavebeentheopeningofcell
sites, which are connected via satellite to the rest of the network and the improved roads starting in
DinapiguewithbuscompaniesplyingtheroadsdailytothemainlowlandsofLuzon.

When comparing the economic situation to for example in 1983 when an economic study was done
amongtheAgtainCasiguran(HeadlandT.N.,WhyForagersDoNotBecomeFarmers:AHistoricalStudy
ofaChangingEcosystemandItsEffectonaNegritoHunterGathererGroupinthePhilippines,1986)no
dramaticchangeshavehappened.Improvementsincoconutcultivationandprocessingarenilnotonly
in these remote towns but nationwide (Manicad, 1995)and rice production has improved, but is still
under the national average having its shortcomings (CasiguranMPDC, Master Development Plan
Casiguran, Aurora, 2000). There have been some small improvements, but the fundamental problems
arestillthere.InCasiguranunlikeinPalanantheirrigationhasbeendramaticallyimproved,whichwas
donemostlyinthe1990s.

Demographicallythereseemstobechangesnow.Thenationalannualpopulationchangeiscontinuing
tofallslowlyfrom3%in196570(Early&Headland,1998,p.32)to2.08%20002005.Thetotalfertility
ratechangedfrom6childrento3children(UnitedNations,2007).Incomparisontheseremotetowns
have a much smaller change rate now around 1%. It is rather unlikely that the population has a
dramatically smaller natural increase than before below the national average. Most probably, these
towns have lost their appeal and people are leaving to urban areas. In the bigger towns of Isabela
province people from Palanan have been seen tending stores, driving tricycle taxis and working as
caretaker for houses. At first I thought logging in the western watershed attracts the people from
Palanan, which is only temporary, but there are many who move to towns to do unskilled labor too.
Thereismaybehopenowfornatureprotectioninthesefrontierareas,butthechangeratesinthepast
wereseentogoupanddown,becauseofeconomicopportunitiesinloggingandminingandinsurgency
problems.Moretimehastopasstoseeifthisisreallythetrend.

Theenvironmentalsituation
ThePhilippinesisapostdeforestationcountry,wheresignificantforestcoverhasbeenlostandmostof
theforesthasbeendegradedinthelastdecades.Thetwowaystodestroyforestsarelandconversion
and extracting timber beyond its natural reproductivity rates, which leads to forest degradation not
necessarilythedisappearanceofforestlikewithlandconversion.Forestdegradationisthereductionof
thepercentageofanareacoveredbythecrownofatree(Top,2003).
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ThelatesthopefullycrediblestatisticscameoutwiththeFOODANDAGRICULTUREORGANIZATIONOF
THEUNITEDNATIONS'sGlobalForestResourcesAssessment2005.Theforestcoverisgivenat24%and
other wooded land at 12% of the total land area of the Philippines (Butler, STATISTICS: Philippines,
2006). In comparison another researcher gives a forest cover of just ca. 8% in the Philippines in 1992
(Kummer, 1991) in (Snelder & Bernardo, Comanagement in practice: challenges and complexities of
implementationintheNorthernSierraMadreMountainRegion,2005,p.107).ForestintheFAOstudyis
heredefinedasareawithmorethan10%treecrowncover.Areaswith510%treecrowncovermadeup
of trees reaching a height of at least 5 m or shrubs or bush cover of at least 10% is defined as other
woodedland(FAO,GLOBALFORESTRESOURCESASSESSMENTCOUNTRYREPORTSPHILIPPINES,2005).
Theannuallossinforestcoverremainshighwith2.48%from19902000and1.98%from20002005.
The percentage when compared to other countries can be misleading, because in absolute terms the
conversionwassmall,becauseofthesmallsizeoftheforestincomparisonwithforexampleinBrazil.In
Brazilforestcoverlosswasonly0.5%from19902005,butthiswas2.7millionhacomparedwith0.1
millionhainthePhilippines(Butler,STATISTICS:Brazil,2006),(Butler,STATISTICS:Philippines,2006).

Although I have no concrete data I guess it is rather unlikely that commercial logging with bulldozers
even under bad practices like it is done in the Philippines converts a forest to other wooded land,
althoughin theprocessofPhilippine commercialloggingusually30%andsometimesupto4070%of
the area is clear cut. Satellite imagery confirms that in 1990 when commercial logging was about to
leave the Sierra Madre Mountain Range of Isabela and Cagayan province in most areas, the forest,
whichwasloggedovercanbestillclassifiedasonealthoughitwasdegradedtoforestwithlowercrown
coverclass.Satelliteimageryfrom1980and1990whenbigcommercialloggingwasactiverevealsthat
small areas in the mountain range, 17% of the total surveyed forest area, indeed recovered to forest
withhighercrowncoverclass,becauseofbeingundisturbedafterthecompaniesallegedlyshiftedarea.
Illegalloggingaftercommerciallogginginextremecaseswhensmallsizetreesarecutandasubsequent
typhoon for example flattens the rest and establishing agriculture is more likely to cause the loss of
forestcover(Top,2003).Thedirectculpritsforlandconversionarenotinfluentialcorporationsinagri
business,whicharenotactiveinthefrontierareasorthelegalloggingbusiness,butthecommonrural
populace.InthecaseofthePhilippinesithappensonthegrassrootslevelbyanincreasingnumberof
people, who cannot find descent livelihood in other sectors than agriculture and logging, because of
basically economic underdevelopment together with population growth. The lack of education plays
alsoaroletoacertainextent.Commonsenseisthatthesepeopleclearnewlandsinareas,whichare
accessible via former logging roads instead of making their lives hard and migrate to areas with no
infrastructure.ThiswasoneoftheresultsofstatisticalanalysisofdeforestationinPhilippinesdonein
the1990sbyKummer(Kummer,1991)in(Top,2003).

A recent study analyzed 50 countries with extensive forest with the FOOD AND AGRICULTURE
ORGANIZATIONOFTHEUNITEDNATIONS'sGlobalForestResourcesAssessment2005dataandbasically
foundastrongcorrelationbetweengrossdomesticproductandincreaseordecreaseofforestcoveror
growingstock.Interestinglynowadaysinsomeotherdevelopingcountriestheforestcoverisincreasing.
Thisshowsthatdevelopingcountriesarenotdoomedtoloseforestcover.Prominentexamplesarein
China since the late 1970s, India and Vietnam both at the same time in ca. 1990 growing stock has
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startedtoincrease.ForestareahasincreasedalmostbyahalfinChinasincethen.InIndiaandChinathe
conversion of lands to forest increased the forest area and added growing stock per area slowly.
RemarkablyIndiahasapopulationdensityof323andanannualpopulationchangerateof1.62%,while
the Philippines has a density of 282 and population change rate of 2.08% almost in an equal position
(UnitedNations,2007)(Wikipedia,Listofcountriesanddependenciesbypopulationdensity,2009).By
nomeansarethesecountries,whichhaveeradicatedpoverty,butmaybeareonthebestwaytodothat
someday unlike the for decades now stagnant Philippines considering the GDP growth rate. Every
countrywithapercapitagrossdomesticproductexceeding4600USDhadanincreaseingrowingstock,
whichisthetotaltreevolumeandnotonlytheforestcover.Growingstockishereusedastheforest
areaalonedoesnttellifthewoodvolumeincreasesasforestslosevolume,becauseofdegradation.Itis
simpleasthat:Economicprogressequalsenvironmentalprotection,butachievingeconomicprogressis
everythingelsebutsimple.Thiscanonlybeachievedbyprofoundchanges.

Temperate developed countries import a modest amount of African and South American timber. The
onlylargeexporteroftropicaltimberisSouthEastAsianamelywithmuchflowingfromMalaysiaand
IndonesiatootherAsiancountrieslikeJapanandChinaandalsototheUSandEurope.ThePhilippines
wasalsoabigexporterbeforeitsgrowingstockwaslargelydepleted.Thisisaleakageofonecountries
timberconsumptiontoanotherforest.

Increase in growing stock doesnt necessarily mean that the primary forests are safe from being lost,
because forest can disappear and being replaced by plantations or primary forest disappears in one
place,whileplantationforestisgrowinginanotherarea.Nowadays33%oftheworldsvolumeofwood
productioncomesfromplantation.Thisisexpectedtoincreaseto50%by2025and75%by2050.This
meansalsothatthenaturalforestwillshrinkfrom80%downto40%ofthetotalforestareain2050.In
future natural forest might be less, but it might be also left alone, because timber demand is met by
plantationsandpeoplehavebetterthingstodothanpullingwoodmanuallyoutoftheforestorstarting
farmingoninfertilesoilinremoteareaswithoutinfrastructureandfarminputslikethisishappeningon
thePhilippinesandneighboringcountryIndonesiaamongothers.

The reason for the success of some countries is a combination of many factors: agricultural, socio
economic,increasinglyeffectiveenforcementofforestlaws,growthinofflandemployment,migration
to urban area, rising crop yield and thus reduced pressure of rural population on the forest (Kauppi,
Ausubel,Fang,Mather,Sedjo,&Waggoner,2006).

InthePhilippines11%oftheforestcoveror829,000haisstillprimaryforestnotloggedover(Butler,
STATISTICS:Philippines,2006).Thismeansthatexceptfromaviewsmallforestpockets,whichremained
moreorlessaccidentlyuncutuntilnowlikeportionsofPalanan,onlyforestinaccessibleforloggingor
withlittlevalue,becauseofstuntedtreesforexampleinhighelevations,wasnotcut.Althoughmostly
trees of the Dipterocarp tree species, which rarely flower only 23 times per decade, occur in the
Philippine old growth forest, the forest can be sustainably managed under a carefully implemented
selectiveloggingregime.Theopeningofthecanopyproducesahigherlightintensity,whichisneededto
growseedlingsintomaturetrees.CommercialloggingisdoneinthePhilippineswithbulldozers,which
pull every single tree to a loading point. The wood is then loaded via the bulldozer or special loading
 14/108

equipmentontothetruckanddeliveredtothesawmill.Thetrunkiscutbythechainsawoperatorin
the right length to fit the loading space on the truck. Comprehensive rules were set for the logging
concessionholdersonthepapercertainlycomparablewiththeenvironmentalstandardsindeveloped
countries, but the authorities were mostly not enforcing that rules. Verification of compliance with
environmentalstandardswasdoneinthehotel,whentheextensionoftheconcessionwasnegotiated
andnotdoneinthefield.Asimplifiedversion,theBataanstyle(Top,2003),namedaftertheWW2army
trucks,whicharewidelyusedinloggingandlocallyreproducedalsonamed6x6nowadays,becauseof
transmission to all six wheels, was carried out. In this simplified version the bulldozer driver and his
loggingteamdecidesindependentlywheretobuildaroadbranchingoutfromthemainroadwithout
anypriorroadplanningobservingenvironmentalstandards.

Inselectiveloggingaconcessiononlyascertainpercentageoftreeswithdiameteratbreastheight(dbh)
of6080cm(23in31in)andalltrees80cmaboveareallowedtobeharvest.Theareaalsoshouldbe
dividedintoblocksforeachyeartoachievearotation,sowhenthelastblockisfinishedafterca.3040
yearsthefirstblockshouldhavesufficientlyrecoveredtologitagain.Inrealitywhenoldgrowthforest
wasdiminishedto11%oftheforestcoverthePhilippinegovernmenttriedtooffertheresidualforest
lessthan25yearsagotobeloggedagain,butmostofthecompaniesturneddowntheoffer,because
the forest was insufficiently stocked for profitable extraction. The block system didnt work in most
places, because the companies hadnt observed it together with other environmental standards, the
foresthadbeenconvertedtootherlanduseorillegalloggershadweakenedtheforestaftertheregular
company logging team left (Top, 2003). In 1960 the forest cover was at 40%, whereas in 1990 it had
declinedtoca.30%roughlya30%reductioninforestarea(ESSC,DeclineofthePhilippineforest,2000),
(FAO, GLOBAL FOREST RESOURCES ASSESSMENT COUNTRY REPORTS PHILIPPINES, 2005). The logging
industryreacheditspeakfromthe196080.Inthistimespanavolumewascutannually,whichequaled
thetotalvolume,whichwascutfrom19301960.In1994theannualtimberextractionhadfallentoless
than 10% of the amount annually extracted in the peak years. The wood supply from the forest had
beenmostprobablygreatlydiminishedbeforethepoliciesandasignificantpartofthepopulaceturned
againstcommerciallogginginthe1990s.ThewesternwatershedoftheSierraMadreMountainRangein
along the Cagayan Valley saw also anextended disintegration of the commercial logging industry into
local subcontractors in the latter years. Concession holders farmed out the operations to the local
population,whousedregularequipmentandsmallnotmechanizedcarabaologging,whichcausedeven
less supervision. In this constellation the logging companies not only tolerated these activities, but
encouragedtheannihilationoftheirloggingconcessions(Top,2003).

Mechanizedloggingandinsomecasesalsocarabaoandwaterloggingisthemostprofitablelivelihood
intheruralPhilippinesalsofortheloggingpersonnel,whoearnuptofourtimestheamountwhatcould
beearnedinothersectors.Chainsawoperatorsearned1000PhPperdayinthe1990s,whichwasalot
ofmoneythen.ThePhilippineswasonceextremelyrichintimberwithareasforexampleinMindanao
with300m^3/haofextractablehardwoodincomparisonwith80100m^3/hainSabah,Malaysiaand30
m^3/ha for African and South American forests. Apart from that, the Dollars earned from timber
extractionintheheydaysoflogginghaventcontributedtomucheconomicdevelopmentandwerenot
 15/108

diverted to create other industries (Top, 2003). Booty capitalism is maybe a suitable term here
(Hutchcroft,1998).

Nowadays there are a few surviving logging concessions in the Philippines. These numbers dropped
from 150 to around 30 in the 1990s. There are a number of logging concessions on the eastern
watershedoftheSierraMadreinnorthernLuzon,whoarestilloperating.TwoofthreecompaniesIDCin
Casiguran, Aurora, and LUZMATIM and PATECO in Dinapigue, Isabela province stationed are currently
cuttingresidualforest.IDCistheonlyloggingcompanyinthePhilippines,whichhasnotleftitsoriginal
concessionareasinceitbeganitsoperationinthe1960s.Becauseoftherelativeinaccessibilityandlack
of flat land the eastern watershed of the Sierra Madre less forest migrants and most probably fewer
financiers of illegal logging are around. Most probably better management plays also a role, as no
farmingoutofoperationstookplace.Theconcessionareasmustbeincomparativelygoodshapeasthe
company has still wood to cut after almost 50 years of operation. I got mixed information about the
current practices of the three companies. While one company milled illegal logs from the NSMNP,
anotherisexportingtheirwoodtoEuropeandiscertifiedandallegedlyisvisitedforevaluation.Itgot
recentlyaconcessionareainDavao,Mindanao,wheretherequirementsareverystrict.IntheMindanao
concessionculvertshavetobeusedforcrossingariverandinsteadofthebulldozerclearcuttingaroad
toeverysingletree,improvedequipmentthelogfisherisused.Thisisamodifiedexcavatorwithacrane
like structure on top of the shovel with a winch attached. The winch can pull out trees from a farer
distanceandthusminimizesroadconstruction(Logfisher,2006).

IntheSierraMadreinIsabelaandCagayanprovincesatelliteimageryfrom1950,1980and1990were
compared.Notalltheareawhichwasstillforestinthe1950swasanalyzed,only80%ofthat.Thedata
represents moreorlesstheforest,whichwasstillstandinginthe1980sand 1990s.The notanalyzed
forestmostlyhadhadalreadyinthe1950salowcrowncover.Itturnedoutthatonly5%oftheanalyzed
forest had been converted to other land uses. Half of the analyzed forest was converted to a lower
crowncoverclassbylogging.Forestwithhighcrowncoverclassstillmade35%oftheanalyzedforestin
1990 (Top, 2003). The area, which most Agta use for livelihood, and live adjacent to, was indeed
affectedbydegradationratherthanlandconversion.Regardingthedevelopmentinthelastnowalmost
20years,thereisnotmuchinformationavailable.Frommyobservationinthefieldthereisnotmuch
additionallandconversionof1990forestareavisible.Theca.30%lossinforestcoversince1990seems
tohavebeenoccurredinotherareas.Itwasfearedthatincreasedhybridcornproductionencouraged
by informal credit on the western watershed would cause increased conversion from the west, which
most probably hasnt happened yet. (Snelder & Bernardo, Comanagement in practice: challenges and
complexitiesofimplementationintheNorthernSierraMadreMountainRegion,2005,p.117).Thereis
somesuitablehillylandvisible,whichismostlyunconvertedbrushlandadjacenttotheforestarea,but
fromafewobservationsinsomevillagesadjacenttotheforestonecanhardlytellwhatsgoingon.The
lack of change is maybe also due to landless peasants being busy with illegal logging. Although legal
loggingisgoneitiscontinuingillegallywithinferiorequipmentatabigscaleinthearea.Oneshouldnot
forgetthathybridcornyieldsmuchbetterupto10timesmorethanwhitecorn(Gerpacio,2004,p.31),
which is grown for own consumption and has been introduced relatively recently in the 1980s in the
area(Snelder&Bernardo,Comanagementinpractice:challengesandcomplexitiesofimplementationin
 16/108

theNorthernSierraMadreMountainRegion,2005).Ahouseholdneedsmuchlesslandtoearnenough
toatleastfeedandclotheitselfwithproperfertilizerapplication.Thefarmercanincreasehisincomeby
simply applying more fertilizer instead of hiring more people to farm a bigger land area, which also
comesataprice(Hobbes&Groot,2003).InVietnamyieldincreasesindeedcontributedtothetransition
fromforestlosstoforestincrease(Andel,2008).

The environmental impact of deforestation seems to be different than depicted by environmental

organizations in the Philippines and worldwide. Unlike popular believe the lack of forest cover has
relatively little to do with missing rainfall as the monsoon rains are made by atmosphere ocean
interactions in South East Asia and the Philippines. Deforestation alone doesnt lead to either a lower
water yield or increased peak flows during heavy rain. The sponge effect, where the forest stores the
water and prevents flooding is not happening in the big watersheds which are present where heavy
rainsoccur.Onlyinsmallsubcatchmentsthiseffecthasbeenobserved.Soilerosionandsedimentation
occurs on poorly constructed logging roads, which are turned into erosion gullies in wet season.
Prolonged severe soil degradation affects groundwater recharge and causes the lowering of the dry
season river flow. Sedimentation and debris from a degraded watershed in the Ormoc tragedy in the
Philippinescloggedbridgesandthusexacerbatedthefloods(Top,2003,pp.133).Inthe2004Yoyong
and others typhoons, which caused flashfloods mainly in Quezon province and the death of
approximately2000personsontheotherhandthedenudedslopesinoneareacausedlittlelandslides,
becauseofdecadesoferosion,whileinotherareasthesoilwithinthebedrockandrootsliquefiedand
resultedinlandslidesonwellstockedforestedhills,becausetheextremerainfallsaturatedthesoilupto
thebedrock(ESSC,TheAuroraQuezonNuevaEcijadisaster,2005).Unfortunatelythematterisnotthat
simple and the Philippines is a disaster country. There are numerous other examples where
deforestationplayedonlyaminorrole.Itismaybeagrossoverestimationofhumanpowerovernature
tothinkthatwecancontrolit,whenitisatitsmostextreme.

Another sphere where I found some discrepancies is the effect of deforestation through siltation.
Numerous studies confirm the negative impact of increased siltation in the rivers through forest
degradationandconversiontoagriculturalland.AstudywasdoneonthePhilippinesforexampleinEl
Nido Palawan in 1986. It was found that logging roads, although comprising only 3% of the land area
released84%ofthetotalvolumeofsedimentsintotheriver(Birkeland,1997,p.395).Attherelatively
nearby carefully monitored and comprehensively studied Great Barrier Reef in Northern Australia the
longtime researcher Walter Starck made other experiences having 50 years research in overfished
sustainablyandnotfishedreefsallovertheworldbehindhim.Environmentalistspredictedthedeathof
thisreefbyagrochemicals,silt,fertilizerrunoffandsewerageamongothersforyears.Noneofthese
predictions however became true. It still remained pristine and the human impact is negligible. In
studiesvariouskindsofnutrients,simulatingfertilizerrunofffromthe nearbysugarcanefields,were
pumped on the reefs reaching concentrations many times the natural levels to see the effect, but no
damage was discovered. The hill slope erosion in rainforest is already high, because of lack of ground
covervegetationandthereisalreadyextensivesiltationoninnershorereefsaddingalittlemoredoesnt
havemuchimpact.CoralreefswereaffectedintheworstoilspillcausedbySaddamHusseininthefirst
GulfWar.Thereefsrecoveredquicklytopreviousconditionstoo.Althougheverycaseisdifferentthere
 17/108

seemstobemuchhypeandmisinformationgoingon.Ontheotherhandtyphoonsdestroyvastareasof
coral reefs every year (Byrne, 2005). I can confirm that on the Philippines, because I visited Quezon
province before and after typhoons Yoyong and others had struck at end of 2004. After this event I
couldnt find any corals anymore in the areas which were abundant in corals before. The impact of
loggingandminingoncoralreefs,whichcausesdeclineoffishstockinthecoastalwatersinthehabitat
of the Agta is thus a not that straightforward matter. Similar to the game population decline the
increase of the number of fishermen overfishing the reefs and using destructive methods plays a role
too.Numeroustyphoonsbatterthearea.Ifsiltationcausedbyhumansreallyplaysarolethennotonly
logging,butalsoagriculturallandconversionhasanimpact,althoughmuchlessthanloggingroadsper
hectare(Birkeland,1997,p.395).Empiricallytherearemixedoutcomes.WhileinDinapiguethereareno
morecoralreefs,asallegedlyminingwastefromtheAcojeminingoperationinthe1960skilledthem,in
Bicobian where M. Griffin reported a copper mine in the 1960s (Griffin M. , 1998, p. 47) and a huge
loggingoperationwasgoingon,thereefwiththehighestcoralcoverinthewholeNSMNPwasreported
(Snelder&Bernardo,Comanagementinpractice:challengesandcomplexitiesofimplementationinthe
NorthernSierraMadreMountainRegion,2005,p.194)

Table1.1:Populationgrowthinsomeselectedmunicipalities
Total AnnualPopulation
Province/munici Population GrowthRate
pality 1Sep95 1May00 1Aug07 19952000 20002007 19952007
house house
holds holds
Philippines 2.36 2.04 2.16
RegionIICagayanValley 2.25 1.13 1.56
RegionIIICentralLuzon 3.17 2.36 2.68
IsabelaProvince
Palanan 13,220 2,489 15,317 2,837 16,254 3.21% 0.82% 1.75%
Dinapigue*1) 3,046 608 3,171 635 4,807 0.87% 5.91% 3.91%
Divilican*1) 2,593 499 3,413 633 4,602 6.07% 4.21% 4.93%
Maconacon*1) 5,895 1,021 3,721 786 3,991 9.40% 0.97% 3.22%
SanMariano 37,861 7,341 41,309 7,796 44,718 1.89% 1.10% 1.41%
AuroraProvince
Baler 26,919 5,206 29,923 5,955 34,492 2.30% 1.98% 2.10%
Casiguran 19,578 3,828 21,459 4,366 22,403 1.99% 0.60% 1.14%
Dilasag 12,825 2,414 14,676 3,011 14,833 2.94% 0.15% 1.23%
*1):Municipalitiesaffectedbystartorendofloggingorminingoperations.
Source:www.census.gov.ph
 18/108

2. AnupdateonAgtaviolence

Homicidereasons,statisticsandhistory
TheAgtahaveoneofthehighesthomicideratesintheworld(GriffinM.,2000).Inthecasetheofthe
linguistic Casiguran Agta population, that are the Agta who descend from the area of Dinalongan,
CasiguraninDilasag,AuroraandDinapigueinIsabelaareaspeakingtheCasiguranAgtalanguageorhave
atleastoneparentspeakingitthehomicideratewascalculatedintheyearsfrom19771984.Notethat
thepopulationincludesalsothelinguisticCasiguranAgtawhomovedawayfromthearea(103persons
in1984),butexcludestheAgtafromotherlanguagegroupsresidinginthearea(75personsin1984)and
Agtawhomarriedlowlandersandstayedinthelowlanderpopulation.(HeadlandT.N.,WhyForagersDo
Not Become Farmers: A Historical Study of a Changing Ecosystem and Its Effect on a Negrito Hunter
Gatherer Group in the Philippines, 1986, pp. 546548). The result was a mind boggling number of
326/100,000homicidesperyearamongapopulationaveraging614inthattime.Onlythosehomicides
wereincludedwhereanAgtawaskilledbyanAgtaoralowlander,excludingAgtakillinglowlanders.The
14homicideswhichoccurredinthepopulationaveraged2homicidesperyear(2/614*100,000givesthe
homiciderate).

Headlandlistedalsoallhomicidesknowntohim(nodefinite population)in theareafrom19621984,

thatsthetimetheresearcherstayedpermanentlyinthePhilippines.Inonly15%ofthecasestheAgta
victimwasawomanandinaround50%ofthecasesatleastonepartywasdrunk.Interestingisthatof
the31Agtakilledonlyin8/31homicides26%thekillerwasalowlander,whereasin18casesAgtakilled
lowlanders, which is most probably understated still, as there are cases he was not aware of or
unconfirmed cases more or less rumors he didnt include. That means to say that the Agta kill
lowlanders on the double compared to lowlanders kill Agta (Headland T. N., Why Foragers Do Not
Become Farmers: A Historical Study of a Changing Ecosystem and Its Effect on a Negrito Hunter
GathererGroupinthePhilippines,1986,pp.391393;541).InthecasesIpresentfurtherdownIalsogot
thenotionthatitisnotthatunlikely,consideringthecaseswereAgtahaveahistoryofviolencetowards
lowlanders, are starting to live a life of an outlaw. This gives a blow to the view that like Headland
describeditelsewherethattheAgtaareliketheOgiekandthelowlanderpopulationliketheMaasaiin
Africaatleastinthesphereofviolence.TheweakandpeacefulOgiekjust backofintheforestwhen
there is a conflict with the more powerful fierce Maasai warrior pastoralists. (Headland T. N., Why
ForagersDoNotBecomeFarmers:AHistoricalStudyofaChangingEcosystemandItsEffectonaNegrito
HunterGathererGroupinthePhilippines,1986,p.436).Itlookslikethatitisnotaroutinewhenthereis
a conflict between the lowlanders and the Agta, that the former just rot together in a mob go to the
correspondingAgtavillageandfinishtheinhabitantsof.Thathappenedfortunatelyonlyinafewtimes
inthewiderCasiguranareaseefurtherdown.SometimesAgtaarebeingmassacred,butthatismore
the exception than the rule. Of course every case is a tragedy and should have never happened. The
overallimpressionisthattheAgtaaremoreterrorizingthelowlandersthanviceversa.

M.GriffinclaimsthatthepoliticalincorporationoftheAgtainthePhilippinesocietyandexploitationof
theAgtaforpolicalandmilitaryendsbylocalgovernmentofficialsisamongothersaccountableforthe
increase of homicides. I guess he is partly referring to the incorporation of Agta either as guides or
 19/108

regularsbytheNPAorontheasparamilitariesforthegovernment.Themilitaryisalsoknownforthe
killingofAgta.Inonecaseforexampleafamilyoffourin1985waskilledinthePinamakanriverarea,
Casiguran,becauseonestoleallegedlyatentfromthearmy,thatstheversionofthelocals,whilethe
militaryversionishewaswantedformurder.(Headland&Headland,LimitationofHumanRights,Land
Exclusion,andTribalExtinction:TheAgtaNegritosofthePhilippines,1997).Thereareothertragiccases,
butinthelinguisticCasiguranAgtapopulation19621984only2of8homicidescommittedbynonAgta
was done by the military, although in that time the NPA insurgency was very strong in the area with
Agtasbeingevacuatedfromthefightingtostarveouttheguerillasandprotecttheciviliansin197475
withadozenAgtaincludingfromotherareasjoiningwiththeNPA(HeadlandT.N.,WhyForagersDoNot
Become Farmers: A Historical Study of a Changing Ecosystem and Its Effect on a Negrito Hunter
Gatherer Group in the Philippines, 1986, pp. 287,541). All over Luzon Agta were evacuated in these
years(Byers,1998)(GriffinM.,1998,p.42).ThemilitaryinthePhilippinesuptonowisknownforkilling
withimpunity,torturing,involuntarydisappearanceaffectingthepopulationingeneral.Especiallyinthe
presidentMarcoserathatwasthecase.

AgtaparticipationintheNPAwashardtoavoid.AttheheightoftheinsurgencyuptowholeBarangays
likeBarangayDidadunganinPalananinthe1980sweretakenover,althoughonlyforashortperiodof
time.Forcedrecruitmentintofightingunitshasntbeenreported,butareastakenoverbytheNPAwere
organizedbythem.InDivisoria,BarangayDiboloan,SanMarianothismeantthatcommunalfieldswere
establishedandworkedbythelocals,whichwerethantaxedbytheNPA.SomeAgtaunderwentliteracy
courses.TheciviliansweremadebringingsuppliesfromtowntothemandsomeAgtavoluntarilymoved
withtheguerillaunitsasporters,huntersandcooks(Jong,2003,pp.4659).InSanMarianoandPalanan
it seems some Agta joined as armed regulars, because they had grudges against the military or they
wereharassedorbeatenup.InManilawhenvisitingthecommunistinfiltratedlegalNGOofyourchoice,
because therearemanyitispossibletogetaphotoalbumproducedby themovementglorifyingthe
NPAfighters.InthisphotoalbumanowdeceasedAggayfromDivilacanorMaconaconisdepictedasthe
bestsniperinthemovement.EveryareainNorthEasternLuzonhasadifferenthistorywiththeNPAas
theinsurgencyarrivedinthe1970swithhavingpeaksatdifferenttimesuntiltheearly1990,butstarted
to decline sharply afterwards. Most of the Agta surrendered after a short time in the movement and
somejoinedandsurrenderednumeroustimesinSanMarianoandPalanan.Mostveteransregardthe
struggleasuselessnowadays,asenselessexchangeoflives,betweenmilitaryandNPA.

InlaterstudythedemographicsofthelinguisticCasiguranAgtawereanalyzedonanevendeeperlevel
but this time a smaller population was chosen and that includes the whole Agta population in one
geographical area the San Ildefonso peninsula, Casiguran comprising of 2 Barangay Cozo and San
Ildefonso. (Early & Headland, 1998, p. 60). In 2/10 20% homicides the killer was a lowlander, not
included here is one case where the killer is unknown, a lower rate compared with the linguistic
Casiguran Agta population. Furthermore a more moderate homicide rate with 129/100,000 homicides
peryearfrom19501994occurred(Early&Headland,1998,pp.105106).Amoderateratecomparedto
thewholelinguisticCasiguranAgta.Thissupportsalsothenotionthatinsomeareasandamongsome
Agtamorehomicidesoccur.Itisknownthat2brothersintheIlagenwatershedaccountedfor27%of
theknownhomicidevictimsfrom19601984.(GriffinM.,2000)TheAgtafromthemainlandaremuch
 20/108

moreviolentcomparedtotheAgtaontheSanIldefonsopeninsula.M.Griffinpointsoutthatitlookslike
the Agta in coastal Cagayan province are also more peaceful. When I visited different Agta villages in
differentareasfromPalananuptoCasiguranandSanMarianoIalsoaskedtheAgtawhattheywoulddo
in case a relative was killed there are many areaswhere the Agta didnt know what todo, because it
happenssoseldom.ThesouthernIsabela,CasiguranAgtaareknownforbeingviolentinNorthEastern
Luzon. Especially Agta killing lowlanders is mostly happening among certain groups living in remote
areas.

M. Griffin emphasizes the materialistic view that the homicide rate is increasing, because of the
depletionofthetraditionalnaturalresourcesoftheAgta,especiallyfishtoabiggerextendandwildpig,
deer severely, by an increasing lowlander population using destructive methods and the effects of
logging, in short the environmental degradation theme. (Griffin M. , 2000). Hunting for game now in
2009asalreadyinthe90sforalmostallAgtaisaminoractivityandbowsandarrowsarereadyforthe
museum as not used anymore, Agta have lost their identity and culture. Its hard to imagine that the
density of wild pig or the change from hunting to for example rattan gathering, char coal making or
illegallogging,amountoffishcaught,etc.,evensomeinjusticesmakesakiller.Ihavealsonotseenyet
Agta who have visible psychological problems because of their cultural change and physical
disappearancebecauseofintermarriage.Areasonfordoubtingthatisthedifferenceofviolenceamong
theAgta.AlthoughontheSanIldefonsoPeninsula12swiddensinBarangayCozowere,theHeadlands
claim,takenoverbythelowlanders(Headland&Headland,LimitationofHumanRights,LandExclusion,
andTribalExtinction:TheAgtaNegritosofthePhilippines,1997),theykilledlessthantheircounterparts
on the Casiguran mainland. Ecological and social pressures after all apply more or less in the same
intensity to all areas. To the contrary, frequently Agta that are suspect to many killings live a more
traditionalandoldfashionedlifestylethantheaverageAgta.

Since the 1970s alcohol consumption has also greatly increased the number of homicides between
bloodrelatives.TheCasiguranAgtahavemanyalcoholrelatedhomicideswhicharespontaneousandno
grievancesareknownbeforehandandthevictimsareclubbedtodeath,whichistotallyunknownbefore
(Griffin M. , 2000). This type of spontaneous senseless killings can also be observed among the
lowlanders.Ifonefollowsthelocalnewspaperstherearecasesofpeoplebeingstabbedbecausesinging
mywaybyFrankSinatrainthewrongtuneattheKaraokebar.Aricesoupvendorshootshiscustomer,
becausehecomplainsabouthisproduct.InthecaseoftheAgtaforexampletwodrunkenAgtaargued
about who is the better swimmer, which resulted in lethal stabbing of one Agta. (Early & Headland,
1998,p.104).AlcoholhasbeenknownandaproblemfortheAgtasincelongperiodoftimebeforethe
depletion of the traditional natural resources and the change of the Agta lifestyle. It has been noted
already by visitors and as far back as 1911 when the tribe was administered by the American army
officerTurnbull(HeadlandT.N.,WhyForagersDoNotBecomeFarmers:AHistoricalStudyofaChanging
Ecosystem and Its Effect on a Negrito HunterGatherer Group in the Philippines, 1986, p. 265). It is
unclearifandwhytherewasanincreaseofdrunkenviolencesincetheearlytimesofthe20thcentury.
One possibility is that Agta got overwhelmed by the supply of alcohol. Casiguran lost its physical
isolation and imported goods became more readily available. If you have then people who have a
preferenceforitofcoursethatleadstodisaster.
 21/108

On the other hand there is the fact that before the 1960s (Griffin M. , 2000)and according to Agta in
Dipagsanghan, Barangay Didian, Palan even until when the NPA was founded and arrived in the early
1970sandstartedtohireandinfluenceoragitateAgtaforthecommunistcause,Agtaraidingoccurred
betweendifferentlinguisticgroupswithmanydeathsperincident.Themilitarizationoftheareainthe
1970s was not only a turning point for Agta raiding, but also was a major factor for the cessation of
headhunting among the neighboring Ilongot tribe (Rosaldo, 1980).The perception of most of the Agta
nowadays in the21st century is that they are tamer now than before. Agta were seen conducting
paramilitaryliketrainingtolearnhowtoavoidbeinghitbyarrowsinthepast.Campsattimeshadtobe
permanentlyguardedinthePalananRiverValley.Towhatextentraidingoccurredisnotreallyknownin
wholeNorthEasternLuzon,butHeadlandforCasiguran,recordedonly4casesofraidingin1938onthe
Dinapigue River, Dinapigue, Isabela 2025 Agta killed, 1947 Dibulo river, Dinapigue, Isabela 810 Agta
killedandamassacreinMaddela,Quirinointhelate1940sconductedbylowlanders(HeadlandT.N.,
WhyForagersDoNotBecomeFarmers:AHistoricalStudyofaChangingEcosystemandItsEffectona
NegritoHunterGathererGroupinthePhilippines,1986,p.385)23Agtakilled(Headland&Headland,
LimitationofHumanRights,LandExclusion,andTribalExtinction:TheAgtaNegritosofthePhilippines,
1997). For the Agta in the heart of the Casiguran area there is no case known of raiding with bigger
casualties. (Headland T. N., Why Foragers Do Not Become Farmers: A Historical Study of a Changing
EcosystemandItsEffectonaNegritoHunterGathererGroupinthePhilippines,1986,p.385).

Thelatestinformationforthehomicidetrendcanbeseenbylookingatthehomicidelistofthelinguistic
CasiguranAgtaseeabove,whichwasupdatedcontinuouslyuntil2006inadatabase.Headlanddivided
the change of the Agta lifestyle from the traditional forager life in Casiguran in 3 phases, the Forager
Phase19501964,theTransitionPhase19651979andthePeasantPhaseuntilnow19802005forthe
San Ildefonso Agta (Early & Headland, 1998, p. 54). If I use that for the whole population then in the
Forager Phase 11 Agta were murdered or 0.7 homicides/year or 119/100,000 homicides/year, in the
TransitionPhase13Agta,0.9homicides/yearor141/100,000homicides/yearandinthePeasantPhase
41 Agta 1.64 homicides/year or 267/100,000 homicides/year occurred. The total number of the
populationinthatlongtimespanisuncleartome,butIusedtheaveragepopulationof614in1977
1984,Headlandgives600inthedescriptionofthedatabase.Ididntincludethetimebefore1950asI
amnotsureaboutthecompletenessofthelist.Headlandarrived1962forthefirsttime(Headland&
Headland,2007).Whatisstrikingisthatthe2homicides/year,seethefirstcomputationofthehomicide
rate, were not reached. Indeed an increase in homicides occurred from the traditional lifestyle to the
modernlandlesspeasantlifestyle.Intherecentyears19952005thehomicideratedroppedagainto1
homicide/yearor162/100,000homicidesayear,whichgivesreasontooptimism.Evenifthedataisnot
soaccurate,thehomiciderateisfarawayfromtherateoftheoverallPhilippines,theUSwith5.7(2007)
or Europe with 5.1 (2004). The homicide rate in the Philippines has declined recently with around
15/100,000peryearin2004(UNODC,2009)frome.g.42/100,000peryearin1967(McCoy,1993,p.14).
The rate presented for 2004 is inconsistent with the much lower number from the UN Crime Trends
Survey(CTS),becauseofdifferencesandchangesofdefinitionofhomicideinthePhilippines(UNDOC,
2008).InthePhilippinesAgtalikeratesoccurredintimesofextremeelectionviolencelikeinonecasein
1967 congressional elections in one municipality of Ilocos Sur a rate of 134/100,000 per year was
achieved(McCoy,1993,p.14),notethatwasstillbeforetheNPAwasfoundandstarteditsoperationall
 22/108

overthecountry.Afterallthereareindigenouspeopleswithhigherratesonrecordstill,e.g.theGoilala
683/100,000peryearin18961946,theHewa778/100,000peryearin19591968livinginPapuaNew
Guinea.

TheAgtaingeneraldontregardlethalviolenceasanappropriatemeasuretoresolveconflicts.Conflicts
amongAgtaaretemperedthroughavoidanceasoneconflictpartysimplysplitupandmovesawayfor
sometime.Inthe13nonalcoholincidentsM.GriffininEasternLuzoncollectedmaritalproblemssuch
asjealousyandspurnedlovedominated.Ifinasituationaheatedmomentgetsoutofcontrol,whenit
cannotbedefusedbynonparticipants,Agtadontfistfighttheyuselethalforceimmediately.Inother
casesambushesoccurafterwards.(GriffinM.,2000).ThisbehaviorissimilartothemainstreamAsian
cultureswhereaggressionisnotshownbeforehandandconflictsavoideduntiltheyexplodeandresult
intodrasticactionwithoutwarning.Thisismaybethereasonwhythereistheparadoxfromthepeace
lovingimpressiononegetsfromthispeopleandthenthemomentsofkillingatothertimesbythesame
people.

Sometimessympathyforviolenceoccursincasesofrevengeforahomicideorwhenlowlanderstake
advantageofthemordontrespecttheircontroloverlandandnaturalresources.Ontheothersideitis
also possible when a bad Agta, who is perceived to kill without justified reason a lowlander aribay of
anotherAgtawillberaidedbyhisfellowgrievingAgta.

18casesofAgtaviolencefrom19962009
I collected 18 cases of Agta violence from the mainland of the municipality Casiguran, Dinapigue and
southernPalanan.Thisisonlyanincompletecollectionofallcasesintheareaatthetime,asIdidntvisit
allAgtavillagesintheareaandalsodidntgettoknowaboutallcasesinthelast13years,thetimespan
fromtheearliesttothelatestcase.IdidntlookforsimilarcasesbutratherjustrecordedallcasesIgot
sotoknowofsomehowasIdidnthavemuchofaresearchagenda.Thesecasesalsodontsaymuch
aboutthequantityofoccurringcasesrathercredibilityisenhancedthroughliteralreplicationofsome
issuesregardingAgtaviolence,whichhappenedthroughmyunscientificbehaviorratherbychance(Yin,
2003,pp.4849).Theevidenceforthecasesisrathershakyasonecanimagine.Recordsatlocalpolice
stationsarerarelykept.Onlyrecentcases,whicharestillpursued,areavailableandthepoliceblotter
bookoftheyear.AsIhadapessimisticexpectationinmindfromvisitingmanyLGUoffices,Itriedonly
onceincase#8invaintoobtaininformationaboutacaseatthelocalpolicestation.Mystrategywas
rather to interview people, who are involved with the case somehow, or the suspect, victim or their
relatives.InAuroramostoftheinformationwassharedbyoneextraordinarilyknowledgeableinformant
Conchita Descarga, her sister Nora and the people living together with her. Conchita like Nora is IP
coordinator for the logging company IDC and acts as mediator in many of the cases. She is a walking
encyclopediaofrecenthomicidecasesasoftenwhenthevictimisalowlanderthefamilycontactsherto
arrangeforthesaferecoveryofthecorpses.Therearesomanycaseshappeningthattheseinformants
arealreadyontheedgeofforgettingandconfusingcases.Allinall,thesituationstillisveryunfortunate.

Case#1:Inthiscasethesuspectwaschargedandconvictedbutwasreleasedearlyafterservingonly4
years, because his aribay Daniel Salazar intervened on behalf of him in Manila. In jail he was often
 23/108

beaten,butthenjoinedthetheBatangCityJailGang(BCJ),thecorrespondingtattoocanbeseenonhis
leg,andwas thenrespected. Thevictimhiredthe killerandotherAgtaandlowlandersforfarmlabor
andpromisedtopay25sacksofriceallinall.Aftertheworkwasfinishedthepaymentwasnotreceived
andthekillerconsultedtheLGUtosolvetheproblem.Astheproblemwasnotresolvedandthevictim
wasalwayshidingthekillerbecameweary,veryirritatedandeventuallyconfrontedandaccidentlyshot
thevictimwithbowandarrow.Sourceofdata:Sonofculprit,culprit.

Case#2:AsubcontractorhaulerofthelocalloggingcompanyIDChadadisputewiththeAgtavictims
about the logging operation, as the Agta wanted them to stop the logging operation, because of a
disputeaboutroyalties.Thevictimsenteredtheconcessionareainagrouptogetherwithlowlanders,all
inall4peopletolookforediblebirdsnestincaves.Latertheyweregunneddownbypolicegoonshired
by the subcontractor, but one victim was able to escape and reached the lowlands on foot and was
instantlytransferredtoahospitalinManilatoavoidthedangerofasecondattackonthevictim.After
thatincidentthesubcontractorwassuspendedbytheloggingcompanyandthesisterofthesurviving
victimConchita,whoworksasIPcoordinatorwasgivenabodyguardbythecompany.Theallegedboss
ofthegoonsapoliceofficerwasneverconvictedandtransferredtoMindanao.Sourceofdata:Sisterof
survivingvictim,(Headland&Headland,2007).

Case#3:AformerBarangayCaptainofDimaseset,Dilasagwaskilledbythesuspectsallegedlybecause
they felt cheated by the victim when selling wild pig meat. He was an aribay of them. The aggrieved
refrainedfromrevengeastherewasconsultationwithotherAgtaandthelatterpointedoutthatmaybe
innocent people will be killed and the impossibility to catch them as they will always escape to the
mountains.Ifamanhuntwouldhavepushedthroughbythemilitaryamassacrelikeinthetentcase
see earlier in this chapter could not have been be ruled out. Source of data: IP coordinator, different
AgtaCasiguran.

Case #4: Suspect and victim were drunk and had an argument. The suspect felt insulted loaded his
matchgunandshotthevictim.Thesayingisthatthevictimtoldthesuspect,thatthebreath(life)ofan
AgtaisonlyworthfivePesos(averylowamount).ThesonofthevictimwhoisBarangayCaptainnow
andknownforhavinghisowngunswasneverabletoavengethekillingorhavethepolicecapturethe
suspect.Thesuspectwasmanyyearslaterkilledseecase#12.Sourceofdata:DipagsanghanAgta,son
ofvictim.

Case #5: The victim wanted to pacify a fight between the suspect and another person when he was
stabbed. He was caught and put into the prison of the LGU Dinapigue, but after a few months the
brother of the victim avenged the killing by raiding the area of the family of the suspect killing the
younger brother of the suspect (Magana, 2000, p. 46). The brother of the victim composed a raiding
party,butthesuspectsfamilygottoknowaboutitandwithdrewintotheforest.Astheycouldseethe
smoke coming from the fire of the victims family in the forest, the brother of the victim managed
somehowtogetholdofthesuspectsyoungerbrotherandshothimwithamatchgun.Asitistradition
all members of the raiding party shot the body of the brother of the victim, so to avoid feeling guilty
afterwards or to spread the guilt to all participants. The suspect lives now in a far place of Barangay
Dimaluadi,Dinapigueandimmersedinthelowlanderpopulation,atypicalreactionofAgta,whofearto
 24/108

bekilled.In2007araidingpartyfromthesuspectsfamilywasseenatthecheckpointoftheLUZMATIM
loggingconcessionlookingforanephewoftheAgtawhoavengedthevictim,butcouldntfindhim.The
nephewwasworkingatthecheckpoint.SofarIhaventheardofAgtainafullblownfeud,butIguess
the possibility is there. Perfectly well I got to know that in one case among the Aeta Negritos in San
Marcelino,Zambales,whichclaimedseverallivesinaspiralofviolence.Sourceofdata:Dipagsanghan
Agta,(Magana,2000),(Headland&Headland,2007).

Case#6:The2suspectswerebrothers,Agtaofmixedancestry,hadadrinkingsessionwiththevictim,
whowasthenstabbedbybothsuspects.Afterarelativeofthevictimfiledacasewiththepoliceadeal
wasmadebetweentheaggrievedandthesuspectswiththepaymentof25,000Phpbloodmoney.To
date09/16/075,000Phpwasstillunpaid.Sourceofdata:courtorderseen,sisterofvictim,(Headland&
Headland,2007).

Case#7:thepolicestartedamanhunt,becausethesuspectwaswantedfordoublemurderinLawang,
Dilasag. The suspect was very skillful to avoid capture by escaping from the police in many occasions
alsoinCalabgan,Aurora.Thepoliceputabountyonhisheadandallegedlyhewaskilledbyciviliansin
BarangayDibuloan,Jones,surrenderedtotheauthorities,andarewardwascollected.Sourceofdata:IP
coordinators,(Headland&Headland,2007).

Case#8:Inadisputewithillegalwaterloggersthesuspectambushedthemanageroftheoperationwho
wasoverseeingthewaterhaulingofthelogswithamatchgun.Theconflictstartedwhenaloggingteam
fromanotherprovinceenteredtheareaandrefusedtopayresourceroyaltiesandthreatenedtheAgta.
TreeswerecutnearaburialgroundoftheAgtaandputagaygay,whichwasalsoignoredbythelogging
team.FurthermoretheAgtaalsoconsultedtheLGU,allofnoavail.Atthetimeofthekillingtherewas
alsoaDutchresearcherteamvisitingnearthatareaonthecoast.Nocasewaspursuedbytheaggrieved
andtheloggersreturnedtotheirhomeprovince.Thesuspectwasclosetotheformerpolicechief,thats
whyitwasnotfurtherinvestigatedasthecasewasnotviewedtothedisadvantageforthesuspect,the
match gun could have been used by anybody not only an Agta. Source of data: Dipagsanghan Agta,
brotherofsuspect,policechiefPNPPSIRubyCapinpin.

Case #9: Three illegal Narra water loggers, who use the western watershed of the Sierra Madre from
Maddela,Quirinowerekilled.Althoughitcannotberuledoutthatrivalillegalloggersaretheculprits,
Nora,theIP coordinatorfortheloggingcompany,whowent upthere torecoverthecorpseafterthe
incident was shot at but intentionally not hit by the suspects as demonstration, that they dont want
themtogetthecorpse,whichisaratherclearsignofinvolvementinthehomicide.Additionallyanother
sign was that the Agta were hiding in their camp using multiple ambush positions after the incident.
Anotherangleofthestoryisthat the Agtawereafraidthatthemilitaryis comingtoarrestthemand
thusfiredthewarningshotoutofpanic.Thenewesttheory,whichfallsunderwildspeculation,isthat
anotherillegallogginggrouphiredtheAgtatokill.BeforethattheAgtafeltcheatedforpaymentsbythe
victims,mostprobablyinconnectionwithsurveyingNarra.Sourceofdata:IPcoordinatorNora(involved
alsoinrecoveringthecorpse).
 25/108

Case #10: An IDC foreman was attacked at a logging camp and shot in the abdomen and suffered a
grazing shot on the head inflicted by a match gun. The relatives of the victims are convinced it was
anothergrouptheJojogroup.Sourceofdata:IPcoordinator,nieceofvictim.

Case#11:On09/18/07IstayedinCalabganandofferedthevictimtoguidemetotheAgtainDibuloan
ashetoldthattheymightbehardtofindbecauseoffrequentchangeoflocationinthemoreremote
partofthatBarangayveryunlikely,butIgavehimthebenefitofthedoubt.IntheafternoontheAgta
startedmoderatedrinking,whichintensifiedinthelaterhoursinotherlocationsawayfrommine.After
eatingdinnerwiththevictim,thevictimleftandranmostprobablyintoabrawlwiththesuspectanda
groupofmen.Asthevictimsuccessfullydefendedhimself,thesuspectcouldnttakeitandusedanice
pickandinflictedthelethalstabbing.Thebodywascarriedawayanddumpedinanearcreek.Thisall
happenedveryneartomyplaceofstayandtothehousesoftheresidents,butnobodysaworheard
anything.Soatfirstthevictimwentjustmissingwithasuspicionbecausesmallbloodtraceswerefound
onthesite.Afteraweekthebodywasfoundinadecayingstatebyapersonlookingforshrimps.

ThesuspectisanAgtaofmixedancestrywhostayedalsoalongertimeintheVisayaswerehecommited
a murder when he was ateenager. Somehow he became a supporter of the Bahala Na Gang, literally
whatever may come, a gang which is normally popular in Philippine prisons and would be very
uncommoninremoteareaslikeAurora.

The victim moved there recently from Barangay Dibuloan, Jones, Isabela, where his consanguine
relatives stay. Before Dibuloan the victim and his relative stayed most probably in the more remote
logging areas near the Geygey band but relocated because of the case #2 incident. In Calabgan he
married Marita, who was divorced, without children and owns plenty of farmland and a house there.
ThevictimhadahistoryofcausingcommotioninCalabgan.Afteranincidentofdomesticviolence,his
wife filed a case against him and as a result he stayed one year in jail in Baler, Aurora. In another
incident he burned down the common home of the couple when drunk. He was viewed also as
conceited.InotherwordshewasnotverypopularinCalabgan.

AftertheincidentthenewsspreadlikewildfireuptoevenSanMarianoasthepeopleinDinapigueand
SanMarianocancommunicateviaradio.Itwastriedtokeepitasasecretfirstaspeoplewereafraid
there will be instant revenge raiding from the relatives in Dibuloan as the family has a reputation of
violenceitselfseecase#7,whichuptonowdidnthappen.Themurderhappenedafewmetersaway
from a permanently staffed service center of the NCIP. The NCIP was facilitating the filing of a case
against the suspect. It turned out that the people participating in the brawl were willing to give
testimony.Thechancesthuswouldhavebeenquitegoodforasuccessfulprosecutionandthesuspect
wasreallyjailed,butthenotoriouslyweakperformingPhilippinebureaucracycouldntgetitdoneinthe
right time and the victims wife was passive and didnt engage, but even without charges from the
aggrieved,theycouldhavebeenmadebythestateprosecutorhimself.Chargeswerenotfollowedup
andthepolicehadtoreleasethesuspectsonottocommitarbitrarydetention.Afterreleasethesuspect
lefttoanotherprovinceBulacan.Thewifeofthevictimwasscared,thattheinlawswillharmherand
wentintohidingandsubsequentlymovedtoManilatoworkasastorehelper.CulturallyifanAgtadies
intheabsenceoftherelatives,thewidowiseasilyblamedforthedeathastonothavetakencareofthe
 26/108

relative good enough. (Headland T. N., Kinship and Social Behavior Among Agta Negrito Hunter
Gatherers, 1987) Recently in December 2008 the suspect returned to Calabgan, but left again after it
turned out that the NPA was looking for him like in case #16. Source of data: IP coordinator, own
observation.

Case#12:Thevictimperceivedtobecheatedbyhislowlanderneighborwhensellingediblebirdsnest
andburneddowntwohousesofthelowlandersMayongMagazandRudolfoAstrena.Atleastsincecase
#4happenedthevictimwasalreadynotoriousandalsoallegedlyheldupaboatoforchidtradersfrom
Dilasag bringing provisions before the arson happened. One day he went together with a teenager of
mixedAgtaancestrytogatherbirdsnest.Whenhetriedtoclimboutofthecavestoneswerethrownat
himandhesustainedalsoabulletwoundonhisleg.Hewasabletogetoutofthecavebutdiedafew
metersawayfromthecave.Theteenager,whowaswithhim,seemsnotcapableofdoingit,becauseof
hissmallstaturecomparedtothetallandstrongbodyofthevictim.Furthermorehedoesntownagun.
Itisbelievedthathemetmaybesomebodyelseintheforest;akillerwashiredbythelowlanders.After
theincidentthefatherofthevictimputagaygayattheplaceofthemurderandthewholepopulation
ofDivinisaAgtaandlowlandersalikeleft.ThisisalreadythesecondtimethatDivinisa,whichhasasmall
populationofaround1015familieswasvacated,becauseofadisputebetweenlowlandersandAgta.In
the first time among a different population in the 70s the trigger was the rape of an Agta girl by a
lowlander. Furthermore there were long time conflicts, because around half of the land previously
cultivated by the Agta and lowlanders was taken over by Pepe Panuncio, who was known carrying
always a gun with him when working in the fields, but died recently. Recently one former lowlander
familytogetherwithotherAgtareturnedtothesiteforgatheringforestproducts.TheAgtaarenotonly
theworkerstheyservealsoasprotectorsandmediatorstowardsthefamilyofthevictimasitseemsthe
theydontapprovethereturnofthelowlanders.Sourceofdata:returninglowlandersformerresidents,
AgtaDipagsanghan.

Case#13:Thewindshieldofareturningtruckfromtheloggingconcessionwasshotatbythedrunken
suspect who demanded provisions from the crew from the truck. The crew couldnt give anything as
theywerereturningandalltheirprovisionswerefinished.Sourceofdata:victims,relativessuspect.

Case #14: Because of jealousy a wife hacked her husband on the head with a Machete injuring the
husband severely, with the husband staying for days in the hospital in Casiguran. Husband and wife
werebothdrunk.After thehospitalstayhusbandandwifereconciled.Sourceofdata:IP coordinator,
victim,suspect.

Case#15:Ateenagerwasshotbyanunknownattackerwithamatchgunandthenstabbedinafrenzy
withthethevictimsironrodusedforfishing.Thevictimstilllivedforafewhoursinthehospital,but
wasnotawarewhotheattackerwas,beforehediedfromshock.Thefamilyofthevictimsuspectsthe
notoriousAgtafromtheloggingconcessionarea,theJojogroup,buttheyhaveanalibigatheringrattan
in the logging concession area, which is confirmed by witnesses and are not hiding. There is another
Agta family who is surveying Narra for the victims family, who recently talked negatively about the
victimsfamilyandwasseenwithbowandarrow.Althoughthestabbingwiththeironrodisuncommon
astheAgtanormallyrunawayinstantlyaftershootingthevictim,itsmuchmorelikelythatanAgtauses
 27/108

a match gun, than a lowlander. The Agta learned the technology from the lowlanders, but the
lowlandershavelongtimeagoceasedtousethatguns.NowadaystheAgtamaketheirowngunsand
dontborrowthemanymorefromthelowlanderslikebeforeinthe1960s(HeadlandT.N.,WhyForagers
DoNotBecomeFarmers:AHistoricalStudyofaChangingEcosystemandItsEffectonaNegritoHunter
GathererGroupinthePhilippines,1986,p.263).ThefamilyofthevictimcontactedtheNPAinthiscase.
Sourceofdata:HospitalstaffCasiguranDistrictHospital,IPcoordinator.

Case #16: A snare trapping group was ambushed with match gun by unknown Agta suspects from
Quirinoprovince,becauseofenteringagaygaywithoutpermission.Thelowlanderswerewarnednotto
enterthearea,butcontinuedtodoso.Thesurvivorsoftheambushputthecorpseinthetreestoavoid
that the corpse are eaten by wild animals. Because of fear the corpse were not brought down for 6
monthbythelowlanders.Sourceofdata:IPcoordinator.

Case#17:Thesuspecttriedtorapehisstepdaughter,butsheresistedandwasbadlybeatenup.The
motherthenaskedforhelptotheNPA.TheNPAlookingforpopularityandeagertoexercisejusticevia
thePeoplesCourtkilledthesuspectwithin3days.Sourceofdata:IPcoordinator.

Case#18:Samestorylikecase#16.TheAgtawantedtocloseanareafor10years.Sourceofdata:IP
coordinator.

Persecutionofthekillingsinthesecases
TheresponsetoakillingforAgtaandlowlanderis(1)none,(2)takingrevenge,(3) makingadeal,(4)
prosecutingthroughthestatejusticesystemor(5)askhelpfromtheNPAbytheaggrieved.

Whatisdominatingisabsoluteimpunity.Mostofthecasesarereportedtothepolice,butnotpursued
until the end of the process. The apprehension of the suspects e.g. in case #2,#3,#4,#8,#9,#10 wasor
wouldbealreadyaproblem,asthesuspectsbackoffinremoteareashardtoreachforthepolice.In
case #8 the suspect is staying in the Disallang river valley in the area of Palanan, San Mariano and
Dinapigue, which is at least one day walk from every location. Not only Guerilla armies use the
advantageoftheforestforhitandrun.WhenIhikedfromPalanantoSanMarianointhemiddleofthe
SierraMadreMountainRange,around1.5dayhikingtimeforlocalsfromthenearestvillage,Isawtwo
lowlanderswalkingwiththeirfacecovered,whichIfoundfunnyatfirst.Afterwardsitturnedoutthat
they had stabbed somebody recently in San Mariano. Case #7 illustrated that this can escalate in a
shootout with the police if the suspect escapes many times. Headland mentions the detention of the
suspects family in three times to get hold of the suspect in the 20 years time of their presence
(Headland & Headland, Limitation of Human Rights, Land Exclusion, and Tribal Extinction: The Agta
Negritos of the Philippines, 1997), which he lists under human rights violation, but which is also the
lesser evil when compared to the shooting of escaping suspects and maybe innocent people in the
course.Anotheraspectis,ifAgtahideforyearsfromthepoliceintheforest,itsnotmuchofahardship
forthemastheyareusedtoaforestlifestyleandcertainlydontlongfortheBarrio.Anotherpopular
escapefromjusticeistosimplytransfertoanotherprovinceforpeoplewiththeabilitytodothatlikeit
happenedincase#2withthepolicechieforincase#11.
 28/108

Revenge is certainly thought of by most people, but only in Dinapigue and among some in southern
Palanan I have found people among its the first choice, still firmly believed in and done by raiding.
There,naturallytheAgtasayalifeisneededwhensomebodywaskilled.Thepriorityforkillingisthen
fromthesuspectand thenearestrelativestothefarthestrelativeindescendingorder.Raidingiswar
everybodycanbeatargetandifnobodyispresenttheywilldestroythehutsthepotsandthepans.It
hasitsimperfectionslikekillinginnocentpeopleandmaybestartinganeverendingfeudapartfromthe
ethicalconcernsregardingthedeathpenalty.Thisrevengeraidingismostprobablydifferentfromthe
raiding, which occurred before the 1960s (Griffin M. , 2000; EstiokoGriffin & Griffin, 1975) between
distantAgtaofdifferentlinguisticgroups,asthesamenumberofpeopletoberevengedissoughttobe
killed,notthewholevillagepopulationaswiththelatterraidingobviouslythecase(HeadlandT.N.,Why
ForagersDoNotBecomeFarmers:AHistoricalStudyofaChangingEcosystemandItsEffectonaNegrito
HunterGathererGroupinthePhilippines,1986,p.385).Oneexplanationforthatbigraidingdoneby
theAgtaistoreliefthemselvesfromthesadnessthroughkillingwhensomebodydied,butthereseems
tobenotmuchsoliddataboundtorealeventstosupportthatasareason(?).Anotherreasonwouldbe
afeudoutofcontrolovergenerations,wherenobodyknowsanymorethereasonwhyitstarted.

Makingadealisverypopularamongthelowlanderpopulationthemselves.Althoughthelocalpolicefor
exampledontendorseitandsendsthecasesalwaystotheRegionalTrialCourt(RTC),thesuspectand
victimnegotiateitoutnevertheless.Bloodmoneyamountdependsthenonthedegreeofaffluenceor
abilitytopayofthesuspect.IfIwouldkillsomebodythentheamountwouldcertainlyreachmillionsof
Pesos,whereasinthecaseoftheAgtatensofthousandsarealreadysufficient.

What is surely the most seldom used option is the justice system in complete procedure. There are a
myriadofproblemsfirstofallnoforensics,unlikedepictedinthecurrentlypopularTVshowsdonein
moreaffluentcountries.Theautopsy,ifdoneatall,isdonebythenotspecializeddoctorfromtheLGU.
Thereisacrimelaboratory,butfarinthebiggercitiesandthepolicehavenoregularbudgettobring
people from the crime laboratory to such remote places. In the Philippines persons are convicted
throughwitnesses(pers.comm.PNPPSICapinpin),whichcarriesthedangerthatpeopleareframedand
thereareusualproblemstogetpeopletotestify,becauseofintimidation.Atleastincases#2,#8,#9,
#10,#12,#15,#16and#18therewerenowitnessesaroundatallandwhenthereweresurvivorsthe
faceswerenotrecognized.Iftheinvestigationiscomplicatedandrequiresalotoftransportation,then
the complainant has to spend his own money to carry that out. The Regional Trial Court deals with
homicidecases,whichrequireslongtransportationandthenaccommodationinfarcities,whichisagain
afinancialburdenandthenthereisstillthedangerthatthejudgebidshisdecisiontothehighestoffer
bycomplainantorthesuspect.Allinallthusly,averycostlyandpainstakingprocesssimplyoutofreach
forthepoor.

AtlasttheNPAcanbealsoaskedtosettlethescore.Incase#11,#15and#17thathashappened.

ReasonsforkillingsbetweenAgtaandlowlandersinthesecases
OneAgtabandallegedlyresponsibleformanycases,cases#3,#9,#10andtheAgtasuspectandvictim
incase#4,#12areviewedasbadAgtawhodeservetobekilledbyotherAgta.
 29/108

There are quite a few cases, where Agta killed influential lowlanders. In this data set two Barangay
Captainswerevictims.In1956anAgtamankilledthetownmayorofCasiguran(Early&Headland,1998,
p.67).

TherearetwobandstheJojobandandtheGeygeyband,namedafterthebandheadswholiveinthe
river valleys far from the Barangay within the IDC logging company concession in Diaba up to Mt.
DoshermanosareasthroughouttheyearwithamoreebukedlifestylesimilartotheDisabunganAgtain
thelate70s(Rai,1990),butwithrecentdeclineinwildpigpopulationincontrast,stayinginleantosfor
longertimesintheyear.Theiradditionallivelihoodisfishingforownconsumptionandrattangathering
apartfromreceivingarelativelybigamountofdoleoutsinresourceroyaltiesweeklysince1998theJojo
band and since 2007 the Geygey band. Their lifestyle may look antiquated, but they are perfectly
acquainted with the lowlands e.g. naming their children after popular action stars. Nowadays if Agta
isolatethemselvesfromthelowlands,mainlythereasonisthattheyarewantedforkillinglowlandersor
areinaraidingfeudwithotherAgta.Nonethelessthereiscertainlyahigherfrequencyofformertruly
ebukedAgtakillinglowlandersthanAgtafromthelowlands.Bothbandsareknownforviolenceunder
theinfluenceofalcoholandtheyoftenfoughteachother,thatswhyConchitamediatedtwoterritories
forthem.BeforetheywerenotonthepayrollofIDCthatswhyespeciallytheGeygeybandisknownfor
holdinguporstealingsuppliesfromloggingcamps,whichtheystilldoundertheinfluenceofalcoholor
when the payments are late from the logging company see case #10. The Jojo band is not known for
havingcommittedanymurders,buttherearemanyrumorsaboutbothbandsandtheyarethetalkof
thetown,especiallyamongtheAgtafromthelowlands,whofearthemverymuch.Naturallyastheyare
notoriousineverycrimethathappens,theyarethefirstsuspect,whichproducesmanyuntruestories.
TheyarethemainreasonwhynootherAgtainCasiguranapplyforworkintheloggingcompanyinthat
area. The Geygey band is not coming down to the lowlands much anymore since the accusations are
mounting,butismovingfrequentlytoanotherconcessionareaunderPATECO,whereotherAgtafrom
Dinapigue are concession guards and look after the logging camps to avoid stealing of supplies and
keepingpeaceandorder.Bothbandsareregardedasunpredictableintheuseofviolence.Thelogging
companiesingeneralafteralldontcorrespondtothecommonstereotypeinsendingparamilitariesto
getridoftheproblemlikeincase#1,insteadapplyamorediplomaticwayinsimplypayingthemoffto
keeppeaceful,whichdoesntworkeverytime.Thesepaymentsarealsoinconnectionwiththeresource
royalties(seechapterAncestraldomains,kinshipandresourceroyalties).Thereisathirdbandnearthe
loggingconcessioninQuirinoprovince,whichisnotyetorganizedbytheloggingcompany.Afterallthe
logging companies have long experience with the trouble maker NPA in their concessions. The latest
gruesomekillingincase#9wasactuallyapplaudedbythemanagementastheyareeagertogetridof
illegal loggers. The injury of the foreman in case #10 didnt receive much attention and seems to be
moreofcollateraldamage.

TheotherbadAgtaisRogelDonatoisasimilarcasealsosurroundedbymanyrumorsapartfromcase
#4althoughtheinitialreason.TheAgtainthesecasesdescendedmoreorlessintobanditry.Themany
cases of violence are not reasonable anymore and gone is their credibility among the population,
althoughinsomecasesmaybetheyreallysufferedinjustice.Incontrastarecases#1and#8wherethere
isindeedjustification,asitisimpossibletoresolvesuchproblemswiththeauthorities.Stillthenotion
 30/108

thattheAgtabecomenotoriousinordertoberespectedbythelowlanderssonottobemaltreatedisby
farnotapplicabletoallcases.

Regarding the environmental impacts: When Agta on their own risk their lives to stop logging then
certainlyithassomethingtodowithunpaidresourceroyaltiestheyperceivetobeentitledto,notwith
protecting the forest. The Agta, living a life everyday one day away from starvation, may talk about
protectingtheforest,buttheyareabsolutelynotinthepositiontoforegotheincomeitbrings.There
werecaseswhenAgtaactivelyengagedinenvironmentalprotection,butthatwasunderdirectchurch
orNGOinfluence.

IftheAgtagetspaidfromthelowlandertoenteragaygay,itslikelytheAgtawouldagree.Thesituation
isnegotiable.DefinitelythereisjustificationforkillinglowlanderswhomaltreatAgtaanddontgobythe
rules, but when Agta maltreat lowlanders, the lowlanders would have the same right then also.
Unfortunately in the lawlessness of the Philippine forest fringe there seems to be no other way to
enforce rules, but seen from a holistic, ethical perspective this never can be an acceptable way of
conflictresolution.

InmylistthereisonlyonecaseforlowlanderskillingAgta,case#2,whichishighprofile.Inthiscasethe
logging company supported the Agta, while the rogue subcontractor was the culprit. The question is
what other reasons there are for lowlanders killing Agta. The personal killings spontaneous out of
drunkennesscertainlyarethesame.InthesphereoftradeIonlygottoknowaboutscamsdrawnoffby
theAgta.IhavenotyetheardaboutaconcretecasewereAgtaarekilled,becausetheydontpaytheir
debts, which is rampant. If every lowlander would act like the Agta in case #1 then many more Agta
wouldbekilledbylowlanders.InonecasethoughIwitnessedalowlandervisitingtheAgtavillagedrunk
startingtofoolaround,becauseoneAgtasoldhisbirdsnesttoanotherbuyerinsteadofsellingittothe
visitinglowlanderwhogavetheadvancepayment.Heshowedhissharpenedmachetearound,stoned
somehouses,butnoseriousincidenttookplace.IwasmoreafraidthathewouldgetkilledbytheAgta
thanviceversa.Onefactor,whichcouldplayarole,isthatmostmiddlemenareactuallywomen,who
areunlikelytobecomehomicidalthemselvesoutofanger.ForthescamsIgottoknowsomecasesbut
lackedenoughinformationtoincludethemascases.PeopleinthePhilippinesstillfirmlybelieveinthe
myth,thattheJapaneseleftalotofgoldinthePhilippines,whenwithdrawingfromtheislandsatthe
endofWW2,whichcanbedugup.Treasurehuntersliterallyofferthemselvestobescammedbythe
Agta. After encountering many times treasure hunters some Agta made it an art to tell the willing
treasurehunterfantastic,butbelievedstoriesaboutthehiddentreasures,inwhichtheywillaske.g.for
advance payments, which will be never paid back. In one case one Agta scammed two muslim
merchants from Palanan town proper narrating about a golden Buddha. In the end he was abducted,
torturedandkilled.ItisalsobelievedthatPaitu,thefatherofthesuspectincase#8(HeadlandT.N.,
WhyForagersDoNotBecomeFarmers:AHistoricalStudyofaChangingEcosystemandItsEffectona
Negrito HunterGatherer Group in the Philippines, 1986, p. 541) was executed at point blank by an
angeredtreasurehunter.

M.Griffin(GriffinM.,2000)exploresinhisessaythereasonsforpersonalinterAgtakillingsprofoundly.
Table2.1:Listofviolentincidentsandclassification
v.sex s.sex acci
& & den let persec reas
Nr. victim eth. suspect*1) eth. year place t hal ution on
Romi
1? ML Salazar MA 1996 Brgy.Bisag,Palanan Yes Yes GOV TRA
1Lowlander,1
Agtafatherand
son,Mario
GazettaID8012 police Dimagoyong,logging
2 injured. M goons ?L 1996 concessionarea No Yes NONE TRA
BrgyCapt. Geygey Brgy.Dimaseset,
3 Cayetano ML band MA 1996 Dilasag No Yes NONE TRA

BrgyCapt. Rogel Divinisa,Brgy.Cadsala,

4 Valdez ML Donato MA 1997 SanMariano No Yes NONE TRA

GemelID546
andPinanek's Pinanek, Brgy.Digumaset, PER,
5 youngerbrother MA Pelingan MA 1999 Dinapigue No Yes REV REV
Marlon,
DyeriBekyaden Narding Brgy.Calabgan,
6 ID1118 MA Aguilar MA 2004 Casiguran No Yes DEAL PER
BrgyDibuloan,Jones,
LelengKompes police IsabelaandMaddela,
7 ID7936 MA operation ?L 2004 Quirino No Yes GOV POL

Dimatano,Brgy.
8 Bicolano ML Kleming MA 2005 Dimaluade,Dinapigue No Yes NONE TRA
somewhereIlagen
Geygey watershed,logging
9 Serrano,2others ML band MA 2007 concessionareaIDC No Yes NONE TRA
Andurung, Geygey loggingconcession PER,
10 Ilokano ML band MA 2007 areaIDC No No NONE TRA
Dexter Brgy.Calabgan,
11 RogerKompes MA Redula MA 2007 Casiguran No Yes NONE PER
Dilawangan,Brgy.
12 RogelDonato MA ? ? 2007 Didian,Palanan No Yes NONE REV
crewoftruck
subcontractor
13 ToniLuna ML Dangdang MA 2007 Anggo,Brgy.Ayod,DinaNo No PER
Melda Diaba,logging
14 JojoTanasio MA Tanasio FA 2008 concessionarea No No PER
 v.sex s.sex acci
& & den let persec reas
Nr. victim eth. suspect*1) eth. year place t hal ution on

15 RickyG.Corpuz ML Kaloi,Fredi MA 2008 Brgy.Lawang,Dilasag No Yes NONE TRA

SierraMadreareaof
fatherandson Quirino Brgy.Simbahan,
16 Pascuafamily ML Agta? MA 2004 Dinalungan No Yes NONE TRA

ID8005 2007 Niyog,SanIldefonso,

17 Dongdong MA NPA ? Casiguran No Yes REV REV
NephewofBrgy,
CaptainofBrgy.
Taleg, Quirino Aeroplano,Brgy
18 Dinalungan ML Agta? MA 2009 Dibuloan,Jones No Yes NONE TRA

columns:
column'victim':NameofvictimandIDnumber,ifpersonisregisteredinHeadlands(2007)database.
Sometimesregionthevictimisfromisgiven.
column'accident':Indicatesifresultinghomicidewasonpurpose'no'oraccidental(e.g.manslaughter)'yes'.

column'v.sex&eth':Sexandethnicityofvictim.A(7/18)forAgta,LforLowlander(10/18)both(1/18).

column's.sex&eth':Sexandethnicityofthesuspect.A(14/18)forAgta,LforLowlander(2/18)unknown
(2/18).
column'lethal':Injuriesresultedindeath'yes'ornot'no'
column'persecution':GOV(2/18)apprehensionbythepoliceanddealtwithinthegovernmentaljustice
system.DEAL(1/18)aagreementwasreachedbetweentheaggrievedandthesuspectandbloodmoneywas
paid.NONE(11/18)crimeremainedunpunishedandcasewasnotpursueduntiltheacquittalofthesuspect.
(2/18)theviolenceisnotsevereenoughforpersecutionunderthecircumstances.REV(2/18)revengewas
takenbytheaggrieved.

column'reason':TRA(9/18)problemsintrade,violenceinconnectionoverthecontrolofnaturalresources.
REV(2/18)revengekilling.PER(4/18)personalreasonnotassociatedwithtrade,regardlessifpremeditated
reasonspontaneous,becausedrunk.PER,REV(1/18)personalreasonwithrevengekillingfollowingthat
incident.PER,TRA(1/18)unclearifattributabletodrunkennessorunpaidresourceroyalties.POL(1/18)
wantedbythepolice.

*1)Suspectisconsideredinnocentuntilprovenguilty.
 31/108

3. LivelihoodinDipagsanghan,Palanan2008

Timeinvestedindifferentlivelihoodactivities
There is for example a description of time allocation via random recording of actual observations of
activitiesofpeople(Bernard,1990),butitseemscomplicatedforlistingtheeconomicactivitiesasthey
happenoutsidethevillageandtheresearcherwouldhavetofollowthepeopleinsometimesfarplaces.
FurthermoreIassumetogeteconomicactivitiesofforagersbycontinuousdirectobservationaccurately
isquitefutileastheobservercannotcatchupwiththewalkingspeedindifficultlocationsande.g.inthe
caseofhuntingwouldscareawaythegame,becauseoftheinabilitytowalkquietly.

Asthereseemstobenostandardprocedureforcollectingtimeallocationdatainforagerpopulations,I
orientatedmyselfonthestudiesdoneinthe1980samongtheAgta.ForthedurationofthesamplingI
choseashortertimespanandcontinuouslike(EstiokoGriffinA.,1985,p.28)or(Rai,1990).Thestyleof
datacollectionislikein(HeadlandT.N.,WhyForagersDoNotBecomeFarmers:AHistoricalStudyofa
ChangingEcosystemandItsEffectonaNegritoHunterGathererGroupinthePhilippines,1986,pp.33
47), but in simplified form. The activities were recorded in major categories only. The village was my
home base and I asked in every household every day what was the main activity in the last 24 hours
separated before lunch and after lunch. Activities were more or less per half working day then. If the
mainactivitywaslessthanaroundonehour,thenitwasrecordedasnowork.Theshortfishingforown
consumption before cooking were therefore not recorded. Headlands study was over a much longer
timeoveroneyearin1983andwithover311Agtaindifferentlocationsrandomlyroughlyonceamonth
sampled (Headland T. N., Why Foragers Do Not Become Farmers: A Historical Study of a Changing
EcosystemandItsEffectonaNegritoHunterGathererGroupinthePhilippines,1986).InrecenttimesI
sawalsosomesimpletimeallocationoverashortperiodoftimedonebyresearchersfromtheFilipino
DutchresearchcooperationCVPEDamongtheAgtainMaconaconandSanMariano,Isabela(Schaefer,
1998) (Braeuchler, 1998). In the wet season I was confined to the Agta of the Dipadian river side of
DipagsanghanandcouldntcrosstherivertotheDisallangriversideofDipagsanghan,becauseoflackof
equipmentownboatortruckinteriorasthewaterleveloftheriverwastoodeep.Inthedryseasonthe
riverwaseasilypassableandsomeAgtafromtheDipadianRiverBankwereabsent.

Compared with the data from the Casiguran Agta, the Agta in Dipagsanghan worked less during the
observed25days.CasiguranAgtamenin1983didntwork22.7%ofthepersonworkdays(HeadlandT.
N.,WhyForagersDoNotBecomeFarmers:AHistoricalStudyofaChangingEcosystemandItsEffecton
aNegritoHunterGathererGroupinthePhilippines,1986,p.468),whileinthecaseoftheDipagsanghan
Agtaitis34%inwetseasonand33%indryseasonincludingnoworkbecauseofdrunkennessandno
work because of sickness, but excluding travel (see table 3.1, 3.2). Still the working hours correspond
moreorlesswithaMondaytoFriday95jobIwouldsayinthedevelopedeconomy.Thewomenswork
equals more or less a half day job. The household is more demanding compared to a developed
situation:Waterhastobefetched,firewoodgathered,shortforagingforviand,etc.Furthermoremany
Agtamenstaydaystoweeksintheforestforloggingorgatheringediblebirdsnest.Theycertainlydont
workthemselvestodeath,butprolongedlazinessisdefinitelynotpossible,whenlivingonyourown.I
dontthinkthoughthatyoucancomparetheworkinindustrialcountriesmostlyhavingphysicallylight
 32/108

taskstoforagermenrequiringfullbodyeffortequaltoSpecialForcesinthemilitaryattimes.Still,there
isuntappedpotentialforexample touseforownagriculture. Giventheirprecarioussituationthereis
stillthepossibilitytodomoreagainstit.Drunkennessdoesntshowupmuchasdrinkingstartedmostly
in late afternoon and was not that frequent. I heard that there are sporadically times with heavy
drinking, but I didnt observe it during my whole stay. The lowlanders were consuming more often
alcohol than the Agta and often invited the Agta and influenced them to drink. The drinking of the
lowlanders was almost as extreme as I experienced in Quezon province, where there is a tradition,
because of homemade liquor with women, I observed also a heavily pregnant one, heavily drinking.
Incomesituationisalsoafactor,becausetheAgtawhoreceivedroyaltiesfromloggingwerebehaving
similarlikethelowlanders.InHeadlandsstudydrinkingwasonlyinaround3%ofallpersonworkdays
spentidlethereason,althoughtheAgtatherearenotoriousforhomicidesrelatedtodrunkennessand
6%ofdeathsbecauseofalcoholconsumptioninthe1980s.

Themostprominentactivityinwetseasonwasgatheringediblebirdsnestandfishinginthedryseason.
Engaging in tree surveying or log hauling was only minimal, because of stricter law enforcement and
because a middle women went bankrupt and left the place who traded with legal dead Narra wood.
FurthermoreAgtanearbynotcoveredinthestudyweremoreengagedinillegalloggingatthetimeof
observation.

FoodconsumedbyAgta
WhenIwasrecordingtimeexpenditureIalsotookdownwhatwaseatenbytheAgta.Irecordedmain
andsidedisheseatenbytheAgtahouseholdssimilartoHeadlandsstudy(HeadlandT.N.,WhyForagers
DoNotBecomeFarmers:AHistoricalStudyofaChangingEcosystemandItsEffectonaNegritoHunter
GathererGroupinthePhilippines,1986).Inonemealthebiggestinquantityoccurringstaplefoodand
viand was separately listed. Therefore the data only gives the frequency of food and doesnt give
information on how much food was consumed. Normally the Agta eat three times a day and it is
exceptionalthattheyfollowanotherroutinewithfewermeals,whichwasinonlyaround67%thecase.
In the wet season there was less income and when income was earned from the long birds nest
gatheringtripsitwasoftensenselesslywastedinPalanantowncenter,wherethebirdsnestwassold.
Asaresultthefamilieswhostayedbehindhadtoresorttocassavaasstaplefoodtoasignificantextent,
whichisveryunpopularamongtheAgtaandmostprobablyallNegritosinthePhilippinesnowadays.35
%ofthecassavawasgivenbythelowlanderpastorLuisMendezforfreeinthattimeassomeAgtawere
regularlyattendingmassinhismakeshiftchurch.PastorLuisisnotasponsoredmissionarycomingfrom
outside,butaneighborwhorecentlybecameapastor.Thefrequenttakingofcassavaattheendgave
himaheadacheandhefeltthattheywerefreeloading.EspeciallyAgtawhomigratetootherplacesin
dryseasonhadlittleorshockinglynoswiddenswithrootcropsundercultivation.Stilltherewasabigger
areaundercassavaplantedbyanAgtawhowasabsentinwetseason,whichwasnottouchedbythe
Agta, who received cassava from the pastor most probably out of concerns it might upset the absent
Agta. January is one of the months where the food stock of the lowlanders is becoming exhausted,
because of the agricultural planting schedule. Still, there was corn rice available for sale from the
lowlanders. In July corn rice became the most frequent staple food with 55% of all meals as some
 33/108

lowlanders harvested and Agta either bought corn or helped in harvesting and were paid with corn
directly.

TheAgtaneverorseldombuyviand,whilelowlandersdo.ThiswasalsoobservedinthecaseoftheSan
IldefonsoAgtaaround2003,wholivenearertothetowncenterwhere89.6%oftheboughtfoodwas
rice(Souza,TheOriginofHunterGatherersFoods,2007).InthewetseasontheAgtasharedwildmeat
liketheexceptionalluckycatchofaboaandwildpigwasimportant.Thereisstillanobligationforan
Agtatosharewildpigmeat,althoughitisuptothepersonwhocaughtthemeattodecidehowmuchto
givetotherelativesforfree.Eveniftherelativesliveintheneighboringsettlementmeatissharedto
them.Averysmallpiece ofmeatitis sharedineventinierpiecesforeveryfamily.Deerisalreadyso
preciousthatitisnotalwaysshared,becauseofpreferenceofthelowlanders.Fishisalsosharedbutto
alesserextentandithappensonlyifthereceivinghouseholdreallyhasnoviand.Extentofsharingof
viandandstaplefoodalikedependsontheseverityofthesituationwithmuchmoresharinginthewet
seasoncomparedtothebetterincomesituationindryseason.

The question still remains how healthy the nutrition is. Definitely it is a nutrition gravitating around
viandsfish,darkgreenleafyvegetableslikesweetpotatoleaves,cassavaleaves,fernandnoviandatall.
Wildmeatisstillconsumedwith16%inwetseason,butconsideredthroughouttheyearitwasnotthat
significant.SweetpotatoleavesweremainlytakenfromanoldswiddenofoneAgta.Thereasonforthe
frequentmealswithoutanyviand33%inwetseason,25%indryseasonIwouldattributeitnotonlyto
scarcity, but also to preference. At least it would have been easily possible to get leafy vegetables in
thesecases,whichwererightinfrontofthehousesamongtherecordedpeopleinthewetseason.As
nofoodiskeptittakestimetogetitfromtheriverorthroughgathering,whichisnotalwaysdoneso
nottowastetimeforotherlivelihoodactivitiesornoworkatall,whilethereisalsonostronglongingfor
viandaspeoplearecontentwithhavingviandintheothermeals,especiallywhentheviandisnotthat
tasty.Thiswouldbethenageneralrestrictioncomingfromrurallifeitself,whereyoutakecareforthe
foodbyyourselforcannotbuyitevenwhenyouhavemoneybecauseoflackofsupply.Itmightbethat
thisisalreadyasgoodasitcangetinaforagerlifestyle.SignsformalnutritionamonginfantsontheSan
IldefonsoPeninsulaintheForagerPhasefrom19501964withnoshortageoffishandwildmeatinthe
environment were discovered, although this could have been caused by intestinal worms taking away
nutrients (Early & Headland, 1998, p. 115) (see also chapter Health situation). On the other hand
regardingtheoldertimesitisthinkablethatfishandgamewascaughtinsuchasurplusthattheviand
wasneverrunningoutfromforagingtoforagingtrip.Nowadaysinthetimeofscarcitythereisthelack
of planting of vegetables by the lowlander and Agta population alike in the uplands to counter
malnutrition.TheAgtaoftenjustforagedforfern.InanotherexampleinBarangayBisag,Palananwith
morescarcityinwildmeatandfishIobservedthelowlanderpopulationregularlyhavingnoviandtoo,
whilelittleeffortinplantingwasvisible,althoughthereisdefinitelynodoubtthatthesepeoplecould
arrange the supply and purchase of vegetable seeds. To attribute rural malnutrition in the Philippine
settingsolelytopovertyisnotconvincing.

Fernhas3.9g/100gprotein(Rai,1990,p.182)andsweetpotatohassomeironalotofvitaminAand
some protein, thus nutritious, while cassava leaves are also valuable as they contain 4.9g/100g or 7
timesmoreproteinandmorevitaminsthantheroot(Werner,2009,pp.107117).Whatcomestothe
 34/108

mindisthelackofdiversityasmaybeaproblemapartfromthefrequentdisheswithoutviand.Inthe
caseofthevegetablestherearenotmanyvarietiesplantedifever.Overallthenutritionisbetterthanin
otheruplandareas,becauseofthebigriversandtheirrelativeabundanceintheareaincontrasttothe
wildgamesituation.ThedatahassomesimilaritieswiththeCasiguranAgtain1983asaquaticresources
weretheviandin52.6%similartothisdataset.Thedifferenceisthattheaquaticresourcesareinabig
part from the sea, as many Agta live in coastal areas (Headland T. N., Why Foragers Do Not Become
Farmers:AHistoricalStudyofaChangingEcosystemandItsEffectonaNegritoHunterGathererGroup
inthePhilippines,1986,p.457).Thisdatacannottellmuchaboutnutrition,asquantitiesoffoodwere
notmeasured.

Ediblebirdsnestgathering
ThisisarelativelynewactivityineasternLuzon,butalreadylongestablishedinotherPhilippineislands
like Palawan or Coron and throughout South East Asia. Palawan is also known for producing cultured
birdsnestinthePhilippines,butIndonesiawith80100tonsayearisthebiggestproducer(Park,2005)
supplying60%,Thailand20%,Malaysia15%andVietnam,Myanmarandothers5%ofallbirdsnestin
worldwide.ThePhilippinesisasmallproducerbelievedatproducing5tonsayear(pinoy_nest_farmer,
2009).OtherindigenouspeoplesliketheTagbanwahavemasteredthatlivelihoodalreadyalongtime
ago. Thanks to Chinese superstition the rural population has an additional income by gathering birds
nestorcertainmarineorganismse.g.certainshellsorsharksfinfromthenearbyocean.Birdsnestis
already known to the town population of Palanan at least since the 1990s, but there was very little
trade. One factor was also that the potential gatherers, people familiar with the forest and climbing,
especiallytheAgtawereafraidofthecaves,becauseofevilspiritsresidingthere.ImetoneAgtawhois
untilnowafraidanddoesntconsideritasanoptiontoentercaves.Onlyin2002afteraprogramabout
birds nest was watched by the townspeople via satellite TV many got to know about it and a boom
emerged.Inafewyearsbigvolumesweregatheredandthepricewasfavorabletoountilaround2006.
Coincidentally the price fell and the volume became less, most probably because of overharvesting.
Nowadaysthebirdsnestisonlyhalfthepriceofthehightimesbefore.Thereisthepotentialtoshiftto
cultured birds nest, but that requires a long time commitment comparable with starting a coconut
plantationoragroforestryasittakesfiveyearsafterattractingthebirdsinhousesuntilthefirstnests
can be harvested (pinoy_nest_farmer, 2009). But the profitability if established is excellent and
expensesarelittle,butalotofknowhowwouldhavetobeacquiredbytheoperatorsofsuchafarm.

BiggestvolumesaresoldtothetradersintherainyseasoninthemonthofNov.Feb.Itsunclearifthis
isbecauseofthepreferencesofthegatherersorbecauseofthebreedinghabitofthebirds.Iobserved
people gathering birds nest throughout the year. In Penang, Malaysia in cultured birds nest farms
breeding was observed throughout the year but egg laying was observed mainly in Oct. Feb.
(Langham,1980).Thebirdsnestisbuiltwithin35daysbythebird(Wikipedia,Bird'snestsoup,2009).In
Palanantherearenorulesinplacefortheaccesstothecaves.Anybodycangatheranywhereasmuch
ashelikes.Thecavesarescatteredinmanyplaces,ingeneralinadistancefromthevillages,therefore
monitoring the access to the caves would be hardly possible. Only people with the knowledge of
undiscoveredcavescanwaitthewholemonthuntilnestsarefinishedandcansparesomenestsforthe
 35/108

breedingofthebirdstokeepthebirdpopulationstable.Wholenestswouldreachahigherprice,but
nestsareusuallyharvestedinanystageofdevelopment.Thenestwhichisharvestedhasthesmallest
priceamongthedifferenttypesofnestssoldonthemarketworldwide.Theconsumersprefercultured
nestsfromfarmsbredinhouses,becausetheylookcleaner,havenoimpuritiesfromtheenvironment,
andthepurestwhitecolorcanbeachieved.Agtaandlowlandersgatherbirdsnestalike.Insomeareas
theAgtaoutnumberthelowlandersasgatherersinotherareasitisviceversa.Ifeggsofthebirdsare
encounteredinneststheyarefrequentlyeatenandiftheyarealreadybirdstheyareplacedonnaked
stonewheretheymostprobablydie.Manycavesarehiddenunderthetreesandcannotbeseenfrom
afar.Somecavesareeasytoenterandofsmallsize,whileothersrequireconsiderableskillandcourage
using rattan as ropes. Other caves have very small entrances or passage ways inside the caves and
childrenarebroughttoaccessthesecaves.Forilluminationinsidethecavessimpleflashlightswithbulbs
are used. Batteries when weaker are not thrown away instantly, but the flashlight is modified to
accommodate an extra battery until the charge is completely finished. Furthermore flashlights are
coveredwithamotorcycletireinteriortokeepmoistureoutsideandsealedwithrubberbandwrapped
aroundtheendingsofthehose,asitisdoneforsubmersionunderwaterinnightfishingtrips.Inthecase
oftheAgtafromDipagsanghancavesveryfarawayuptoDikadikan,BarangayAyod,Dinapigue,whichis
32kmstraightdistancefromthevillagearevisited.TheAgtaareontripsuptoaweekandmore,which
requiresingeneralanadvancepaymentfromthemiddlemanorwholesaler.

ThegathererssellthenestseithertoamiddlemanintheBarangayordirectlytoaroundtenwholesalers
in Palanan town. The wholesalers are the bigger neighborhood stores in the town center, which have
enoughcapitaltobuybythekilos.Intheboomtimebeforeonewholesalercouldbuyasmuchas3kg
permonth.Asthebarriersofentryintothisventureisverylow,nogovernmentregulationaswithe.g.
rattan, no equipment needed and it is easy to transport practically every neighborhood store trades
withit,whichcausesstiffcompetition.ThewholesalersinPalananbleachthenestwithchlorinetomake
itwhiter.Afterwardstheysellthebirdsnesttotradersoutsidetheprovincewhohavetheknowhowto
process the unfinished birds nest into a cleaner and better looking product acceptable for the end
consumerandalsohavethecontactstobuyersabroad.Theoutsidebuyersalsouseablowertomake
thenestinstantlyandabsolutelydryandalsoexcludethedirtypartofthebirdsnestsfromtheweight
theypayforasithastoberemovedandcannotbesold.Thisisabiggerundertakingasimpuritiesare
removedwithtweezersandthefragmentedbirdsnestsarepressedintonestlikeforms(Angus,2009)
orrectangularbiggerplatelikeforms.Myimpressionwasthatmostofthebirdsnestisnottradedin
thecapitalManilabutshippeddirectlyfromtheprovincesabroadwithHongkongasmajortradingpoint.
TheChinesepharmaciesinChinaTownManiladonttrademuchPhilippinebirdsnestbutretailmostly
birds nest imported from other countries. Most probably because of the relatively small Chinese
populationinManilaitisnotanimportanttradingpoint.ThewholesalesupplychainoutsideofPalanan
is not very transparent with local traders keeping their contacts as a secret to avoid competition. I
myself had problems to get information from the Palanan traders, as they distrusted me and didnt
believe me that I only wanted to research and had not intentions to enter the business. Most of the
wholesalersinPalananhavetheirownbuyersindifferentpartsofLuzonIsland.Forlocalwholesalersto
makecontactdirectlyabroadisalmostimpossibleasthereisfirstofallthelanguagebarrierandalsoan
 36/108

unknownFilipinotraderwouldbehardlytrustedbytheChinesebuyers.TheChinesepharmacyowners
wereveryreservedwhenIlookedforinformationmyself.

Buyingbirdsnestfromthegatherersisfinanciallyrisky,becauseitiswetandsmallinamount,which
meansitcannotbeweighedinthatstagesuccessfully.Theotherproblemisthatnoreasonableweighing
scales are neither by the wholesalers or middlemen used. Fortunately the standard 20kg retail store
scale with 50g resolution brings acceptable results when tested with 50g dry birds nest. But still the
problem remains when the birds nest is wet. The traders in general resort to buy it by assessing the
weightbylooking,whichcertainlyresultedinlossesbypeoplewhoarenotthatluckyorskilledtoassess
the correct price. The fragments of nests which are gathered are then put together in bulks each
resemblingmoreorlessafinishednestandthengivenacorrespondingprice.Iboughtmyselfbirdsnest
fromtheAgtaanditturnedoutthatthebulkstheygavemewereonlyhalfofthatneededtobreakeven
when selling it in the town proper, as I dried it and then weighed it in town proper to sell it to a
wholesaler.ThiswasthereasonwhyIhadtoadjustthenumberbulksinsomecases,asthatwastheself
assessed number of bulks they stated to have gathered, which was overstated (see table 3.4). After
sometimeIhadenoughexperienceandcountedthebirdsnestmyselfbeforetheysoldittorecordthe
incomeoraskedforthepriceaftertheysoldit.

InPalanantwodifferentkindsofediblebirdsnestoccur:Thenest,whichiscalledlocalbythepeopleis
notcommerciallyusedandmadeofplantmaterialandsalivaascement,mostprobablygrassnest(see
figure).ThisnestseemstobeutilizedbytheChinesealso.Thecollectednestisfromtheediblebirds
nestswiftletAerodramusfuciphagus.

The income situation from birds nest gathering looks indeed bad nowadays. Gathering trips were of
long duration sometimes going over weeks to reach all caves up to Dinapigue. In the wet season the
Agtawerenotdeterredbytherain.Theyleftthevillageregardlesshowtheweatherwas.Seldomhad
theyusedthereadilyavailableplasticcanvases,butconstructedleantosoftenunderheavyrain.When
the rivers became too dangerous to cross, they were stranded and had to wait until the weather
becamebettertoreachthenextplace.

Fishing
Interestingly unlike in other areas illegal fishing methods were not used in 2008 among the Agta and
mostofthelowlanderpopulationinDipagsanghan.

Illegalelectricfishingoccursonlysporadicallyintheareaandtherearerumorsthatitispartlydonealso
at night to avoid getting caught. This fishing method was banned in 1965 under FISHERIES
ADMINISTRATIVEORDERNO.84inthePhilippines,butnaturallyhasneverbeenenforced.Theharmful
effects of electric fishing seem to be depending on many factors like species, style and strength of
electric field and are not that straightforward to tell. Quite probably there is a harmful effect on the
uncaught organisms and their reproduction, which is in some cases negligible (Snyder, Electrofishing
impactsonfishreproduction,gameteviability,?)(Snyder,Invitedoverview:conclusionsfromareview
of electrofishing and its harmful effects on fish, 2003). Unfortunately I havent yet discovered more
 37/108

details about that fishing method in the Philippine setting. Interestingly this method is used for
surveyingfishpopulationsinriversbyresearchersandconservationists.Theelectricfieldcausesmuscle
contractions through galvanotaxis, which makes the fish swim towards the source of the electrical
currentorathigherlevelsmakesthefishunconsciousforsometime(Wikipilipinas,2007).Inthelocal
situationamotorcyclebatteryisconnectedtoanelectriccoilmostprobablyapartofavehicletooto
transformtotherequiredhighervoltage.Allpartsareputinarecycledca.1gallonplasticcanisterand
carried on the back. The two electrodes are connected to one stick with iron rod and one stick with
smallnetandthedeviceisusedonlyinkneedeepwaters.

Fishingwithexplosiveshasnotbeenobservedinrecenttimes,butinaround2005alowlander,second
husband of the older Agta woman Tersing from Dipagsanghan, blew himself up in an accident while
throwingexplosivesfromaboatinthemiddleoftheriverwhiletheAgtaweredamminguptheriverto
trap the fish. This is one of the two cases I got to know of casualties, while handling explosives for
fishing,inPalanan.ExplosivefishingisdeeplyrootedintraditioninthePhilippinesasitwasusedalready
before World War II. At the end of the 1990s around an estimated 70,000 fishers in the Philippines
engaged in blast fishing, thats around 12 % of all capture fishers in the Philippines. Lack of ability,
connivance of law enforcers with blast fishers and risk of suffering violence by the offenders are the
usualreasonsforthelackofruleoflaw,althoughithasbeenbannedforalongtimealready(Sievert,
1999).Thedevastatingeffectofblastfishingasgasbladdersofallfishesaredestroyedandcoralreefs
pulverizedintheradiusofdestructionisundisputed.(Wikipedia,Blastfishing,2009).

Yetanotherillegalmethodwhichisorwaspopularistoinducepoisonoussubstancesintotheriverslike
high amounts of fertilizers or pesticides. One young lowlander child allegedly died in mid 2008 in a
nearby Disibulig after drinking water from the river. The mother firmly believes that it was caused by
fishermen poisoning the water, but the child died of diarrhea, which is not a clear sign of poisoning.
Neverthelessconcretecasesforpoisonfishingapartfromthatwerenotknowntohaveoccurredin2008
inDipagsanghanandvicinity.

From the government side the DENR is stricter now in Palanan. Recently Barangay ordinances
prohibiting illegal methods have been made again, which has been done already several times in the
courseofhistorythistimewithrumorsofmixedresults,ase.g.childrenofpolicemenwereseeingdoing
illegal fishing with the confiscated electric fishing devices. Furthermore in end of 2007 the catholic
convent and church has been revitalized with a resident priest after 20 years or more without a
permanentpriestservingthecommunity.Theclericscampaignhardagainstillegalfishingmethods.At
aroundmid 2008somelowlanderswerecaughtbythepolice andthepriestusinga modifiedformof
electric fishing by resting the battery on an inflated truck interior and electrocute in deeper waters
divingwiththeelectrodes.

Acommonthemeinthediscussionamongthelocals:Obviouslythepeoplewholookforgameorfish
canbedividedinpeoplewholivenearbyanduseitfortheirdailyconsumptionandoutsiderswhocome
andlookprimarilytosellforprofitorforstockingsmokedfishforconsumptionforalongertimeinthe
depletedareaswheretheylive.Thelatterareofcourseviewedaslesscaringforthesustainabilityofthe
resource as their visit is a seldom episode. The local people seem to take more ownership than the
 38/108

outsiders.Thiscanbethecase,butthefactisthatlocalaswellasoutsidersdependonthesaleoffishto
peopleoutsideoftheirimmediatesurroundings,theirvillage.Itisnotaclearissuebetweenoutsiders
and locals when it comes to overexploitation, but more a question of who will benefit from the
resources.Ontheotherhandalimitingfactorcanbethenumberofpeoplewhogofishing,whichcanbe
lesswhenoutsidersarekeptout,butultimatelyitdependsonhowmuchfishingisdone,whichcannot
bedeterminedbythenumberoffishersalone.

Peoplewhoareseenusingillegalfishingmethodsbypeoplewhodontusethatmethodstriggervarious
different actions from indifference, scolding or shooting stones at the violators with a sling shot to
gettingpaidoffwithashareofthecatch.Notonlytheopinionsofthepeopledifferbutpeopledont
haveaclearstandpointonthat.Itdependsmuchonthesituation.

Afterallitseemsthatironrodspearfishingisasuccessfulmethodcomparabletotheoutlawedmethods
andthereisnoneedtoresorttoillegalmethodstogetabigcatch.Maybethisamajorfactor,because
in Quirino province at the slopes of the Sierra Madre in 1994 seldom use of illegal methods was also
reportedforriverfishingwithpredominanceofironrodspearfishingamonglowlandersandAgtaalike,
although there was no campaign for strict law enforcement present (Huijbregts, 1996, p. 21). The
catchesinthedryseasoninDipagsanghanwerequitebigwithupto10kgoffreshfishandeelcaughtby
one person per person work day (see table 3.6 F8, F28). Fishing depends highly on the weather. The
waterintheriverbecomesblurredafterheavyrainandfishescannotbeseenanymore.Ironrodspear
fishingisalsonotdoneintheoceaninrainyweather,wherealsoamoresophisticatedversionwiththe
iron rod mounted on a gun like wooden body is used. This method is already used for a long time as
homemadegoggleswereintroducedbyJapaneselumbermenintheearly20thcentury(Rai,1990,p.50).
Itisasimplemethodwhereanironrodisformedintoaspearusingarubberslingtoshootwhilediving
under water wearing homemade goggles. At night sealed flashlights like the ones for birds nest
gatheringseefurtheraboveareheldwiththehandwhichholdsalsotherearendoftheironrodwhen
shooting. The advantage is the fishes are slower at night and dont escape under the presence of the
fisherandthusmakingcatchingmucheasier.

Inthewetseasonlessfishingwasdonebecauseoftheweatherandthecatchwassoldlocallyalwaysin
exchange for rice. In the dry season two dry fish traders and one aribay, who was fishing for own
consumption, hired the Agta giving advance payments. I took down the weight or payment received
givenbytheAgtawheninterviewingthemforthetimeallocationinformation.Thetradersseldomused
conventional scales, but used a homemade construction with Gin bottles filled with water as
counterweight.

Snaretrappingandhunting
AnimportantandculturallydefiningactivityoftheAgtawashuntingwithbowandarrow,butsincethe
introductionofironrodspearfishingearlyinthe20thcenturyfishinghasbeenamajoractivitytoo.Itis
historicallydocumentedandknownthroughinterviewsthattheforestwasveryrichingameuntilthe
20thcentury(HeadlandT. N.,WhyForagersDoNotBecomeFarmers:AHistoricalStudy ofaChanging
Ecosystem and Its Effect on a Negrito HunterGatherer Group in the Philippines, 1986, p. 261). This
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activitybecamesoonerorlateramoremarginalactivityasgamebecamescarce.Dependingonhistory
andremotenessoftheareathishappenedatdifferenttimes.Forexamplein1980intheremoteareas
of San Mariano there was still a group of Agta where the men invested 74.5 percent of their working
timeinhunting(Rai,1990,p.180)sellingmainlytothenearbyemployeesoftheloggingcompanyactive
inthearea,whilein1983thetimeinvestedbytheCasiguranAgtainhuntingcanbeneglected,although
insomeareashuntingwasmorefrequentthaninothers(HeadlandT.N.,WhyForagersDoNotBecome
Farmers:AHistoricalStudyofaChangingEcosystemandItsEffectonaNegritoHunterGathererGroup
inthePhilippines,1986,p.264).

Inthesecondhalfofthe20thcenturytheuseofbowandarrowphasedgraduallyout.Bowandarrow
became ready for the museum as changes in technology were made to homemade match guns and
snare trapping. Match gun use is almost universal now among Agta in all areas. In 1983 among the
Casiguran Agta high powered rifles like carbines, M16 and M1 were used and the success rate was
comparable:26%whenbowandarrowto22%whengunwasused.Itsunclearwhytherifledidntyield
betterthanbowandarrow(HeadlandT.N.,WhyForagersDoNotBecomeFarmers:AHistoricalStudyof
aChangingEcosystemandItsEffectonaNegritoHunterGathererGroupinthePhilippines,1986,pp.
264,481).NowadaysthesegunsbecauseoflessmilitarizationarenotavailableanymoreandAgtaresort
tohomemadematchgunsintroducedbylowlandersafterWWII.Matchgunsaresometimesunreliable,
dangerous as the barrel could explode in your face or the charge explodes prematurely while stuffing
and only one shot can be fired at a time as reloading takes time, which is less of a problem, because
shootingscaresawayallthegameanyway.Itisnowthe most popularhuntingtoolbecauseitcanbe
shotwhilesitting,whichcauseslesspotentialdisturbanceofthegame.Bowandarrowincomparison
needs a lot of space, which can cause touching and moving the underbrush, which scares away the
game.Thiswasthereasonstatedin2008byDipagsanghanAgtawhowereuntilafewyearsagohunting
withbowandarrow.Underbrushisabigproblemevenintheoldgrowthforestasfrequenttyphoons
flattentrees.Rangeandprecisionofbowandarrowincomparisonwiththegunwerenotmentionedas
aproblem.

WhatisremarkablethereisthattheAgtameninSurungtiDiango,Maconaconin19988menobserved
12daysinrainyseason,21daysindryseason,spenthalfoftheirworkingtimeinrainyseasonandone
thirdoftheirtimeindryseasonhunting.Theyalsoinvestedaround10%oftheirtimeinsnaretrapping
(Braeuchler,1998),whichmeansthatgameseemedtobestillimportant.Butitcannotbetoldifitwas
donereallyforlivelihoodpurposesorfortheloveforitasoverallsuccessrateoftrappingandhunting
was in the range of what Headland reported for the Casiguran Agta 1983, where it was a marginal
activitywith successrate of21%(HeadlandT.N., WhyForagersDoNotBecomeFarmers:AHistorical
Study of a Changing Ecosystem and Its Effect on a Negrito HunterGatherer Group in the Philippines,
1986,p.481).

Themainreasonforthegamedeclineseemstoberathertheincreaseofdemandandpeoplewhokill
game, because of population increase and better market access than logging. Some researchers claim
thatlackoffoodfromnuttreesintheforest,causedbyloggingisanoverallsignificantfactorforthe
declineofwildpigpopulation.EmpiricallythesituationinDipagsanghanrefutesthis,becausetheforest
inDipagsanghanhasonlybeenloggedforhousebuildingpurposesofthelocalpopulationandforNarra
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whichmakesinaverageonepercentoftheoveralltimberstandintheSierraMadreforest(Top,2003,p.
96). In the middle of almost old growth forest you have a situation, which is comparable with other
remoteareas,whichwereloggedoveralreadylikeforexampletheabovementionedSurungtiDiango
whereabigoperationtookplaceuntilthemid1990s.IheardintheconcessionareaofIDCinDiabain
theCasiguranAgtaarea,Agtabroughtdownstill10kgofsmokedriedmeat(whichisaround20kgfresh
meat) per week until 2003. Since 2001 the situation is deteriorating as the logging road has been
reopenedinthatareaandlotsoflowlandersusethefreetransportationforsnaretrapping.Thismeans
game is as scarce in Dipagsanghan as everywhere else nowadays in the remote forest fringe and is
commonlycalledtheemptyforestsyndrome.Neverthelessintheseremoteplacesitisstilllikelytotaste
wildmeat,whenstayingforsomeweeksormonth.Thechangebroughtbyloggingcanhavebeneficial
effects to the deer population, as deer trends to feed on grasses and leaves high in cellulose, which
abundancecanbeincreasedbylogging,becauseofincreasingundergrowth,whileforwildpigsitmight
haveanegativeeffect,becauseofthelackofthementionednutproducingtrees,treesforyamtocling
onandingeneraltoomuchundergrowth(Rai,1990,p.77).

For a long time now lowlanders many times outnumber the Agta in that livelihood, but using almost
exclusivelysnaretrapping,whiletheAgtamixhuntingandtrapping.Inthepastpigbombsmadefrom
matchheadstouseasexplosivelikewiththematchgunwere used,butitisveryseldomusedinthe
present (Headland T. N., Why Foragers Do Not Become Farmers: A Historical Study of a Changing
EcosystemandItsEffectonaNegritoHunterGathererGroupinthePhilippines,1986,p.264).Catching
ofgamebeitdeerorwildpigcanbeveryprofitable.Themeatcanbesoldatpricesnearorequalto
domesticmeat.Thepricein2008inDipagsanghanforexamplewas80Phpand10Phpin1980among
theDisabunganAgtainSanMariano.Interestinglytheexchangerateforricedeclinedfrom5kgrice/kg
meatin1980toalittleover2kgofrice/kgmeatinthewetseasonof2008witharicepriceof35Php/kg
beforethericecrisis.Reasonscouldbethattheemployeesoftheloggingcompanypaidthemahigher
price,asthatwasobservedbyHeadland(Early&Headland,1998,p.30),thericepricecouldhavebeen
muchcheaper.OntheotherhandRaistatedthatthemeatwasatleast33%cheaperthandomesticated
meatofthelowlanders(Rai,1990,p.104).Monetarilyspeakingcatchingoneaveragepigordeeryielded
around25kginRaisdataof1980apriceof2000Phpcanbereachedin2008orwhenaroundhalfis
soldliketheAgtadidin1980andtherestshared1000Php.Soevenwhenthehunterorsnaretrapper
invests10personworkingdaysuntilacatchismadeheispaidwith100Phpor200Phpperpersonwork
day, which is comparable with other livelihoods. Even with little success rate hunting and trapping is
profitable.Thelowlandersstilldotrappingalthoughitmaybeyieldsonlyonceamonthasasourcefor
cashincome.Thatsareasonwhythegamepopulationdoesntgetabreaksofar.

Lowlanderswhohaveenoughfoodcanmaintainsuchanundertaking,whilemostoftheAgtawhodont
savemoneyandhavenotenoughfoodstocksareunabletoinvestmuchtimeinsuchanundertaking,
which explains the higher involvement of the lowlanders in catching game compared to the Agta. In
2008 Agta to lowlander population ratio was 1:1 to 1:2 in Dipagsanghan including Lukban, while the
ratio for the traps was ca. 1:8. The lowlanders with a population of 24 families in Dipagsanghan had
around800traps.FurthermorealsohuntingandtrappinginDipagsanghanwasneglectableinthetime
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allocationdata,butinthewetseasonsomeAgtafromotherplacesnotmonitoredinthetimeallocation
dataweresuccessfulandgavetothemonitoredAgtasomeofthecatch.

I could find relatively little information about the biology of the wild pig. There was one study in the
1980s,whichfocusedonthepredatorpreyrelationshipoftheAgtaexaminingthewildpigskullscaught
by Agta to determine the age, sex of the caught pigs when hunted with bow and arrow, which is not
applicable anymore now. Nevertheless it turned out that hunting is done by the Agta more in rainy
season,becauseoflackofotheractivitieslikefishing(waterblurred)andnoagriculturalactivitieskeep
thembusy,whichIthinkistherealreason(Mudar,1985,p.80).

Regardingthegamepopulationdeclinethefollowingillustrativeaccountwasgiven:

PortonatoMoraisanoldfashionedPalananlowlander,whohasapreferenceforwildmeatashis
viandanduseshisbarehandtodigholesforplanting,veryoldfashionedindeed.1987hemovedto
DiolasarounddaylocalwalkingspeedsouthofDipagsanghanontheDisallangRiver.Theplaceis
isolated, because it requires river trekking through river banks with big stones from landslides,
boatscannotbeused,walkingisobligatory.ThattimegamewasalmostfinishedinBarangayDidian
wherehestemmedfrom.Hispurposeformovingtherewastheextraordinaryabundanceofwild
pig,whichhethoughtisimpossibletofinish.In1995themostprobablyfarthestfromanyroadand
anycoastlivingperson,theAgtaBadang,movedawayfromLada(seemap),becausehischildren
marriedinDipagsanghan,Diarasao,BarangayDidian.FromthenonPortonatobecamethefarthest
away living person and was teased by the Agta, that he is now the remaining ebuked Agta.
Portonato was not the only one who was trapping wild pig. Also professional trappers from the
lowlandsstartedtoinstallhugeamountsoftrapstothetuneof12000trapspertrappergroupin
thatareaandsince2005alsointhisplacegamehasbecomedifficulttocatch.Thetrapperswere
wastefulonlytargeting thepartsinhighdemand discarding the head,fatandbonesthen smoke
dryingit.Throughsmokedryinganyplaceregardlessdistancecanbeworkedasthemeatisdurable
formonths.ForthelocalpeopleitisabsolutelynoproblemtoworkanyplaceintheSierraMadre
forestwithorwithoutloggingroads.Thebirdpopulationwasalsoseverelydecimatedwithpellet
gun.

Rattan
Thisactivitywasmoredoneoutofthelackofotheropportunities,becausetheincomeisverylowfrom
that in Dipagsanghan. Before it was done more intensively with only men working with carabaos for
transportationhavinggatheringtripsforseveraldays,asadvancepaymentsweregivenbythebuyers.In
thewetseasontherewasonlyonebuyerwhoboughtonlyhandsplitandnowholesticksanddidntgive
advance payments. This buyer ceased his operation in dry season and no more rattan business was
goingonthen.Handsplitissmalldiameterrattancutintostripeswithbushknifebyhand.Afterbringing
the whole rattan sticks down they are cut up. Descent income is only achievable when well stocked
areasareavailableandtransportationcoststotherattanbuyeraremanageable,whichisaproblemin
Dipagsanghan. Operations which load the rattan on top of the logs of the trucks from the logging
company in a logging operation like in Casiguran and Dinapigue have here an advantage, which
 42/108

translates into a better profit for the cutters also. The cutting of rattan without the support of the
loggingcompanyingeneralandespeciallybyfloatingthewholerattansticksonbambooraftsoverlong
distances is a last resort activity, because of the meager income it brings. Betteroff forest migrants
regard it as a waste of time. This bad income situation has existed at least since the late 1980s (Top,
2003,p.175).In1983Headlandreportedarattanboom,fueledbyforeigndemand,asrattanfurniture
becamethelatesttrendinWesterncountries.TheAgtaatthattimeearnedtripletheincometheymade
inthe1960s70s,becauseofthehighdemandforrattancuttinglabor.Commercialrattancollectionin
Casiguranstartedin1978.(HeadlandT.N.,WhyForagersDoNotBecomeFarmers:AHistoricalStudyof
a Changing Ecosystem and Its Effect on a Negrito HunterGatherer Group in the Philippines, 1986, p.
299).BeforetheAquinoassassination,whichbroughteconomicturmoiltheAgtaearnedaround21Php
perdayfromgatheringrattanoranequivalentofaround7kgofrice(HeadlandT.N.,WhyForagersDo
Not Become Farmers: A Historical Study of a Changing Ecosystem and Its Effect on a Negrito Hunter
GathererGroupinthePhilippines,1986,p.464)or210Phpat2008riceprices,whichisquitealot.In
comparison DipagsanghanAgta dailyincomewith theequivalentof3kgwasalreadygoodbeforethe
ricecrisis.Thereforemostprobablythedemandbecamelessafterthatboomtime,whichcausedadrop
inprices.

In their own assessment the locals thought they can do 23 Sukongs (pairs of 100 pieces of stripes) a
day,buttheAgtainthetimeallocationachievedinaveragearoundoneSukongonly.Areasonforthat
was maybe that there was not so much pressure to cut fast and it was more done as a family
recreationalactivity.

Agriculture?Whatagriculture?
6of18familiesinDipagsanghanarenotpermanentlystayingthere,whichshowstheunimportanceof
ownagricultureinDipagsanghanfortheirlivelihood.

InthesurveyofthelandownedbytheAgtaIfocusedontheflatlandarea,whichcanbeusedforplow
agriculture.Therearealsoswiddensonslopes,butaftermeasuringthreeofthemwiththesizeof0.1ha
per swidden I drew the conclusion that the situation is the same as described by Headland in 1983
wheretheAgtamostlyplantedverysmallswiddens,whichcontributerelativelylittletotheoverallfood
consumptionandlivelihood(HeadlandT.N.,WhyForagersDoNotBecomeFarmers:AHistoricalStudy
ofaChangingEcosystemandItsEffectonaNegritoHunterGathererGroupinthePhilippines,1986,p.
348).IngeneraltheAgtaMatenghadabiggerswiddenof0.5hawithsomeagroforestrylikecoconuts
andfruittrees,butitwasnotmaintainedanymoreandtheundergrowthwasthick.Thefruittreeswere
mostprobablysuppliedbyNGOs.ImeasuredthelandviathetrackfunctionoftheGPSreceiver,which
yieldsalsotheareawhichthetrackencloses.TheGPSsignalisnotthataccuratewith+/5matitsmost
preciseandacloudoftrackpointsstartstoemergewhenwaitinginonepointormovingunderthick
vegetation, because of logging of ever changing location results, but still it is sufficient for this
application.

ExtralegalityinownershipisdominantinDipagsanghan.Beforethe1960s,therewasnolowlanderliving
in the Dipagsanghan area. In that decade the lowlander Liboy Donato declared some of the lowland
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areasofDipagsanghan.Adeclarationhereisnotyetthefinishedlandtitle:Itismostprobablythetax
declaration,whichcontainsatechnicaldescriptionoftheland.Thetaxdeclarationiseasiertohaveas
thedocumentsarekeptbytheLGU,whileforatitleinteractionwiththeregistryofdeedsisobligatory,
which is located in the provincial capital, thus a costly endeavor. It is not known anymore if the Agta
were cheated in that transaction, if they welcomed the lowlanders for establishing an aribay
relationshipandmakingtradeeasieroriftheyreceivedthecorrectpricefortheland.Thepaymentsfor
landlikeonepig,asharpeningtoolforthemacheteandawatchmaysoundridiculouslycheap,butland
intheseremoteareasisreallycheapalsobecausethemaininvestmentforthelandcomesafterwardsin
formofclearingandconstructingirrigationchannelsifpossible.Naturallyareadytouseirrigatedfield
achievesamuchhigherpricethananordinaryfieldorforestarea.ThelandofLiboyDonatowasthen
partlyboughtbytheLopezfamilywhoindeedbecameanaribayaccordingtotheanthropologistGriffin
whostayedtherein1975(GriffinM.,1998,p.153).Inthecomingdecadesotherlandespeciallyonthe
DipagsanghanDisallangRiversidewasalsosold.AlleasilyirrigateablelandinDipagsanghanisnowadays
inpossessionoflowlanders.InLukbanlandwaspartlysoldtoIfugaoimmigrants.

The legal documents for the lands in Dipagsanghan, because lacking and not up to date are thus not
important for the community. The boundaries are known by the elder people and then shown to the
followinggeneration.Toavoidconflictsthereisalsosometimesatextcomposedcalledreceipt,which
containsadescriptionoftheboundariesoftheland.Thelengthsoftheboundarieswritteninthereceipt
aremeasuredviaalongnylonstringandthereceiptissignedbytheBarangayCaptain.

TheAgtaLarryboughtinrecentyearsthetiny0.3hairrigatedricefield(seetable3.8fieldNr.13)froma
lowlanderbysellingoneoffspringofhistwocarabaos.InJanuary2008hewasabletochannelmoney
earnedfromgatheringediblebirdsnestforbuyingseedsandlabortoplantthericefield.Beforethatthe
landwasmeasuredtomakeareceipt,whichIpersonallywitnessed.

For the 18 families living some time of the year in Dipagsanghan there is still 20.5 ha plowable land
ownedbyAgta.NoteveryAgtafamilylivingthereownsplowablelandthere,someownersareabsent
andonefamilyhasitslandinMagtarakay,whichIdidntmeasure.

Although land is available for a more intensive type of agriculture only a tiny part of it was used for
agriculture.InthesmallfieldNr.12cornwasplantedwithoutplowingusingthesimplerwaybymaking
holeswithapole,whicharethencoveredafterputtingtwoseeds.

InanothercaseinfieldNr.5theoldAgtaDominginitiatedplantingbyhiringalowlandertotilltheland,
butbecauseoflackofcapitalforseedsaftertillingthefieldwasleftfallowagain.Inmid2008Doming
triedthentogetalowlanderassharecropperfortheland.Thatmeansbysucceedinghewouldbecome
alandlord.

LikewiseinfieldNr.15lackofcapital,becauseofcrackdownonillegalloggingatplantingtimeletthe
ownerofthefieldblockinghisirrigationandplantingcorninsteadofirrigatedrice.Thiskindofbehavior
hasnotbeenseenamonglowlanderfarmers.

FieldNr.16and17wasplantedalreadyinthepreviousyearsandnotharvested.
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FieldNr.1,whichissubdividedamongdifferentAgta,isnotusedatall,buttheAgtausedtolivethere
until typhoons Yoyong and others end 2004 struck and flooded a dry river bed encircling the land
betweentheDipadianandDisallangriverarmsleavingnoescape.Thiswasadangeroussituation,but
luckily all the Agta were able to escape. Since then nobody lives there anymore. The typhoon caused
also the flooding of field Nr. 8, which dragged a lot of wood debris onto the land and has left it
unplowable since then. I didnt include here the subdivisions of the land as it should be normally
possible via consultation for an Agta to use the land of another Agta who doesnt use it or is absent.
That notion was reinforced for this Agta community when I saw in wet season the whole Agta
communityfinishingsweetpotatoleavesfromoneswiddenplantedbyoneAgta.Neverthelesstheolder
Agtasubdividethelandamongtheheirsmeticulouslytoavoidconflictbetweentheheirs.

Theoutcomeoftheplantingactivitieswasbad.InfieldNr.12,becauseofabsenceoftheownerafter
planting,asthefamilystayedforsometimewithrelativesonthewesternwatershed,noguardingwas
done and wild pig finished the crops. Although field Nr. 13, 14 is located in front of the house the
harvest was finished by pests as well. Only field Nr. 15 didnt have a crop failure, which is one out of
four.

If the land is not used then an option would be to look for sharecroppers, which is advantageous
consideringtherisksinvolvedinthelowinputlowmaintenanceagricultureemployedbylowlandersand
Agtaalike.Alsolowlanderslivingintowncenterprefertosharecropinsteadoffarmingthemselvesand
buyinglabor,becausethereisnoriskoflossesbecauseoflaborinvestmentwhentheharvestislacking.
Theprofitisthenbetweennothingincaseofcropfailureandthecorrespondingshare.InDipagsanghan
there are lowlanders who lack farm land for example living of only one hectare corn land. Thus it is
thinkable that there are farmers willing to cultivate the land of the Agta, but so far no such
arrangementshavebeenmade.AnobstacleisalsothatalargepartofthelandlikefieldNr.1and2is
thicklyovergrownandconsiderableinvestmentsinclearingarenecessarypriortoplanting,whichmakes
thelandlessattractiveonthemarket.

The case of the Dipagsanghan Agta shows that although when land stemming from their ancestral
possessions not artificially introduced via reservations and development projects is available for
intensivefoodcropagricultureitdoesntresultinincreasedfarmingactivities.Thelandsaresimplyleft
fallow.Riceandcornissoldatveryhighprices30%higherthanthealreadyhighpriceinPalanantown
center.Intimesofscarcityevenmoreexorbitantpricescanbecharged.Thisisdefinitelyanincentiveto
dofarming.BecauseoflackofsavingstheAgtacannotplantmoreeveniftheywantto.Iobservedthat
thecashandfoodstocksoftheAgtaarealwaysfinishedafterafewdays.Itisthusimpossibleforthe
Agtatoattendtolandforalongerperiodoftimewiththeirfamilylaborletalonehiringlabor,aseven
theobligatoryfreemealfortheworkerscannotbeprovided.

Only1outof18familiesinvestedtheirprofitfromotherlivelihoodactivitiesintoagriculture.Thiscaseis
exceptional as land which had been previously sold was bought back again and runs contrary to the
observationsmadeamongthemajority.
 45/108

Lowlanderagriculture,commoditypricesandtheisolationofPalanan
Technical efficiency in cereal production in Palanan unsurprisingly is among the worst in the whole
Philippines.Therearenoprofessionalriceorcorntraderspresent,whosupplyloansinconnectionwith
inputsandfetchtheharvestfromthefarmlikeinthericeproducinglowlandprovinces.Theremnantsof
thePhilippineLandBankarestillvisibleinthetowncenter,butthebankbranchwentbankruptin2001.
It remained unclear if unpaid agricultural loansor mishaps inother sectors like e.g. the financing of a
Lancha,whichhadanaccidentandsunkarethereasonforthe bankruptcy. APhilippine microfinance
company Hometown entered the town recently, but doesnt offer agricultural loans and offers only
loans on a reduced balance scheme good for consumptive purpose or retail businesses. In 2008 it
suspended its loans. In Casiguran there is a better infrastructure available with one bank and two
cooperatives(CasiguranMPDC,SocioeconomicProfile2007,2007,p.42)lendingtothefarmersandrice
tradersfromthenearestriceproducingprovinceNuevaEcija,attractedobviouslybythesurplusinrice
production,buyingtheproduceofthefarmers.ThesituationinPalananresultsinlittleuseofinputslike
theeightcavanoffertilizercurrently(PDI,Plantingriceneverfun,askMangPiring,2008)usuallyapplied
toahectareofricefield.Nontraditionalhighyieldingricevarietiesareused,butseedsarechosenfrom
theharvest.Onlylandownerswiththeirowncapitalsupplyinputstotheirsharecroppersorusethem
themselves. An even smaller minority, for example the father of a municipal agriculturist, is doing
farming by the book according to latest scientific findings and order a complete set of inputs from
fertilizeruptopesticides.Additionallyfarmers,whichlackcapitalforpayingfarmworkersorlacktimeto
supplyexchangelabortotransplanttheyoungriceplantsintothefields,whichislaborintensiveandis
usuallypaidonadailycashrateunlikeharvestingwherethefarmworkerispaidinroughrice,resortto
directseedingintothefield.Thismethodyieldsaroundonlyhalfcomparedtotransplanting.

Thefirstricecroppingin2008wasinthemajorityoffarmsdestroyedbyrats.Farmersestimatedthat
2/3ofricelandwasheavilyaffectedbyrats.Althoughratsareacommonpestinricefieldsandoneof
thefewfactors,whichcanberelativelyeasycombatedinaricefield,mostfarmerswerenotsuccessful.
The expenses for sufficient rat poison are minimal less than 100 Php per hectare. A farmer, who was
successfulinpreventingamajoryieldloss,explainedthathewassuccessful,becausehewasguarding
the field and recognized the problem early and reacted fast enough. Other farmers started too late
whenthepestwasalreadyoutofcontrol.Otherfarmers,especiallyinDipagsanghanandDiambarongall
villagesfarertothetowncenter,didntcombatthepestatall.Thesefarmersjustwaitthattheweather
takescareoftheproblemandsacrificetheharvest.Accordingtotheirobservationtheratpopulation
willgetbacktonormalwhentheweatherisdryer.Poormanagementpracticesarecommonnotonlyin
riceproductionbutalsoespeciallyincorn.NotonlyinPalananaresuchpestproblemsoccurring.Alsoin
Casiguran another pest became acute: The rice black bug was reported occurring during the first
cropping in 2009. Affected farmers increasingly shifted to rattan gathering to make up for the losses.
Sacks of rice black bugs were caught and burned and with the shortage of local rice, caused by crop
failurethericepricesincreaseddramaticallytoo.

In the Philippines integrated pest management is the strategy endorsed to control pests in the fields.
This strategy employs various chemical, biological, plant resistance and cultural practices to keep the
damage on a minimal level always weighed against the economic threshold of damage that can be
 46/108

toleratedforapplyingatechnique.Controlactionsareundertakenbasedonfrequentobservationofthe
pest situation in the fields unlike the preventive application of large amounts of pesticides targeting
extinction of the pests, which can make the situation worse because of creation of pest resistant
populationsorasecondarypestoutbreakcausedbythepesticideapplication.Furthermoretheformerly
applied calendar based application of pesticides can be economically not viable. As a profound
knowledge of the various pests is necessary, which governmental farm technicians and farmers are
sometimes lacking, and some strategies are difficult to implement or economically unattractive,
integratedpestmanagementhasbeenpoorlyimplemented(Reissig,1985,pp.ix6).

When it comes to know how transfer there is disagreement between the farmers and the municipal
agriculturaloffice(MAO)onwhatthereasonforthelowadoptionofimprovedpractices.Thefarmers
claim the government is not sufficiently training and supplying them, while the governmental officers
blame the stubbornness of the farmers for not adopting what they teach them. The truth is most
probably somewhere in the middle. When visiting the MAO it becomes clear that the main activity
inside the offices is finishing the office hours. Outreach to their clients only on special occasions. In
anotherpapertheinabilityoftheMAOtobringupdatedandsufficientinformationtothefarmersand
the wide variation of the quality of the agricultural extension services, because these services were
transferred 1992 to the LGUs were reported (Gerpacio, 2004, p. 23). On the other hand in Palanan
historicallytwoseminarsweredonebyPLANin1996and2003coveringintegratedpestmanagement.
Although it was told that not all farmers were trained at the seminars, some knowledge transfer
between the participant and other farmers in the areas could have been carried out. All in all in the
more remote villages in Palanan I observed a general lethargy when it comes to taking action against
pests and interaction with the municipal office, which I didnt understand at first. There is a tradeoff
betweenspendingtimeinthefieldsandpursuingotherlivelihoodactivitiestocreateincomeleavingthe
outcomeoffarmingtoluck,withmanyoptingtoprioritizeotherlivelihoodactivities.

DataoncropyieldsinPalananarecontroversial.TheoreticallyeverysemestertheMAOshouldsurvey
thecropyieldsviathehelpofthevillagecouncilors.Everyvillagecounciloriselectedforacertainarea
intheBarangayandforthisareaheshouldgatherdata.ThisdataisthencollectedbytheMAOandsent
to the Bureau of Agricultural Statistics (BAS) in the provincial capital. Unfortunately the MAO is not
reportingandtheBASdidtheirownsurvey,butnotonaregularbasis.Forthenationalstatisticsthese
smallremotetownsdontplayarole.IwasabletoobtainadatasetfromtheprovincialBASforPalanan
20062008andtheyieldisca.3t/ha71%ofthenationalaverageforirrigatedfieldsandca.2t/ha69%
ofthenationalaverageforrainfedfields.Ihavemydoubtswiththesenumbers,butmaybeundergood
conditions this was really achieved. The nationwide average yield 2007 was 4.2 t/ha irrigated and 2.9
t/harainfed.Incomparisonthericeyieldof6t/hahasbeenachievedunderactualfieldconditionsin
field trials over several years (Sebastian, Alviola, & Francisco, 1998) in the Philippines under best
practices with proper fertilizer use, pest management, etc. The yield gap is still high between best
practicesandnationalaverage,butyieldhasbeenincreasingovertheyears(SebastianL.,2008).

Noacutepestepidemicwasreportedforthecornharvestin2008inPalanan,buttherewasadrought
problemforpeoplewhoplantedbeforeMay2008.InPalananatraditionalwhitecornvarietyisplanted
on plowed permanent fields with virtually no fertilizer application and little maintenance. At harvest
 47/108

timetheweedsinbetweenthecornplantsarealmostashighasthecornplantitself.Thecornyieldper
hawithca.0.75t/ha(surveyof6farmhouseholdsinBarangayBisagandBarangayDidian,yieldunder
normalconditionsnocropfailure)(PalananMPDC,2000)isverylowforstaplefoodcrops,becauseof
thelowfertilityofthesoilamongothersandislessthan thenationwideyieldofuplandricewith1.6
t/ha (Sebastian, Alviola, & Francisco, 1998). The yield corresponds with the yield range of minimum
attained fields using traditional varieties, which is 0.51.5 t/ha found in 24 surveyed villages on the
Philippines (Gerpacio, 2004, p. 21). Harvested corn is first put in a carabao trailer with an average
volumeof0.5m^3fortransportationandthecornearsaresundriedandstoredasawholeinthehouse.
Thecarabaotrailersarehomemadeanddifferinsizeandonefulltrailermakes575USgallontincans
ofshelledcorn.IngeneralinthemorefarmingorientedBarangayslikeinBisagbiggercarabaotrailers
areused,whileinotherBarangaysthecarabaotrailerissmallerandhasnowheels,butrunsonvats.
Everyhouseholdhasamanuallyoperatedcornmillwherethemanuallyshelledcorngrainismilledinto
acerealsimilartorice.Thecookedcornlooksandtasteslikericeandthepopulationdoesntconsiderit
inferiortotheirfavoritegrain.AlthoughtheyieldsarebadinPalanancornfarming,theperformanceis
comparable to upland rice production on slash and burn farms when compared with data from a
Philippine indigenous swiddening group the Hanunoo Mangyans, because it is not labor intensive.
Compared to slash and burn swiddening the one month a person usually clears new land with a
chainsaworthetwomonthwhenusingnochainsawisskipped.Theadvantageofplowingisthatitlimits
competitionofweeds,preventsforestregenerationandimprovessoilfertility(Top,2003,p.127).Under
goodconditionsthislivelihoodcanbemoreprofitablethanmanyotherlivelihoodspracticedbytheAgta
when considering the daily wage resulting from the kilos of corn produced per day, especially when
comparing it to the high rice prices in Dipagsanghan. Of course the gamble with crop failure remains
(seetable3.14).

Undertheassumptionthatthepercapitaconsumptionofcerealsperyearis145kgor0.4kgperday,
data from Central Luzon 1976, I tried to find out how sufficient the rice production is for local
consumption.Allotherconsumedstaplefoodlikethemarginalwheatconsumptionisaddedtotherice
consumptionhere(Barker,Herdt,&Rose,1985).Accordingtotheconsumptiondatatheaveragefamily
ofca.5persons(PalananMPDC,2000)consumes725kgofriceperyearor14.5cavan.InPalananwith
theyielddatafromBASthecerealproductionshouldbesufficient,whileinCasigurantheproductionis
almostdoubletheconsumption(seetable3.9).InPalananthegroundsituationwasdifferentinthefirst
half of 2008, because of crop failure. The stores were full with imported rice from outside the
municipality, because of high demand. Unlike in Casiguran rice traders are not present and the local
harvestcouldhavenotbeenexportedtoothermunicipalities.Whatisstrikingistheirrigatedlandarea
permunicipality.Theirrigatedareain Casiguranisalmost10timesthatof Palanan,whileinDivilacan
andMaconaconwhere45timeslesspeoplelivetheirrigationisofthesamesizelikeinPalanan.The
Palanan River is a big watershed and constraints regarding irrigation were not mentioned by the
farmers. In Casiguran a foreign funded development project AIADP (Aurora Intergrated Area
Development Project) was at work 19801990 and half of the irrigation facilities were funded by that
project. (CasiguranMPDC, Master Development Plan Casiguran, Aurora, 2000, p. 63). In Palanan the
ratioofforeignaidtolocalfundismoreorlessthesame.Igottoknowthefateofoneforeignfunded
irrigation facility in Barangay Bisag: In 1996 an irrigation dam was installed with the NGO CPPAP. The
 48/108

dam was rather weak and could withstand only good weather and after the first stronger typhoon in
1998 entered the area, the dam was washed out and broken by stones and debris coming from the
mountains. Nowadays the dam runs only at ca. 50% capacity, as only the intake is still functioning
properly.Thefarmersclaimthatinsufficientconstructionistoblameratherthananactofgod.

ItisoftenstatedthattheisolationofPalananisthereasonwhymostofthefarmersfarminefficiently
most probably well below the national average, when it comes to cereals. Inputs are not brought in,
becausethereisnoroadconnection.Transportationispainstakingbuttherearenowadaysalmostevery
day,whentheweatherpermits,Lanchascommutingtoothertowns.Therearetwotowns,whichmainly
supplyPalanan:Cabanatuan,NuevaEcijaintheCentralLuzonPlainandMaubaninQuezonProvincea
coastaltown,whichisdirectlyreachableviathesea,whileCabanatuanisreachablefirstuptoDilasag,
AurorabyLanchaandthenfollowingtheroadviaBaler,Aurora.Imetadrygoodsretailercommuting
almostweeklytoManilatobuymerchandize.Palanantowncenterisasmodernasotherremotetowns.
There are satellite dishes, Karaoke bars and people who worked abroad for years. The area under
coconutplantationistwiceasbigasinCasiguranwhichhasaroadconnection,althoughthepopulation
in Casiguran is bigger. The end product kopra of these plantations is exported for the production of
coconutoilforindustrialuse.

Thecostsoffreightareca.23timesthatofoneofthenearesttownswithroadconnectionCasiguran
(see table 3.12). Imported goods are more expensive than everywhere else, but it doesnt doom
agriculturewithinputsasunprofitableitseemsconsideringthetransportationcosts.Fororderingeight
cavanoffertilizerforonehectareofricefieldthisamountstoca.600900PhP(seetable3.12),whichis
rather marginal considering the profit of one hectare ranging from 15,00035,000 Php under normal
conditions in the rice producing provinces (PDI, Planting rice never fun, ask Mang Piring, 2008). Rice
farmersusinghiredlabor,becauseoffavorablericepricesearnhigherthanotherfarmersthePhilippine
wideannualhouseholdincomesurvey2000donebytheNSOrevealed(Dawe,Moya,&Casiwan,2006,
p.29).Certainlythebuyingpricewouldbecheaperbecauseoftheincreasedtransportationcosts,but
stillthetransportationfactorisonlyafractionoftheprofit.Undercurrentcircumstanceswithachronic
shortage of rice, the rice can be sold at increased prices because rice is imported at high costs from
othermunicipalities.InsomewaystheisolationofPalananisamyth.Ontheotherhandthisisolation
might have more psychological than physical impact. A road, as is well know, brings new ideas to an
area.Maybethemajorfactorhereissocial,alackoforganizationalskills,managementandknowledge
amongthefarmersaswellasthepoliticiansandbureaucrates.

TheAgtaintheremoteareasinPalananlikeinDipagsanghanbuyriceorexchangericeatahighprice
(see table 3.10). As Dipagsanghan is the farthest place the rice prices are most probably the highest.
Every household sells or exchange its own produce and a number trade also rice bought in town.
TransportationcostsofricetoDipagsanghanarealmostasexpensiveasfromthesupplytownsoutside
PalanantoPalanan.Stillthericeissoldatahigherprofitmarginthanintown,butthisisalsoduetothe
little volumes which are traded, which makes the effort not worth while at normal margins. In
Dipagsanghanareaonly40familiesareliving.Extremelyhighmarkupsareaddedwheninsmallersize
portionsrepackedsugar(50%)andsalt(100%)issold.Customerseasilyoverlookthesizesandweights
oftheseitems.Ididntincludeherethepricesofcoffee,sugar,salt,monosodiumglutamate,tobaccoas
 49/108

they either play a small role or are nonessential. Fortunately in spite its remoteness, there are many
neighborhoodstores,whichsellalsocheaper,butarefartherawayinothervillages.Theproblemforthe
Agtaiswhenriceisdirectlyexchangedforfishorhandsplitrattan.Inthesecasesthelowlanderswould
reluctantlypayincashandtheAgtahavetoacceptthebadexchangeratebasedonthehighriceprices
if they are not eager to walk for several hours to other villages downriver, which itself can make it
unprofitable.

Thesituationbecameaggravated,becauseofthecropfailureinconnectionwithatemporaryincrease
of rice prices of 56% in the whole Philippines in the second half of 2008. The prices normalized again
after September 2008, but are still at 34% more expensive than at the start of 2008 (BAS, 2009). The
reason for the spike in prices in the Philippines was the price increase in the world market. The
Philippinesimportsaround10%ofthericewhichisconsumedandisthusvulnerabletochangesinthe
worldmarketprices.Initiallythediversionof20%oftheUScornproductionandsomevegetableoilin
Europe to produce biofuels caused an increase in prices. This led to panic among the rice exporting
countries,inwhichthegovernmentsofthesecountriessetlimitstotheexportofricetoprotecttheir
ownsupplyofcheapriceagainstshortage.Togetherwithspeculationincommodityfuturesinthestock
marketthiscausedthepricetogoupevenfurther.Althoughtheworldriceproductionwasatarecord
high in 2008 the price went up (Aiyar, 2008). The reaction of the Philippine government was to sell
governmentsubsidizedNFA(NationalFoodAuthority)riceatamuchlowerprice,butrationedtobagsof
a few kilosonly, because of supply tomeet the huge demand. The result was long queues in front of
NFAstoreseverywhereexceptPalanan,becausenotonesack ofNFArice madeittothetown.There
were allegedly some legal problems, because the rice was not insured to travel on a Lancha. What
certainlyhappenedwasthatNFAricemadeitdisguisedasordinarycommercialricetoPalananandthen
soldatthecorrespondinghighprice.AfterSeptembertherestrictioninvolumewereliftedonNFArice
andhopefullyNFAriceissoldagaininPalanan.

Thehighricepricesledthentoaworseningexchangeratefrom1kgfishto2kgriceto1kgfishequals1
kgrice,asthefishpricesbecauseofunchangedsupplydidntchangeinDipagsanghan.Fortunatelythe
halving of the income didnt become permanent. The only relief in that time was when some benign
lowlanderssoldtheirownharvestatoldpricesorAgtaparticipatedinharvesting,becausenochangesin
sharesintheharvestaspaymentwheremade.ThatAgtadidntswitchtorootcropsinthissituationto
avoid the expensive goods shows that there is no profit motive present. As long as their standard
requirementsfortobacco,coffee,sugar,monosodiumglutamate,saltandricecanbefulfilled,theyare
satisfied.Indeedtheywerenotthataffectedbythecrisis,becausethefishingactivitieswererelatively
successfulandtheearliermentionedharvestingactivitieseasedthesituation.

Table3.1:breakdownof625PWDsoftheDipagsanghanAgtaintomainactivities*1)
January08 July08
Males Females Total Males Females Total

%of %of %of %of %of %of

days days days days days days
No. % working No. % working No. % working No. % working No. % working No. % working
nowork 57.0 31.8% 76.0 63.1% 147.0 46.5% 46.5 26.0% 79.5 56.8% 121.5 39.3%
noworkbecauseof
sickness 3.0 1.7% 1.0 0.8% 4.0 1.3% 7.5 4.2% 0.5 0.4% 8.0 2.6%

noworkbecausedrunk 5.0 2.8% 2.0 1.4% 7.0 2.3%

travel 8.0 4.5% 20.0 16.6% 28.0 8.9% 18.0 10.1% 23.5 16.8% 36.0 11.7%

weaving 1.0 0.6% 0.9% 6.0 5.0% 25.5% 8.0 2.5% 5.8% 0.5 0.3% 0.5% 7.0 5.0% 20.3% 7.5 2.4% 5.5%
ownagriculture 8.0 4.5% 7.2% 6.5 5.4% 27.7% 14.5 4.6% 10.6% 6.0 3.4% 5.9% 4.5 3.2% 13.0% 10.5 3.4% 7.7%
laboragriculture 1.5 0.8% 1.3% 1.0 0.8% 4.3% 2.5 0.8% 1.8% 2.5 1.4% 2.5% 6.5 4.6% 18.8% 9.0 2.9% 6.6%
fishing 20.0 11.1% 17.9% 4.5 3.7% 19.1% 24.5 7.8% 17.9% 49.5 27.7% 48.5% 8.0 5.7% 23.2% 57.5 18.6% 42.1%

gatheringwildrootcrops,
householdmaterials,etc 1.0 0.8% 4.3% 1.0 0.3% 0.7% 1.0 0.6% 1.0% 5.5 3.9% 15.9% 6.5 2.1% 4.8%
hunting 4.5 2.5% 4.0% 5.5 1.7% 4.0% 2.5 1.4% 2.5% 2.5 0.8% 1.8%
equipmentmaking 10.0 5.6% 9.0% 0.5 0.4% 2.1% 10.5 3.3% 7.7% 3.5 2.0% 3.4% 2.0 1.4% 5.8% 5.5 1.8% 4.0%

rattanwork*2) 14.0 7.8% 12.6% 3.0 2.5% 12.8% 17.0 5.4% 12.4%
trade*2) 4.5 2.5% 4.0% 1.0 0.8% 4.3% 5.5 1.7% 4.0%
trapping*2) 1.0 0.6% 0.9% 1.0 0.3% 0.7%
hiredforreturningof
boat*2) 1.5 0.8% 1.5% 1.0 0.7% 2.9% 2.5 0.8% 1.8%

gatheringbirdsnest 43.0 24.0% 38.6% 43.0 13.6% 31.4% 20.5 11.5% 20.1% 20.5 6.6% 15.0%

waterloghaulinglegal 4.0 2.2% 3.6% 4.0 1.3% 2.9%

waterloghaulingillegal
wood 13.0 7.3% 12.7% 0.0 0.0% 0.0% 13.0 4.2% 9.5%

surveyingillegalwood*2) 1.5 0.8% 1.5% 0.0 0.0% 0.0% 1.5 0.5% 1.1%
TOTALS 179.5 100.0% 100.0% 120.5 100.0% 100.0% 316.0 100.0% 100.0% 179.0 100.0% 100.0% 140.0 100.0% 100.0% 309.0 100.0% 100.0%

*1):Recordedwere15daysfrom12/30/0701/13/08,8households(22personsover14yearsoffromappearanceestimatedage),10daysfrom07/24/0808/02/08,10households(31
personsover14yearsoffromappearanceestimatedage),recordedinhalfpersonworkdays(PWDs)mayoractivitybeforelunchandafterlunchrecorded.
*2)activitiesnotdoneintheotherseason.
Table3.2:MealsconsumedbyAgtainDipagsanghan*1)

Jan08 Jul08
no.of no.of
starchfood meals %ofmeals meals %ofmeals
corn 96 32% 108 55%
rice 111 37% 66 34%
cassava 69 23% 12 6%
maisunmilled(cub) 2 1% 5 3%
otherplantedrootcrops 19 6% 1 1%
wildrootcrops 1 0% 2 1%
cookedbanana 1 0% 3 2%
Total 299 100% 197 100%

skippedmeals 18 6% 14 7%
totalconsumedmeals 299 94% 196 93%
GrandTotal 317 100% 210 100%

Jan08 Jul08
no.of no.of
viand meals %ofmeals meals %ofmeals
wild
__boasnake 19 6%
__pig 29 10%
__bird 2 1%
vegetables
__sweetpotato,cassava
leaves,fern 79 26% 39 20%
__othervegetables 10 5%
river
__shrimps 9 3%
__fish 60 20% 95 48%
__snail 1 1%
domestic
__chicken 2 1%
__egg 1 1%
fruits 2 1%
noviand 99 33% 49 25%

GrandTotal 299 100% 197 100%

*1):Recordedwere15daysfrom12/30/0701/13/08,8households,10daysfrom07/24/0808/02/08,10households.
Table3.3:OriginofAgtamealsinDipagsanghan*1)
Data Data
starchfood starchfood
obtainedJan starchfoodJan No. % obtainedJul starchfoodJul No. %
bought maisrice 75 25% bought maisrice 92 47%
rice 99 33% rice 59 30%
boughtTotal 174 58% boughtTotal 151 77%
givenbyAgta cassava 16 5% givenbyAgta cassava 3 2%

maisrice 9 3% cookedbanana 1 1%

otherplanted
rootcrops 4 1% maisrice 6 3%
rice 10 3% rice 2 1%

givenbyAgtaTotal 39 13% givenbyAgtaTotal 12 6%

givenbylowlander cassava 29 10% givenbylowlander cassava 2 1%

maisrice 12 4% maisrice 7 4%

maisunmilled maisunmilled
(cob) 2 1% (cob) 4 2%
rice 2 1% rice 5 3%
givenbylowlander givenbylowlander
Total 45 15% Total 18 9%
own cassava 24 8% own cassava 7 4%

cookedbanana 1 0% cookedbanana 2 1%

otherplanted
rootcrops 15 5% maisrice 3 2%

maisunmilled
wildrootcrops 1 0% (cob) 1 1%
otherplanted
ownTotal 41 14% rootcrops 1 1%

GrandTotal 299 100% wildrootcrops 2 1%

ownTotal 16 8%
GrandTotal 197 100%
 Data Data

viandobtainedJan viandJan No. % viandobtainedJul viandJul No. %

givenbyAgta boasnake 18 9% givenbyAgta fish 5 3%
other
fish 9 5% vegetables 1 1%

pig 27 14% givenbyAgtaTotal 6 4%

sweetpotato,
cassavaleaves,
fern 2 1% own bird 2 1%

givenbyAgtaTotal 56 28% egg 1 1%

givenbylowlander fish 2 1% fish 90 61%

givenbylowlander other
Total 2 1% vegetables 9 6%
own boasnake 1 1% snail 1 1%

sweetpotato,
cassavaleaves,
chicken 2 1% fern 39 26%
fish 49 25% ownTotal 142 96%
fruits 2 1% GrandTotal 148 100%
pig 2 1%
rivershrimps 9 5%

sweetpotato,
cassavaleaves,
fern 77 39%
ownTotal 142 71%
GrandTotal 200 100%

*1):Recordedwere15daysfrom12/30/0701/13/08,8households,10daysfrom07/24/0808/02/08,10
households.
Table3.4:Bird'snestgatheringtripsDec.2007untilFeb.2008*1)
nrof
bulks
Trip adjuste nr.of
Nr. place Name d*2) bulks price pricesum
Lito 5 10 50 250
Dado 13 26 50 650
Annos 10 20 50 500
Diolas,SanMariano, Embung 15 30 50 750
1 Dinapiguearea Junel 17 35 50 850

5 duration(days) dailywage(adjusted) 102

Wirnel 3.5 7 50 175
2 Kapakuan,? Embung 1.5 3 50 75

1 duration(days) dailywage 107

Junel 3 50 150
21 60 1260
Embung 4 50 200
20 60 1200
Larry 39 60 2340
Diolas,SanMariano, Ibet 2 50 100
3 Dinapiguearea 14 60 840

12 duration(days) dailywage 109

Wirnel,Emoi,
4? Ibang 13 26 50 650

4 duration(days) dailywage(adjusted) 36
Marlon 6 60 360
Mateng 3 50 150
9 60 540
Noni 12 60 720
Emoi 3 50 150
5 Pulapul,? 4 60 240

7 duration(days) dailywage 59
Nagesbu,SanMariano,
6 Dinapigue Embung,Junel 9 60 540

3 duration(days) dailywage 72
32 totalduration dailywageoverallaverage 84

*1)PricesareinphilippinePesoPHP.Exchangerate01/25/091PHPis61EURor47USD.Theselfassessedconsumption
ofbatteriesfortheflashlightsisonesetof3batteriesfor75Phpfinishedin4days.That'sca.18Phpperday,whichI
deductedfromthedailywage.
*2)That'sthenumberofbulkswhichweregatheredaccordingtomyownmoreaccuratecounting.
Table3.5:Ediblebird'snestpricesin2008*1)
Birdsnest
retail
Buyer B. I. M. store Average
highestobserved 36,000.00 30,000.00 33,000.00
year2008 15,000.00 15,000.00
place Manila Manila Manila
14,000
now 16,000 14,500.00 14,750.00
Tuguegarao,
Cagayan Maddela,
place province Quirino

outsidePalanan historyinPalanan 22,000*2) 20,000*2) 21,000.00

year2008 59,000.00
outside Macau,
Philippines place China*3)
Palanan2008 10,000.00 11,000.00 12,000.00 11,000.00

*1)PricesareinphilippinePesoPHP.Exchangerate01/25/091PHPis61EURor47USD.
*2)Priceuntil2005,thenstartedtofall.
*3)Lowestpriceseen,currencyMacauPatacaon01/25/091MOPis5.9PHPor0.125USD.
Table3.6:Ironrodspearfishing*1)
caught
for rice
trade exchanged price batteries
name PWDs (kg) dried (kg) sold style finished
wetseason(12/30/0701/13/08):
F1 0.5 0.5 no 1 35 day
F2 1 0.5 no 1 35 day
F3 0.5 day
F4 0.5 1 no 2 70 day
F5 1 2 no 4 140 drive
F6 1 2 no 4 140 drive
F7 0.5 0.5 no 1 35 drive
F8 0.5 1.5 no 3 105 drive
F9 0.5 1 no 2 70 day
F10 0.5 drive
F11 0.5 drive
F12 1 day
F13 0.5 night
F14 1.5 2 no 4 140 night
F15 0.5 1 no 2 70 day
F16 1.5 1 no 2 70 night
F17 0.5 day
F18 1 3 no 4 140 night
Total 13.5 dailywage 78
dryseason(07/24/0808/02/08):
F1 1 no day
F2 3 6 yes 510 night 3
F3 0.5 no day
F4 3 4 yes 340 night 2
F5 1 2 no 100 day
F6 2 3 no 150 day
F7 1 3 no 150 day
F8 3 9 yes 750 night 5
F9 3 1.5 yes 120 night 1
F10 1 1 no 50 day

F12 3 2.75 yes 185 night 3

F13 3 2.75 yes 185 night 3
F14 0.5 no day
F15 1 1.5 no 75 day
F16 3 1.5 yes 120 night 1
F17 2 2 no 2 100 day
F18 1 2 no 2 100 night
F19 1 1.5 2 75 night
F20 1 1 no 1 50 day
 caught
for rice
trade exchanged price batteries
name PWDs (kg) dried (kg) sold style finished
F21 0.5 0.5 no 25 drive
F22 3 8 no 400 night
F23 2 2 no 100 day
F24 1 2 no 100 day
F25 1 1 no 1 50 drive
F26 3 11.5 no 575 night
F27 3 9 no 450 night
F28 1.5 16 no 800 night
F29 0.5 1.5 no 75 day
F31 1 3 no 150 day
F32 1 1 no 50 day
F33 0.5
F34 0.5 2 100 day
Total 52.5 dailywage 113
dailywage
night 138

*1)Recordedfromtimeallocationdata15daysfrom12/30/0701/13/08,8households,10daysfrom07/24/08
08/02/08,10households.PricesareinPhilippinePesoPhP.Exchangerate01/25/091PHPis61EURor47USD.Only
tradedfishwasrecorded.Thefishkeptforownconsumptionwasmaybeintherangeof0.51kgperpersonworkday
(2550PhP),dependingifkeptforthefamilyorforthefisheronly.Inmonetarytermsthatadduptomaybeadaily
wageof103PhPinwetseasonand138PhPindryseason.

columns:

column'name':Fishingtripsundertaken.''unrecordedfishingtripormistakeinassignmentofnumber.

column'PWDs':Personworkdaysinvestedpertrip.It'sunclearhowmuchtimewasinvestedduringthenightoron
longertrips.Thedayswerecountedfromleavinguntilreturning,withtheassumptionthatduringthedaytheysleptfor
sometimeanddidntworkwholedays.

column'dried':Sometimesfishesweresmokedriedbeforesold.Incasedriedfishwassoldthepricewas100Php/kg,
whennot50Php/kgthroughoutbothseasons.

column'riceexchanged(kg)':Ifthefishwasdirectlybarteredforrice,thericepriceofricecomingfromoutside,not
fromlocalstoragewasusedforcalculatingacorrespondingpriceinthe'pricesold'column,whichwas35Phpinwet
seasonand50Phpindryseason.

column'style':'night'canincludesomefishingduringthedayonlongertrips.'drive'isafishingtechniqueusedduring
thedayweretwopeopledrivethefishdownriverwithanetlikeconstructionsaret stretchedbetweenriverbanksto
sweepthefishestowardsthefishermen,whilethefishersswiminfrontofitspearfishing.

column'batteriesfinished':Priceperbattery30Php,whichisthendeductedinthe'pricesold'column.
Table3.7:Paymentforrattanworkgatheringandcuttinghandsplit*1)
name PWDs pricesold
RW1 1 30
RW2 2 60
RW3 2.5 60
RW4 2.5 90
RW5 2.5 90
RW6 1 30
RW7 3 90
RW8 1 30
RW9 0.5 30
RW10 1 30
RW11 0.5 30
dailywage: 33

*1):Recordedfromtimeallocationdata15daysfrom12/30/0701/13/08,8households,10daysfrom07/24/08
08/02/08,10households.PricesareinphilippinePesoPHP.Exchangerate01/25/091PHPis61EURor47USD.

columns:
column'name':Instancewhenrattanwassold.

column'PWDs':Personworkdaysinvestedperinstance:gatheringandsplittingthepoleswithmacheteinto
strings.
Table3.8:LandofAgtasurveyedinDipagsanghan,Lukban,Brgy.Didian,Palanan*1)
irrigatea plow
No. Name location*2) ha crop ble able location
TotalflatlandownedbyAgta:
1 KaBatAgta1 N165345.2E1222205.6 9.3 no yes Pagh
2 KaBatAgta2 N165353.5E1222205.7 3.3 no yes Pagh
3 KaBatAnnos1 N165402.5E1222209.9 0.6 no yes Pagh
4 KaBatAnnos2 N165352.7E1222214.3 0.9 no yes Pagh
5 KaBatAnnos3 N165404.1E1222210.5 0.6 no yes Pagh
6 KaBatLarry N165354.5E1222155.2 0.4 no yes Pagh
7 KaBatLito N165401.5E1222215.8 0.6 no yes Pagh
8 KaBatMateng N165400.1E1222223.5 2.0 no no Pagh
9 KaBatLukBul N165416.7E1222002.4 1.1 no yes Lukb
10 KaBatLukEst N165357.2E1222010.7 1.2 no yes Lukb
11 KaBatLukMars N165359.0E1222016.2 2.5 yes yes Lukb
Total 22.5
TotalflatlandundercultivationbyAgta:
12 KaCBatEstanie N165353.1E1222211.8 0.2 mais no yes Pagh
13 PaBatLarry N165357.5E1222153.6 0.3 wetrice yes yes Pagh
14 KaCBatLukBul N165414.7E1222002.0 0.3 dryrice no yes Lukb
15 KaCBatLukMar N165401.7E1222015.7 1.1 mais no yes Lukb
16 KaCBatMateng1 N165401.2E1222220.9 0.1 cassava no yes Pagh
17 KaCBatMateng2 N165400.1E1222227.6 0.3 cassava no yes Pagh
Total 2.3

*1)ThesizeofthelandwascomputedwiththetrackingfunctionoftheGPS.AccuracyoftheGPSis+/5m.
AlsothebordersweresometimessothicklyovergrownthatIevadedthemascloselyaspossible.Themeasurement
arethuslyonlyapproximate.
ExampleexcerptofGPSdata:

AcompletesetofGPSrawwaypointdata
andtracksoftherelevantfieldsishereor
attachmentofthePDFfile:

Tracks of Fields 20080507, waypoint data.gpx

LegendfortheGPSdataintheGPXFile:
Eof Endofroad
R,Riv river
Cr creek
C possibletocamp
C! goodcampinglocation

Sn snorklinglocationcoral
reefs
CF cellfonesignalavailable

Ka slashandburnfield
Bat flatland
Pa ricefield
Ma cornfield
KaC,PaC,
MaC croppedfield
Pagh Dipagsanghan
Lukb Lukban
H houseofAgta
HU houseoflowlander

*2)CoordinatesrefertotheWGS84mapdatum.
Table3.9:CerealproductioninCasiguranandPalanan
Palanan
annual annualrice
area(ha) yield yield production(mt) population consumption
*1) (mt/ha)*3) (cav/ha)*4) *2) 2007 (mt)
riceirrigated 227*1) 3.0 60.0 885.3 16254 2356.8
ricerainfed 540.0 2.0 40.0 702.0
corn 3598.0 0.75 15.0 1349.3
Total 2936.6
Coconut 4323.0

Casiguran
riceirrigated 1755.0 3.0 59.7 6810.3 22403 3248.4
ricerainfed 430.0 2.0 40.0 559.0
Total 7369.3
Coconut 2029.0

Divilacan
riceirrigated 250.0
Maconacon
riceirrigated 320.0

*1)Forirrigatedricefieldsaverageofareaplantedinwetanddryseasonisused.Usuallytheirrigationisnotcapableto
irrigateallfieldsindryseason.
*2)ForIrrigatedricefieldstwoharvestsperyearareassumed.Millingrecoveryof65%forrice(Headland1986,p.449)
and50%forcornisused(Source:ownfielddata).

*3)Source:unpublisheddatafromBASandforirrigatedricefieldsinCasiguranCasiguranMPDC2000.

*4)Forsimplificationthestandardweightof50kgisusedalthoughweightisslightlylessforunmilledgrain.
Table3.10:RicepricesJanuarySeptember2008*2)
Apr.
Jan.Mar.2008 Apr.Sept.2008 Oct.2008 2009
price price price
increase increase increase
Palanan Manila Palanan
Palan town Palanan town
Manil an Dipags center Palana Dipags town center
aJan. town angha Dipagsan ntown angha center Dipagsan
2008 center n ghan*1) Manila center n *1) ghan*1) Manila Manila

commercial 23*4) 2630 35 25.0% 36 40 4550 11.1% 18.8% 29*4) 31*4)

25
WMR,2
8com.
NFA 22 30 36.4% Gr.*5)
localmilled
corn*3) 20 30 2550
localmilled
rice*3) 30 2840

*1)PricesareinPhilippinePesoPHP.Exchangerate01/25/091PHPis61EURor47USD.
*2)Thearithmeticalaverageisusedforwhenthedataisgivenasarange.
*3)Riceandcornissoldunmilledin5gal.tincans.Onetincanofriceis11.3kgroughriceand7.3kgmilledrice
accordingtonationalstandard(Headland1986,p.449).ThenutrientstarvedriceinPalanancanyieldonly5.5kg,butI
usedthenationalstandard.ForcornIusedinterviewdataof6kgofmilledcornpercan.Whenthepriceskyrocketthe
lowlanderssoldthelocalproduceatharvesttimetoeithertheoldpriceorchargedapricecorrespondingtocommercial
rice,dependingontheirindividualviewofthesituation.
*4)Source:BAS2009.RMRRegularMilledRice,thecheapest.
*5)ComesintwoclassesWMRwellmilledrice,commercialgrade.Cheaper18PhP/kgriceissoldonlytopersonswith
specialindentificationfromDSWD.Source:www.nfa.gov.ph;PDI,Ricepricestoremainstable,saysNFA,2009.
Table3.11:Wildmeatandfishpricesindifferentlocalities

Dipagsang
Dipuntian, han,
Casiguran Barangay Barangay Palanan Barangay
town Cozo, Lawang, town Didian,
center Casiguran Dilasag center Palanan
deer(Php/kg) 130150 5080
wildpig(Php/kg) 130 120 80 100 5080
drieddeer(Php/kg) 200 100
driedwildpig(Php/kg) 200 100

pigdomesticated(Php/kg) 80
riverfishfresh(Php/kg) 70 5060
seafishBlueMarlin
(Php/kg) 100 70
rivershrimps(Php/kg) 130

*1)PricesareinphilippinePesoPHP.Exchangerate01/25/091PHPis61EURor47USD.
Table3.12:Transportationofcommodities*1)
percase
Place percavan *2)

Palanantowncenterto
Dipagsanghan,Barangay
Didian,Palanan(Php/cavan) 100*3)

Mauban,QuezontoCulasi
Port,Palanan(Lancha)*4) 50 40
PorterCulasi 8 5
TruckingCulasiPort,Palanan
towncenter 25 15
Total 83 60

Cabanatuan,NuevaEcijato
Palanantowncentercomplete
*5) 120 100
Cabanatuan,NuevaEcijato
Casigurantowncenter
complete 50 30

*1)PricesareinPhilippinePesoPHP.Exchangerate01/25/091PHPis61EURor47USD.
*2)Casesarethewholesaleboxesofcangoods,crackers,coffee,etc.Sizeandweightdependsontypeof
commodityisaround320kgand0.01m^30.03m^3involume.Thepricingisabitrary,becauseofthebig
differencesinweightandvolume.
*3)Acanoeispoledupriver,whichtakes1.5days.Amaximumof3cavanfitinthecanoe.
*4)ThetransportationwiththeLanchaisverycheap.Maybetherearehiddencharges,becausetheinformant's
storeismanagedbythesupplierinMauban.
*5)Source:TwobigstoresinPalananinterviewed.
Table3.13:Palanancropcalendarforriceandcorn
Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec
1stcrop
rice 2ndcrop
oneharvest
1stcrop
corn 2ndcrop
Table3.14:TimeexpenditureandperformanceofwhitecornfarminginPalanan*4)

person numberof
Task week daysspent workdays persons
Cuttingweeds 0 7 7 1
Hackletheweedstogethertopiles 2 2 1
Burnweeds 0.5 0.5 1
Plow 7 7 1
Hackleweedstogether 1 1 1
Plow 5 5 1
Plant23seedsperhillat0.3mx0.5m 4 1 6 6
Plowweedsinbetweencornplants 8 3 3 1
Harvest(whenbigvolumeisharvested) 17 4 16 4
Palananplowedcornfields Total*5) 47.5
work(hrs/ha)*1) 380
yield(t/ha) 0.75
kg/hour 1.97
HanunooMangyanuplandriceswiddens*2) work(hrs/ha) 2100
yield(t/ha) 2.30
kg/hour 2.5
AgtaCasiguranuplandriceswiddens*2) work(hrs/ha) 1232
yield(t/ha) 0.9
kg/hour*3) 0.35

*1)Undertheassumptionofan8hoursworkday.
*2)Source:Headland1986p.351;503.
*3)Kg/hourfigurecomputedfromoneswidden,whereinvestedtimewasobserved,whereastheyieldistheaverageof
43swiddens.
*4)Source:Onefarmerinterviewed,correspondstoGerpacio2004,p.20foruplandplains.
*5)ThelaborreturnwouldbeunderDipagsanghanincreasedricepricesof50PhP/kg,as7.8kgperdayisproduced,
worth394PhP.Whentheoldricepriceis20Php/kgthenthereturnwouldbe158PhP.Theyieldcanonlybereached
undergoodconditionsthough.
 50/108

4. IllegallogginginPalananandnearbymunicipalities

Historyandtypesoflogging
By chance somehow Palanan stayed largely unaffected by commercial logging. Although President
Marcosdeclaredin1979theareaintheradiusof45kmaroundthePalanantowncenterasprotected,
giventhecorruption,itwasmoreacontributingfactortothatthanthereason.Beforethattimefrom
196277 there was a commercial logging operation by Bueno first in Barangay Culasi logging up to
Dialomanay and then in Barangay Didadungan logging towards Palanan town center. The reason for
giving up the operation was the strike of the workers of the company in Palanan. In the 1960s the
companyACMEwasactivefor2yearsintheareaaroundDisokednearDimapnatRiveronthenorthern
bordertoPalananandtransferredthentoMaconacon(GriffinM.,1998,p.46).Extentofencroachment
intothenorthernPalananareaisuncleartome,butmusthavebeenlimitedastheconcessionareaof
ACMEwasmainlyDivilacan(pers.comm.DENRMaconaconErnestoViscente).

AdditionallytherewereattemptsbytheloggingcompaniesoperatinginDinapigueinthesouthandto
lowerSanMarianofromthewesttoentercoastalSanMarianoareaandsouthernPalananarea,which
didnt push through. In the case of Dinapigue the company LUZMATIM had already machinery in
Divinisa. According to the Agta they were stopped by the Agta who feared when the trees on Mt.
Diamolong would be cut an eruption of that mountain, believed to be volcanic, would follow. If the
disagreementoftheAgtawasreallythereasonthatLUZMATIMwithdrewisnotclear.InthecaseofSan
MarianothecompanyLLCinthelate1980swantedtostartanoperationcomingfromtheDisabungan
River to harvest the areas from Dimatatno up to Dipagsanghan, but the NPA had asked for too much
money.

San Mariano was entirely under logging concession until 1991 when it was placed under logging
moratorium (Top, 2003, p. 72). The San Mariano to Palanan border, which is more or less exactly
between eastern and western watershed of the Sierra Madre was hereby telling from the look of the
forestIsawinthethreetimesIcrossedthatborderobserved.Alsoillegalloggershaventmadeitsofar
totheeasternwatershedcomingfromthewest.

While there is legal commercial logging done by theoretically regulated legal concessionaires, there is
alsoillegalloggingdonemostlywithinferiorequipment.Inillegalloggingeitherspecialhighprizedwood
iscutonlylikeNarraforfurnitureorIbanoandKamagong,whichisalsousedforwoodcarvingsortrees
arecutmoreorlessindiscriminately,whicharethenmostlyDipterocarpspecieslikeMayapisorLauan
alsocalledPhilippineMahogany,astheyarethemostfrequentspeciesinanoldgrowthforest(Schulte,
2002,p.51).Theformerpracticehasonlyanegligibleeffectonthewholeforest,asforexampleNarra
makesonepercentinaverageoftheoveralltimberstandintheSierraMadreforest(Top,2003,p.96).
Underthegivencircumstancesandfromtheenvironmentalpointofviewthereisnotreallyareasonto
prohibit this: Even if Narra would be extinct in the wild it is abundant in gardens and other planted
areas. These species are surveyed prior cutting and the trails marked with tree branches. The trail
marking is done to lose no time waiting, so that the surveyor can prepare the next tree before the
chainsawoperatorisfinishedwiththeformertree.Thechainsawoperatorsimplypicksupthetraillater.
 51/108

Nonetheless the DENR has allowed only harvesting of old stumps, tops and branches of formerly cut
treessince1997inPalanan(NORDECODENR,1998,p.83).Thelatterpracticeisenvironmentallymore
delicatebecauseoverharvestingdamagestheforestsignificantly,whichislikelytohappenasthereare
norulesobservedandalsotreeswithsmallerdiameterforpostsorsmallerboardscanbeutilizedand
sold.Mostprobablyanillegalloggerwouldpreferinthelattersituationtocutmanysmalltreesinaflat
easily accessible area than bigger trees in steep and difficult situation where cutting the trunk into
boards or transportable pieces is painstaking. The cut wood in the latter practice is used mainly for
construction and carpentry, but can be used for multiple purposes including low cost furniture or
industrialfurnitureaswellandIwillcallitmultipurposewoodorconstructionwoodhere.Inthelocal
small scale furniture shops in the Cagayan Valley of Isabela and most probably throughout Luzon this
woodisnotused.ThespeciesusedaresolelyreplantedGimelinafromoldloggingconcessionsorfarm
lotsplantedbysmallholdersorNarra.ThesmallscalefurnitureshopsdontuseLauanandTangileasitis
believed to be less durable than Gimelina. Tops graph showing the depletion of Narra wood in the
Sierra Madre of the Cagayan Valley, which can be only wild speculation as nobody knows how much
woodisconsumed,istrue.NowadaysaspriceforNarrahasskyrocket,becauseoflackingsupply,most
ofthefurnitureshopsseeninIlaganandCauayanhavechangedtoGimelinawoodforatleasthalfofthe
productionrecently,becausenomorecustomerswouldaffordtheexpensivewood,whichisestimated
by the shopowners to double the price of an item. The price is not feasible anymore for the bulk of
customers.Furthermorethereisalsoaproblemtoordervolumeinashorttime,becauseofscarcityand
the bribes set by the DENR for transportation of Narra furniture are exorbitant, while for Gimelina
furniture there are no hassles. Unfortunately the media and activists dont distinguish between the
different kinds of logging that are going on and the complexity of the situation, e.g. in a recent
Greenpeacereport(GreenpeaceSoutheastAsia,2006).Ontheothersideofthedebatetheargumentis
broughtforwardthatthelocalfurnitureindustrydependsontheillegallogging,whichisobviouslynot
thecaseasthebulkofthewoodisnowadaysnotconsumedbythemandasmentionedbeforeonlya
tinyfractionoftotalbiomassoflocalforestisused.InhardwareshopsIfoundthemultipurposewoodas
lumber. Most probably most of this wood is exported outside the province. Illegal loggers who are
cuttingmultipurposewoodalsocutNarra,butonlyiftheystumbleuponit.

Imadedifferentobservationsregardingthesizeof treescutforconstruction wood.Itooksamplesof

the diameters or widths o among 100,000 bft confiscated construction wood in Ilagan, Isabela. The
wood was water logged from a far area mostly along the Abuan and Bintacan Rivers. 9 samples
measuringsquarelogs(times1.41fortreediameter),roundlogscutinhalfandroundlogstheaverage
treediameterwas23.7inch,whichispermissibleundertheselectiveloggingregime,butnearthelower
limit. In another operation in San Mariano were the forest was less well stocked the bulk of the cut
boardshadasignificantlysmallerwidth.Thereispracticallynolimitindimensionforconstructionwood
asupto2inx4inisused,but the gasolineconsumptionis mostprobablyalimitingfactor.Ihavent
seenanythingbelow8inand10in(ca.14intreediameter)aboveiscommoninsuchareas.

In areas where there was a logging company illegal logging was also done with bulldozers and trucks
replicating the operation of the company, which was called salabadiok in San Mariano. (Top, 2003, p.
72).Aftermostofthecompaniesleft,thiswasnotpossibleanymore.Insteadonlymorelaborintensive
 52/108

haulingmethodsremained,becauseoflackofequipmentavailable.Incommercialloggingthetreeiscut
andthenthetrunkisleftaswholeandonlycutinlengthtofitontheloadingspaceofthetruck.Inillegal
loggingthetrunkiscuthalforintobiggersquarelogstobringitintoasuitablesizefortransportation
withthecarabao(carabao)orfloatingontheriver.Especiallywithconstructionwoodthewoodisalso
cutintotheendformatthetreecuttingsitealready,whichmeans2inchthickboardsorsquareshaped
posts.Moregasolineisusedforthiskindofillegalloggingasthetrunkhastobecutlengthwise.

Depending on the steepness of the cutting area and the way to it and remoteness, different hauling
methodsareemployed:

Carabaologging:Thewoodispulledbyacarabaofromthecuttingsiteusuallytoatruckloadingpoint
onaloggingroad.Acarabaocanpullaround50bftofNarrawood(Top,2003,p.90),whichis90kgor
100 bft of construction wood like Lauan, which is normally around two times lighter (World
AgroforestryCentre,Pterocarpusindicus,2009;WorldAgroforestryCentre,Shoreanegrosensis,2009).
Lauan and similar wood floats on the water, while Narra sinks and has always to be attached on an
inflatedtruckinterior.TheCarabaocanreachuptoadistanceofaround15km.(Top,2003,p.93).In
Quezonprovincetherearesometimestwoormorecarabaostiedtogetherlikewithacoachtoincrease
thepayload(PCIJ,LogginginthePhilippines1(Luzon:DisasterandHope),2006),butthathasnotbeen
seen in San Mariano and Palanan. If it is possible the wood is brought from the loading point to the
lowlandsbytruckvialoggingroads.Theloggingroadsnowadaysaremaintainedorreopenedwithout
bulldozersmanuallywithshovel,etc.andarenotgraveled,whichmeanstheyareimpassablewiththe
slightestrain.Whenthesoilismoistthetruckhastouseconstantlythecablewinch.Alternativelywhen
theroadisimpassable,onrainydaysandasuitableriverisnearthewoodisfloateddowntheriverlike
inthenextmethod.

Waterlogging:Ifthereareobstaclestoodifficultforthecarabaoonthewaytothecuttingsiteorthe
areaistooremotefromanyfoodsourcesforthecarabao,thenhumanpowerisusedtobringthewood
fromthecuttingsitetothenearestcreekorriverforfloating(waterhauling).Dependingonthesizeof
thewoodusuallyonetofourpeopleusestrapsoutofnylonropeandcutricesacksattachedinhooksto
thewoodmadeofbentnailsforpullingthewoodoversoil.Forbetterattachmentofthehooksthenails
headsarehammeredintopointsandthenbothpointsofthenailarehammeredintothewood.Another
methodistomakeasuspensionforthestrapbycarvingintothewood.Onepersoncanpullmax.30bft
ofNarraoverlandincludingslightascent,whereasforconstructionwoodmax.50bftispossible.Short
descending distances also 40 bft Narra was reported possible. On steep slopes downhill the wood is
simply kicked down without pulling and only slight ascents can be overcome. The log pullers also
improvethetrailforeasiertransportationinlevelorascendingparts.Thinroundwoodislaidonthesoil
toreducefrictionandbridgesofroundwoodareconstructedifthetrailisalongthecontourofahill.
This anachronistic work is one of the most physical demanding in the Philippines. Decades in this job
mostprobablywearsthebodyout.Dependingonsizeandconditionoftheriverthewoodoneperson
can float ranges from a single piece max. 100200 bft to more pieces assembled into rafts with 10 or
more segments reaching up to 34000 bft for multipurpose wood, which is an average full load on a
relativelysmoothroadofoneloggingtruckwithnoascendingroad.Onadifficultroadatruckcantake
upto2000bftonly.Whenbiggerraftsareusedwaterhaulerstraveldowntheriverinaconvoytohelp
 53/108

each other over shallow or difficult to manage passages of the river. The water haulers do both jobs
pullingthewoodonsoilandsubsequentlyfloatingitontheriver.The biggesteffortisthehaulingon
soil, which takes in most operations the longest time. For example if four people pull the wood, then
fourpiecesortheamountforfourraftshavetobestockedfirstattheriver,soeverybodyhasawood
fortransportation,whichcantakefromafewdaystomonthinthecaseofrafts.Usuallyonegroupof
waterhaulerspullthewoodoversoil,thenfloatsthewoodpersinglepieceonasmallriverandthen
subsequentlymakesoutofthesinglepiecesraftsfortransportationonthesubsequentbigrivertothe
destinationinthelowlands,wherethewoodisthenloadedonnormalroadtrucksandbroughttothe
warehouse.Thewoodherebyisfirststockedatthebeginningofthesmallriverandthenagainatthe
beginningofthebigriver.Obviouslytheworkprocessisalreadymorecomplicatedanditisnotthateasy
tounderstandthatintermsofcashtobeearnedbythepeopleinvolved.

InPalananthestartofillegalloggingisestimatedinthe1970s,whereasinSanMarianoperhapsstarting
even earlier illegal logging was done with heavy equipment or not, as timber licensees and their sub
contractorsboughtalsoillegalwoodfromtheforestmigrantsandusedthemasatemporaryworkforce
(Top,2003,p.93).Carabaologgerswerewaitingwiththeirproductsalongtheroadforpickupbythe
logging trucks. I got to know one case where Agta still use this practice up to now in a still operating
concession.InPalananmultipurposewoodcuttingwasmostlydoneincoastalareasasthepriceforthat
woodisloweranditisnotprofitabletogetitfromfarplacesliketheforestoftheeasternwatershedof
the Sierra Madre up to the Palanan valley far from the coast like in southwestern Palanan. In
southwesternPalanantherehasbeenneverfoundaneasywaytobringwooddirectlytotheeastcoast,
althoughtherearenumerouscarabaotrails.Thewoodhasbeenbroughtoutalwaysviawaterhauling
through the town center and then to the northern coast of Palanan. Definitely the cutting of
multipurposewoodcontributedgreatlytothebadstateoftheforestinBrgy.Didadungan.Beforeevery
day a Lancha (bigger motorized outrigger boat for transportation of freight and people) was leaving
from Palanan loaded with Lauan or premium wood species like Narra. The wood was shipped to
Mauban,QuezonwherethereweresawmillswhoboughtthatwoodoritwastransshippedtoManila.It
became the infamous PalananMauban connection (Severino, 1997). Mauban is also an important
source for Palanan for retail goods. Everything, which Palanan doesnt have, is also shipped from
MaubantoPalanan.Thustheboatsdonthaveanemptytrip.Therearealsoanumberofwoodbuyers
fromQuezonwhomarriedmostlyPalananwomenandsettledthere.Itremaineduncleartomehowthe
ratio of premium wood to multipurpose wood was before, but Severino mentioned big volumes of
Lauan(Severino,1997).In2005buyersinCulasistated,thatpremiumwoodsaremoreprofitablethan
shippingLauan.

Inrecentyearsthereseemtobedifferentdevelopments,whileinthewesternwatershedoftheSierra
Madre in San Mariano and Ilagan logging stays rampant and substituted also the legal commercial
logging in the 1990s, in the eastern watershed in Palanan less logging seems to occur nowadays than
before.InSanMarianoyoucanrideillegalloggingtrucksasifyouwouldenteralegalloggingconcession
andinIlaganontheAbuanRiveryoucanseehourlyloadingactivitiesfromwoodcomingfromriverto
trucks, whereas in Palanan there are no daily loadings of woodinto Lanchas throughout the coastline
visible.Thisisinsofaroptimisticasthebestforestislocatedattheeasternwatershed.Areasoncouldbe
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that Narra is rare now in Palanan and multipurpose wood is unprofitable to ship out, but as stated
earlierbigvolumesofmultipurposewoodwerealsoshippedoutin1997.Anotherfactorcouldbethat
lesspeopleresideontheeasternwatershedthaninthewesternwatershed.Certainlymorevolumeis
cutonthewesternwatershedbecausethewholepopulationoftheCagayanValleyhaseasyaccessto
the Sierra Madre, thus more potential illegal loggers and financiers are around. Besides the
municipalitiescoveringthewesternwatershedaremorepopulatedtoo.

ThemostcompellingexplanationIwouldsaynowadaysisthepoliticalgroundsituation:Onthewestern
sidethereisastronglobbyoflumberdealersandpoliticiansactive,whichcurtailtheoperationofthe
DENRofficials,withtheDENRofficialscertainlynotunhappyaboutthesituationastheyearnbribes.Ifa
DENR official would strictly enforce the law it would certainly endanger his life. There are typical
Philippinepatronagepoliticsatworkwithlocalpoliticiansuptoallegedlycongressmeninvolved,where
thelawismadeatthenationallevelanditsimplementationnegotiatedonthelocallevelamonglocal
strongmenandofficials.Theselocalpoliticiansalsousetheirprivilegedpositionfortheirownlogging
business.Thetwoleading politicalfamiliesinSan Marianowereoncelogging concessionholders.The
incumbent mayor Edgar TalosigGo and his family are known for financing their own operation.
Therefore it is no wonder that he easily declines foreigners a permit to enter the remoter Barangays,
stating NPA insurgency problems, although the insurgency in San Mariano and Palanan judged after
manymonthofstayinthatareasissurelyatanalltimelownowadays.Itwouldbeveryunlikelytosee
anypassingguerilla.Furthermoreinthemunicipalitiescoveringthewesternsideacandidateformajor
who opposes illegal logging would not become elected. There is no general arrangement to allow
logging for reasons of poverty alleviation for the constituents in the LGU, which would take the
shadinessoutofthematter,butindividualpersonswithcontactscangetprotectionfrompersecution.It
hasmoresimilaritieswithmobrule.Forexamplewhenanillegalloggingroadwasreopenedin2008by
afinancierinBarangaySanJosegoing toKapuntianthelocalBarangayofficialsdidntknowwhatwas
going on and where totally left out in the process. When a road passes over private land then the
customisonthePhilippinesthattheownercansetupacheckpointandaskfortollfeefromthepassing
vehicles.ThisisdoneincaseoftheloggingtrucksandsometimestheBarangaysetsupcheckpointsto
collectfortheBarangaybudgettoo.ThereisnogeneralagreementbutinformallypeopleandBarangay
officialsindependentlynegotiatetollfeeswiththeloggers.

In Palanan somehow such a political constellation is not present. Logging never had such a strong
patronage there. The DENR official feels free to apprehend any illegal logger nowadays. Such an
elaborateresistantmutualaccommodationnetworklikeinSanMarianoandIlaganmostprobablynever
cameup.Thehistoryoftheplaceanditspoliticalactorsisdifferent.Accessibilityiscertainlyafactor,but
doesnt explain the whole situation I would say. Why shouldnt be the same possible on the eastern
side?ThereweresupertyphoonswiththePhilippinenameYoyongandothersinDecember2004,which
claimed around 2000 lives in Quezon province, which maybe or not also contributed to stricter law
enforcement up to now at the destination of the illegal logs in Mauban and other Quezon towns.
Normally after Philippine natural disasters the people return relatively fast to business as usual,
thereforeitremainsunclear.Illegalloggingindeedwasreportedtohavereturnedinpartoftheaffected
 55/108

areasafteroneyearafterthedisasterhappened(ESSC,TheAuroraQuezonNuevaEcijadisaster,2005)
(PDI,IllegalloggingbackinSierraMadre,2009).

For example in 2005 there was a high profile operation with one Lancha owner from Quezon
transporting whole tree trunks multipurpose wood from Divinisa. The DENR tried to apprehend the
loggers in Divinisa, but the Lancha was absent. The wood was hauled right over the airstrip near the
towncenterforeverybodytoseeandmilledthenintheLUZMATIMsawmill.Ifthemanagementofthe
loggingcompanyhadknowledgeofthatisnotknowntome.AnywaytheDENRwasabletostopthat
operationandtheLanchaownerfromQuezonprovincenevercameback.

When it comes to apprehending illegal loggers for the carabao loggers or water haulers it is almost
impossible to establish evidence against them. First of all they run away and ownership of the logs
cannotbeestablishedanymore,asonlywithfilmingorphotographingtheloggershandlingthewood,
which is normally not possible, could incriminate them. The wood is confiscated, which harms the
incomeofthelogger.Ifthewoodisconfiscatedtheloggersimplygetsadditionalprovisionsandheads
backtotheforesttomakeupfortheloss.Moreeffectiveistheapprehensionofwoodonthetrucksor
Lanchasasthevehiclesareimpoundedorwhenlargestocksatloadingpointsaredestroyedbycutting
intotinyirregularpieces,whichbankruptsthefinancier.Thisisthenalsoadeterrentforotherfinanciers
(pers.comm.DENRAlbertoGonzales).TheDENRhasadifficulttaskwithonlyca.fiveforestrangersper
municipality,whoseldomhavefundstoleavetheofficeapartalsofrompersonallackofinteresttodo
so,butabiggerillegaloperationsoonerorlaterbecomespublicandagossiptopicintown.Ontheroad
theloggingtruckshavenootherwaythantopassthenumerouscheckpointsagainstillegalloggingset
up by all kinds of different government agencies. On the water, river or sea, the wood passes usually
heavy populated areas too and is transshipped then in the ports. If the DENR personnel seriously
enforcethelawthechancesarequietgoodforminimizingillegallogging.

Regarding criminal persecution the procedure is cumbersome. Because of inhumane heaviness of the
punishment with prison terms of 6 years or more bordering most probably already on dealing with
narcoticsthecasehastobedealtwiththeRegionalTrialCourt(RTC)farawayinthecapitaltownofthe
region. Processing time is 3 years or more per case and defendants usually disappear to escape
persecution(pers.comm.DENRAlbertoGonzales)orarrangethedestructionofevidence.Forexample
outof115casesin199394onlyonecaseresultedinconviction(Top,2003,pp.271340).

IllegalloggingsituationandAgtainvolvementin2008
AgtainthevisitedplacesmostlyworkashaulersandinPalananonlyastreesurveyors,becausethatjob
isonlyforpremiumspeciesneeded,inillegallogging,butmoreandmoreAgtaengagealsoaschainsaw
operators. In 2005 for the western side of the NSMNP only eight Agta were observed to handle a
chainsaw(Minter&Ranay,Thelawofthejungle:loggingassustainablelivelihoodactivityfortheAgtaof
theNorthernSierraMadreNaturalPark,2005).EmploymentofAgtainlogginghasstartedalreadyinthe
legalloggingera.Becauseoftheexpertknowledgeofthegeographyoftheforestareastheywereoften
hiredtosurveyloggingroads,especiallythemainroadsintoaforestedarea.Forexampleinthe1980s
theAgtaDomingChavezfromDipagsanghanhadkidneystones,soinexchangeforthepaymentforthe
 56/108

treatmentinthehospitalhissonLarryandotherssurveyedtheloggingroadfromKapuntian,Barangay
San Jose, San Mariano to near Naramsagen at the Dipadian River for a logging company owned by
former governor of Isabela province Faustino Dy. This logging road was used after the commercial
loggingstoppedasthenewcarabaotrailforbringingcarabaosoutofPalanantosellthem.Otherjobs
donefortheloggingcompaniesweretreemarker,unskilledhelper,equipmentguard(Early&Headland,
1998,p.31)andthemoredubiousjobwithoutclearjobprofileconcessionguard.Workingformining
and logging operations started when it became hard to make a living with the traditional livelihoods
fishingandhunting,butsurelythecomparativelybetterwagee.g.fromminingin196165bytheAcoje
Mining Company in Dinapigue led many to switch to that work also. The daily wage from that mining
companywasaboutfourtimesthestandarddailywageinCasiguranthattime(Early&Headland,1998,
p.31).

In2008IobservedillegallogginginthreeareasinSanMarianoallcarabaologging,inoneareainIlagan
on the Abuan River waterlogging and in three areas in Palanan one coastal carabao logging and two
upriverofPalananwaterlogging.

InDipagsanghanoneoftheupriverPalananplaceslessloggingasusualwasdone,becauserecentlytwo
financiersstopped,becauseoflawenforcement.Oneoftheformerfinanciersshiftedtotradingofdry
fish in the dry season in which the Agta were employed to fish. In Palanan it is common that the
chainsawoperatorsandfinanciers,becausetheyaremostlyricherthantheaverageinsocietyholdalow
level public office like village councilor or town councilor. Only two persons in Palanan town were
buying illegal Narra wood on a regular basis. Maybe four chainsaws operate in the upriver of
DipagasanghanandtwoupriverofPalanantownwerecuttingillegalwood.Somewerealsocuttingdead
Narrawood,whichisnotillegalandsellittooneofthefourfurnitureshopsintown.UpriverofPalanan
townonlywaterloggingisdone,whichmeansforeverychainsaw8haulersandthehelperandoperator
are employed. In the one coastal operation carabao logging with two chainsaws was going on with I
estimate4peopleperchainsawemployed.Allinallthatmakesaround70peoplewhowereinvolvedin
illegalloggingor350ofapopulationofca.16000orca.3%dependonitwhenassumingfivepersons
per household. In the coastal operation normally premium wood is cut and transported with a small
outriggerboat,butsometimeswhenthereisanorderalsomultipurposewoodiscutandloadeddirectly
onaLancha.

A peculiarity is that in some areas the Agta exerted some control over the lowlanders regarding the
extraction of timber contrary to the expectation as their socio economic status is very low. In
DipagsanghanonefamilyhasestablishedtheprivilegetoexclusivelysurveytheNarratreesinthatarea.
Reasons for that are among others: The location, as every illegal logger passes their house when
enteringtheloggingarea,becausetheterrainisruggedandaccessisonlyviatheDipadianRiver.The
Agtaliverelativelynearthecuttingsite.ThenoneAgtaelderiswidelyknownandnormallygetshiswill
through,althoughhe isnotknownforhavingkilledanillegalloggeryet.In thebeginning ofthe2008
logging season in January he expelled a village councilor, who entered the area without an Agta
surveyor.
 57/108

Thesecondcaseislinkedtohomicidecase#8.ThenewsisthattheAgtainDimatatnoalsosurveytrees
foranotherloggingcrewandarentcircumvented.

InthethirdcaseoneAgtaleaderfromBarangaySanJose,SanMarianowasinmid2008approachedbya
financiertosurveytheKapuntianareaformultipurposewood.Afteritturnedoutthatenoughwoodis
presenttheloggingroadfromDiwagden,SanJosewasillegallyreopened.TheAgtaalsodemarcatedthe
areawheretologandwhatareashouldbeleftalone,butitisunclearifitwasobserved.Therewere
also some negotiations to put up a royalty payment for the Agta used then for hospital payment and
alsoroyaltiesfortheBarangay,butitwasneverimplemented.TwochainsawsweregiventotheAgta
leaderaspaymentandhisbandwasfullyemployedbythefinancierwiththeAgtaleaderrentingouthis
two chainsaws. Apart from the Agta also lowlanders participated in the operation and outnumbered
them. The Agta leader was a long time NPA regular before allegedly reaching higher positions in the
movementandmultipletimesjoinedtheNPAandsurrenderedtothemilitary.Thismaybecontributed
tothepopularityandtheestablishmentasleaderinthearea.

IfIconsidernowmysampleofwitnessedcasesandtheoneinDimatatnothenin3outof8casesthere
issomecontrolatdifferentextentsbytheAgta.Especiallyinpremiumwoodloggingitislikely,because
asurveyorisanywaynormallyemployedsoitisnotonlyaburdenbutalsohelpfultothelowlandersto
have an arrangement with the Agta. In case of multipurpose wood cutting there is no need for a
surveyoranditiscertainlylessfrequentthattheAgtahaveacloutthere.Humanagencyplaysacrucial
rolehere(Wikipedia,Structureandagency,2009).

From the time allocation data speaking participation in illegal logging was low with only 12.7% for
haulingand1.5%forsurveyingoftheworkingdaysspentfortheseactivities.Butthroughouttheyearof
the 27 Agta 14 years or older in Dipagsanghan 15 participated in illegal logging on the western or
easternwatershed.

In February 2008 a recruiter for the operation in the Bintacan River in Ilagan came to Diambarong,
Palanan and recruited around 20 people from Barangay Didian. The Abuan River and Bintacan River
operations, two big watersheds on the western side, are mostprobably the biggest operations where
theinvestorsdemandformanpowerhasoutstretchedalreadythelocalsupply.Externallaborerscome
thenfromplaceswherethereislessillegalloggingbecauseoflawenforcementorwooddepletion.The
labor demand is also higher, because of water hauling which needs most probably at least two times
moremanpowerthanwithcarabaologging.Onecarabaowithonepersoncanhaulwhattwopersons
manually can haul over soil. Additionally the carabao hauls faster than people, which brings the
manpower used to maybe four times. Upland villagers with logging know how move there from the
easternwatershedofthe SierraMadreandalsofromfarerplaceslikeQuezonProvince(PDI,Quezon
boys invade Isabela forest, 2009). Loggers from Quezon Province were already reported to move to
Palananintheearly1990s(Byers,1998).TherecruiterofferedfreetransportationfromPalanantothe
areaviaLanchaandbus.In2005itwasestimatedthat3500peopleworkintheAbuanoperation.Agta
fromtheeasternwatershed,whohaverelativesinthewesternwatershedmigratealsoindividuallyfor
loggingtoallareasinSanMarianoandIlagan.ThisispossiblebecauseofrelativesoftheAgtawhostay
the whole year round in these areas to whom the Agta migrate, if no employment opportunity is
 58/108

premeditatedwiththemanageroftheloggingoperation.ItwasreportedinAbuanriverareawithAgta
comingfromDivilacan(Minter&Ranay,Thelawofthejungle:loggingassustainablelivelihoodactivity
fortheAgtaoftheNorthernSierraMadreNaturalPark,2005)andinSanMarianoIalsoobservedthatin
two illegal logging operations. From Dipagsanghan I observed the hiring of two Agta and two
lowlanders.OfthesepersonsnonebroughtanysavingsbacktoPalanan.Thereareplentyofdistractions
towastemoneyinthecitiesofIsabela,whichtheworkerscouldntresist,apartfromthefactthatthe
hauling there is only medium lucrative. Throughout all workers spent their profit in alcohol and some
amongallthepeoplefromPalanantherealsoforprostitution.Thesupplyofprostituteswasalsodueto
the connections of the financier with the local pimps. Most probably he got a cut there for providing
customers.Thiswasthenalsothemajortopicamongthewiveswhostayedbehind.Themodeofworkis
tospendonetotwomonthinthecuttingareaandthendeliverthewoodandthenpaybackthedebts
from the last visit to town. It deteriorated to debt transactions and no more profit was insight. One
lowlander didnt stay long as he didnt like the unfamiliar environment and he did the math and
discovered that it is not that worthwhile to work as water hauler. He is a more affluent farmer with
largerlandholdingsinDipagsanghan.Somehowhelostallhismoneythereandhadtoaskfinancialhelp
from friends to go back. Also his chainsaw was confiscated by the manager, because of another man
from Palanan, a relative, who was heavily indebted there. This is a common practice that relatives or
peoplefromthesamelocalityareliableforthedebtsofotherpeople.Thesecondlowlanderdidthejob
onlytwomonth.Theonlyones,whostayedthewholedryseason,weretheAgta,whowerenotmarried
andforwhomitwasmoreofanadventurewithoutobligations.

Ironicallyinthecurrentsituation,theboominglogginginthewesternwatershedhelpstosparetheold
growth forest in the eastern watershed, because of illegal loggers from Palanan migrating to the
westernwatershedforlogging.Itisthusanotthatstraightforwardmattertojudgetheenvironmental
impactofthat.

Surveyedwagesandpricesinillegalloggingin2008
I surveyed the prices, volumes of wood involved, and listed the resulting potential wages in some
logging operations. Unfortunately I didnt take the chance and really stay in the logging camps and
measurethevolumesofwoodtransportedandcutofanongoingoperation.Inthewesternwatershed
wherethecuttingareaismoreaccessible,becausemultipurposewoodiscutitisthinkabletodothat.
FortheNarraoperationupriverDipagsanghanthiswouldbepainstakingasthetreesarelocatedinmost
difficultlocationsveryfarfromeachotheranditishardtofollowthechainsawoperatortothearea,
thoughthewalkingspeedismoderate,becausethechainsawoperatorisloadeddownwitharound10
kgofchainsaw.NonethelessIthinkitisthebestwaytogetcredibleinformationonhowmuchtimeis
spentforhowmuchvolume.Anotherproblemistheresourceextractiontrips,beingitrattanorwood,
arealwaysdifferentfromonetriptothenext,astheareaisdifferentlystockedandaccessible.I

ToreduceerrorforthevolumesandpricesIsurveyeddifferentinformantsandobtainedsecondhand
informationwiththeassumption,thattheloggersknowthenumbersintheirprofession.IndeedIwas
amazedthatanAgtasurveyorcouldtellthevolumeofthewoodfromdifferentwooddimensionsand
was very knowledgeable, although he hadnt spent time in school. The results give an idea what in
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averageistheoutputinthedifferentareasin2008.Onlyinwaterhaulingcases#2#5(seetable4.2)I
usedthevaluesofexplicittrips.Anotherapproachtoobtaincredibleinformationwouldbetoaskthe
buyerforarecordofthetransactions,butitisnotpossibletogetthetimeexpenditurewiththat.With
thisinformationitispossibletogettheincomeoveralongerperiodoftime,givenatrustingbuyeris
available,whowillactuallygiveyouthefullinformation.Cuttingandtransportingisalongprocesswith
thedifferentworkersoperatingautonomously.Sometimesthewoodthechainsawoperatorcutlaysfor
some weeks in the forest before it is hauled, because the haulers are not yet present. Usually the
haulers are paid independently from the chainsaw operator and get their money after delivery of the
hauledwood,whilethechainsawoperatorgetsthemoneyafterallhiscutwoodhadarrivedfromthe
loggingtripandpaysthenthesurveyor.

Someresearcherstriedtotaptheactualcashflowinanillegalloggingoperation,butitmostlyresultsin
failure,becauseofthecomplexityoftheoperationandthesurveyedworkerse.g.theAgtasoldnotonly
to one buyer (Minter & Ranay, The law of the jungle: logging as sustainable livelihood activity for the
AgtaoftheNorthernSierraMadreNaturalPark,2005)

Since 1994 the selling price of furniture wood roughly tripled and the one for construction wood
increasedbyca.70%inthemayortradingpointsoftheregion(Maddela,Cauayan,seetable4.1).Onthe
westernsidein1994predominantlyfurniturewoodwascutandconstructionwoodwasonlycutwhen
therewasanorder.Nowadayssincefurniturewoodhasbeendepletedthefocusshiftedtoconstruction
woodonthewesternsideandiscutonaregularbasis.ThewagesonthewesternsideinPhPstayed
moreorlessthesameasthepriceofNarrabeforeisthepriceofconstructionwoodnow.

InPalananupriverofDipagsanghanhasthelastlocationswhereNarrasquarelogs>20inchwidearestill
occurring.Itisthemostdifficultarea.Itisacanyonlikelandscape,wheretheadjacenthillstotheriver
areverysteep.BoatscanonlybebroughtuptoDipagsanghanandfromthereonthesupplieshavetobe
carried.Thislimitsthedurationoftheloggingtrips.ThemainreasonIguesswhythechainsawoperators
are not supplied for a longer time is the short time transaction of the financiers, because law
enforcementisstrict.

Chainsaw operator: In Palanan upriver Dipagsanghan usually 20l of gasoline are brought up to the
cuttingsitefora14daystrip.Aroughestimationisthatfor150bftof2inchthickconstructionwood
boardsorboardsofsmallersize4litersgasolineand1literoilisfinished.Gasolinerangedfrom4070
PhPinPalanan2008,whichresultsinaround12Php/bft.InPalananthewoodiscutintosquarelogs,
thevolumecorrespondingtothecapabilityofthehaulerwhenillegalandintosmallerpredefinedforms
whenlegalleftoverdeadwoodiscut.Onthewesternsidethewoodiseithercutintosquarelogsorhalf
roundlogslikeinPalananorinpredefinedformforconstructionwoodlike2inchthickboardsorposts.
Theformercuttingstyleisfasterasfewercutspertrunkhavetobemade.InPalananIvisitedacutting
sitetoconfirm,ifthebft/daynumbersareplausiblegivenbytheinformants.Inthatcuttingsiteatree
wascutwithca.20inchdiameteratbreastheight(dbh)yieldingtwosquarelogs8in*15in*7ft,two
squarelogs6in*14in*7ftandonepotential30bftpiece,whichwasnotcutbecauseitisunprofitable
to haul. All in all, the tree yielded 268 bft. This tree can be easily cut in less than a half day and is
considered small, but now more or less the most frequently cut tree. The biggest square log I saw in
 60/108

Palananwas24inchwide,whichisatreeofca.33inchdbh.IncomparisonthebiggestNarratreeinthe
areawasfoundalongtheDisallangRiverwith80inchdbhand8090ftlong.Thevolumeperday,which
canbecutonthewesternsideismuchhigher,becausealongtimeisspentwalkingfromtreetotreein
thecaseoffurniturewood,whereassuitabletreescanbefoundeverywherewhencuttingconstruction
wood.TheperbftwageoftheoperatorinPalananisnotbiggerthanonthewesternside,becausethe
areaisinaccessibleandhaulingisthusexpensive.Becauseofshorttripsalotoftimeisspenttravelling.
The income generated with Narra logging is already on the brink of becoming unprofitable for the
chainsaw operators. Furniture wood logging is now on the last leg and the areas accessed are on the
limitofwhichisphysicallypossible.Incase#4(seetable4.2)smallerwoodswerecutinanearerarea.
Thedailywagewasnotmuchlower.Verydifferentseemstobethesituationonthewesternwatershed,
whereprofitsaremadefarbeyondthatofagricultureobservedalsobyotherresearchers(Top,2003,p.
183). The surveyor is theoretically the biggest earner, but there is maybe some cheating going on,
becausethechainsawoperatorsareenvy.

Waterhauling:ThebiggestgambleistakingthehaulerintheupriverDipagsanghanoperation.Ilisted
four cases with different distances, which were encountered by the workers. Additionally I computed
thebestandworstcase,whichcouldoccurunderthegivencircumstancesinthearea.Thewaterhauling
distancewith1.52daysand11.5dayswalkingisrelativelyirrelevant.Inthepastwoodwascutfurther
upriver.TheDipadianRivermakesaUturnandgoesbacktowardsPalanantowncenter.Waterhauling
times of one week are then the case. But these distances are not profitable anymore now it seems,
becausethetreesbesidetheriverhavebeenharvested.Themosttimeconsumingisthemanualhauling
on soil, which can take up to four days when the wood is big and the distance far. The limit for the
haulers is one piece per day for the farthest distance wood is hauled. As the river is too irregular for
using rafts up to at least Dipagsanghan, the volumes and income stays small and it can become
unprofitablewithdailywagesunder100Php.RaftsaremadetheninDiambarongandfromthereonthe
profit is high. A surplus of people is employed for that task out of social reasons to let many people
profit.Onthewesternwatershedinasimilarremotesettingincase#2nocarabaoisusedaswell.The
cuttingareaisattheoriginofthewesternwatershedinthemiddleofthemountainrangelikeinupriver
Dipagsanghan. Extraordinarily high profits are made when the carabao in combination with water
loggingisappliedlikeincase#1and#3.Theriveratthestartingpointthenisbigenoughtofloataraft.
Theseareasarerelativelyneartothelowlandswithforeststillwellenoughstockedincontrasttocase
#2.Normallytrucksareusedtotransportthewood.Thesmoothnessinfloatingthewoodontheriver
dependsonthewaterlevel.Iftoohighitisdangerousforthewaterhauler,iftoolowalotofmanual
laborinpullingwoodhastobeadded.

WithsuchhighprofitsinsomeoperationsIwaswonderingwhynovisibleimprovementsinhousesand
infrastructurearevisibleintheseareasintheuplands.JudgingfromthelivingconditionsintheuplandsI
started doubting my numbers. A factor definitely is that logging is not carried out the whole time,
becauseofweatherandwaitingforpayments,organizationaleffortstobringsupplies,etc.Ontheother
handmaybevicescouldplayaroleandlowinterestininvestmentindurablegoods.Theloggerscould
havehiddenassetslikeasecondhouseinthetowncenterlikeobservedbyanotherresearcher(Jong,
2003,p.82)orinvestingingoodfood,education,etc.OneAgtaconfirmedthathebrings610,000Php
 61/108

permonthtohisleftbehindfamilyinPalananahugesumforPalananconditionsnowadays.Whenthe
crackdown on illegal logging was covered, the media quoted an officer of the environmental NGO
Tanggol Kalikasan saying big sums are earned 2530,000 PhP per month (PDI, Quezon boys invade
Isabela forest, 2009). In the Philippines this wage range can barely be achieved by college educated
people, but the well paid water haulers are few, because only in few cases the hauling job as earlier
mentioned starts near the lowlands. In the big Bintacan or Abuan operations only the chainsaw
operatorsearnsuchhighprofits.Itisconfinedmostlytochainsawoperators.Thehighprofitsinsome
casesoccurringcertainlypulledalotofpotentialillegalloggersfromotherprovincestotheseareas.

Inlegalloggingsuchhighprofitsareoccurringtoofortheloggingpersonnelworkingonabftbasis.In
thecaseofIDCwhentheweatherdoesntinterrupttheoperation1820tripsadrivercandointothe
IDCSierraMadreconcessionearning0.50Php/bftwith3000bftloadedonthe5tonsloggingtrucks.This
amounts to 30,000 Php per month. The chainsaw operator, earning 0.5 Php/bft, and bulldozer driver
have similar wages (pers. comm. current Manager IDC Noveras). LUZMATIM pays 0.75 Php/bft the
logging truck driver and his helper 0.37 Php/bft per trip. One trip takes one day. At 3000 bft/load it
makes2250Phpand1125Phprespectively.

Thelegalcompaniescannotcompetewiththewoodpriceintheregion.Thepriceatsawmillisincluding
DENRforestchargesof4.25Phpandnooverheadcostsforadministrationandreplantingisyetadded
(seetable4.1).Illegalloggersdontpaytaxorplantatree.Addleastinlegaloperationsthisisdonetoa
certainextentdependingonlawenforcementandmanagement.

Crackdownonillegalloggingin2008
ThebiggestenvironmentalplayeraftertheNGOsleftthesceneistheCatholicChurch.Apartfromfor
example the Jesuit Research Organization ESSC, which has a more scientific approach, the Catholic
Churchs environmental position is simple and uncompromising. It is more based on ideology, which
means any kind of resource extraction is per se bad. It is close to the standpoints of Greenpeace and
partly WWF, who at times follow more an eco religion than reason and are criticized for using bad
science as for example Patrick Moore a former founding member of Greenpeace, who left the
organizationexposed(Moore,2002).Apartfromthat,theeffortbytheclericsiscertainlyoutstandingas
theyrisklifeandlimbopposingtheactivitiesareincorruptibleandarefortheenforcementofthelaws
accordingtothebook,whichisbadlyneededinthePhilippines.Thispowerfulorganizationistheonly
oneinthePhilippineswhocan,becauseofclericsineverytown,carryoutcampaigningoveralongtime
periodintheareaswhereillegalactivitiesareactuallyhappening.Ironicallythechurchusesitsinfluence
to constantly block a more decisive governmental campaign to promote the use of all known family
planningmethods.Thelaststandoffherewasthereproductivehealthbillin2008,whichbasicallywould
improve access to contraceptives and services like ligation and vasectomy, and the dissemination of
information (PDI, Reproductive health bill: Facts, fallacies, 2008). Contraceptives are available almost
everywhere at a cheap price. Only the promotion by the national government of other methods than
natural family planning is at stake here. On the local level every LGU is autonomous and can start its
ownfamilyplanningcampaign,whichisindeeddonebysomeLGUsacrosstheArchipelago.Population
increase in combination with economic underdevelopment plays the major role in the Philippine
 62/108

environmental crisis (Early & Headland, 1998, p. 35). The churchs political positions thus are a
controversial lot. From commercial logging and mining to small scale operations legal or illegal
everythingiscampaignedagainstregardlessiftheextractionisdoneinasoundwayasitcanbeorina
damaging way, which without doubt is often happening. Devastating natural disasters as they yearly
occur in this disaster prone country are then solely blamed to resource extraction with the almighty,
whotakesrevengeuponthepeople.Withtheoversimplificationofcomplexenvironmentalprocessesit
is easy to explain the matter then to uneducated people, but it is unclear if these scare tactics are
beneficialoronlyconfusetheruralpopulation.

As stated earlier in Palanan the law enforcement is strict as the few underfunded forest rangers can
provide and it became even stricter when at the end of 2007 the catholic convent was reopened in
Palanan with the priest Sammy Salazar in charge, who joined that cause after visiting the devastated
areasinQuezonprovinceaftertyphoonsYoyongandothersend2004.Thereisnoconnivancebetween
DENRofficialsandillegalloggersmostprobably.Supportivevillagerssupplytheclericswithinformation
aboutillegalactivities.Theclericsrespondthenbyprovidingtheprovisionsforalawenforcementteam
ofDENR,policeormilitary,whothentogetherwiththepriestsvisitthentheplaceoftheactivities.

Inmunicipalitiesofthewesternwatershedtheproblemwasbroughttothemedia,andthegovernorof
Isabela and a symbolic action a one day hunger strike was staged in San Mariano. The governor
respondedbyreenactingamultisectortaskforceofPNP,DENR,churchsector,NGOsandtheacademe
oreverybodywhowantstojoinandtheprovincialofficeroftheDENRwasaskedtobeexchanged.This
taskforcesetupcheckpointsontheriversusedforillegallogginginIlaganliketheAbuanRiverandalso
onenearSanMariano.Around40peoplereceiveanallowanceandfourmotorcycleshavebeenbought
for that. The task force went up the Abuan River to confiscate wood, which is floated down after an
ultimatumtostopthehaulinghadlapsed.InotherareaslikeSanMarianoconfiscationswerealsomade
amountingtoallinall100,000bftinmid2008.Theconfiscationsledtoastandoffbetweenthemayorof
San Mariano and the Church. The mayor forbad the LGU personnel to visit mass and this effectively
keepsalotofpeopleawayfromthechurch,becauseoffearfortheirjobs.Additionallythemayorsetup
his own checkpoints to monitor the checkpoints of the taskforce with the aim to facilitate wood
transportationwhenthetaskforcecheckpointsarenotmanned.

Thedifferenceinpoliticstothelastdecadesisthatthereisnowanontraditionalgovernorelected,who
was awarded prizes and is internationally known, because she succeeded in the impossible task to
unseatthepoliticaldynastyoftheDyfamilywhooccupiedthegovernorsofficefrom19692004.Asa
formerradiobroadcasterexposingcorruption,shestandsforcleanpolitics,butsheisatoddswithmany
mayorsoftheprovince(PCIJ,Isabela'sNonDynasty'Detour',2007).Althoughsheissupportivetoend
theillegalactivitiesgoingonherinfluenceisonlylimited,whichshereadmittedrecently,aslongother
powerful politicians undermine her ambitions (TheManilaTimes, 2008). The earlier mentioned multi
sector task force has been already active under the new governor since 2004, but was temporarily
suspended until mid 2008. This kind of taskforce was first established in 1992, financed by the World
BankandknownasMFPC.Intheearlystagethetargetwerealsolegitimateloggingbusinessesoperating
outsideofthelawlikesawmills(Guzman,2003).Judgingfromtheearlierreportonthattaskforcethe
operation easily caves in when no more funding is available as members lose interest and also
 63/108

transportation is not feasible anymore. The real reason for the last suspension is unclear, but it was
statedthatthefocusintheProvincialCapitolshiftedawayfromittowardselectionsandnomoretime
andmostprobablymoneywasdevotedtoit.SincetheestablishmentoftheNSMNPandthearrivalof
theenvironmentalNGOstherehavebeennumerousattemptstostopillegallogginginthearea,butno
lasting results were ever produced. It remains to be seen what will turn out from this attempt. As an
alternativelivelihoodarelativelysmallnumberof300pigletstogetherwithafoodsubsidyforlivestock
farmingweredistributed.Reforestationprojects,whichwillhiretheformerloggersareinthestageof
planning.Thelivestockfarmingsurelycannotcompetewithillegalloggingintermsofprofitability.

Still, after the task force confiscated logs in 2008 in San Mariano I rode an illegal logging truck to
BarangaySanJose,SanMariano.Theloggingtruckwasnotgoingfurtherbecausethecrewwaitedfor
thegosignalviaSMStoproceedfurthertothecity.OntheotherhandtheAgtawhoworkedinillegal
loggingintheAbuanRiverandtheoneinKapuntianundertheAgtaleadershipreturned,becausethe
operationsstopped.

Table4.1:Loggingwoodprices*1)
easternside2008 westernside2008 westernside1994

IDC San
logging Mariano,
Palanan company Abuan Villa
Palanan loading wood river Garcia,
Centro, point priceat loading Cauayan, Maddela, Maddela
place Isabela coast sawmill pointriver Isabela Quirino ,Quirino
construction
wood:Lauan,
Mayapis,etc
price 23.25 13 19 8*2) 11*2)

55PhP/bft
<10inch
wide,
65PhP/bft
20<20 25<20 1018inch
inchwide, inchwide, wide,80Ph
furniturewood: 30>20 35>20 P/bft>18
Narraprice inchwide inchwide inchwide 815 1922
1416
PhP/bft
<20inch
wide,20
furniturewood: PhP>20
Gimelina inchwide

*1)PricesareinPhilippinePesoPHP.Exchangerate01/25/091PHPis61EURor47USD.34informersperprice
surveyed.
*2)Pricesaverageoftherangegivenbytheresearcher.Source:Huijbregts1996,p.111.
Table4.2:Loggingwaterhauling*3)
easternside westernside

min max
case#1 case#2 case#3 case#4 case#5 farthest farthest case#1 case#2 case#3

Dipagsa Dipagsa Dipagsa Dipagsa Dipagsa Dipagsa Dipagsa Divisoria,

nghan, nghan, nghan, nghan, nghan, nghan, nghan, Brgy.
Brgy. Brgy. Brgy. Brgy. Brgy. Brgy. Brgy. Dibuloan Bintacan Degusi,
Didian, Didian, Didian, Didian, Didian, Didian, Didian, ,San River, Brgy.Del
placeof Palanan, Palanan, Palanan Palanan Palanan Palanan Palanan, Mariano, Ilagan, Pilar,San
interview Isabela Isabela ,Isabela ,Isabela ,Isabela ,Isabela Isabela Isabela Isabela Mariano

waterhauling
price
(Php/bft) 3 12 8 3 8 9*2) 12*2) 4.5 5.5 3.25

waterhauling
volume(bft) 200 60 40 300 80 40 90 1300(*1) 3000 889

waterhauling
time(days) 1 2 1.5 2 1.5 2 2 5 3

Bintacan Degusi
cutting cutting
Dimala Bomba area area
Diambar Tulang pug Apap Digisgis Tulang Tulang (upstream lowland lowland
waterhauling ong Diambar Diamba Dicabay Diamba Diamba Diambar Divisoria) loading loading
place Lancha ong rong o rong rong ong Minanga point point

manual
haulingwood
size(bft) 40

manual
haulingtime
(days/person) 5 0.5 4 2 4 4
traveltimeto
cuttingarea
oneway
(days) 1.5 1 1 1 1.5 1.5 1 1
easternside westernside

min max
case#1 case#2 case#3 case#4 case#5 farthest farthest case#1 case#2 case#3

volumeper
trip(bft/day) 3000/45
dailywage
(PhP) 600 85 80 129 142 53 144 975 367 722

*1)Datacollectedfrom4informants4000,5000,1300,1500bft/head.Isawonewoodraftandestimatedthedimension:10
segmentseach100150bft(containing62inchthickboardsor3squareposts).Ichoseaconservativenumber.

*2)Woods<20inchwidearepaid8Php/bftneardistance,10Php/bftfardistance.Woods>20inchwidearepaid12Php,
14Phprespectively.Ifwoodofbothwidthswashauledtheaverageof9Phpnear,12Phpfarwasused.
*3)PricesareinphilippinePesoPHP.Exchangerate01/25/091PHPis61EURor47USD.
Table4.3:Loggingchainsawoperator,carabaohauler*13)
easternside westernside
case#1 case#2 case#3
Dipagsanghan,Brgy. Divisoria,Brgy.
Didian,Palanan, Dipagsanghan,Brgy.Didian, Dibuloan,San
placeofinterview Isabela Palanan,Isabela Mariano,Isabela
sawoperatorprice 3*1) 2*1) 1.5*1),2.5*2)
sawoperatorhelper
(PhP/bft) 2 0.5
sawoperator(bft/day) 75 200*3) 470*4)

upriverDivisoria,Brgy.
Dibuloan,San
Mariano,Isabelaand
Apap,Brgy.Didian, upriverDipagsanghan,Brgy. Degusi,Brgy.DelPilar,
cuttingarea Isabela Didian,Palanan,Isabela SanMariano

traveltimetocuttingarea
indays,backandforth 2 3
dailywagesawoperator
(PhP) 160*5)*8) 182*5)*7) 705*9)
dailywagesawoperator
(PhP) 192*6)*8) 250*6)*7) 1175*10)
dailywagehelper(PhP) 235
shareofsurveyor(PhP)7
days*11) 400
shareofsurveyor(PhP)14
days*11) 337
Carabaohaulingprice 1

Carabaohauling(bft/day),
dailywagecarabaohauler
(PhP)*12) 550

*1)Gasoline,saw,foodprovidedbyboss.
*2)Gasoline,food,providedbyboss,ownchainsaw.

*3)Datafrom4informants:125,250,250,175.Thisisageneralestimationgivenbytheinformantswhatinaverageis
cut,inanormaloperationwithoutenginetroubleorotherdelays.Thearithmeticaverageischosen.Itookdowna
detailedaccountwhereinonecaseina7daystrip4treeswerecutin4days3withca.300bftandonewithca.1000
bftmakingaroundca.2000bftallinallorca.500bftdaily,butdidn'tincludeithere,asitoccursratherseldom.
*4)Datafrom4informants:650,300,500,433.Thisisageneralestimationgivenbytheinformantswhatinaverageis
cut,inanormaloperationwithoutenginetrouble.Thearithmeticaverageischosen.
*5)Calculatedfora7daysloggingtrip.
*6)Calculatedfora14daysloggingtrip.
*7)20%shareofthesurveyordeducted.
*8)Nosurveyorused,7dayswastheactualtrip,dataisbasedon.
*9)Withchainsawofboss.Thedurationcanbemonthorlonger,asaroadisgoingthereandsuppliescanbebrought
inwithillegalloggingtruck.

*10)Withownchainsaw.Thedurationcanbemonthorlonger,asaroadisgoingthereandsuppliescanbebroughtin
withillegalloggingtruckortheriverisbigenoughtotransportsuppliesbyboatnearthecuttingsite.
*11)Thesurveyorowns20%ofthecutwood.Thepriceatthedestinationofthesurveyorinthiscaseis15PhP<20
inchwidewood,25PhP>20inchwidewood.Itooktheaverageof20PhP.Onepiecehewillhaulbyhimselfgoingback
aftersurveyingisfinished,whichIassumehereis100bft.Fortherestofthewoodhehastopaythewaterhaulerhis
sharetodeliveritforhim.Thesmallerdailywageincaseof14daysisaresultofthesmallerproportionoftheself
hauledwoodofthetotalvolume.

*12)Forhaulingofshortdistancestoloadingpointofloggingtruck.Averageofdatagivenby3informants.
*13)PricesareinPhilippinePesoPHP.Exchangerate01/25/091PHPis61EURor47USD.
 64/108

5. Ancestraldomains,kinshipandresourceroyalties

In the Sierra Madre stretching from the NSMNP up to Casiguran there are three logging companies
namelyPATECO,LUZMATIMandIDCactive.AdditionallyrecentlytheminingcompanyPGMCstartedin
Dinapigue in 2006. The logging companies are family businesses and owned by Manila based Filipino
ChineseFamilies.

Apart from employment opportunities for the Agta, local logging and mining companies have been
payingalsoresourceroyaltiestotheAgtasincealongertime.InCasiguranpaymentofroyaltiesstarted
inthe1980sstillbeforelawswereenacted,whichgranttheAgtaformalancestrallandrightsandthe
right to a share in the profits of resource extraction taking place on that land. This was given maybe
under a general regulation, because royalties before were given also to the affected Barangay
administration where logging took place. It was given more out of the custom to give to the local
population when entering an area to create goodwill. Apart from resource royalties hospital bills for
bigger treatments in Manila have been shouldered since a longer time now probably starting in the
1990sinCasiguran.ThishastobeunderstoodinthesensethattheAgtalookforapatron,forexample
politicianorotherinfluentialperson,tosolicithelp.Theloggingcompanyalsopaysthehospitalbillsof
itsemployees,regardlesshowcostly,e.g.Igottoknowofanemployeeturnedcancerpatienttreated
forfree,althoughheisnotworkinganymoreforthecompanybecauseofhissickness.Asthecompanies
havenocompanymedicalinsuranceplanforitsemployees,itissurelyaheavyburdenforthebusiness.
Thisshowsthatthereisstillsomekindofoldfashionedfamilycultureinthesecompaniesprevailingand
theloyaltyoftheemployeesishighlyrespectedandrewarded.Theservicesoftheloggingcompanygo
beyondmereemploymentandresembleapatronclientrelationshipcomparabletolandlordandtenant
intheolderdaysinthePhilippinesbeforethelandlordsmovedtothecitytodiversifytheirbusinesses
and these personalized services disappeared (Early & Headland, 1998, p. 39) (Lachinca, 1979). Also
specialemploymentprivilegesasconcessionguard(seelaterinthischapter)startedin1999withone
bandintheIDCSierraMadreconcessionandalsounderLUZMATIMandPATECOinDinapigue.

RecognizingofancestrallandclaimsforIPsstarted1993underDENRsupervision.Fromtheenactment
oftheIPRAin1997,themostcomprehensivelawforindigenouspeoplesofar,ittookuntilatleast2005
fortheNCIPtoimplementthelawregardingresourceroyaltieswiththecompaniesinthearea.Notonly
the issue of land claims took a long time, but also years passed until it became compulsory for the
companies to negotiate regarding the royalties. With the IPRA the NCIP took over the matter of
ancestrallandclaimsfromtheDENRandtheissuedcertificatesofancestraldomainclaims(CADC)from
theDENRhavetobereissuedascertificatesofancestraldomaintitles(CADT),whichreplacedtheCADC
system.Thiscanrequireanewsurveywhentheolddemarcationdidntcoverthecorrectlands.Areas
whichhaventyethadaCADChavetobedonefromthestartrightaway(Velthoven,2004,p.6).This
delayedimplementationcausedmonetarylossesfortheIPsasbiggerformalroyaltiescouldhavebeen
receivedintheyearsfrom19972005.Sinceca.2007,itlookslikethatallcompaniescannotrenewtheir
licenseswithoutgettingthefreeandpriorinformedconsent(FPIC)fromtheIPsinthearea.Assoonas
the existing resource extraction licenses have to be extended or renewed, which happens in different
intervals,theNCIPandtheAgtaarepartofthenegotiation.
 65/108

Theprocedureisnowbeingdoneaccordingtothelawwiththreemeetingstofindadecisionregarding
the FPIC to the resource extraction from the Agta. The first meeting is a consultative community
assembly,wheretheprojectisexplainedtotheIPsbytheapplyingcompany.Thisisanopenmeeting:
NGOs,localsorotheradvocatescanparticipate.InthesecondmeetingonlytheIPsandtheNCIPmeet
andtheIPsreachadecisionwiththeassistanceoftheNCIP.Ifconsentisgiveninathirdmeeting,the
applyingcompanynegotiatesthenwiththeIPstheamountoftheroyaltiesandothercontributionsto
begiventotheIPsandamemorandumofagreement(MOA)iswrittendown.TheNCIPismoderatorof
thesemeetingstoensuretherightsoftheIPsareobservedandtapesalltheconversationtakingplace.

ConsideringnowthelowbudgetandpoorefficiencyoftheNCIPofficesincethestartin1997onemight
seriouslydoubtthatsuchMOAswouldevercomeintoexistence.Bureaucratsarebasicallypaidtowait
intheofficewithafewhighlightsayearwhenextraactivitiesarefinanced.Itispossible,becausethe
applyingcompaniespayforthewholeprocedurelikethetransportationoftheofficialstotheIPs,food,
etc.Stillthereisplentyofbureaucracyinvolved,whichisdelayingtheFPICforyears,becauseofinternal
conflictsbetweenstateagenciesandwithinagencies.Majorconstraintsareminimalflowofinformation
between offices, central decision making and nonagreement on guidelines. This is a problem for
consenting IPs and the applying companies alike. The process is complex, chaotic, time intensive and
corresponds to the stereotype of the Philippine bureaucracy. Furthermore because of delayed
processingoflandclaimsbytheNCIPthereisalwaysthedangerlooming,thatIPswillbeexcluded,as
thesitesaredeclaredIPfree,becauseofunfinishedlandclaims(OBRA&AGSALON,2005),(Velthoven,
2004,p.49).

The budget of the NCIP in 2002 was 408 million Php, 282 million Php were spent for personnel, 68
millionforscholarships,44millionforregularmaintenance,3millionfordevelopmentprojectsandonly
12 million Php for ancestral domains. There is a wide variety of tasks covered by the NCIP from land,
healthcareforexampleinstallingwatersystems,educationtohumanrights,etc.(Velthoven,2004,p.
43). It is no wonder that the land claims are often surveyed by NGOs like it happened in Casiguran,
wheretheNGOPAFIDdidthejob.Thequestion,whichcomestomind,iswhatsenseitmakestokeepso
muchpersonnel,whichisconfinedthentotheoffice,becauseoflackofbudgetforactivities.ofthe
budget is spent for bureaucrats and this in a low wage country. These kinds of problems occur in the
whole administration and go beyond the IP debate here. In connection with the overall low budget
allocation is also the lack of political will. Funds were frozen for the land claims because the
constitutionalityoftheIPRAwasprobedintheSupremeCourtintheyearsfrom19982001(Velthoven,
2004,p.42).

InDipuntian,BarangayCozo,CasiguranIwasabletoparticipateinthefirstmeetingbetweentheIPsand
IDCin2007:

MostoftheAgtaweredrunk,becausetheyusedtheopportunityofallAgtaoftheSanIldefonso
Peninsula meeting in one place for socializing. The drunkenness triggered also one incident of
minor non lethal violence where one Agta was injured with a machete. Some POs and NGOs
from the area were present, but no hard campaigning antilogging advocates who tried to
persuade the Agta to reject logging. Among the Agta leaders only the tribal chieftain of
 66/108

Dipuntian was not drunk. A serious debate was then only occurring among him and the
lowlanders.Theloggingcompanyemployeesgaveanoverviewoverthebenefitsapartfromthe
cash royalty like constructing residential buildings, health care facilities and scholarships.
Furthermore mulberry tree cultivation for silkworm farming as livelihood project was offered.
ObviouslythewillingnessoftheAgtatoseriouslyparticipateinthedecisionmakingprocesswas
limited. Many Agta worked already for decades seasonally in the logging concession so there
wasnotmuchsoulsearchingnecessaryandattheendtheAgtagavetheFPIC.

Thedifferencetotheinformalroyaltiesbeforeisthatnowitseemshigheramountsarepaidandmore
comprehensive services are offered. Since the services are put in a written contract more elaborate
planningonforwhattousethebenefitsandmoresupervisioncanbedone.ThebenefitsfortheAgta
becamearightnotonlyaninformalprivilegefromthehopefullybenigngodfatherbusinessownerlike
before. Thus in the case where resource extraction is taking place, the setup of ancestral domains
indeedhadapositivecontribution.

ApartfromgivingtheAgtaabetterleveragewhendealingwithresourceextractingcompanies,themain
purpose or vision of the IPRA was to establish the ancestral land, where the IPs can practice their
environmentalfriendlylowimpactlifestyleandthusbeaprotectoroftheenvironmentwhilekeeping
their traditions (Velthoven, 2004, p. 26). This is what the various organizations in short the global IP
rightsmovementhadinmindwhencampaigningforthatlaw(Velthoven,2004,p.18).Forexamplethe
organizationSurvivalInternationalstartedoutasPrimitivePeoplesfund.Thefundstillusesthesame
anachronisticanthropology.TheimageofthePrimitiveisoftenconstructedtodaytosuittheGreensand
theantiglobalizationmovement.Peoplewanttogotoaworldwhereculturedoesntchallengenature.
Land claims rely on obsolete anthropological notions and on romantic and false ethnographic vision
(Kuper,2003).

Butfromanotherperspectiveseenitmeanstokeepthemintheirprisonofunderdevelopmentonthe
reservation separated and protected from the presumed destructive and exploitative lowlander
population.IntheIPworldthisapproachismaybesuitableforthefewstilluncontactedtribeslikethe
Sentineli in the case of the Negritos (Weber, 2005), but for the vast majority the reality is much
different,becausethenonIPsandtheIPsarenotseparatedandliveinoneplaceusingthesameforest
resources.InthecaseoftheAgtalikeinmanyothers,atthetimeoftheenactmentoftheancestralland
laws, the situation in the forest fringe had already significantly changed. Environmental degradation
together with the shift from the traditional livelihood activities had already occurred. Changes among
theAgtahaveoccurredfrominsideandoutside,themarketeconomywasintroducedandtheAgtagot
more knowledge about the outside world (Velthoven, 2004, p. 26). Intermarriage with lowlanders
intensified (Early & Headland, 1998, p. 151). Even if the changes hadnt occurred the Agta and
lowlandershavebeenlivingincooperationalreadyforatleast1000years(Early&Headland,1998,p.
16).

There are issues regarding the concept of the ancestral land like it is promoted by the IPrights
movement.Firstofalldescendantsandoriginalinhabitantsofacountryshouldhaveexclusiverightsto
itsresourceswhileimmigrantsaresimplyguests.Thesepropositionsaresimilartotheonesofextreme
 67/108

right wing parties in Europe. Then the IPs are identified via bloodlines. If you have the right set of
grandparentsoraremarriedtoanIPinthecaseofthePhilippinesyouarein.Thisresemblesmoreor
less the Nazi Nuremberg principle. It is pure racism (Kuper, 2003). This doesnt necessarily say
somethingaboutthelivingconditionsoftheindividualsiftheystilllivetheIPcultureorareforexample
educated and have left already the area to live a lowland lifestyle in the nearest town, whereas in
comparisonthenearestnonIPneighborlivesamoreindigentlifestylesimilartotheremainingIPs.For
surethereisnotmuchsocialstratificationamongtheAgtawithatinyminoritywhoescapedthepoverty
ofthetraditionallifestyleviamissionaryinfluenceandscholarships,inoutstanding casesselfmadeor
via intermarriage. The government in the Philippines considers everyone as Agta as long as there is
someAgtaancestryremaining.IncludedarealsoAgtawhomarriedalowlanderandliveawayfromthe
Agta community a lowland lifestyle, which Headland calls the acculturing population (Headland &
Headland, Limitation of Human Rights, Land Exclusion, and Tribal Extinction: The Agta Negritos of the
Philippines,1997,p.150).IobservedintwocasesoneinDinapigueJosefaVetrioloandoneinCasiguran
ConchitaDescargathattheseAgtaplayapositiverole,astheycontributeinthenegotiationswiththe
companiesandusetheiradvantagestohelptheirfellowAgta,actasleaders.Theystillfeelconnectedto
thecauseoftheAgta.Ofcourseitcanbealsotheotherwayaround.ForexampleinthecaseofEllide
Pablo,whorundowntheRCC,whichisunderaPOoftheAgtainCasiguran,becauseofconsumingthe
business capital borrowed from the rattan buyers and succeeding inability to pay, which stopped the
operationsundertheAgtaRCC.

MorestratificationexistsamongothergroupsofindigenouspeoplesinthePhilippines.Thishaspeculiar
outcomes:ForexampleacollegegraduateIlongotisinahigherpositionintheprovincialofficeofthe
NCIPinAurora.Throughhisinfluencehecanchannelfundspreferablytohisowngroup,althoughother
IP groups especially the Agta might be poorer. I met the Igorot leader Jose Wacnang, who is a fairly
successfulfarmerowningacar,abletoloanfromthelocallandbank,speakinganintelligibleEnglish,in
shortdoingquitewell.TherewasalsoonecaseinwhereIgorotsgrabbedlandfromAgtaintheSierra
MadreareaofCasiguran.InotherareasliketheCordilleraAdministrativeRegion(CAR)wheretheseIPs
comefrom,thereisabiggerproportionofIPs,whohavesociallyclimbedupalready.

Ifthesupportwouldbebasedonpovertyinsteadofethnicitylikeitisdoneinthecommonwelfarestate
then the aid would hit with better accuracy, but on the other hand in the case of the Philippines it is
hardtoimaginethatthestateiscapableofidentifyingthepoorestamongthepoor.

Agta who are outcomes of intermarriages often return to the Agta community and marry somebody
from the Agta community. In Casiguran the Agta with less than full known Agta ancestry are most
probably already the majority. What remains is the lifestyle, the culture in modified form to a certain
extenttogetherwithsomebloodancestry,whichformstheidentityasadistinctgroup.

TheAgtaaremainlyconfrontedwithsmallscalelowlanderfarmers,asignificantpartofthemextremely
indigent themselves. All lands which are occupied by these people prior the demarcation of the
ancestral domain are automatically excluded and remain in possession of the lowlanders in the
Philippines.Thelowlandersareguestsontheancestraldomainandhavenorightstousetheresources
of it or expand their homesteads on it. In the Canadian case with the Inuit for example it must be
 68/108

considered if the rights to clear land of the nonIPs compared to the hunting rights of the IPs are
equivalent. Thats a not straightforward situation. In Canada the existing nonIP land holdings are
investigated.Thereistheproblemtounderstandiftheformergenerationssoldthelandinalegalway
orifitwastakenover(Kuper,2003).

Foreveryancestraldomainanancestraldomainsustainabledevelopmentandprotectionplan(ADSDPP)
willbeformulatedsotoensurethattheIPsusetheresourcesonthelandintheappropriateway.This
planisthencomparabletoatimberlicenseorrattancuttingpermitsettingannualquotasforextraction
orrestrictingextractiontocertainareas.Iwillnotgointothedetailshereastheseplansarenormally
notimplementedinrealityanyway.ToformulatetheseplansaloneNGOswithexpertshavetobehired,
which cannot be carried out with the regular government budget and is surely unaffordable for the
applicant.Becauseofthecomplexity,theseplansareveryexpensive(Velthoven,2004,p.114).

Aftertheformulationtheseregulationscertainlycannotbeenforcedwiththeregularlawenforcement
staffunderregular circumstances.It wasforeseeablethat theseregulationswillhavenotmucheffect
considering the experiences for example with the rattan cutting concession (RCC). There are many
regulationslikeputtinguprattannurseriesforreplanting,buttheyareonlysetupfordisplayandinthe
endthereisalotofpaperworkfornothing,becausethesesmallscalebusinessescannotliveuptothese
expectations evenifthey wanttoanyway.Instead ofusing the experiencesfrompreviouslegislations
and simplify the regulations, the regulations became partly even more difficult instead. A motif for
operating illegally in the Philippine forest is also the bureaucracy. Applying for a RCC or a community
basedforestmanagementagreement(CBFMA)forsmallscaleloggingcantakeyoumonthoryearsand
isverycostly.

BeforetheselawswereenactedtheDENRhastriedalreadyfordecadestosavetheforestsfromillegal
land conversion, logging and other resource exploitation by the common populace. First until 1985 it
triedtodosoviaexclusivestatemonopolyandwasdealingwithalimitednumberofconcessionaires.
Afterwards via a more local participatory approach, it is now dealing with a huge number of small
organizationsortheunorganizedpopulationdirectly.Inbothcasesobviouslytheoutcomessofarhave
led to little success, because of state weakness (Top, 2003, p. 225). It becomes clear that the written
paper of the ancestral land title makes then little difference, because the situation is informal. Other
evidenceisforexampletheprobabilityoffarmerstoinvestinqualityofland(IQL).Qualityisenhanced
assoilisstabilizedviaagroforestry,terracing,contourbunding,etc.Inarecentstudycontrarytothe
commonbelieveithasnosignificanceifthelandistitledornot.Totheoppositeifthelandisnottitled
theinformalownerswilleveninvestmoresotobeagoodexampleandnotgetanyproblemswiththe
authorities (Romero, 2006, p. 315). Land titles and declarations of land are sought by the small scale
farmers,buttheyplaymoreofabackgroundrole,thelastassuranceforownershipoftheland.Tothe
oppositemoreprevalentisthesquattingofvacantlandofabsentlandowners.

Enforcingtheancestralland claimsby the IPsthemselvesisalsounlikelyin thecaseofprotecting the

natural resources like game, which cover huge areas. The effort, for which no payment is received, is
hardlymanageable.Itwouldbeafulltimeactivitytocheckthemanytrailswhichleadtotheinsideof
the forest areas. Like mentioned in the cases earlier (see chapter An update on Agta violence), if the
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naturalrespectandauthorityisnotestablished,itislikelytorequirebloodshed,whichitisnotworth.
Violencecannotbepromotedasasolution.

ThedemarcationoftheancestraldomainsoftheAgtainAuroraandIsabelawasprettyarbitrary.Asthe
ancestral domains are de facto only valid when it comes to resource royalties, the motive was to
demarcatepracticallyallforestsofthemunicipalities,whereAgtapopulationisliving,inonebigchunk.
IntheNSMNPtherewasalsotheproposalcomingfromtheacademeandNGOsectortoseparatethe
Agtaaccordingtolocation,linguisticgroupandperceivedkinshipgroup(Minter&Ranay,Censusreport
andsettlementmapoftheAgtaoftheNSMNP,2005,p.2),(Magana,2000).Divisionshouldbeperriver
valleyandcoast.

LinguistsfromtheSummerInstittuteofLinguistics(SIL)discoveredfivedifferentAgtalanguageswith60
87%sharedbasicvocabulary.Theseslanguageshavearound40%sharedbasicvocabularywiththemain
lowlanderlanguagesTagalogandIlokano.Raiobservedthatonlyrecentlyinterlinguisticintermarriages
startedanditisshunnedbytheAgtabecauseofdifferentcustomsregardingbrideservice.Furthermore
Agtafromadifferentlinguisticgroupwherestigmatizedasebukid,becauseofviolentconflictbetween
distant Agta groups, as killing expeditions took place (see chapter An update on Agta violence) (Rai,
1990,p.68).AnotherresearcherM.GriffinrefutedthisaftergettingtoknowtheactualdescentofAgta
indifferentareas.ManyAgtagrowupintwotothreedifferentlanguageareasastherearefamilybonds
via intermarriage across different dialect areas. There are Agta who can speak Dupaningan Agta the
farthest dialect to the north and Casiguran Agta the farthest to the south. I met a couple, where the
womanwasfromBicobian,DivilacanandthemanfromCalabgan,Casiguran.Thisisadistanceofmore
than100km.Ofcoursethefrequencyofsuchaconstellationislow,butthatdoesntmeanitisnotan
option(GriffinM.,1998,p.39).Thisalsohasntstartedveryrecently,asinDipagsanghan 1975there
was already Kuluding from the Casiguran language group married to an Agta from the local language
group present (Griffin M. , 1998, p. 153). I composed kinship charts of the 18 Agta families in
Dipagsanghan going back to the grandparents of the present adult middle aged generation and older
anditturnedoutthatthesepeopleareawildmixtureofmainlyPalananDivilacanAgtaspeakerswith
DisabunganDipagsanghan Agta speakers with also some MaconaconAbuan Agta speakers and
CasiguranAgtaspeakersintheirpedigree.Thevastmajorityhadancestorsfromdifferentareasorwere
themselvesfromanotherarea.InDipagsanghanalmostalllinguisticareasarepresent.IntheinterviewI
askedwhereeachlistedpersongrewupandthencomparedthatwiththelinguisticareamapdrawnby
Rai(Rai,1990,p.65).InterestinglyIfoundAgtafromDiangoandAbuanRiver(MaconaconAbuanAgta
speakers)amongthegrandparentsofthenow40yearsoldandabove.Alsoadistinctionbetweenriver
valleygroupandcoastalgroupisnotthatstraightforward.ManytimesIobservedAgtavisitingrelatives
in Kanaipang a coastal community. When the old famous ebukid mountain Agta Busal died in 2008 in
Divinisa on the coast, coastal Agta relatives and mountain Agta relatives alike came to the funeral.
MountainAgta,whoareunfamiliarwithfishingintheoceanwerepresent.TheAgtamighthadongoing
violentconflictwithonebandofalinguisticgroup,butmayhaveintermarriedwithanotherbandofthe
samelinguisticgroup,whichlivedmaybefarfromtheconflictband.

Traditionally the Casiguran Agta are known for practicing strict exogamy in marriage and have an
extendedincesttabootoallpersons,whichcanbecalledbyakinshiptermbytheego.Forexampleitis
 70/108

considered incest that the brother of ego marries the sister in law of ego. This spreads the people
aroundinmanylocalities.Isurveyedtheprevalenceofthisrulein2007viaquestionnaireamong30non
relatedpersonsoflegalageontheSanIldefonsoPeninsulaand30amongtheUmirayAgtainDingalan,
Aurora. The question was: Is marriage of cousin (pinsan) / sibling inlaw (bayaw, hipag) / sibling of
cosibling in law (kapatid ng bilas) allowed? The terms in brackets are the translation of the kinship
terms in Tagalog. The answer according to the exogamy rule should be NO/NO/YES. There is no Agta
kinshiptermforsiblingofcosiblinginlaw.SurprisinglymoreUmirayAgta47%ofthem,althoughless
people with Negrito features among them, because of outmarriage, still observe the rule compared
with 27% for the CasiguranAgta. The surveyed persons were not Casiguran Agta only, which could
contributealsotothelowturnoutaseverylanguagegrouphasdifferentmarriagecustoms.Forexample
anAgtagrouplivingnowinDinapiguedemandinglotsofpresentsfromthegroomamountingtobride
price, which is unusal among the Agta. The Agta dont consider it so important anymore nowadays it
seems,buttheAgtaareaftertheeconomiceffectofthismatterandthuspreferlongdistancerelations.
As the Agta practice extreme sharing among kin, it is advantageous to have many kinship relations in
different locations to depend on in times of hardship (Headland T. N., Kinship and Social Behavior
AmongAgtaNegritoHunterGatherers,1987,p.268).

Overthegenerationspeoplecameandwentawayinacertainarea.Overtimedescentintheplacecan
also change as people died and moved away and new people move in and claim the area, which is
possible because of abandonment (Griffin M. , 1998, p. 202). Real proof of ownership from past to
presentofanareabyadistinctivegroupisillusory.

Apartfrommovingtorelativesinotherareaslookingforlivelihood,marriageorbecauseofaconflictin
theplaceoforiginAgtamovealsotopriortotheirarrivaluninhabitedareas.Thisisdoneforlivelihood
purposes. Two researchers observed groups, which moved quiet frequently every 1837 days among
differentplaces,asforexampleobservedbyRaiin1980alongtherivervalleyoftheDisabunganRiver
campswerefrequentlychangedandtheAgtaonlystayedpermanentlyinoneplaceinthewetseason
(Early&Headland,1998,p.115).OnthecoastAgtamoveforexampletouninhabitedbaysforcatching
lobsterindryseason.Amonthlymovingpatternisalmostunseennowadaysthough.Ontheotherhand
ithappensinconnectionwithguardingaloggingcamporwhenalowlanderfinancierdeploysAgtato
remoteareas.Itisstillcommonthatthewholefamilymovestosuchplacesandfrequentlocationshifts
canoccur.

The problem of demarcation of land claims on the behalf of former nomads and hunters is by no
means unique to the Philippines. Sufficiently funded and effective courts in Canada for example have
also the greatest difficulties to understand the boundaries of formerly hunted lands by the Inuit and
howtherightstolandandresourceswereunderstoodbythisIPs(Kuper,2003).

Thisleadsusthentothequestionofwhoshouldandisprofitingfromtheresourceroyalties.Aswhole
mountainrangesaredemarcatedthemapsarenotusedasareference.BeforeonlytheAgtawhoare
living in or near the concession areaswere the primary beneficiaries. The distribution of the resource
royalties among the Agta is then left largely to themselves. This depends highly on how the Agta are
organizedinthedifferentareas,onthesympathyandkinshipclosenessoffamiliestotheAgtaleaderof
 71/108

theprimarybeneficiaries.ThisleavesthenroomforfavoritismandtheAgtaleadersareprone,asthey
knowthatthereisonlyafiniteamountofmoney,whichcanbegiventothem,tokeepthenumberof
beneficiarieslow.Agtatraditionallyhavenoleaderorgroupsolidarity(GriffinM.,1998,p.140)andthe
community interacts or cares for each other only along kinship ties and proportional to closeness of
kinship.

InnorthernAuroratherearetwoancestraldomainsoneontheSanIldefonsoPeninsulaandoneinthe
SierraMadrerangecoveringwholenorthernAurorainthemunicipalitiesofDinalungan,Casiguranand
Dilasag.TheancestraldomainscorrespondwiththetwologgingconcessionsofIDC.TheSierraMadre
ancestral domain covers only land in Aurora province with the provincial boundary to the north and
westasdemarcation.Therewasaconflict,becausetheAgtafromthewesternsideoftheSierraMadre
from Quirino, who are not related to the main beneficiaries, wanted to have a share of the royalties.
AfternegotiationbetweenthetwogroupstheAuroraAgtavoluntarilyincludedthemasbeneficiaries.

Dinapigueis themost complicated case.Theexactwhereaboutsoftheancestraldomain haschanged

and the NCIP is putting the whole Sierra Madre mountain range up to Palanan under one ancestral
domain,butitisuptotheAgtahowtodistributetheroyalties.TherearethreecompaniesPATECOand
LUZMATIM logging and PGMC mining and the Agta can be divided into three groups, one group per
companyasprimarybeneficiary.Theroyaltiesaresharedamongallgroups,becauseofthesuggestionof
theNCIP.TodrawthelinefortheroyaltybeneficiariesinDinapigueisarbitrary.TheinclusionofallAgta
uptoPalanan,whichdontreceiveanyroyaltywouldbefair,butontheotherhanditwouldlessenthe
available benefits per head maybe to insignificant levels. Naturally, it depends then for what the
royalties are used for, if an inclusion would still yield effective support. In the case of LUZMATIM the
number of hired subcontractors is not always the same and there are often changes. The Agta there
sometimes invite close kin from other areas to be the concession guard of a subcontractor or for the
company itself if there is a vacancy, because the former beneficiary went away (see table 5.1). Two
families from Dipagsanghan have close kinship ties with the goup and often move there in the dry
seasontobenefitasconcessionguardsandifthereisnovacancy,theyareworkingasregularlaborers
forthecompany,rattangatherers,etc.inthearea.

IngeneralthereisalwaysabigflowofAgtacomingandleavingtotheAgtacommunitiessupportedby
royalties, with different motives looking for regular work or to benefit from the royalties directly or
indirectlywhenseekingsupportfrombeneficiaries.Thematteristhusnotthattrivial.

The NCIP administrates the accumulating royalty from the sales of the company and the fund is
deposited to a bank account. The Agta have to make a project proposal to the NCIP regarding the
purposeofawithdrawalfromthebankaccount.Thusthereareprecautionsagainstsimplyconsuming
themoneyaway.Mostofthefundisplannedforsocioeconomicprojects.Additionallythereareother
benefitsnotchargedtotheroyaltyintheMOAs,forexamplebuildingofhollowblockresidentialhouses,
tribalhalls,roadbuildingtothevillage,payingahealthworker(IDC),amedicalmissionevery6month
(PATECO),etc.Thereare alsoallowancesforeducation.TheCasiguranAgtareceivefrom IDC500Php
per month for high school and 1000 Php per month for college education. If an Agta with full Agta
ancestry would like to go to college most probably all expenses would be paid. PATECO sponsors the
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boardingfeeandadditionally3000Phppermonthallowanceforcollegeeducation.Theeducationisno
big burden for the company as most Agta anyway dont finish grade school. Another support is the
employment as concession guards of the Agta close to the concession area. In the case of IDC and
LUZMATIM this is not really an employment as the Agta dont guard and can do what they want like
rattan cutting, while in the case of PATECO the logging camps are guarded against other people
including Agta stealing from the camps, when all the workers are out (see also chapter An update on
Agtaviolence).

This brings us to the question if this support will be effective in uplifting the wellbeing of the Agta.
Definitelythissupportwillnotmakethemmillionaires.TheoreticallythesupportisenoughfortheAgta
tostayinthelowlandsandeducatetheirchildrenandfeedthem.TheAgtacouldchangetheirhighrisk
lifestyleofopendefecation,highprobabilityofusingnosafedrinkingwater,althoughtherearevillages
prettygoodsuppliedbynaturalspringsandcreeks,fardistancetohealthcaretothebetterbystayingin
the lowlands near the town center and improving their abodes in one place. Because of the support,
thereiseconomicallynoneedtolookforlivelihoodopportunitiesindifferentplaces.Theproblemwith
thepaymentsfromthecompaniesisthatthereareoftendelays,whichcancausethattheyrunoutof
provisions.Wellthelowlanderunskilledloggingemployees,whoearnmoreorlessthesame,havethe
same problem and still manage to survive in the lowlands far from natural resources and other
livelihoodopportunities.ActuallythisproblemoftenleadstoAgtalootingtheloggingcampsintheIDC
concession.PGMCinmid2008wentbankruptowingwagestotheirworkers.Allpaymentsstopped,but
anothercompanymighttaketheoperationoverandstartanew.

Whatmakesskepticalhereisfirstofallthehistoryofthismatter.Forexampleinthemunicipalitiesof
Dinalungan,CasiguranandDilasagtherehasbeenloggingforalmost50yearsnowandthesupportof
Agta has started in earlier decades, although most probably to a smaller extent in an informal way.
AcceptanceofAgtaaslaborershasstartedearlywithminingin196165bytheAcojeMiningCompanyin
Dinapigueasanexample.Thedailywagefromthatminingcompanywasaboutfourtimesthestandard
dailywageinCasiguranthattime(Early&Headland,1998,p.31).Agtaconfirmthatracialdiscrimination
for finding jobs is lower with the resource extraction companies, as the companies maybe feel more
obliged.InthecaseoflogginginCasiguranmaybethefearfromtheAgtabandsfromtheSanIldefonso
PeninsulatoworkintheSierraMadreconcession,becauseoftheebukidAgtathereplayedarolewhy
participationinloggingdidntbecameregular,butthereareotheroptionsinotherareas.Iassumethe
possibilitiesoftheAgtabecomingfulltimeloggingemployeesweregood,butinshortemploymentwas
sporadicandithasntleadtoahealthierlifeandbettereducation.ThelifeexpectancyatbirthoftheSan
IldefonsoAgta,apopulationofaround200,from19801994with22yearwasextremelylow.In198384
theAgtainCasiguranwereprimarilyemployedinrattangatheringandnoworkforloggingcompanies
wasregistered(HeadlandT.N.,WhyForagersDoNotBecomeFarmers:AHistoricalStudyofaChanging
EcosystemandItsEffectonaNegritoHunterGathererGroupinthePhilippines,1986,p.468).Areason
why the Agta involvement with the logging companies stayed sporadic might be also that no savings
were kept for the wet season month with low or no productivity when the earnings arent sufficient.
They regularly drop out then for a longer time and look for another work. The Agta also didnt learn
skilled jobs at the logging companies, which are highly paid like bulldozer or logging truck driver. The
 73/108

Agtaworkashelpersforbulldozerdrivers,butsofarhaventacquiredtheskillsasbulldozerdriversin
theprocess,liketheirlowlandercounterpartsdid,buthaveadoptedskillstoworkaschainsawoperators
forthecompaniesorinillegallogging.

The ground situation right now is diversified in Dinapigue. There is the Dibulo group with men of full
lowlanderancestrymarriedtoAgtastayingwiththeAgtacommunity.TheseAgtastayinthelowlands
some owning rice fields and have successfully solicited building materials, free gasoline to run the
generator the whole day for operating sound systems, owning pressure cookers and satellite dishes.
SomemembersofthegroupmovedtoKasaysayan,Dilasag,wheretheloggingcompanybulldozedaflat
areabesidetheroadandbuiltsomehouses.OneAgtaoffullAgtaancestryisorganizingarattancutting
operationfinancedbythelocalrattancuttingpermitholder.Ihaventseenyetclosedpittoilets,butthe
probabilitythatthiswillalsofollowisthehighestamongthelocalAgtagroups.Certainlymuchofthe
improvementwasonlypossiblebecauseofthegenerosityoftheloggingcompany.

In Dinapigue town center the Agta groups huts are simpler, as they only have received the PGMC
royalties and have worked for PGMC until recently. It is comprehensible, as the bounty from the
companieshasnotbeenthatbigyet.

There are other Agta bands, which dont use the support for improvement in the earlier mentioned
living conditions at all. There are two bands, which live in the IDC logging concession all in all around
eightfamilies.TheseAgtastillliveinleantosforlongerperiodsoftimeindryseason.Stillremarkableis
that one band saves the monthly payments received for being concession guard for hospitalization.
Provisionsarebroughtupforfreebytheloggingcompanyandtherearenodistractionstospendthe
money for in the concession area. Additional money is earned by cutting rattan, hunting and snare
trapping.

IwouldsayatleasttenfamiliesfromtheAgtacommunityinBarangayAyodunderLUZMATIMmoved
fromthecheckpointoftheloggingconcessiontofarinsidetheloggingconcessiontothetreenurseryof
the company far away from education, health care, etc. It is not really comprehensible why this was
done.Rationallytherearehardlyreasonstofindforthat.Thereasonsgobeyondeconomicnecessity.
There are no big flat land areas there, which are precious for agriculture and have to be protected
againstpotentiallowlanderlandgrabbers.Thenearbyriverisoverfishedandgameishardtocomeby.
Because of logging trucks passing by, easy transportation for foraging trips into that area from the
lowlands is possible. Agta reluctantly work for the nursery nearby, which offers unskilled labor and
lowlandershavetobeimportedforthattask.

Allinallthismakesaround18families.Thats18orroughly30%ofthe59families,whicharenotonly
supported by royalties, but also by the special employment as concession guard or unskilled laborer
with PGMC (see table 5.1). What is striking is that these Agta, who are living in the concession area
indeedwerethemostebukidamongtheAgtabeforeinthelastdecades.

Itremainstobeseenifthesupportthistimewillleadtoapermanentupliftofthelivingconditionsof
themajorityoftheAgtaandalsoifahighereducationallevelwillbeachievedbytheAgtagrowingup
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right now near schools among others because of the support by the companies. There has been only
partlyandalsosuperficialprogresssofar.

The situation in Dinapigue is reminiscent of the old days for example in 1975, when a guided culture
changeprojectwasinitiatedamongtheMamanua,whichconsistedoftheusualsupportfortheNegritos
withopeningasettlementareaandsupportingintensiveagriculture.Intheprojectalsothreegroupsof
acculturationemergedfromonegroupfullyadaptinganewlifestyleandthusutilizingthesupporttothe
leastadaptinggroup.Thegroupmostacculturatinghadthemostintermarriageswithlowlandermenin
thiscaseManobos(Maceda,1975).After34yearsthingsarenotmuchdifferentnowadays.

Theemploymentinloggingorminingoperationsincomparisontootherlivelihoodalternativesseemsto
be more promising, because of monthly wages. No capital is needed like especially in agriculture, but
also in fishing for repair or replacement of equipment and in trade like for neighborhood stores, etc.
Mostly,Agtasofarhaverunsuchbusinessesintotheground(seethefollowingchapter).

Table5.1:BenefitsoftheAgtafromresourceroyaltiesandemployment2008*1)
Amountper Nr.
type company amount family families
monthlypayments*2):
guard PATECO PHP3,010.00 18
guard*3) LUZMATIM PHP3,000.00 18
work*4) PGMC PHP4,368.00
guard*5) IDCSierraM. PHP7,094.00 8
royalty*6) PGMC PHP30,000.00 PHP491.80 61
yearlyroyaltypayments:*7)
royalty*8) PATECO PHP1,200,000.00 PHP19,672.13 61
royalty LUZMATIM noMOAyet
royalty PGMC ?1%ofgrossoutputofsales
royalty*9) IDCSierraM. PHP2,000,000.00 PHP23,500.00 85
royalty*10) IDCSanIlde. PHP500,000.00 PHP11,750.00 43
royalty IDCSanIlde. 1980sshare0.05Php/bft 43
royalty IDCSanIlde. 1990sshare0.10Php/bft 43

*1)PricesareinphilippinePesoPHP.Exchangerate01/25/091PHPis61EURor47USD.
*2)Thesepaymentsaresometimespaidinkindwithrice.Ijustaddedthevalueofriceat30Phpperkgtothecash
payment.OnlytheAgtaneartotheconcessionareasbenefitfromquasiemploymentasguard,whereasfortheroyalties
Agtafromotherareasarealsoincluded.

*3)12familiesarepaidthroughouttheyearalsoinrainyseasonmonthswithnoproductionbyLUZMATIM.Additionally
sixsubcontractorsofthecompanyaresupportingoneAgtafamilyeachonlywhenproductionisgoingon.
*4)Perdaypaymentof208PhpatMondayFridayworkschedule.ItisnotknowntomethatPGMCemploysAgtaas
concessionguards,butalotofregularunskilledemploymentisavailableforclearinglandorcarpentryforhousesinthe
concessionarea.Thesejobsareopentoanybody.
*5)Apartfromallowancethiscontainsregularperdaypaymentof227PhpMondaySaturday.
*6)ThispaymentismonthlyandawillbedeductedfromtheroyaltyandisdisburseddirectlyincashandgoestoallAgta
groupsinDinapigue.TheroyaltybenefitsofPGMCandPATECOgotoallAgtagroupsinDinapigue.Thenumberofeligible
Agtafamiliesareasof09/2008DikadikanandUlingangroup(LUZMATIM)28,Dinapiguetowncentergroup(PGMC)15,
Dibulogroup(PATECO)18.
*7)Thisaretheestimatedsharesfromthesalesoftheextractedresources.
*8)Sourcepers.comm.CVPEDresearcherVictorderBrabander.

*9)RecentlytheAgtasettledfor0,25Php/bftandthecompanyfinishedaround20,000m3(DENRestimation)or
8,000,000bftinthelastyears,whentherewasnooperationontheSanIldefonsoPeninsula.Benefitingfamiliesrough
estimationfromAgtacensusHeadlandca.600wholeCasiguranminusSanIldefonsopopulationca.200(Headland,2007),
averagefamilysizeof4.7(Minter&Ranay,CensusreportandsettlementmapoftheAgtaoftheNSMNP,2005).

*10)RecentlytheAgtasettledfor0,25Php/bftandtheyplantotakeout2,000,000bftinoneyearintheSanIldefonso
Peninsula.BenefitingfamiliesfromAgtacensusHeadlandca.200SanIldefonsopopulation(Headland,2007),average
familysizeof4.7(Minter&Ranay,CensusreportandsettlementmapoftheAgtaoftheNSMNP,2005).
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6. ReasonsforextremepovertyamongtheAgta

Thelimitsofcharity
ThestoryofMr.Pandoy

The poster boy of the informal settler or squatter in Metro Manila died in August 2008 poor,
because of chronic tuberculosis. His family had problems to finance the burial and the
corresponding government agency Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD)
donatedmoneytoburyhim.HebecamefamouswhenthetelevisionhostandUniversityofthe
Philippines (UP) professor Randy David presented him as the average poor person in the
Philippines during a televised debate of the presidential candidates during the 1992 elections.
RandyDavidgottoknowhimwhenhewassellingbackyardgardenedvegetablestoUPcampus
personnel.Afterhebecamefamousheandhisfamilyreceivedplentyofsupportatfirst.Hewas
given livelihood projects, including a hograising package with 200,000 Php capital (PDI,
Pandoyslesson,2008)alotofmoneyforthattimeandscholarshipgrantsforhischildren,but
theyallfailed.Hewasalsoearningasaconsultantforpoliticiansandalsoreceivedtalentfeesin
mediaappearances,butfromallthathehadntmadesomethingoutofit.TheNationalHousing
Authoritygavehima60m2lot,whichhesold.Alsothemoneyforhouseconstructionhespent
otherwise (PDI, Product of politics, 2009). He counted on outside support forever. When the
supportrandryaftertheattentiontohispersonsubsidedaftersomeyearswentby,hewasnot
betteroffthanbeforeandlapsedbackintopoverty(PDI,Therearelimitstocharity,saysRandy
David,2009).

Noneofhissevenchildrenfinishedtheirsupportededucation,becauseofearlymarriage(GMA
TV, 2009) or because the parents couldnt afford their school allowance as stated by the
children. It remains doubtful if they really were forced to stop schooling given the
comprehensivesupportreceivedbythem.

His death triggered various reactions in the media. Some blamed the politicians for empty
promises, but Randy David the one who discovered him and kept contact to him until 2003
points out, that the family became addicted to dole outs and didnt take advantage of the
opportunitiesgiventothem.(PDI,Therearelimitstocharity,saysRandyDavid,2009).

The situation regarding the support for the Agta is quite similar to the experiences with Mr. Pandoy.
Internal,cultural,spiritualproblemsofsquattersandruralmarginalfarmerswithorwithoutanethnic
backgroundliketheAgtaseemtobenotthatdifferentwhenitcomestopovertyalleviationandmisuse
ofaid.

RecentlyintheNSMNPtwobigNGOswereactivewiththeprimaryaimofbiodiversityprotection,but
alsotoimprovethelivingconditionofthelocalpopulationincludingtheAgta.PLANInternationalwas
thefirstNGOactivewithabigprojectfromca.19962002.ConservationInternationalhaddonesome
smallerprojectsalreadybeforethattimeliketheestablishmentofaforestplotwitholdgrowthforest
forresearch.AfterPLANtheWWFcontinuedfrom20022004.PLANwasmorepopularamongthelocals
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asmoresupportforthelocalswasperceivedbeingadministeredthanunderWWF,whichwasmaybe
more busy with surveying plant and animal populations. WWF didnt carry out their whole stint as
unspecified internal organizational problems occurred and the DENR wanted to play a bigger role in
implementingtheprojects,whichwasmostprobablynotwantedbythebiginternationaldonorslikethe
World Bank and the Royal Netherlands Embassy, because of the high probability of corruption.
Ineffectiveness in stopping illegal logging might have also played a role. There are many rumors
regarding that topic, but these were the most credible reasons mentioned. PLAN comes from the
poverty alleviation branch and had no prior experience with biodiversity conservation, which delayed
their start in the field as the required know how had to be provided first (Bryant, 2005, p. 195). That
might have been not enough for more extreme environmentalists, who emphasize the nature part,
criticizingthenPLANabouttheirincompetencyinthatfieldandthustheWWFtookoverfromPLANin
2002.TheNGOsastheyarecompetitorsdidntworktogethermuch,whichcausedtheexchangemostof
thestaffwhentheWWFtookover.Alltheaccumulatedknowledgeaboutthelocalsituationwaslost.

There was what Dichter, a long time practitioner in the aid business and critic, calls the poverty
alleviation industry (Dichter T. W., 2003) together with I call here their counterpart the biodiversity
conservationindustryatwork.MyknowledgeaboutthepastactivitiesoftheseNGOsremainedmodest
asIdidntcontacttheseNGOsdirectly,rathermyknowledgeisconfinedtodiscovereddocumentsinthe
field and the field situation now 5 years after the NGOs left. The history of NGO involvement and
intervention is not trivial, as apart from two big NGOs active, many local NGOs were set up or
subcontracted.Therearefewpeopleifeverwhohavethefulloversightofallactivitiesthatwerecarried
out. The money invested in the time PLAN was active, a conservative estimate is that 10 million USD
were spent (Ploeg, 2003). Also the academe profited from the projects. In the Philippines the Isabela
StateUniversityinCabagan,IsabelaandalsoforeignresearchersmostlyviatheFilipinoDutchresearch
cooperationCVPEDofthatuniversityweresometimeshiredbyNGOs.Certainlytheyarealsopartofthe
aidindustrytoacertainextentastheyarethesubcontractorswhowritetheprojectproposals.

The conduct of the project was in the style of the traditional development project. Because of the
relativelyshortdurationoftheproject37yearsitisnotpossibletoseesignificantchange.Asthereare
alotofinstitutionalinterests,jobsandmoneyatstakeintheaidindustry,itisalsodeliberatelyavoided
bytheNGOstocriticallyevaluateitsownprojects.Thisleavesthenroomforperpetuatingalwaysthe
samemistakesindifferentareas.Competitionforprojectsintheaidindustryisfierceespeciallyherein
the Philippines with its myriad of NGOs, which is believed to have the biggest NGO sector worldwide
(Bryant,2005,p.4).IscannedalotofdocumentsregardingtheNSMNPandIfoundonlytwostudies,
whichtacklethattopic,seefurtherdown.Theimpactofalltheprojectsisnotknown.Surelytheaidwas
inthesphereofaccountingresponsiblyspent,withmaybesomeminorcasesofcorruption(DichterT.,
TimetoStopFoolingOurselvesaboutForeignAidAPractitionersView,2005).Ingeneralforexample
PLAN is known for being keen to spend as much budget as possible in a short time exactly how it is
planned.TheNGOsneedtospendasmuchaspossibleinashorttimetokeeptheadministrativecostsa
small fraction of their budget to please the donors so to avoid being viewed as consuming the aid
themselves(DichterT.W.,2003,p.264).Additionallyanyunderoroverspendingisasignofweakness
inplanningandhastobeavoided.Sointermsofhowmanyfarmertrainingscompletedorhowmany
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carabaos given and how many resource use maps drawn everything is fine. Still the matter remains
fundamentallyunaccountableintermsofresultsontheground,whichisincreaseinincomeofthepoor
population(DichterT.,TimetoStopFoolingOurselvesaboutForeignAidAPractitionersView,2005)
andincreaseinenvironmentalprotection.Ifyouvisitnow,itisstrikinghowlittlehaschangedorhow
littletheimpactis.Structuralmonuments,likebuildingsinthevillageslikeBarangayhalls,buildingsfor
the health units, also functioning water supplies for the remote town centers are still visible and still
benefitingthepeople,butinmostotherspheresnolastingimprovementwasbroughtabout.Although
forexampleahospitalwasbuiltinPalanan,theimprovementinthehealthsectordidntlastafterthe
NGOsphasedoutashealthworkersintheBarangayslaidlowwhentheywerenotpaidanymoreandthe
boostedhealthbudgetwasnotavailableanymore.DuringthetimetheNGOwasthere,theimproved
medicalservicesavedlives,butunfortunatelythebenefitwaslimitedforsomeyears.

De Boo (Boo, 1997) visited and researched the institution building of some projects of PLAN in three
differentareasinRosario,DelfinAlbano,Maddero,TumauiniandAlibadabad,SanMarianoallinIsabela
similartotheone,whichwasdoneintheNSMNP,whichincludedtheAgta.PLANrecruitedvolunteersin
thelocallowlandercommunitiestoincreaseparticipationintheprojects,butitturnedoutthatitwas
notarealparticipation,asthevolunteershadnotreallyaninfluenceindecisionmakingandwereonly
administratingtheaidbyimplementing,monitoringandevaluatingtheprojects.Thetrendwastoserve
more people with fewer regular employed personnel (Boo, 1997, p. 75). The local regular NGO
employees were then overloaded with work (Boo, 1997, p. 108). It remains unclear here why the
organizationwasthriftywithemploymentofanywayrathercheaplocalpersonnel.OneNGOworkerin
thewestearnsfivetimesthatofalocalonewellpaidinthePhilippinesmoderatelyestimated.

It is then not surprising with the lack of supervision that loans to the livelihood cooperatives were
normallynotpaidback(Boo,1997,p.79).InanotherareainSanJose,SanMarianoitwastriedseveral
times to put up a farmers cooperative providing credits, farm inputs and facilitating trade all failed,
becauseoffinancialmismanagement(Snelder&Lasco,TreeGrowingonFarmsinNortheastLuzon(The
Philippines): Smallholders Motivations and Other Determinants for Adopting Agroforestry Systems,
2008). In another example 1994 a formal Philippine bank the Land Bank entered the farmer credit
businessbyloaningtoacooperativewith95membersinIlagan,Isabela.Itonlyworkedoutuntilacrop
failure happened. The farmers also loaned from the informal money lenders for consumption. These
highinterestloanswerethenalwaysservedfirstandtheLandBankwasnotabletorecoverthefunds
(Top,2003,p.165).Forexampleinmicrofinanceincomparisonthereisarelativelyhugeeffortinvolved
togetpeopletopaybacktheirloanswithcreditgroupsmutuallyguaranteeforeachotherresultingin
peerpressureinplaceanddrillingpeopletohonortheirobligationstothefacelessanonymousentityof
the bank. The livelihood cooperatives caved in immediately after the cash flow from the organization
stopped. There was then not much bottom up approach going on. The unintended consequence was
thatthevolunteerswereviewedthenasbeingpreferredbythelocalcommunities(Boo,1997,p.95).On
thepartofthereceivers,althoughformanyprojectsrequireacontributionbythereceiversinformof
work,cashorinkind,passivitywasprevalentandmostaidwasviewedasgiveaway(Boo,1997,p.94).It
remainsunclearifthatpassivitywasinherentamongthereceiversinternallyfromthebeginningorifit
wasaproductofthepseudobottomupapproachoftheNGO.
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AcomprehensiveaidpackagewasadministeredtothepeoplelivinginandaroundtheNSMNP.Inthe
livelihoodprogramfarminputsforhybridcorn,vegetableseeds,andseedlingsforagroforestryforthe
vastlydenudedwesternwatershedoftheSierraMadreinparticularfruittreesandfastgrowingwood
trees like Gmelina were supplied. The participation in the agroforestry project remained limited, e.g.
only 23% of the families in San Jose, San Mariano participated. Livestock was dispersed with the
conditioninthecaseofpigstogivethefemalepigstootherbeneficiarieswhowerenotsupplied(Boo,
1997, p. 94) . In the coastal Barangays of Palanan a crab fattening project was carried out. Irrigation
systemswereimproved.Agriculturaltrainingswereconducted.Theeducationinthewholeprojectarea
wassupportedviaschoolmaterials(Boo,1997,p.102).

In Palanan apart from the social and technical problems there were also bigger political ones. The
BernardofamilyhasbeensupplyingthemayorpostalreadysincetheendofWW2.This ismaybethe
Philippines longest serving dynasty. Indeed this LGU seems to be not only inflexible with their
representativesbutunfortunatelyalsoinotherareaswhereitreallycounts.Thecooperationbetween
PLAN and the LGU didnt turn out well. The mayor perceived the NGO most probably as a threat and
PLANcouldntaugmenttheLGUbudgetlikeitwasdoneinothermunicipalities,becausethemayorat
thattimedidntwanttoexposetheLGUfundstooutsidersoutoffearthatmoreaccountabilitywould
be demanded and corruption could be easily exposed. The support remained then limited and funds
were diverted. This remote and largely neglected town thus missed the once in a lifetime chance to
makeadifference.

As one can see successful support bringing long term improvements of the livelihood of common
lowlandersisdifficult.InthecaseoftheAgta,ashistoryhasshown,itisevenmoredifficult.

PLANatfirsthadnoideahowtosupporttheAgta,butsuppliedlivelihoodsupportintheplaceswhere
the Agta live. This is different to the traditional approach, which is settling huntergatherers in
reservations with enough available farm land, which was popular until the 1970s. All these attempts
failedinthelongrun,evenwithextrememeasureswhenthehumanrightsoftheAgtawereviolatedlike
in a reservation project under the Amercian administration implemented by the American Capt.
Turnbull, where Agta were chainganged if they didnt voluntarily work on the fields (Headland T. N.,
WhyForagersDoNotBecomeFarmers:AHistoricalStudyofaChangingEcosystemandItsEffectona
Negrito HunterGatherer Group in the Philippines, 1986, p. 232). The organization tried then to
distinguish between settled Agta on the seashore and settled Agta in the uplands, who owned farm
land. These Agta were then eligible for support by PLAN and were supplied in 1999. Agta who are
nomadicandsharecropperswereexcluded(Schaaf,2000,p.82),becausethesupportinformofdraft
animals,farmtools,inputsfortherivervalleyAgtaandfishinggearforthecoastalAgtamadenosense,
as it wont be utilized by the owners I reason. It is difficult to determine that and the rule was not
appliedthatstrictly,asthemajorityofAgtaoverashortorlongtimemovestoanotherplace.Towhat
extenttheselectivitywascarriedoutandiftheAgtamovementwascorrectlyidentifiedisnotknownto
me. In Dipagsanghan farm tools were also given to moving Agta. As the Agta are opportunistic they
really farmed, as they were supplied with seeds and farm tools, according to reports from Divisoria,
BarangayDibuloan(Jong,2003),SanMarianoandinDivilacan,Maconacon(Angnged,2000),wherefor
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theplacedescentyieldsca.40cavan/hawereachieved.Butafterthesupportforinputsisgoneinmost
casesitisgivenuplikeinsomanyotherincidentsofintervention.

InDipagsanghanIlistedthelivestockof13ofthe18familiesIobservedstayingtherein2008(seetable
6.1). Of the six administered carabaos four where lost, which is 2/3 of the carabaos. In three other
beneficiaryAgtavillages,whichIvisitedinSanMarianoandPalananIestimateasimilarorworseresult.
InDiwagden,BarangaySanJose,SanMarianotheonlyone,whoownedcarabaos,wasalowlander,who
ismarriedtoanAgtawoman.InDipagsanghanthemajorityofthelostoneswerereportedtohavedied.
Oneoftheones,whichdiedwasrentedoutforhaulingofrattan,whilethetwootherdiedofliverfluke.
Liverfluke is a well known carabao sickness, where parasitic worms infest the liver. The municipal
DepartmentofAgriculture(DA)providesfreemedicine,whichobviouslyhasnotbeenadministeredby
theAgta.FurthermorealocalIfugaofarmerinDipagsanghanknowsaboutthatsickness.Iassumethe
diseaseisknownamongthelowlanderneighborsoftheAgtaingeneral.Thediseasecouldhavebeen
cured with proper care. If the carabaos only officially died of liverfluke or were sold too I couldnt
establish. Among the lowlanders carabao breeding is an important livelihood. The area thus must be
suitable for that livelihood with enough grazing areas. I met lowlanders, who financed the college
educationoftheirchildrenoutsidePalananorahouseandlotinthetowncenterwiththatendeavor.It
isalsousedtocopewiththefrequentcropfailuresinthearea.Threefamiliesdidntreceivecarabaos.
Onefamilyownedalreadycarabaosandfortheothertwothereasonisunknown.Oneoftheunknown
caseswasactuallyanAgtafamily,whoissedentarynow.Thefamily,whichhadtheirowncarabaos,still
hasthemalthoughtheyreceivedthemlongbeforePLANarrivedin1987.

In the coastal community in Kanaipang, Barangay Didadungan, Palanan I tried to figure out what
happenedtothefishinggear,whichwassuppliedtothecoastalAgta.Fishinggearwassuppliedtwicein
1997andin2000withatleastonemotorizedboatandfivepaddleboatstogetherwithfishinggillnets
ofdifferentsizesandfishinghooks.Iassumetherewasmoregiven,becausealsotheWWFwasactive
there,butIcouldnttrackdownwhatwasexactlysupplied.Forsuremorethanonemotorizedboatwas
supplied.In1999astoragehousewasplannedfortheequipment(Schaaf,2000,p.115).In2005only
themotorizedboatwasleft.Thefirstthings,whichwerelost,werethegillnets,becausetheAgtadidnt
followtheinstructionsoftheNGOandkeepafundforrepairingtheholesinthefishingnets.Towhat
extentbadluck,becauseofnaturaldisastersplayedarolehereremainsunclear.Thereisnoshortagein
Agtamentioningthis,butIdidntseeanyshortageofboatsandequipmentamonglowlanderneighbors.

Also other NGOs supplied boats in a lot of places to Agta. The experiences are similar. Usually a
motorizedboatpergroupisdonatedbytheNGOs,whichistheinvestmentwiththehighestvalue.The
boat should be then available for the whole group, but one caretaker will be assigned, who collects
moneyfromtheuserstosaveforrepairsandreplacementoftheboat.SoonerorlateraftertheNGOs
leftorintheirpresencestilltheboatistakenoverbythesupposedtobecaretakerortheAgtaleader
andthesavingsfortherepairfundarenotmade.Aftersometimewhenafinancialcrisisarisestheboat
issoldbytheowner.Ifoundthreetofourconcretecases,oneinDinapiguetowncenter,twocasesin
Dipuntian, San Ildefonso Peninsula and one in Kanaipang, Barangay Didadungan, Palanan. In the
Kanaipang case the boat hasnt been sold yet, but was taken over by the son of the Agta leader. In
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DinapiguetowncenterunderchieftainBalangisrule,hewantedtochargeotherAgtaarentalfeeora
shareofthefishcatchforusage,whichwascertainlynotintendedforarepairfund.

In another sector the permit holder of the only RCC in Palanan is the Agta Melencio Salazar from
Kanaipang. He was supported, by the NGOs with capital to run the cutting operation, but also in this
caseaftersometimehehadtofarmoutthecuttingoperationtolowlanderbusinessmen,becausethe
capitalwasfinished.SimilarexperienceswheremadewhenprotestantmissionariesfromSILviaitslocal
counterpartCMUtriedtorunarattanoperationwithahiredlowlanderbuyerasmanageroperatingon
abarterbasis.SoontheAgtabecameindebtedandthebusinessfailed(Schaaf,2000,p.86).

Thereistheprincipleofselfhelpandthe1960sphrase:Giveamanfishandyoufeedhimforaday:
teach him to fish and you feed him for life (Dichter T. W., 2003, p. 62). The assistance to the Agta
stemmed from that principle, but like in many other cases turned out to be problematic here, as the
tools are consumed after some time and the Agta went back to the old tools and livelihood, which
requires the lowest capital investment. The standard equipment of match gun, iron rod spears for
fishingandgogglesremaintheonlytoolsformostoftheAgta.

AretheAgtasomebodysvictim?
In many studies about indigenous people in general and about the Agta it seems the villain is already
known beforehand, in the case of the Agta see in particular (Griffin M. , 1998), (Magana, 2000). The
villainsarethelowlanders,whoasfarmersgrabtheirland,asmiddlemencheatthemorcomeorganized
incommercialcompaniesforresourceexploitation.Apartfromafewbenignoneswhotraditionallylive
with them and are their aribays, as they are the majority, they leave no occasion to bully them into
submission, the Agta weak and helpless just back off (Headland T. N., Why Foragers Do Not Become
Farmers:AHistoricalStudyofaChangingEcosystemandItsEffectonaNegritoHunterGathererGroup
inthePhilippines,1986,p.434).

The majority, minority factor obviously doesnt count much, when using the homicide situation as a
reference(seechapterAnupdateonAgtaviolence).TheAgtahavebeeninvolvedinhighprofilekillings
of influential lowlanders and were as of now not yet annihilated as a group by the lowlanders. The
lowlandersarethemselvesadiverselot,notunitedandlooselyorganizedasawhole.

Theruralbusinessrelationshipswithmiddlemencanbeabusedbybothsidesthebuyerandtheseller,
and the issue is not confined to Agta, but also to lowlanders in the same line of work. Certainly the
mostlyhardlyeducatedAgtaarevulnerableinsofarastheycannotverifythecomputationsindetail,
but that doesnt mean they are totally unaware and cannot change to another buyer if not satisfied.
Nowadaysinillegalloggingevenliteratelowlandersdonotunderstandthecomputationsofwoodsize
minusprovisionsentirely,becauseofthecomplexityofthematter.Ifthemiddlemencanmanipulatethe
pricesatlibertyhowcomemanyofthemgobankrupt?Mostpeopletendtoforgethowdifficultitisto
runabusinessunderthelocalcircumstancesanditisairrlgtothinkthatthereisonlydishonesty.The
Agta on their side can and do abuse the advance payments given by the buyers. They either sell to
another buyer before paying the obligations to the credit giving buyer, because of better profit (I
 81/108

personallywitnessedonecase)orwhenincapableofpayingbacktheiraccumulateddebtsoveralonger
timewithforestproducts,justdontpaythematall.InDipagsanghanIknowAgta,whohavedebtsin
thethousandsofPhPtoediblebirdsnestbuyers.Thebuyersdonthavemuchotherchoicethantoletit
be,asthereisnotmuchcollateral,whichcanbetaken.Onecanconfiscatethematchgunsworth500
Php,butthatsalreadythemostvaluablepossessioninmostcases.InonecaseinCulasi,PalananIgotto
know a buyer, who lost her capital in that case to lowlander birds nest gatherers in the same way.
AngelinaBernardowhowasthebiggestrattanbuyerinPalananinthe1990sclaimedtohavestopped
until recently, because of heavy losses caused by Agta being indebted. The loans from livelihood
projects maybe can be put also in this category. I can bring here only anecdotal evidence and cannot
possibly quantify which abuse of the seller or buyer prevails over the other. Anyway thinking in
categoriesofexploitationherecomesmorefromleftisttheorythanobjectiveinvestigation.

Roguebehaviorofresourceextractingcompanies, althoughsometimeshappeningindeed,miningand
logging in particular has been vindicated (see chapter Ancestral domains, kinship and resource
royalties).

ThelowlandersarecertainlyguiltyofdestroyingthetraditionalresourcebaseoftheAgta,whichcaused
the loss of the traditional hunting culture with its bow and arrow complex. The loss of the physical
isolationoftheAgtaareasbroughtbymigrantsandmodernizationwasalsocausedbythem.AfterWW2
the longevity of the life of poor Filipinos increased, but the high fertility stayed the same. This led to
rapidpopulationgrowth,whichcausedthemigrationofpoorruralhomesteaderstothefrontierareas
wheretheAgtalive,becausethePhilippineeconomycouldntprovidemorelucrativelivelihoodoptions
inothersectorsforthatpeople.Thegameandlessseverelythefishpopulationsweredepleted,because
of market access and the number of lowlander fishers and snare trappers increased. The Agta
populationonlyslightlyincreasing,becauseoflowlifeexpectancycausedbypovertyandstayedmoreor
lessthesameuntilnow(Early&Headland,1998,pp.2643).Theshare,whichcommercialloggingand
mininghassofarinthedepletionofgameandfishoverthislongperiodoftimeisunknown(seeSnare
trapping and hunting). The Agta lost their traditional livelihood, but other livelihood options emerged
like working in commercial logging and mining, rattan gathering of tree resin, charcoal making, illegal
logging,etc.Thecasheconomyyieldedabetterexchangeratecomparedtobartering.BecausetheAgta
seldombuyviandandthedepletionoffishandwildmeatthenutritionalsituationisworsethanbefore.
BecauseofoutstandingworkofEarlyandHeadlandthelifeexpectancyatbirthofaround200Agtaon
theSanIldefonsoPeninsulaisknown.Itis25yearswithnotmuchvariationthroughoutfrom19501994
(Early&Headland,1998,p.105),regardlessiftheylivedtraditionallywithgoodnutritionandreduced
decease spread, because of sparse population or now with worse nutrition, but occasional successful
treatment in the hospital. A sane person cannot possibly endorse a traditional life style with its
shortcomings of a life expectancy at birth of Neolithic Times (Wikipedia, Life expectancy, 2009) or
Medieval Times (Shahar & Lotan, 1997). Judged from the well being of that people they had lived
alreadyinhellbeforethechangesinlivelihoodandtheenvironmentwasdamaged.Manyproblemslike
drinking and a lower, but still for western countries high homicide rate, already existed before (see
chapter An update on Agta violence). One can argue that they lost in quality of life, because of the
change in lifestyle. Well thats not objectively measureable. Living in pristine nature is for us
 82/108

extraordinaryoratleastforme,becauseIamanaturelover,butwhenyougrowupthereandspent
decadestheredoingalwaysthesameroutineoffishingandhuntingitcanbemeaninglessandboringas
anyotheractivitylikestoretendinginthenearestpublicmarketorhavinganofficejob.

The value of the traditional culture is also something, which cannot be quantified. It is not only the
question how good it is, but also how bad. The intimate relationship with the Philippine ecosystem
knowing 603 plant names and having its own unique albeit Austronesian language, as the orginial
Negritolanguagehadvanished(HeadlandT.N.,ThirtyEndangeredLanguagesinthePhilippines,2003),
is impressive, but can that outweigh the downside? At the same time you have the lack of value for
education, lifestyle sicknesses caused by lack of hygiene and bad cultural practices regarding health,
inadequateuseofthemodesthealthcaresystem(seechapterHealthsituation).Innocentlifeissnuffed
outregularly,becauseofthat.Itisnotallaboutincomeinthatmatterandexternalfactorscannotbe
solely blamed, the cultural factor cannot be discounted at all. Then there is the killing of innocent
personsinrevengeraidingbysomegroups,whenarelativeofthetargetpersoniskilledinsteadofthe
targetperson,becausethatpersonisunavailable.Ifintheprocessofimprovementofthewellbeingof
thatpeoplethecultureascollateraldamagegetslost,thenIguesswecannotcondemnthat.Likewise,it
is obviously not condemnable when these people voluntarily marry lowlanders and see to it that the
culture and ancestry vanishes unless you are equipped with the suitable racist ideology. The loss for
scienceinthiscaseislimited,asIassumethecultureandlanguagehasbeenalreadythoroughlystudied.

Thenthereistheissueoflandgrabbingbylowlanderfarmers,whichisusedbytheIPsforagriculture.
ThismatteraffectsmostindigenouspeoplenotjusttheAgtaandisadvocacyoftheIPrightsmovement
andcommonknowledgeIassume.Whileforindigenousgroups,whoaresubsistencefarmersandare
expertswiddeners,e.g.theHanunooMangyansinMindoro,Philippines(HeadlandT.N.,WhyForagers
DoNotBecomeFarmers:AHistoricalStudyofaChangingEcosystemandItsEffectonaNegritoHunter
Gatherer Group in the Philippines, 1986, p. 406), this is a legitimate claim, but for commercial hunter
gatherersliketheAgta,whousuallyobtaintheirfoodfromotherpeoplepracticingmarginalagriculture
themselves,itisnotthatstraightforward.

HeadlandstudiedtheagricultureoftheCasiguranAgtain1983andlistedcomprehensivelytheinternal
andexternalfactorscausingthelowparticipationinintensiveagriculture(HeadlandT.N.,WhyForagers
DoNotBecomeFarmers:AHistoricalStudyofaChangingEcosystemandItsEffectonaNegritoHunter
GathererGroupinthePhilippines,1986,pp.402425).Aninternalfactorfirstofallistheprofitability.
Foraginglivelihoodactivitiescanbemoreprofitablethanfarming.In1980RaiobservedanAgtaband
alongtheDisabunganRiverinSanMariano,Isabelaandfoundoutthatbecauseoftherichnessingame
inthearea,theAgtagotmoreenergyincaloriesperhourfromthehuntingactivityincomparisonwith
growing their own food. This is a general observation among hunter gatherers. Furthermore hunting
yields protein rich food unlike in farming. (Headland T. N., Why Foragers Do Not Become Farmers: A
Historical Study of a Changing Ecosystem and Its Effect on a Negrito HunterGatherer Group in the
Philippines, 1986, p. 417). Also after game depletion there is illegal logging or working in commercial
resourceextractingcompanies,whichcanyieldahigherdailywagethanevenhighlyintensivefarming
withfertilizersandhybridseeds(Top,2003,p.183).Nowadaystherearesomelocationsonthewestern
watershedoftheSierraMadre,whereextraordinarilyhighprofitsaremadebyillegalloggers.Thereare
 83/108

numerousotherlivelihoodactivitieslikecatchinglobster,ediblebirdsnestgathering,etc.whichhave
thepotentialtobequiteprofitable.

Then there is the internal cultural factor of the strong communism among the Agta. Hunted meat is
sharedforfreetoacertainextentamongtheAgta.Likewiseitisimpossibletokeepanyriceinthecase
of rice farming as seeds for the next planting season, as it is viewed as hoarding and strongly
discouragedbytheAgta.Moneyhasnottobeshared,butifrelativesfindoutthatsomeoneisrichin
food especially after the harvest or has money they will flock together in front of the house of the
personandfinishthefoodormakerequeststobuysomethingforthemrespectively.Ifyoudontspread
thewealthrelativeswillbecomeenvyandmakeascene(HeadlandT.N.,WhyForagersDoNotBecome
Farmers:AHistoricalStudyofaChangingEcosystemandItsEffectonaNegritoHunterGathererGroup
inthePhilippines,1986,pp.402425). Asaresultthereisalowincentive to becomewealthyandget
ahead individually, as the profit cannot be enjoyed anyway. Fox observed that among Aeta Negritos,
whensomeAetaswerehiredasteachersandreceivedaregularwage(Fox,1952,pp.245251).

Inconnectionwithstrongcommunismbutnotentirelyaresultofitcanthenbeseenthelowinterestin
savingsandcapitalaccumulationespeciallyoveralongerperiodoftime.MostAgtaliketheurbanand
landlesspooringeneralcannotdeferinstantgratification(seechapterIsAgtaeconomicbehavioramain
reasonforAgtapoverty?).

ThentheconflictresolutionoftheAgtaistomoveawayforsometimetodeescalatethesituation.This
meansabandoningthefieldsandanobstacleforfarming(HeadlandT.N.,WhyForagersDoNotBecome
Farmers:AHistoricalStudyofaChangingEcosystemandItsEffectonaNegritoHunterGathererGroup
inthePhilippines,1986,p.415).

Consideringtheinternalfactorsaloneitisthusnotsurprising,thatthewetricefarmingprojectsfrom
NGOsandthegovernmentinstitutionsonlyworkedforashorttime(HeadlandT.N.,WhyForagersDo
Not Become Farmers: A Historical Study of a Changing Ecosystem and Its Effect on a Negrito Hunter
Gatherer Group in the Philippines, 1986, p. 412). The poorly carried out farm projects often lacked
adequatesupplyofcapitalinformofcarabaos,plows,fertilizers,insecticides,seeds,expertise,money
and severalmonth supply of food until the first harvest. This iscertainly a setback, but the lowlander
forest migrants, who squatted on the government reservation after the inactivity of the Agta, didnt
have any supplies too, but were able to establish a farm. Rice farming can be punitive and total crop
failures are occurring, especially in these frontier areas where little inputs and know how about pest
managementisdispersedandpracticedamongfarmers.Neverthelesslowlanderfarmersmostlymanage
tocontinuefarmingeventhoughnomorefoodstockisavailablebyaccessingofffarmresources,while
among the Agta only a minority is succeeding or willing to do that. In Casiguran migrant lowlander
homesteaderscomefromfarawayprovincesanditishardlyimaginable thatthesepeoplecamewith
muchcapital,especiallyasKummerinanoftencitedstudyaboutPhilippinedeforestationpointedout
that they are poor themselves moving to the forest fringe to look for a way to sustain their families
(Kummer, 1991, p. 91), although there is certainly social stratification among these migrants with big
differences in income. In Dipagsanghan there are lowlanders living in simple huts similar to the Agta
havingfieldstoosmallforayearroundfoodsupply.InparticularImeasuredthefieldofoneofthem
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anditturnedoutthatitwasjustonehectareplantedincornmuchtoolittletosustainthefamilyyear
round.Neverthelessthelowlanderalwaysmanagestoplantthefield.

Obviouslytheissueoffarmlandownershipdoesntmake much difference,asagriculturallandofany

qualityinpossessionofAgtaisroutinelyneglected.Whendiggingdeeper,thereareprobablyplentyof
DipagsanghansouttherewheretheAgtacultivateonlyatinyfractionoftheirownedland.Therewere
landgrabbingincidents,buttheAgtaafterallstillinformallyownlanduntilnowin2009evennearthe
area where Headland listed 12 cases of loss of Agta swidden sites to lowlanders until 1983 with the
majorityallegedlyforcefullytakenover,butonlyinfivecasesactuallytheAgtawereclearaboutthatit
wasaforcefultakeover(HeadlandT.N.,WhyForagersDoNotBecomeFarmers:AHistoricalStudyofa
ChangingEcosystemandItsEffectonaNegritoHunterGathererGroupinthePhilippines,1986,p.433).
TheremainingAgtalandsareupriverfarawayfromthecoasttheretough.Outofthatfivecasesmany
tookplacelongtimeagopriortothe1950s,whentherewasnotyetascarcityoflandinbestlocationsI
assumeandthelossofthelandwaslessdamaging.Outrightlandtheftseemstobenotthatcommon
afterall.IntheliteratureaboutthePhilippineNegritossomecasesarementionedwherethelowlanders
were fooling the Negritos by telling them their swidden making is illegal. In Casiguran the lowlanders
opposed the two reservations for the Agta out of envy over the vast rice fields in 1923, although
potentialwetricefarmlandwasstillplentiful(HeadlandT.N.,WhyForagersDoNotBecomeFarmers:A
Historical Study of a Changing Ecosystem and Its Effect on a Negrito HunterGatherer Group in the
Philippines,1986,pp.428429).Ontheotherhandtherearecaseswherethelowlanderswerelongtime
supporters of the farming activities of the Agta like in the case of Divisoria, Barangay Dibuloan, San
Mariano.Thelowlanders,inthiscaseKalinga,taughtthemfarmingskills(Jong,2003,p.24).

Toputitthatway,inthePhilippineseverylandwhichisabandonedoveralongerperiodoftimeandhas
no clear signs of cultivation is considered available for the public. Absentee land owners with higher
socialstatus,whohavelandtitlesandtheAgtawhoarelikewiseabsentareespeciallyvulnerabletoland
theft. People of a higher social status have to see through that the law is enforced, which is not that
easyunlessyouhaveyourowngoonsandapotentialforviolence.Itisnotonlyaproblemofaspecific
group of people. Most Agta have swiddens in two to three different places often up to 100 km away
fromeachother.TheneglectoftheswiddensplayedamajorroleintheearliermentionedHeadlands
12cases.Lowlandersarealsovictimsoflandtheftbyotherlowlandersandwerefooled.

In Divisoria, Barangay Dibuloan, San Mariano two Ibanag families are present. These Ibanags
had farm land in Cadsalan, San Mariano before. Although they had a tax declaration for that
landanotherlowlanderstolethepapersbypretendingtobearelativeofthefamilyaskingto
see the land papers. Afterwards the lowlander chased them with big machetes from the land
onlytosellittosomebodyelseafterwards.Thisincidentdidntpreventthevictimstomoveto
Divisoriaandsuccessfullystartfarmingtherein1965(Jong,2003).

Intheatleast1000yearsAgtahavecontactwithwetricefarmers(Early&Headland,1998,p.16)they
didntbothertotakeupfarmingevenassuitablelandwasstillinamplesupply.Nowwithlesssuitable
farm land available, but other nontraditional offfarm livelihoods available the motivation to do so is
mostprobablynotbigger.ThereisnoindicationthattheAgtaevenifnotbetrayedoftheirswiddenland
 85/108

woulddomoreagriculture.KeepingthelowlandersoutofthemarginallyusedAgtafarmlands,would
have only hurt the forest migrants, but would have not improved the situation for the Agta. The
informallandlawisharshonthePhilippines,butitfullyutilizesallavailablefarmland,asabandoned
underutilizedlandwillbesquattedrightaway.

The scarcity of land is also relative considering the land use in the municipalities. While it is certainly
true for irrigated rice fields it doesnt hold for coconut groves. In Dipuntian, San Ildefonso Peninsula I
saw even coconut palms planted at more than 100% slope inclination. Likewise in Tamala, Infanta,
Quezon I witnessed the preparation of a similar slope for a coconut plantation. Indeed other studies
confirm my observation with 60% of all coconut plantations on sloping and mountainous lands in the
Philippines.Soilerosioncausesloweryields,becauseofsoilnutrientswashedout,butitisnotrendering
themunprofitable.Infactmanyfactorsplayaroleintheproductivityoftheplantespeciallysoilquality
in general, age of plant, etc. (Pabuayon, Medina, Medina, Manoha, & Villegas, 2008, p. 16;31). In
Casiguran 78 % of the municipal land area has a lower than 50% slope inclination and ca. 54% has a
lower than 30% slope inclination. Almost 90% of the land area is forest land not under cultivation
accordingtoaerialphotographsfrom1999,whichwereextensivelyvalidatedontheground.Casiguran
isstillafrontierintermsofagriculture.Halfoftheforestareaisnotunderanyformoftimberlicense.
Thereisstillplentyoflandupforgrabs(CasiguranMPDC,MasterDevelopmentPlanCasiguran,Aurora,
2000,p.17).InPalananca.91%ofthemunicipallandareahasalowerthan30%slopeinclinationand
equally ca. 90% is forest land not under cultivation (PalananMPDC, 2000). For Palanan this is not
surprisingastheareaisaprotectedarea,becauseofitsvastforests.

It is not really understandable why Headland brushed the internal factors aside and presented land
grabbing and competition among the two groups as major factor and likened the events to a one
dimensionalprincipleborrowedfromecology(competitiveexclusionprinciple)wheretheweakergroup
theAgtaavoidagriculturesonottocompetewiththebiggergroupthelowlanderstoavoidconflictand
becomeexterminatedinawaroverresources(HeadlandT.N.,WhyForagersDoNotBecomeFarmers:A
Historical Study of a Changing Ecosystem and Its Effect on a Negrito HunterGatherer Group in the
Philippines,1986,pp.426439).Thisrequiresthepreconditionthattheyhavetwodifferentniches.The
lowlanders farm, while the Agta hunt. Therefore they dont have a conflict and live in symbiosis, but
there is no reason to assume, that the lowlanders havent participated in the same livelihoods as the
Agta since ever. The development in the last decades has shown that there are more and more
lowlandersenteringtheforestforsnaretrapping,amajorfactorinbringingthegamepopulationclose
to extinction, that there is no distinction in the niches of the two populations (see chapter Snare
trapping and hunting). It didnt create a conflict situation where the perceived to be more powerful
group forbade the Agta to snare trap or hunt. It is more the other way around that the Agta never
shunned a conflict with lowlanders about things they consider as important (see 85). Lowlanders and
Agtaalikeparticipateinmanylivelihoodse.g.ironrodspearfishing,catchinglobster,rattangathering,
ediblebirdsnestgathering,etc.

Headlandsofarhaskeptemphasizingthematerialisticview.Thereasonforthisisuncleartomemaybe
hebecamebiasedbythezeitgeistofthetimeorhegotincorporatedintheIPrightsmovement,which
puts cultural preservation above all other things. In relatively recent journal article he presented the
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competitive exclusion principle again together with human rights violations mainly committed by the
military and pinpoints this outside factors as the main culprit for the misery among the Agta. On the
otherhandonescientisthadproblemtoapplythisprincipleinacasestudyamongtheAgta(Jong,2003,
p.93).Anotherresearchercriticizedthesimplicityofthisprinciple(Byers,1998).

DoubtlesstheAgtaarediscriminatedbythelowlanderpopulation,butithasrelativelylittletodowith
why this people are poor and cannot get ahead. That there is little correlation of discrimination and
wellbeing,andeconomicsuccessofminoritieshasbeendemonstratedamongotherminoritieslikeAfro
Americans,Jewishimmigrants,ChineseimmigrantsandothersintheworksofT.Sowell.Thereseemto
beparallelswiththiscase.

IsAgtaeconomicbehavioramainreasonforAgtapoverty?
EstanielonceownedanirrigatedricefieldinLukban,BarangayDidian,Palanan.Aftervisitinga
rice farming training in Barangay Bisag, Palanan he practiced improved land preparation and
planting methods like plowing twice and waiting several weeks after plowing the field so the
weeds will rot and act as fertilizer for the field. His neighbor was his sister, who also planted
irrigatedrice,butunlikeherbrotherusedbadpractices.TheyieldofEstanielwasthenalways
higher, which made his sister very envy. This caused constant conflict until Estaniel
spontaneously sold part of his land there to an Ifugao migrant and left to Dipagsanghan. The
paymentfor thelandwasthen consumedforaburial.WhenI askedwhyhedidnt trytobuy
farmlandinthenewlocationinsteadofconsumingthemoney,hetoldmethatthisbehavioris
notAgta.Estanielwasadoptedwhen ca.6yearsoldbyanaribayofthefather,whodied.He
grewupinthelowlandsinPangasinanProvince,wherehefinishedGrade5andisliterate.

InDiwagden,BarangaySanJose,SanMarianoanIlokanomanmarriedanAgtawomanandlives
intheAgtacommunity.Heisilliterateandobviouslydidntbringownlandintothemarriage,as
heliveswiththeAgta,butfarmsthelandoftheAgta.Althoughheisdisadvantagedlikethem,
hishouseisfourtimesthesizeofthenearbyAgtadwellings.Heownsachainsawandcarabaos,
whereastheAgtadontpossessanycarabaosanymore,althoughtheyreceivedsomefromthe
NGOPLANinthe1990s.

IdidntmakeanyrecordingsoftheexpendituresoftheAgtainDipagsanghanin2008,becauseitisvery
difficulttotrackthatdownandthedebtrelationsaredifficulttounderstandaswell.Icouldhaveasked
abouttheirexpenditures,butinformantaccuracyisaproblem.Itisdoubtfuliftheywilltellyouthetruth
andiftheyreallyareawareoftheircashflowoveralongerperiodoftime.Theyboughtfromvarious
differentstoresinthewholemunicipality.Poorpeoplehidetheirstuff,sonobodyknowswhattheyhave
(DichterT.,ASecondLookatMicrofinanceTheSequenceofGrowthandCreditinEconomicHistory,
2007).Fortheoutsidercomingtotheirvillagetheirassetsincashorotherarenotthatvisible.OnceI
enteredaverysmallhutofanolderAgtacoupleinDipuntian,SanIldefonsoPeninsulaanddiscovereda
bicycleinside.Anotherindicatoristhesmallhousestheybuild.Thisisalsodonetoavoidhavingmany
visitors,whoareadrainontheresourcesofthehousehold,astheyparticipateinthemealsandnotonly
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out of poverty (Headland T. N., Kinship and Social Behavior Among Agta Negrito HunterGatherers,
1987).

Nevertheless the force relatives can apply to the ego in the sphere of sharing is limited. Agta society
afterallisegalitariananditdependsontheagencyoftheindividual,butitrequiresleavingthecomfort
zoneoftraditionandriskingantagonism.CashdoesnthavetobesharedandIdidntobservethatan
Agta envies the carabaos or chainsaws of another Agta. Also I didnt observe any conflict when one
familycontrolsthetreesurveyinginonearea,whiletheothersarenotprofitingfromitorarehired.

From what I observed the overwhelming majority of the 18 families invest little or nothing of their
seldom,butoccurringcashprofits.IftherewassurplusmostAgtaindulgedinconsumerismgoingona
shopping spree into town buying relatively useless things like bracelets and other things for body
beautification.Thenthereisformidableinstantcoffeeandsugarconsumption.Especiallytheyoungmen
arepronetobuyoverpricedfakewatches,whichoperateonlyafewweeks.Themenwhendelivering
their products to town totheir middle men can hardly resist the temptations of the town and mostly
endupinKaraokeBarsspendingthesalesinalcohol.Ifthemoneyisspentandnomoremoneyavailable
tobuyriceforthefamilyadvancepaymentsaretakenforthenextworkingtriporintheworstcase,in
theirview,thefamilywilleatcassavafromtheirmarginalswiddensforthemeantime.Illegallowlander
loggers and Agta alike in general have a hard time to defer instant gratification when receiving their
payments in town. They end up in the bar, the cockfight stadium and in some cases on the western
watershed hiring prostitutes. Also corporate logging with its high income for the logging personnel
producedonedaymillionaires,whichweredrunkalldayandwhenthemoneywasgonewentbackto
theforestintheheydaysofPhilippineloggingaccordingtoaformeremployee(Top,2003,p.73).

Most Agta dont use the advantages of the market economy and are not infected by the spirit of
capitalism.Thereislittleinteresttosaveortakecredittoinvestandworkwiththeaimofmakingprofit
going beyond the daily needs. If the profit is not invested it could be saved for important future
expenses. It is risky to keep cash in the village. In one case an Agta was allegedly robbed by his own
teenagerelativeinDipagsanghan,buteveninPalananthereisamicrofinanceoutletwheredepositscan
bemadeaswell.UnfortunatelyforsomeAgtaincreaseinincomedoesntbringanyimprovementatall
and means only an increase in liver damage from alcoholism. From my observations only one family
headLarryofoneAgtafamilyoutof18Agtafamiliespracticedfrugalityespeciallywhengoingtotown.
Hisinvestmentduringmystayinwetricefarmingwasunfortunatelynotsuccessfulin2008.

On the other hand investment is a hindrance for moving to other places which can offer higher paid
work.Itmakeslittlesensetoinvestinbetterhousingandagriculture,etc.whenyouonlystaytherehalf
oftheyear.Thiscanbecopedwithbyleavingthefamilyintheplaceoforigin,whocantakecareofthe
farm,whichisasacrifice,butthatiswhatthelowlandersusuallydo.

Itcannotbetoldstraightforward,ifsedentaryfarmingisthemoreprofitablelivelihoodoptioncompared
topursuingruralworkin differentlocations.The moveintointensivefarmingcouldmake theincome
situationworsedependingonthecase.ItcanhaveanegativeimpactoneducationasAgtafarmlandis
far from the Barangay centers where the schools are located. In Quirino province 1994 wet rice and
 88/108

hybrid corn farming lowlanders with a high income and well established farms were reported to
augment their income with illegal logging. These are households, who are cash oriented and have
productive farms, earning more than 20,000 Php annually that time and do logging because of its
profitabilityusingtheincomeforlongtimeinvestments,arenotdependantonitforsubsistenceandare
thus called pulled forest users. Half of the households in the study area were like the Agta pushed
forestusersearningquickcashfordailysubsistence,classifiedinthiscategorywhenearninganannual
income lower than 20,000 Php that time. Pushed forest users were sometimes forgoing a second
cropping on their swiddens for food production, because the income from logging is more profitable.
AlsoinPalananunproductivefieldsareabandonedinthepursuitforhigherpayingloggingactivities.The
participation in different livelihood activities is thus widespread through all income levels (Huijbregts,
1996,pp.5761).

Agtaapplylittlemaintenancewhenfarming.Itismoreorlessaplantandforgetsystem.Inthecaseof
uplandfarminginswiddensthisleadstolowyieldsandlowefficiencyincomparisontootherswidden
groups. Upland farming is a delicate, because of weeds competing with the rice plant. Farmers shun
plantingitonpermanentfieldsorfallowswithcogongrass,becauseoftheexcessivespreadingofweeds
andpreferablyplantingitonslashandburnfieldswithtrees,whicharenotyetinvadedbycogongrass
(Huijbregts,1996,p.87.).RiceyieldfromAgtaswiddenswasin19840.9t/ha,whileexpertswiddeners
theHanunooMangyansfromthePhilippineshavethehighestamongswiddengroupswith2.3t/ha.1.6
t/ha is normal the national average (Sebastian, Alviola, & Francisco, 1998). The efficiency is with 0.35
kg/hour (kg rice harvested per hour labor invested) is low in comparison with 2.5 kg/hour among the
Hanunoo(HeadlandT.N.,KinshipandSocialBehaviorAmongAgtaNegritoHunterGatherers,1987,p.
356).TheAetaNegritosafterWW2subsistedmainlyonplantedsweetpotato,whichcomprised53%of
theirtotalfoodintake,whileexchangedricecomprisedonly5%.Theyplantedalsouplandrice,butstill
root crops dominated due to unproductivity of the upland rice. A sufficient food production with
marginalcultivationcanbeachieved.In2002thenationwidecassavayieldwas7.6t/ha(FAO,Table28.
Cassava: yield, 2002) and that of sweet potato 4.3 t/ha (FAO, Table 31. Sweet potatoes: yield, 2002).
When in 1975 upland rice farming on plowable fields was introduced by the Pinatubo Development
Associationtheyieldswerebad,becauseofnegligencebytheAeta,incomparisontothecontrolfarm
setupbytheliveinagriculturist,whotaughtfarmingtotheAeta(Shimizu,1989,pp.2736).Nowadays
youwillhardlyfindanyNegrito,whowouldvoluntarilyeatsweetpotatoorcassavaeveryday,because
itisculturallynotacceptabletothem.Theypreferricemainlybecauseofitsneutraltasteandconsiderit
onlyintimesofscarcityappropriatetoeatrootcrops.Onceusedtoriceconsumptionitisdifficulttogo
backtorootcrops.Certainlythisisalsoafactorwhysolittlerootcropsareplanted,asitisconsideredas
famine food. Among the Agta rice exchange with lowlanders has been observed since ever. In
DipagsanghanIobservedaprotestantlowlanderfamilyeatingcassavaforweeks,becausetheirharvest
wasfinishedandbecauseoffrugalitytobeabletosendtheirkidstoschool,whiletheAgtawereeating
theluxuryfoodriceatthattime.SubstitutingtheespeciallyexpensivericeinPalananwithhomegrown
rootcropswouldbemostprobablythemoreprofitableoption.

The economic problem of the Agta is not only about taking up intensive agriculture or not, but goes
beyond that. Most Agta routinely fail in any more capital intensive livelihood options or are not
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interested to seriously pursue it. The outcomes, known from the NGO assistance, are too worse to
attribute it only to bad luck. Examples for these capital intensive livelihoods are, apart from intensive
agriculture, gill net fishing, being a middleman, running a neighborhood store, etc. Naturally it is not
surprising,becausetheAgtatraditionallypracticedanimmediatereturneconomyandgiventhepoverty
and hardship of the marginal farmer life it is understandable, but continuing to do so makes any
improvementimpossible.

There is no guarantee that sacrificing for the future will pay off. Given the relatively low income not
much can be saved. The daily wages I recorded for fishing 78 Php in wet season and 113 Php in dry
season, 33 Php for producing rattan split and 84 Php for gathering birds nest is low, especially
considering the high rice prices of 30 Php, but there is a strong indication that birds nest gathering
incomewasalothigherinthepast.Onesickfamilymember,acropfailureandallwasfornothing,but
thereisnootherwaytoachieveimprovementinsightunlessaloggingcompanywillhirethemforlifeor
inanotherwaytheyarepaidasalaryandhaveapermanentjob,whichisascarcityonthePhilippines.
But from the second case I mentioned earlier in this chapter there can be a difference. At least a
healthier,butpoorlifecouldbeachievable.ThequestionhereratheriswhytheAgtalivinginthesame
environmentwiththelowlanderscannotdowhatthemajorityofthelowlandersdo.Theprimeexample
in a very different setting here are the Chinese immigrants in South East Asia, who in spite of
discrimination succeeded (Sowell, 1996). The FilipinoChinese dealt with the same corrupt and
inefficient bureaucracy when registering their businesses, in short had the same obstacles as the
Filipinoshad.

ProtestantsectshavebeenactiveamongtheAgtasincethe1960s.TheSummerInstituteofLinguistics
(SIL)sentoutmissionarylinguists,onecoupleperareaandlanguage,whoseaimistoencouragethemto
become Christians and translate the bible into the respective Agta language. The translated bible or
portionsofitisthenusedbytheAgta.MeanwhiletherearesomesupportedAgta,whocanoperatea
laptop and voluntarily continue the translation work. Historically, Weber, one of the founders of
Sociology,discovered1905thatthedoctrineofcertainprotestantsectshadasideeffect:Otherthanthe
usual ethics of religion on the one hand a secular occupation should be followed with much zeal as
possible. On the other hand the ethic forbade wasteful using of hard earned money and identified
purchaseofluxuriesasasin.Thisparadoxwasthenresolvedbyinvestmentoftheaccumulatedexcess
money. Protestants developed enterprises engaging in trade and the accumulation of wealth for
investment.Itwastheforcebehindanunplannedanduncoordinatedmassactionthatinfluencedthe
development of capitalism (Wikipedia, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, 2009). This
doctrine could maybe spur also economic activity among the Agta. The religion seems to take on the
culturalproblemsofthisforagergroup.Unfortunately,suchprofoundsideeffectsamongtheconverts
have not been observed according to Filipino pastor Arnold Alvarez with 20 years of missionary work
behindhiminPalanan.Theinfluenceofthereligionwasnotthatprofound.InterestedAgtahavereadily
learnedtherituals,butoneverydaylifetheimpactissmall,especiallyonthenonclericalpopulation,
althoughtherewasareductioninalcoholconsumptionreportedinthe1990sforexampleinKanaipang.
TheHeadlands,thefirstmissionarycoupleoftheorganizationstayingwiththeAgtafor20yearsfrom
the1960sonwards,wantedtointroducethevalueofeducation.Thisattempthadlittleimpactaswell
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(HeadlandT.N.,WhyForagersDoNotBecomeFarmers:AHistoricalStudyofaChangingEcosystemand
ItsEffectonaNegritoHunterGathererGroupinthePhilippines,1986,p.282).AftertheHeadlandsleft
thearea,forsomeyearsmore,othermissionarieswerepresentinCasiguran,butalllefteventually.In
1990SILstartedanewattemptinPalananwithanothermissionarycoupletheChiongs.15haofland
wereboughtnearthetownproperandaFilipinomissionarycouplestayedtherefor13yearsandhas
beencontinuingtheworksincethenfromthetownproper.

I observed a tendency towards dole out mentality among the Agta. I was wondering if foreign
development aid in form of NGOs and missionaries caused that, but it seems there are other much
bigger factors at work. First of all the aribay relationship can be understood as a patron client
relationship.ItisconsideredbymanyAgta,asaneconomicsuccessforthemwhentheymeetabenign
lowlander, from whom they can solicit many favors. The whole local government system, with a few
townsasexception,worksonadoleoutbasisinthePhilippines,especiallyamongthepoorelectorate.
The local politician is under immense pressure to deliver support to get reelected. This support is not
government programs which really make a difference and fix the problems, rather people queue up
from dusk till dawn in front of the mayors residence to receive things from assistance for funerals,
petitionsforjobs,loansforthedaysmarketingtopotsforcookingfood.Thelocalgovernmentofficials
arethebridgesofthepoortoresources.Thisistheothersideofthepoliticalpatronagesystem(PCIJ,
PopularExpectationsandPoliticalMiracles,2004).Agtanowadaysareskillfulinsolicitingsupportfrom
various sources. Corruption among tribal leaders is not that infrequent. There are similarities in the
sociopoliticalorganizationofthelowlanders,whichwascalledananarchyoffamiliesbythefamous
anthropologistFox(McCoy,1993)andtheAgta.Itisquietcompatible.Iobservedsomeseverercasesof
Negritotribaldealership.

In2001theNGOFPCNwasapproachedbytheAgtafromthePasaroboiRivertobuyacoastal
landof12ha,whichtheformermunicipaljudgeGilRadain1929titledashomesteadland.The
judge titled many lands in whole Casiguran via table survey, exploiting his contacts. The
grandparents of the judge many decades later sell the lands in small pieces and have good
incomewiththat.Naturallyastheownerwasalwaysabsentlowlandershadsquattedtheland
already, but only on the fringes. Somehow the squatters had been able to get a court ruling
givingthemsomerightstothelandtheyhadbeencultivatingtherealready.Withthepurchasea
historicalinjusticecanbereversedandanobledeedisdone.Tomakethefacilitationoftheland
purchase easier, without a long paper trail, which is required to register the title under the
foreignNGOinthePhilippinesoranAgtapeoplesorganization,anAetatriballeaderfromthe
PinatubowasconsultedtobetheownerofthelandtoavoidatakeoverofthelandbyanAgta
familyactuallylivingontheland.UnfortunatelyabadchoicewasmadewiththeAetaleader,as
he and his community was engaged in Philippine wide copied notorious fake gold racket. The
Aetaleadersuccessfullysoldthesellerofthelandfakegoldbarsafterthesellergothismoney.
SomehowtheAetaleadermanagedtomanufactureorobtainthesegoldbarsfromlocalthugs,I
sawthempersonallyasthecommunitytrieditonmeaswell,andlearnthetrickshowtotalk
peopleintobuyingthem.Thismadethenabadstartfortheland,asthebuyerwantedtoretain
his lost money, but later gave up pursuing the issue. Although any struggles about the land
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ownership among the Agta should have been prevented with an outsider as owner it didnt
work out that way. The Agta leader of the time harassed his constituents and acted as the
owner nonetheless regardless with or without real ownership. Somehow he got a copy of the
land title and allegedly tried to sell the land unsuccessfully. As the Agta tribal leader has a
notorious reputation I tracked down his performance in the past. He is a submissive husband
and actually his wife is a major driving factor influencing his fraudulent behavior. He is
responsibleforthesellingofaboatsuppliedbytheloggingcompany.Theaccumulatedroyalty
paymentof5yearswasnotdistributedandconsumedbyhim.Onceheinventednonexisting
villagestoreceivereliefgoodsforthemandkeepthem.Heisalsoexploitingthesicknessofhis
wife, who is blind to solicit money for medicine, which is then misused. When it comes to
commerciallogginghesignspetitionsforandagainstlogging,depending,whichsidetheNGOor
loggingcompanyhasbetterprospectsforreceivingsupport.Itwashardtodealwithhimashe
askedalwaysformore.Thisalmostescalatedwithrumorsofmurderplotsagainsthimwiththe
loggingcompanyallegedlybehindit,butthesituationhasrelaxedsofar.Fortunatelyafteryears
ofabusehewasunseatedastribalchieftain.Hehasthebiggestfamilyinthevillageandthusan
advantage,becausehischildrenwillreluctantlyvoteagainsthim.

Another case which is borderline fraudulent is the RCC in Palanan issued to one Agta only
Melencio Salazar. The application for the permit was supported by the government and thus
wasmeanttobeissuedtoapeoplesorganizationcomprisingallAgta.Whileitisnormaltofarm
outthepermittootherpeopleforaroyalty,inthiscaseitisdubious,becauseonlyMelenciois
the sole beneficiary of that royalty, which was sometimes paid in kind by constructing houses
forthepermitholderandhisrelatives.

Superficially there was culture change in the last decades. The Agta got more knowledge about the
outside world and a retooling and shift to other forest products happened from bow and arrow to
shotgun and chainsaw, from game to rattan, wood and edible birds nest to name a few. The more
profoundcharacteristicsoftheculturedidntchangeatall.Economicbehavior,unhealthypracticesand
educationstayedlargelythesame.Icannotseeadramaticdifferenceinhaulingwoodfromtheforestto
huntinggameaslivelihoodactivity.AlsoM.Griffincametotheconclusion,thattheissuesstayedmore
or less the same (Griffin M. , 1998, p. 15). A good term here is maybe that the Agta like the poor in
general are conservative survivalists (Dichter T. , A Second Look at Microfinance The Sequence of
Growth and Credit in Economic History, 2007). That the Agta are unable to take full advantage of the
increasedopportunitiesthatappear,becauseoftheselfperpetuatingcultureofpovertytheygraduated
to,whichisonlyasmallmodificationoftheirtraditionalimmediatereturncultureseemstobethecase
forthemajorityoftheAgta(Lewis,1968,pp.58)in(Giddens&Dunneier,1999).

Healthsituation
ThisisthesaddesttopicabouttheAgta.

Headlandcollectedconcise,errorcheckedcensusinformationofoneAgtagroupontheSanIldefonso
Peninsula from 19501994 and divided then according to the changing living conditions the time span
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intotheForagerPhasefrom19501964(lifeexpectancyatbirth24.9years),theTransitionPhase1963
1979 (life expectancy at birth 29.2 years) and the Peasant Phase from 19801994 (life expectancy at
birth22.2years).IntheForagerPhasetheAgtawerestilllivingatraditionallife,dependingmostlyon
traditional livelihoods, while starting with the Peasant Phase the adaption to new livelihood activities
andapartlymodernizedlifestylewasfinished.InthePeasantPhasethelifeexpectancydroppedamong
others,becausein198723Agtachildrendied,duetoameaslesepidemic,in1985adiarrheicdisease
killed16andin1983Agtamothersstartedbottlefeedingaround20%oftheirinfants,astheyimitated
the lowlander women, which caused a low survival rate because of the low quality of the milk and
unsanitary living conditions (Early & Headland, 1998, p. 117). Not only infants suffer a high mortality,
ratherahighmortalityisdistributedthroughoutthewholehumanlifespan.Ofalldeaths29%occurred
in the first year, by 10 years of age 50% had died and by 50 years of age 75% were dead. Of deaths
occurred between 19501993 under the assumption, that unknown causes of death are caused by
infectious disease, 85.7% of deaths were caused by infectious disease, 4.1% caused by nutritional
disease,4.4%causedbymaternalcomplications,2.7%causedbyaccidentand3%causedbyhomicide.
In 71.3% of the deaths the reason was unknown. Malnutrition and intestinal worms are frequently
associatedwithinfectiousdiseaseasreasonfordeath,asitweakensthebodyandsometimescausean
infectiousdiseaselikeinthecaseofinroundworm,whichcancausepneumoniainrarecases(Werner,
2009,p.140).Commoninfectiousdiseasesintheareaaremeasles,diarrhea,pneumonia,malariaand
tuberculosis.

Synergismisthepresenceofacertainmortalitytrendattheageof0to12monthofaninfant,which
indicates malnutrition in synergism with disease. An increased mortality is present at the age of 612
month,becausebreastfeedingstoppedandmalnutritionstartsbecauseofnutritionfromfoodgivento
theinfantislacking,whichmakestheinfantlesscapableofsurvivingdiseases.InHeadlandsdatafrom
19501994allthreePhasesshowsignsofsynergism,butonlyaccuratecensusdataisavailableforthe
twolatterPhases.Afactorinmalnutritioncouldbealsothepresenceofparasiticwormsininfants,who
take away nutrients. (Early & Headland, 1998, pp. 108112). Health workers estimate, that intestinal
worms consume at least 510% of the nutritional value in food they do consume (Ravenholt, 1982).
According to latest figures in 2002 34% of the Agta adults are undernourished and 17% of the Agta
children compared to 7.2% preschoolers and 8.7% grade school children nationwide 1998 are wasted
(DOH, 1998) according to international standards (Souza, Body size and growth: The significance of
chronic malnutrition among the Casiguran Agta, 2006). In another comparison in San Mariano 1998
children were weighed, which were 2.1% 3rd degree, 9.17% 2nd degree and 25.13% 1st degree
malnourished (SanMarianoMPDC, 2000). One of the highest percentages of severe weighed
malnourishment was recorded in Barangay Dicadoan, Palanan 1998 with 10% 3rd degree (Palanan
MPDC,2000).Malnourishmentisveryprevalentamonglowlandersaswell,especiallyinremoteareas
withoutnaturalfishorgameresourcesandpoormarketaccess.

Judgingfrommyobservationinseveralvillagesin2008,thehealthsituationseemstobenotbetterthan
inthe1990s.InDipagsanghanamongthe18familieslivingtherein2008,threeyoungwidowerswere
amongthem,losingtheirwivestochildbirthcomplicationsintwocasesandtoMalariainonecase.In
Palananfrom199094Malariawaswidespreadwithpatientsovercrowdingthehealthcarefacilitiesand
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in1996ablackmeaslesepidemicwitharound100casesoccurred,affectingthewholepopulationand
killingalotofAgtatoo.Measlesnormallyarenonlethal,butwhencomplicationsoccur,becauseother
sicknesseslikepneumoniaarepresent,itcanbecomelethal(pers.comm.PalanantowndoctorAcosta).
In the NSMNP a census was done among the Agta and the population in 1998 was 1,828 (Magana,
2000),whilein2005itwas1,737(Minter&Ranay,CensusreportandsettlementmapoftheAgtaofthe
NSMNP, 2005). A trend cannot be established with certainty from that data, because two different
researchers did the census, additional settlements were surveyed in 2005, in, outmigration was not
takenintoaccountandthecensusareaishuge.Asignificantincreaseofthepopulation,expectedfroma
population,whichhasatotalfertilityrateof7childrenpermother,mostprobablyhadnthappened.In
thePhilippinesthetotalfertilityratewas6from197075,whichcausedapopulationgrowthof3%in
contrast(UnitedNations,2007)(Early&Headland,1998).TheSanIldefonsoAgtapopulationwasslightly
growing from 19501994 with a population increase of 0.6% and a natural increase of 0.8% (Early &
Headland,1998,p.134).

OntheSanIldefonsoPeninsulalifeexpectancyatbirthimprovedintheTransitionPhase,becauseofthe
missionaryandscientistcoupletheHeadlandslivingmoreorlesspermanentlywiththeAgtathere.The
Headlands had paramedic training and were always in contact with a physician via radio. Patients in
critical condition were flown out to wellequipped hospitals or brought to the town doctor, the Agta
told.Itwasworthwhile,aspreciouslivesweresaved,maybetheonlyaidprojectwhichwassuccessful
sofar,butitalsoshowsthattheeffectislimited(Early&Headland,1998,p.115).Thereasonforthis,I
assume,isthearound200Agtaarescatteredoveralargearea.Itisnotpossibletobeeverywhereand
monitor everyone. Among the Aeta on the Pinatubo a development project with a health care
component was carried out over a longer period of time from 1976 onwards until 1991. The clinics
served an average of 200 patients a week. It was observed, that the time lag is a factor, as patients
especiallyinfantsarebroughttothedoctorfourdaysandmoreafteronsetofthesickness,whenthe
situationisalreadyalmosthopeless(Tima,2005,p.23).Thesamewasstatedbyhealthpractitionersin
CasiguranandPalanan.

Itseemsevenwhenaccesstohealthcareisavailablethesituationisnotimprovingtoacceptablelevels.
Lackofaccesstohealthcare,becauseofpovertyseemsthennottobethemainculprit.Notonlythe
missionaries rendered free services, but all indigent people in the Philippines are treated for free in
healthcarefacilities.IPsliketheAetaandAgtaautomaticallyfallintotheindigentcategory.Ofcourse
free treatment has to be viewed with caution as the governmental health care facilities are naturally
badly equipped and not all medicines are available and have to be bought then from a pharmacy or
orderedifnotavailable.Infusionliquidsandtuberculosismedicine,becauseexpensivearesuchcases.
TuberculosismedicineisonlysometimesavailableforfreeintheRHU.

Icangivehereonlyasketchyoverviewwhatisreallyavailableinthehealthcarefacilities.In2008Ican
confirm the following services: The hospital in Palanan was sufficiently equipped with pain relievers,
antibiotics,meansforwounddisinfectionanddressingmaterial.TheSalivatestsfortuberculosisinthe
RuralHealthUnit(RHU)weredoneforfree.MalariatestscanbedoneforfreeintheRHUsaswellasin
thehospitalsofCasiguranandPalanan.ThebloodplateletcountforDengueFeverisalsoperformedin
Casiguran.FromthespecificationsIgotfromthestaffandwritteninformation:IntheCasiguranhospital
 94/108

anXRayandultrasoundisavailable,butnoradiologistwhocouldinterprettheultrasounds.InPalanan
thereisanultrasound,butXRayisntreadytouse.InCasiguranandmostprobablyinPalananaswella
wide variety of basic laboratory tests are available for urine, feces and blood. In Palanan there is
furthermoreadefibrillator,refrigeratorformedicineandanincubator.

On the diagnostics side it looks better than expected. A problem occurs when the condition of the
patientiscriticalneedingintensivecare.Thereisthennotmuchwhatcanbedone.Nohightechgadgets
arearound.Thetreatmentpossibleinthehospitalsismoreorlessrestrictedtoinfusions,oralmedicines
andoxygenandtransfertoabetterhospitalisinmorecomplicatedcasesneeded.Inurgentcases,when
the weather is good, the chances are better in Palanan than in Casiguran. In Palanan the owner of
CycloneAirways,theairlineflyingtoPalanan,hasapolicytoflyemergencypatientsfromthehospital
out for free. With the airplane theoretically the transfer to another hospital is relatively short only 2
hours. In Casiguran the nearest better equipped hospital is at least 8 hours bumpy drive away from
Baler,AuroraorSantiago,Isabela.

InhistoricalcomparisonthelifeexpectancyintheUSimprovedfrom19001990from4775years.90%
ofthatimprovementhadbeenachievedby1950,whenonly4%oftheGDPwasspentforhealthcare.
By1990theexpenditureroseto13%oftheGDP.WhenAmericansearnedenoughtoeatwell,haultrash
away and constructed efficient water and sewage systems they started to live longer (Byers, 1998, p.
89). In other words lifestyle is a huge factor here and the life of death and disease is only the
manifestation of most extreme poverty. If the overall life expectancy of the lowlanders in the remote
municipalitieswitharound80%livinginruralareaswithbadinfrastructurecorrespondstothenational
figure and only a small fraction of lowlanders living a similar lifestyle like the Agta suffer a low life
expectancyisnotclear;alifeexpectancysignificantlylowerthanthenationalaveragethroughoutthe
municipality could be the case as well. On the San Ildefonso Peninsula the life expectancy of the
acculturing population is better with 37 years, almost twice that of the Agta, but below the national
figureof70yearsin20002005(UnitedNations,2007).Icannottellhowgooditis,butitismuchbetter.
Infantmortalityshowsnosynergism(Early&Headland,1998,p.157).InPalananthecrudedeathrate
listedbythehospitalisunbelievablylowaround2/1000/year.

InPalanan199915%(PalananMPDC,2000)andinSanMariano22%(SanMarianoMPDC,2000)ofthe
householdshadnotoilet.Unhealthypracticesseemtobeonlyprevalentamongasmallfractionofthe
lowlanderpopulationintheseremotemunicipalities.InAgtacommunitiesyoucanexpecttheotherway
aroundwithnearly100%nothavingatoiletornotusingitandalmostallsmallkidshavebigbelliesfrom
intestinalworms.Agtausesticksorstonestowipetheanusafterdefecatingintheopen.Farmanimals
and dogs have access to small children and the kitchen area, spreading pathogens easily by eating
humanexcrement.Smallkidsdefecateintheopenwiththedogsnearbyoralreadyeatingtheshitwhile
thekidsarestilldefecating.

ThewatersupplyismoreorlessthesameoftheAgtaandtheirlowlanderneighbors.Whenitcomesto
child birth only a minority of the Agta will consult a midwife or will give birth in the hospital.
Furthermore unhealthy cultural practices are applied when giving birth like cutting the umbilical cord
with dirty tools and putting ashes from the hearth on the umbilical cord for faster drying, which is
 95/108

known also among lowlanders. The ashes are dirty as dogs sleep on it and other animals have access
(Early&Headland,1998,p.91).Amongthelowlandersgivingbirthathomeiswidespreadalso,butat
leastmostmothersdoprenatalcheckupsattheRHUandconsultamidwife.Thismightexplaintoagood
part the discrepancy between the lowlander and the Agta population. There is certainly a minority of
lowlanders,wholiveliketheAgtawithopendefecationandinefficientuseofthehealthcaresystem,
butforthemajorityoftheFilipinosthebasicsarethere.InDipagsanghanthelifestyleofthelowlanders
isnotdifferenttotheAgta.

PLANimplementedalsoahealthcareprograminPalanan.Around50healthworkersweredeployedand
paidspreadtoeveryBarangay.Informationcampaignsaboutintestinalparasitesweredone.Ahardware
subsidy for toilets was distributed throughout the municipality. It is unlikely that the Agta and some
hillbillylowlanderswereleftout.SomereallyinstalledthetoiletslikeinBarangayBisag,whileothers
didnt.Theones,whodidntweremakingexcusesandtheNGOpersonnelalmostendedupdiggingup
toiletholesforthem.InanotherPLANprojectinTumauinitoiletswerebuilt,butneverused(Boo,1997,
p.99).InUmiray,QuezonIvisitedavillageofdisplacedpeoplefromtheflashfloodsbroughtbysuper
typhoonsYoyongin2007andsurprisinglytherewasmakeshiftwoodentoilet.Evenpeoplecomingfrom
adisastersituationcanerecttoilets,whichmeansthematterhassomethingtodowithculturerather
than poverty. After seven decades of serious development work (Dichter T. , Time to Stop Fooling
OurselvesaboutForeignAidAPractitionersView,2005)anewapproachwasintroducedtodealwith
thematter,whichiscalledCommunityLedTotalSanitation(CLTS).Inthisapproachnomoresubsidies
aregiven,butthepeoplearebrutallyconfrontedwiththeirownfecesintransectwalkstotheshitting
places,waysofpathogentransmissionaregraphicallydisplayedandcomputationsofthehealthcostsof
unsanitaryconditionsaredemonstrated,inthehopetoinstigateconcreteactionamongthepopulation
to build their own toilets. This approach has been implemented in India and 18 other countries until
2008.InIndiaevenricherfarmersowningmachinerywerepracticingopendefecation(PLAN,2008).This
approachhasbeennotyettestedinthearea.IfappliedtotheAgtathemainproblemaretheresidence
shifts,especiallytheonesforafewmonthtopreviouslyuninhabitedlocationsforlivelihoodpurposes.

Not only when it comes to child birth, I suspect the Agta utilize the health care system in general
inefficiently.InDipagsanghanstandardmedicineslikepainkillersaresoughtof,becauseyoudontfeel
coldwhenironrodspearfishingintheriverandalsowhenhavingahangover.Ingeneralhealthhasa
lowpriorityandlittleinterestinprecautionistaken.Theyarehappyifyouwalkthemtothedoctorand
readilytakeallavailablemedicinesandacceptalltreatments,afterallitisanexcitingexcursiontotown
free of charge, but when they are left to themselves I observed a general passivity. They rather not
come forward and sacrifice their time and resources for the trip to the doctor. There is then the
tendency,thatthepatientsvisitthedoctoronlywhentheconditionisalreadysevere.Chronicdiseases
liketuberculosisandpneumoniaarethenbadlyortreatednotatallandmedicationnotcontinuedwhen
theconditiontemporarilyimproved.Agtaseemtohaveahighpaintolerancewhenitcomestothese
chronicdeseases.

Ipresentheretheworstcasesobserved:
 96/108

3babieswereborninDipagsanghanin2008.Inonecaseamishapoccurred.Themotherwas
pregnantwithherfirstbabyandverystubborn.ManytimesItriedtopersuadethecoupletogo
backtoDinapigue,wheretheyusuallylive,becausetheirabodeisclosertothenearesthospital
andgivebirththere.Irontablets,administered,becauseofobviousanemia,shethrewaway,as
shedidntlikethetaste.Whenshegavebirthshewasnotfollowingtheinstructionsofagroup
oflowlandersandAgta,whohadarrivedtohelp her.Attheend,because ofnoncooperation
shewaslefttoherhusband,whodidntknowwhattodoeither.Thefirststageoflabor,when
thecontractionsstartuntilthebabymovestothebirthcanal,cantakeverylongupto20hours,
ifitsthefirstbirth(Werner,2009,p.259).Becauseofthepainandthelongdurationthecouple
panickedandthemotherbrokethebagofwaterwithasharpenedbambootoolusuallyusedfor
killingheadlousestospeedthingsup,inflictingabigheadwoundonthenewborn.Intuitively
she applied a common measure, called amniotomy, which should have been done by trained
personneltoavoidwoundingtheinfantandwithcleaninstruments.Afterthebirththemother
resisted to breast feed the baby at first, but was then successfully persuaded to do so and
fortunatelydirtybottlefeedingwasgivenup.Forsomedaysthemothercouldntgetupandwas
poorly cleaned by her husband. She was laying more or less in her own feces and urine.
Miraculously, although the head wound of the baby was very infected, baby and mother
recovered. Free antibiotics from the hospital were sent to the couple via a messenger. The
mother was not an ebuked Agta, the opposite: She hailed from Casiguran and has worked for
severalyearsinManilaasahousemaid.

When crossing the Sierra Madre Mountain Range my Agta guide had 40 degrees fever every
otherday.Iwasamazedhowhecanwalknormallyduringthedayandhavehighfeverinthe
afternoon.ThefeverpatternisasuresignofchronicMalaria;neverthelesstheAgtarejectedthe
offertodotestingintheRHU.

AnotherobserverinthePinatuboregionrecountedthathegaveanAetawoman,whowasthe
mostvisibletuberculosisvictimofthevillage,barelyskinandbones,moneytobuymedicine,as
sheaskedforit.SheactuallyreallywenttotheRHUtobuymedicine,butasitwasnotavailable,
shespentthemoneyforricetomaketheday,ruiningherseldomchancetocurethesickness
(pers. comm. Hannes Ruecker). A similar incident, which turned out almost the same way
happenedinDipagsanghan.Igavecashincasearabiesvaccinationisavailableintown,because
of a dog bite under the condition that it will be returned if no medicine is available. The
vaccinationwasnotavailable,butallthemoneywasusedforeverythingelse,butmedicine.

Thereisstrongevidencethatthebadhealthsituationismainlycausedbycultureandlifestyle.Although
uneducated Agta girls work as housemaids in Manila, when coming back to the place they have been
socialized in, they dont start to value and invest in decent housing and sanitary equipment. The
minimalisticlifestyleiscarriedon.Nowadaystheyhavecellularphones,butnotoilets.
 97/108

Education
It is difficult to compare the educational statistics of the total population in Palanan with the Agta
populationindifferentareas,becauseofdifferentagestructure.Forexamplewhenthereareabigger
number of older people in an area, as school attendance was less before and increased over time, it
gives a lower achievement, because of the higher proportion of older people. In Palanan the Agta
comprise741personsin2005(Minter&Ranay,CensusreportandsettlementmapoftheAgtaofthe
NSMNP,2005)outofthe16,254personsin2007or4.5%ofthetotalpopulation.TheAgtamighthave
been surveyed also in the municipal education statistics in 1990. Nevertheless the differences are big
enoughtodrawsomeconclusions.FortheAgtaichoseDidianasanexampleforaremoteareawhere
theschoolisnotinwalkingdistanceandparentshavetotakegreatefforttoleavethekidswithrelatives
inaccessibleareasandproduceenoughfoodforthem.MostoftheAgtavillagesinDidianareinsucha
situation. The lowlander neighbors in these locations often rent boarding houses for the children in
town. They grow up with their siblings and are half parented. The lowlanders have the advantage of
havingaharvest,whichlastsforalongertimetogivetotheirkidsintown.TheeducationoftheAgtain
these areas is almost nonexistent. If some Agta are educated there it is because of staying in more
accessibleareasbefore.IndeeditwouldbeverydifficultfortheAgtatoreplicatethelowlanders.Onthe
otherhandintheotherBarangayIlistedherethetowncenterisinwalkingdistance.Theeducational
attainmentisindeedbetter,buttheturnoutisstillrelativelylow.TheoreticallyAgtacouldbeeducated
uptohighschoolthereandrecentlyalsotheIsabelaStateUniversitybranchedouttoPalanan.Onlya
smallfractionofschoolagechildrenareenrolledandfewfinishedthesixyearsofbasiceducation.

Thestatisticsforthe2025yearoldagebracketismoreconclusive,althoughthesampleisverysmall
(seetable6.2).AsignificantpartoftheAgtainMarikitgetsaneducation,butforroughlyhalfofthemit
is little or none. For Agta conditions this is quite good, but also in this sphere idealistic factors play a
crucial role considering the extraordinary opportunities that exist in comparison to the other Agta
villages.Furthermoremissionariesintheareasupportedthestudiesofsomestudentsmostprobably.

Table6.1:CarabaosownedbyAgta.
Nr.of
water causeof
name buffalos origin loss
Annos 0 givenNGOPLANInternational died
Estaniel 0 givenNGOPLANInternational sold
Lito 0 givenNGOPLANInternational died
Dado 0 givenNGOPLANInternational died
Norie 0? ?
Habasok 0? ?
Ulong 0? ?
onegivenNGOPLANInternational,
Betang 1 oneoffspringstillalive

Marsening 2 onegivenNGOPLANInternational
Doming 1 offspringfromLarry
Larry 2 paymentforland
Emoi 0 nonegiven
Berto 0 nonegiven
Table6.2:EducationalstatisticsinPalanan
AgtaBrgy. AgtaBrgy.
Marikit Didian Palanantotalpopulation
Agestructure 2005*1) 2005*1) 1995*2)
01 0 0.0% 3 2.0% 439 3.4%
15 16 13.2% 34 22.4% 1829 14.1%
610 33 27.3% 30 19.7% 2157 16.6%
1115 14 11.6% 15 9.9% 1521 11.7%
1620 15 12.4% 6 3.9% 1295 10.0%
2125 8 6.6% 5 3.3% 1142 8.8%
2630 13 10.7% 7 4.6% 1062 8.2%
3135 5 4.1% 10 6.6% 861 6.6%
3640 3 2.5% 11 7.2% 727 5.6%
4145 5 4.1% 7 4.6% 451 3.5%
4650 4 3.3% 2 1.3% 415 3.2%
5155 3 2.5% 1 0.7% 418 3.2%
5660 0 0.0% 1 0.7% 292 2.3%
>60 2 1.7% 10 6.6% 353 2.7%
Ageunknown 0 0.0% 10 6.6%
Total 121 100.0% 152 100.0% 12962 100.0%

educational educational Palanantotalpopulation1990

attainmentage attainment highesteducational
Educationalattainment 6orolder age6orolder attainmentage7orolder
Finishedgradeschool 3 3.2% 0 0.0% 6233 79.41%
Droppedoutgradeschool 24 25.5% 3 2.8%
Currentlyenrolledgradeschool 6 6.4% 0 0.0% Grade17
Currentlyenrolledpreschool 0 0.0% 0 0.0%
Finishedpreschool 0 0.0% 4 3.8% PreSchool 117 1.49%
Finishedhighschool 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 748 9.53%
Droppedouthighschool 1 1.1% 0 0.0%
Currentlyenrolledhighschool 1 1.1% 0 0.0% HighSchool
LiteracyprogramSIL 3 3.2% 0 0.0%
Collegeand
Droppedoutcollegelevel 0 0.0% 0 0.0% higher 434 5.53%
None 56 59.6% 99 93.4% None 317 4.04%
SubTotal 94 100.0% 106 100.0% 7849 100.00%

Below6years 26 21.5% 36 23.7%

Unknown 1 10 6.6% Unknown 48
Total 121 152
Currentlyenrolled615yearsold,%of
all615yearsoldenrolled 14.9% 0.0%
 educational educational
attainmentage attainment Palanantotalpopulation1990
2125 age2125 age2024
Grade14 3 33.3% 0 0.0% 123 14.5%
Grade57 3 33.3% 0 0.0% 439 51.9%
HighSchoolundergraduate 1 11.1% 0 0.0% 46 5.4%
Highschoolgraduate 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 160 18.9%
Collegegraduate,postgraduate,
academicdegreeholder 0 0.0% 0 0.0% 60 7.1%
None 2 22.2% 5 100.0% 18 2.1%
Total 9 100.0% 5 100.0% 846 100.0%

*1)Source:Minter&Ranay,CensusreportandsettlementmapoftheAgtaoftheNSMNP,2005.
*2)Source:PalananMPDC,2000.
*3)Ianalyzedthedataforthistablebymyselfanddiscovered9personsintheagebracket2125,
whileItookovertheevaluationoftheagestructurefromtheoriginalstudy.
 98/108

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Appendix:photosandsomeraremaps
GPSdataaboutthewhereaboutsofallAgtaintheNSMNPislistedin(Minter&Ranay,Censusreport
andsettlementmapoftheAgtaoftheNSMNP,2005)andalsonowonlinein(Minter,etal.,2005).

Maps with political boundaries of municipalities and other information can be accessed in Wikipedia.
Everymunicipalityhasalsoitsownwebsitenowadayswheresometimesmapsarealsoavailable.