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59
4
American Economic Success
and German Emulation
'.~ ~X~f;{-to sweeping advocacy (or rejection) of assembly line production, high wages,
~ -,!:;~~-,- nd mass consumption. Those on the political right proposed rationaliza.-
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~'''' as counterproductive. Finally, capital and labor developed utterly differ-
. : ~::,~-
ent scenarios for when and to what degree prices, wages, and profits would
:'')jf. change in the process of rationalization, and who would benefit and who
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60
Imagining America.
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1
Kottgen was born in 1871, the year the German Empire was faunded,
an~ ~Is for~unes bloss~med with those of the new state. An engineer by
tra1n1ng, Ko~tgen stud1ed both machi ne building and electrical engineering
at the Techmsche Hochschule in Berlin, graduating in 1894. He began work~ng 1mmed1ately at Siemens and Halske, becoming a departmental director
1n 18<J"/and ~ead ~lerk ayear later. Siemens was oneof Germany's two giant
electrotechmcal firms and was noted far its advanced technolgy, modern
labor p~ocesses, an~-at least in comparison to Ruhr heavy industry-Jess
~epress1~e ~nd ant1,Social Democratic labor policies. 3 Kottgen was most
mfluent1al m developing technologies far applying electricity to heavy
mdustry and makmg them profitable. He joined the board of directors of
the new SiemensSchukert work in 1905, and in 1907 became director of
Siemens in E?gland, a position he held until 1914, when he was interned
far the duratmn of the war by the British government. ln 1919 he returned
to Berlin to lead the central administration of SiemensSchuckert and be
carne head of the board in 1921. 4 That same year, the RKW was established.
~arl van S1emens, ~5tt~en' s boss, was its honorary head, while Ke>ttgen
h1mself became act1ng director. 5 Kttgen thus represented the most tech
nological~y and organizationally advanced forces in German economic life.
He ~as ~1?gularly open to receiving the American gospel of efficiency and
prof1tab1hty. He translated it into a German version of rationalization and
preached it to ali who would listen.
';,
61
The official purpose of his trip and the subject of bis book was to explain
~hy America had become the world' s dominant economic power. Oncean
objective picture of the American economy was presented and certain basic
and immutable laws of economic life were explained, he asserted, it would
be possible "to carry into the widest circles of our population enlightenment about what is possible and achievable in our economic circumstances
not only in terms of wage rates, but also in terms of the introduction of
purely mechanical procedures. ''7 Kt>ttgen was equally interested in explor
ing the U.S. government's role in encouraging productivity, standardization,
and the elimination of waste. Kttgen hoped that the American example
would help the RKW and its industrial and engineering supporters to win
greater political and financial support from the government. 8
In discussing these issues, K>ttgen avoided ali anecdotal and personal
comments instead he bolstered his arguments with innumerable statistics,
graphs, charts, economic equations, and photographs of factory interiorsall of which lent bis book the desired aura of scientific seriousness, even if
they did little to enhance its readability. Kottgen was careful not to appear
to be the spokesman far Siemens ar the electrotechnical sector; rather, he
presented himself as the selfless champion of a universally benefical ratio
nalization and as the disinterested representative of "the economy"-as
German industrialists, with characteristic immodesty, thought of them
selves.
The secrets of America's economic success, KC>ttgen argued, were its
greater absolute production and greater productivity as well as its recogni
tion that production determined consumption and wages. These, in turn,
resulted from the beneficia! interaction of natural advantages, extensive
ratiOnalization, and more intensive work. According to Kottgen, the aver
age American man earned a real income that was 70 percent greater than
his German counterpart. 9 Half of that was due to America's natural
resources, above all its fertile soil far agriculture. Climate, soil, sheer size,
and, to a lesser degree, mechanization and statesponsored research had so
increased agricultura] productivity that only 29 percent of the American
labor force worked in agriculture, as opposed to 43 percent in Germany.
As a result, not only was food cheaper but more workers were available to
produce other goods. 1 Coa! and iron were also abundant and easily acces,
sible, thereby lowering the costs of fuel and raw materials. 11
Far Kttgen these unique natural endowments gave the United States
sorne permanent and inimitable advantages, but its prosperity was also due
to rationalization in the forms of standardization, simplification, mass pro,
duction, and mechanization. Kottgen detailed American innovation in
62
Imagi11i11g America
~nd
to the spe
more rationalized the American machine industry was than it.S German coun
terpart, attributing this difference to the war and postwar boon:}s 1 combined
with a larger market and "the natural preference of Ame.ricans far that which
is uniform, standardized, the same model. " 13
Last, but certainly not least in KOttgens eyes, Ame rica s econ~rnic superi
ority and greater perca pita productivity derived from its more intense work
pace and its longer workday. There was no "schematic" and stateimposed
63
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Jmagining Amt'rica
65
his economic th.eory weak, his conclusions wrong, and his pesSimism miSplaced. Severa! authors attacked Kottgen' s arguments aboilt American agriculture. If it was not the key to prosperity, productivity, and high wages,
then Germany's less efficient agricultura! production.did. not pose a permanent obstacle to these goals, as Ktittgen had implied. Dr. Hermann Lufft
disputed Kottgen' s statistics and accused him of using "methods over which
he had insufficient command and which he applied purely mechanically and
formally to reach conclusions that had eminently political meaning. "24 The
liberal trade unionist and member of parliament Anton Erkelenz denied
that American food was significantly cheaper, while the Catholic trade
unionist Edmund K.leinschmitt dismissed the significance of agriculture in
particular and natural resources in general in advanced industrial societies.
The secret of American economic success, both nsisted, was its superior
technology, extensive mechanization 1 and superb factory organization, that
is, factors that could be emulated. 25
d'd
1
h f d
'1~'1~. n.
f ali transport within the factory. Ford1sm 1 not a ter t e un a)J
tion
f capitalism Heinig conc1uded, "but we would be content tf our
1s 0
menta
'
mar'
entre
reneurs at least
grasped Fordism, un d erstood t h e dornes t ic
k~; and their responsibility toward it. ""
. . .
.
N
gly KOttgen brusquely rejected these cr1t1c1sms h1s assess
ot surpnsm
.
..
. r
"29 H
d d
f-.,. ': ent might be pessimist1c, but so were the economtc 1acts.
e co~ce e
m I h t his analysis paid too little attention to the high rate of capital for, 00 ~ t ~ the United Sta tes. Germany could only accumulate comparable
matton
10
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66
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Imagining AmeTica
67
ern
capitalism over hundreds of years, and many res1d ues o f prev1ous
od
m
economicsystems
survived intact. America, by contrast, "h. d no ec~nomic
ast nocenturiesold and fossilized forms that needed to be cucumnav1gated,
hlo~n up, pushed aside, and reformed .... " It had vast unsettled territo
ries that could be developed by enterprising immigrants. 40 Both the mate
ria! aspects of the A~erican e:onomy a~d ~.he spirit ani~a~ing.it .were
"organic parts of a particular social format1on, the trade un10~1sts 1ns1sted,
warning that "our domestic economy cannot be altered by m1~dless co~y,
ing, by imitation of individual gears of the American product1ve mach1n
ery, or by innoculation with the American spirit. " 41
.
By the book's conclusion ali suchcaution had been thrown to the w1nd.
America was held up not only as a model for Germany' s economic future,
but as a textbook from which one could read the revised laws of capitalist
development. America did not provide the impetus to c~iticize orthodox
Marxism for reformist Social Democrats had long quest1oned the theory
that capi~alist development would inevitably bring economic crisis, social
polarization, and increased unemployment. But America did offer much more
convincing proof than Germany' s own history that Marx' s the~ry of
immiserization was wrong, that it was possible for workers to share in the
benefits of increased productivity, even under capitalism, and that capital
ism itself could be restructured.4 2 If America was the quintessential late
capitalist country, as Britain had been the paradigm of early capi~alism, t~en
depressing domestic developments were less important than encourag1ng
American ones.
The most astonishing American accomplishment, concluded the report,
lay not in ,technology or work organization but in consumption. Like every
other industrialized country, America was experiencing rapidly expanding
productive capacity, but only America understood how to expand dome~
tic buying power. High wages, low prices, fast turnover, and low profit
per piece combined to crea te a vast interna! market, which in turn promoted
"the wonders of technology and work organization. "4l Without pausing to
assess whether Germany could follow suit, the trade unionists insisted that
to
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68
Imagi11itig America
"the central problem of the European economy iS and ~iH rema'in increas;
ing mass purchasing power .... Thus it is completely cleaf t~at the trade
union struggle to increase wages is not only a social necessity but also a task
upon whose accomplishment the further development of the Whole economy
depends. "+4 Demand, and hence wages, were more im-portant-than supply,
and rationalizat~on was a product of expanded consumption, nOt its pre
cursor. The log1c of successful capitalism was quite different from what
?arr~wminded a~d selfdefeating German entrepreneurs, such as Kottgen,
1magmed, Accordmg to the trade union delegation, the farsighted and openm1nded American entrepreneur and not the industrious and selfless work.er
bore prime responsibility for American achievements.
'
. A cautious and nuanced analysis of American society and economy had
g1ven way toan uncritical endorsement of the American model of production and consumption. Both the productivism of Social Democratic theory
and the selfi?terest of the trade union membership encouraged' this embrace
of the American model. But why were there so few reservations about the
extent of American accomplishments or the possibilities ofGerman emula
tio?? The a~~wer probably lies in the timing of the tri p. It was easy to pin
po1nt the fa1hngs of the American mode] but harder to convince a German
audience, for, as Toni Sender noted, "What a different Jife the American
scene pres~nted in those years of prosperity, as compared with battletorn
and suffenng Germany !"45 Moreover, the trip was undertaken not only to
refute alternative analyses, but to shape concrete reform plans ata time when
all sides endorsed the necessity of rationalization. It would have been rhe
torically ineffective and politically self-defeating for Social Democrats
to hedge their admiration with too many qualifications and conditions.
Better to translate their praise for Am.erica into a simple prescription for
Germany' s economic ills.
The naive optimism of the book' s conclusion may well reflect more than
justa belief that America offered hope for an improved version of capital1sm, Accordmg toSender, if American capitalism could develop such product1v1ty and prosperity, who knew what was possible under socialism. Far
from making socialism a superfluous idea, America "offers socialist hopes
the strongest confirmation. "46
Needless to say, The American]ourney was not well received by indus
trialists. Communists were also highly critica!, claiming that it not only
glas.sed over poverty, exploitation, and inequitable wage rates, but also
demed the applicability of the laws of capitalist crises to America.47 Sorne
liberal economic commentators, however, supported the Social Democratic
analysis of American economic success, even if they saw Americanism as a
way to elimina te the danger of socialism, rather than to has ten its arrival. 48
Arth~r Feiler deni~~ that either natural resources or low wages explained
Amencan product1v1ty and competitiveness; rather, it was the size of the
domes tic market, the prevalence of mass production, the extensive division
of labor, an,d the health of the workers, Julius Hirsch developed similar
arguments in h1s w1dely read book, The American Econotnic Miracle. Al
69
th0 ugh abundant natural resources and vast size gave America sorne eco
ic advantages, the real key to its prosperity was "a special organization
nom
'h
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h
[' ork in production and transportatlOil
t 'atb
JS UI ton a great S ortage
0
f :orkers, enormously high real wages, and buying power that is thereby
0
gthened,
The hallmarks of that organization of work, Hirsch constren included ,rationalization, etan d ard'1zat1on,
'
and" t h e assem bly l'1ne,
cluded,
hich means simultaneously lower prices, higher wages, shorter hours, and
- ~ eased production." It did not entail more intensive work.' 1 No wonder
1ncr
.
.
52
his critics mistakenly 1abeled h1m a Social Democrat.
Moritz J, Bonn, who traveled and taught extensively in the United
States, was the most prolific liberal analyst, comparing Germany and
America in numerous books and articles. He lambasted German entrepre
rs for clinging to medieval ideas of a just price and a fair return and for
ne U
f
, l'
,
oiding risk and competition. They needed to learn rom cap1ta 1sm in
av
,
, G erma~~ "_ h e ~ro t e,."b u t
America, which "is not eth1cally
better t h an 1n
, economically much smarter. "53' Capitalism could leg1t1mate 1tself e1ther
IS
,
,
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54
through high wages or social welfare; Amen ca had cho.sen ~ .e 1ormer. "
"American industry has understood that it can only produce 1f 1t can sell,
Bonn argued, and therefore it promoted buying power and cultiv:ted con
sumer loyalty. German heavy industry, in contrast, would prefer an econ
omy without customers. " 55
.
.
While Bonn' s anal ysis was practically ident1cal to that of the Social
Democrats, he saw Americanism asan end in itself, as liberal capitalism at
its best, with rationalized production, mass consumption, and no car:els.
Far Bonn, this represented an alternative not only to welfare state capital~
ism and socialism, but also to KBttgen' s vision of an efficient but austere
German economy.
Engineers, who were so central to the theory and practice of economic
rationalization, traveled to America in great numbers and carved out a po
sitien in this complex debate that reflected their professional culture and
concerns, While they produced few popular books, they did f!ocd technical and economic journals, as well as the offices of their employers, with
assessments of machines, factory organization, job structures, and manage~
ment practices. They were unquestionably the most serious ~tudent~ ~nd
ardent admirers of American factories and were correspond1ngly cr1t1cal
of German deficiencies. Such engineers as Georg Schlesinger and Franz
Westermann emphasized that in America the preparation of materials, the
machines, and the transportation system within factories were all si~nifi
cantly better than in Germany. 56 Paul Riebensahm noted that Amencans
used machine tools in ''new, practical, and inventive ways."57
In unpublished reports to their firms, engineers were eq~ally unre
strained in their praise. Lilge, from Gutehoffnungshtte, attr1buted the
"fabulous and enviable" American productivity not to more intensive work
but to thoroughgoing mechanization. 58 After visiting 23 American facto
ries, Maschinenfabrik AugsburgNrnberg Director Lauster confessed that
"automated production gives a really high degree of quality and accuracy,
"'
F1T"'1
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70
Imagini11g AmeTica
'
which 1 had not imagined before seeing it." American firms had eliminated
alJ unproductive work and unnecessary transport within the factory. Their
machine tools and products were simply designed. Americans found Ger
man models "too complicated, too scientific, and in manY cases too diffi,
cult to produce. "S9 A study of American blast furna'ces, commissioned by
the Phoenix division of Vestag, praised the standardized preparation of
materials, the simplicity and efficiency of the machineryand the high qua!
ity and uniformity of the product. Germans had everything to learn from
the American example, the report concluded.60
Engineers offered divergent judgements of the American work pace,
but even those who believed it was significantly greater than in Germany
did not attribute American productivity and competitiveness to the work
pace any more than they did to America' s admittedJy rich natural resources.
Por all their admiration of American mass production, engineers were sin,
gularly.silent about its economic 1 as opposed to technological, ~spects. They
recogn1zed that mass production lowered costs and increased sales, and
unlike man y Germans, they admired the uniformity and quality of standard,
ized products. But they never explored whether high wages were essential
for this modern form of capitalism.
The arguments of engineers began and ended with technology and
factory organization, far this was what .they knew best. The American
factory offered concrete proof of what engineers could accomplish if they
were properly valued, as German engineers felt their American counter,
parts were. Thus, while workers attributed American economic success to
farsighted and daring entrepreneurs, and industrialists assigned responsi,
bility to diligent and unpolitical workers, engineers credited their own
profession.
These differing visions of the American economic model informed the
quite different proposals for economic reform that were introduced in Ger,
many in 1925 and 1926.
'
71
.
vealingly classless twist on a famous Marxist slogan, argued that "the
maretion of the European economy from t h e cha1ns
of'1ts b ac kward ness can
libera
.
lf"66
!y be the work of Europe 1tse .
on So e German observers even predicted that America would become
Europ;.nized, or at least face European problems ..Moritz J. Bonn noted that
America could no longer find markets by extend1ng tts f~ont1er or allow1~g
11'::::::/
mi'gration 6'J Charlotte Ltkens was airead y conv1nced that Amenca
form of capitalism w1th
. 1mmature
.
relat1ons.
the sea.
A
d
Most Germans, however, were convinced that menea represente
h future toward which Europe must of necessity aspire, at least in part.
~:Hirsch put it, "(T)he inner, immutable ]aws of develop.ment will lead
inevitably to phenomena ~hat are ve_r~ sin:'ilar to t~os~. wh1ch have _Ied to
h astonishing econom1c product1v1ty tn Amer1ca. But they d1d not
suc
' ' 1or
E urope was "who'w1
ll
necessarily agree with him that the only question
adapt most quickly. " 69
.
.
]t was not only the longterm logic of capitalism, but also the 1mmed1
ate capitalist crisis in Germany that seemed t? p~omote Amer1can1~~ ~1though i.ndustrialists, engineers, and trade un1on1sts an.alyzed the cr~s1s d1f,
ferently, they agreed that drama tic reforms were requ1red to s?lve tt. The
American example could be used or abused; it could not be 1gnored. As
A. Braunthal wrote in the Gewer~schaftsArchiv, "In view of the cu.rrent
economic situation, there can ~ni~ be one opinion about t~e n~ces~tty ..~~
rationalization. The only question is what one meaos by rat1onahzat1on.
In the mid,1920s argumenta about imitating America.led.to calls ~or
rationalizing Germany. The shift in terminology from Amen~ntsrn to ra~lO'
nalization is revealing and provides a starting point for explonng the var1ed
reform plans of different groups.
''Rationalization is a new word, made in Germany," noted the German
correspondent for the Manchester Guardian. "Nobody ~as ye~ succeeded
in saying shortly what it meatls, but that it means s.ometh1ng of 1mpo~tance
is not open to doubt."71 Therein lay the extraordmary appeal of th1s elu
si ve term. Rationalization was a s1ngularly capac1ous and elast1c concept.
It sounded appealingly modero, yet unlike "efficiency~ or."F~r~ism," it was
distinctly German. It offered the possibility of selectmg md1v1dual aspeas
of American production, management, and sales without adopt1ng Amencanism or Fordism- however defined-in toto. It enabled Germans to speak
a common language about sorne aspects of economic reform, while :.ceo~'
modating their incompatible ideas about others. In short, the term ratio
nalization" could at one and the same time incorporate, transcend, and
Germanize various versions of Americanism. Por example, Herbert
Hinnenthal, who became business manager of the RKW in the late 1920s,
argued that rationalization encompassed "everything that could serve to
72
Imagining America
73
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Imagining America
75
e,
Germ
od' k .
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roduction runs, by adopting Fordist rneth . s ~or . eep1ng raw ~ater~a s
~nd work pieces steadily in motion, thereby ehm1nat1ng unproduct1ve time
Wl
-:.: '
and work. 91
These arguments fell on deaf ears. Sorne industrialists, such as Carl
Kottgen, Robert Bosch, and Felix Deutsch of A.E.G., argued that the
ist assembly line was applicable only to a hm1ted number of products,
Ford
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Imagining Amcrica
.~~ ~~'.fM:::~.
the
an~
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77
'":.e~~ , , eounterdemand for more productivity from the material factors of produc
;:,) - tion."108 If industrialists modernized their factories, labor leaders argued,
:~.~i/.'. t,~. .: produc~ivi~y would in~rease without Ta}rlorist exploitation of the worker
~;
. ore1im1nat1on ofthe e1ghthour day.
Labor and capital had struggled over the eight-hour day since its introduction by the government immediately after World War l. Industrialists
prodilced innumerable statistics t~ pr~ve that shorter ho~~s ~ecimated pro
ductivity, and labor predictably d1sm1ssed both the spec1f1c figures and the
proposed correlation. 109 As with so many of the Wei~ar battles over pro
ductivity and profitability, the numbers were of questtonable value and of
secondary importance to the issues of principie that divided both sides.
Jndustry regarded the eighthourday law as a violation of the prerogatives
of manufacturers and the fundamental principies of capitalism, while labor
considered it the prerequisite far a humane exis.tence. no The introduction
0 ( the American model into the debate about hours neither lessened its
intensity nor a]tered its basic parameters, but it enabled labor to circum
vent tedious statistical battles and hold upa concrete example of the posi
tive results of technical and organizational rationalization. Work was neither
longer nor more intense, trade unionists stressed, e ven if the eighthour day
was not the officially mandated norm. lndustry emphasized precisely the
last point 1 depicting America as a land where the absence of state regula
tion of hours provided industry with the necessary flexibility to increase
productivity. The American model thus failed to provide a resolution to
the political debate on productivity, for industrialists and trade unionists
understood both Americanism and Germany's crisis differently.
While trade union leaders acknowledged that the economic crisis of
1925-26 was the most severe in recent history, they did not believe it
endangered the very basis of Germany's industrial economy, as the RDI
claimed. Nor did they see it primarily as a crisis of production and invest
ment; rather, according to the ADGB's 'The Present 'Tas~s of the German
&onomy, Germany was experiencing "a serious disruption of the produc
tion process as a result of a disruption of circulation owing to the lack of
buying power of the great mass of the population. " 111 Por Friedrich Olk
the principal obstacle to recovery was not the multitude of politicians and
bureaucrats who taxed and spent with abandon; it was the "intellectual
attitude of German industrialists. " 112 Manufacturers c]ung to particular
ism and family tradition; their mentality was almost guildlike, complained
the Social Democrat Fritz Konig. 113 His Christian trade union counterpart,
Joseph Jahn, concurred, lamenting that entrepreneurs had lost ali sense of
"developmental tendencies." Even firms with new buildings and machines
did not "live up to modero criteria for technology, factory organization, and
marketing. " 114 In a speech to factory council delega tes, G. Graf, head of the
DMV economics school, dramatically proclaimed that "Entrepreneurs ha ve
'1
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Imaginng America
failed. The proietariat must step in. On the basis of a careful analysis of the
115
79
.h
es 127 Social Democrats endorsed the view that high wages would
.h1gwag.
f
hihh
li:c translate into high demand and h1gh profits: rom w e t e necessary ca pita
.\.. , t hni"cal and organizational restructunng would be denved. The newly
,,oree
11 1
.
d
?-(
tionalized factories would produce at lower ~osts, se at ower pr1ces, an
rah by increase real wages still further) fuehng another round of modern
t ere
. 128
ization and enhanced prospenty.
.
.
.
.
While these views found support from liberal econom1sts hke Juhus
2:1~';'~:;,:c,~ 1~',;rSch and Bruno Rauecker, and from idiosyncratic conservatives, such as
129
Theodor Lddecke, they were flatly rejected by industry. Until 1924
dstry claimed that wage hikes fueled inflation; thereafter, that they hurt
;,oductivity and competitiveness. Although the RDI acknowledged that
l wages were lower than befare the war 1 it fought attempts to ra1se them
-'l'IP"'c~ :that Jevel, let alone to that of the United Sta tes. Although industry constantly compared Weimar productivity 1 taxes, and welfare costs to the1r
prew<ir levels, it insisted that prewar ~a ges_ could not be taken as a norm,
r ''today we ha ve a different econom1c bas1s, that cannot be compared to
1or
"1)1 1
the living and production conditions of the year 1.91 3. .
t was necessa~y
to jncrease productivity, lower costs, and cut pr1ces first, argued Ludwig
2
Kastl, before real wages could be raised.u
.
Although it was theoretically feasible to increase consumpt1on by lowering prices, trade unionists doubted the efficacy of th1s strategy, for Jt was
based on too many improbable assumptions. First, industry wo~ld hav: to
cut costs by technical and organizational rationalization-whtc~ un1ons
doubted would happen without the prod of higher wages. Then mdustry
would have to translate lower costs into lower prices-which it showed
Iittle desire to do, and which the government could encourage b~t not en,
force in Finally industry would have to keep wages stable or ra1se them,
' oflowering
' nominal wages and perpetuattn~
undercons~mptton.
IM
instead
For leftists and liberal economists alike, the h1ghly cartel1zed nature
of German industry was the principal obstacle to lower prices. ~n all se~,.
tors of derman manufacturing, individual firms banded together 1n organ1,.
zations that allocated production quotas, set prices, and in sorne cases actu
ally marketed products. Although the RDI. claimed that s~ch cartels
stabilized prices without blocking modern1zat1on, econom1sts hke ~ontz
J. Bonn maintained that "by their essential nature cartels are .host!l~ to
rationalization. "135 According to the DMV, cartels protected 1neff1c1ent
firms, discouraged rationalization, and caused high p~ices that both li_mited
exports and restricted the domes tic mark~t. B Lac~1ng the. econom1c ~nd
political power to weaken cartels, trade un1ons saw httle c~o1c~ but to f1ght
underconsumption from the wage side rather than the pnce s1de.
The t-acle unions' advocacy of high wages was tied to their assessment
of the world market in the J920s. Labor and capital both recognized that
German foreign trade was suffering, not only from _high C?erm.an produc,.
tion costs but also from shrinking world trade. Th1s decline, In turn, re,
sulted from the increased capacity of industrialized countries-especially
the United States, the industrialization of new countries during and after
"
.,,,.,.,--.,
I, 1 '
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80
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Imagining America
0 0
81
World War I, and the more limited ability of other European countries to
absorb imports. 137 But a shared diagnosis of the ailment did not lead to a , .
common prescription for a cure. Por Social Democratic, Christian, and lib.
-~~~~r ro.a Leading Social Democrats denied that their cammltment to rationaliza
eral trade unionists, expanding the domestic market, both ~b~blutely and
. "4!'.~.;, tion meant they had abandoned the class struggle. Rudolf Hilferding, Fritz
in relation to exports, was not only desirable bt essenti3.I, for even if exports
-~ -.1-t;f._~ Naphtali, and other ~ovement th~oris~ insisted that a pri~ary_ task afSocial
could be increased substantially, they would not utilize ali of the expanded
.:.': _:*-:. 1~~:;/._. J)emocracy was to bnng a modern1zed, 1ntegrated, and rat1onahzed economy
productive capacity of Germany's rationalized industries. Ger~an man
~; _;)~~-'._::' under the control of a democratic state. Pohtical democracy must be aug,
facturers did not need to abandon exports, but they had to realize the ~:~ ::friT~<~- ented by econamic democracy. 147 At the same time, stated the ADGB
potential of domestic markets, as American capitalists had done. ns
:~.; -~:>~~ :adership, "we also believe that, for the solution of variaus economic, finan
Trade union leaders downplayed the obstacles to mass consumption.
t~ cial and political problems, a joint effort by ali parties is worthwhile, with
Germany was not America, Edmund Kleinschmitt admitted, but it had a
2
:
,., the 0 bject of overcoming the present crisis and developing the productive
relatively large and dense population. 139 Germany was facing labor short
,; :~' ~7: capacity of German industry. '' 148 Far Soc~al Democrats, ra_tiona~iza:ion thus
ages and double-incomefamilies, Julius Hirsch pointed out, and this would
f.~-8;:, c. provided another possible arena for the kmd of collaborat10n w1th mdustry
increase income far rriass consumption.140 lt was unlikely thq.t Germany
._
,,; and the state that had been tried-admittedly with little success-during
would develop a mass market far cars, predicted Otto Meibes, a contempo
:, ,
World War 1 and with the Arbeitsgemeinschaften after the war. 149 Ratiorary a_nalyst of the automobile industry, but if costs and prices were low
nalization had the additional advantage of being compatible with the reered 1t could develop one far motorcycles.141 The metalworker Fritz
formist program af welfare state capitalism as well as with the aspirations
K~~mer, who _had worked in the United States, offered an even more opti
of thase who advocated econamic democracy and eventual socialism.
m1st1c prognosis: If a single large auto firm was created from the multiplic
Comrnunists attacked both the Social Democratic leadership' s commitity of existing ones, and if it consolidated, specialized, standardized, and
ment to rationalization and its advocacy af caoperation with industry.
rationalized production, costs would drop dramatically. If wages were raised,
Sounding rather like their capitalist enemies, Hilda Weiss and Alexander
a mass market far cars would develop. 142 In short, future Prosperity could
Friedrich accused the Social Dernocrats of failing to understand just how
be achieved not by competing in the shrinking and increasingly competi
serious the current crisis was. 150 Rationalization represented a futile attempt
tive Eurpean or world markets, but at home.
to campensate far the decline of German capitalism and imperialism. 151 While
Industry remained unconvinced. According to Siemens, the econornic
few of the technical and organizational measures employed were new, they
and cultural obstacles to mass domes tic markets of the American type were
were being introduced atan intensified pace, creating longterm structural
143
~normo~s. The Association of German Employers' Organisations paid
unemployment. 152 The reformist trade unionists failed to realize that capi,.
hp serv1ce to the necessity of raising domestic buying power, claiming that
talist industry desired such unemployment and, in any case, was powerless
the home market was central to the future "of the German people, German
to elimina te it, as shown by the English experience-which Communists
culture, yes, even the German state." But it quickly added that toe domescansidered more relevant than the American one. 153 Capital wauld, indeed
tic market could only be develaped if exports were increased, capital was
must, implement its program of longer haurs, lower wages, plant closings,
accumulated,and factaries_ were rationalized.144
and exports. Social Democratic wage theory was based on illusions that were
These debates had a frustratingly abstract quality, Trade unionists
belied by the laws of capitalism and the interests of capitalists. 154
rarely discussed what should be produced and cansumed in a reoriented
Whether the KPD hada more accurate analysis of the economic crisis
Gern:an e~onamy. They understood the necessity far mass consumptian in
than did the SPD is open to debate. Certainly it better understood the
a rat1anahzed econamy, but not the necessity for a new type of mass pro
multiple reasons why capital did not want to-and in the short run did not
duced good, namely consumer durables. Even Fritz Kurnmer, who painted
ha ve to-follow the Social Demacra tic program far consumption,oriented
a rosy picture of a Fordized German automobile industry, was extremely
ratianalization. But the wellfounded pessimism of its analysis did nothing
vague about who would be a ble to afford one. Social Democrats concentrated
to compensa te far the powerlessness of the movement ar the paverty of its
on cauntering industry's continued emphasis on exports rather then detail
program. In the era of rationalizatian and relative stabilization that began
ing the economic arder they desired. Jndustry recognized the new problerns
in 1924, the Cornmunists were on the margins not only of mainstream poli
of world trade but sought to solve them with old production and markettics but of working-class life as welL Party rnembership dropped, union
ing strategies. Observers one step removed from the palitical fray were no
strength declined, and unemployment, due in part to rationalization, took
more successful at discussing Germany' s market crisis concretely. Birnbaum
a devastating toII.155 Both theory and personal experience led Communists
anguished that "for Germany the problem lies in reconciling the uncondito insist that trade unions should not promote rationalization, far that was
t1onal necessity of stimulating the domestic market ... and the need for
the responsibility of industry alone. But they were equally convinced that
.; "'.
"
. .
82
Imagining America
the class _struggle should not be directed to oppose it, beca.use the modern
ization of production was inevitable and would promete t~e Intel".ests .~labor
in the long run: The shared productivism and technolog1cal ~eterm1n1sm of
the Second and Third lnternationals led to a shared inability to imagine any
forms of production other than highly rationalized ons.
The KPD' s neitherendorsenoroppose stance was necessary bUt w'eak,
acknowledged August Enderle, a Communist trade union expert and mem
her of the DMV. 156 The Social Democratic trade union program of Fordism,
mass consumption, and economic demociacy was sowing confi,ision not only
in its own ranks but among Communists and the unorganized as well. CoID.,
munists might deny that all was well for American workers, but they had
developed no serious Marxist analysis of that nation' s economy. 1s1 In the
short run, all Ende:rle could prescribe was a struggle far higher wages and
shorter hours, while waiting for the capitalist crisis to intensify. 158 But this
was identical to the strategy ofSocial Democratic and Christian 'trade unionists. They did not differ in their shortterm demands but in their views on
whether capitalist recovery was possible and whether workers might gain
anything from it.
The Communists' attitude toward rationalization, like that of refonn,
ist trade unionists, engineers, and industrialists, was shaped by their analyses
ofGermany's failures and America's successes, by prior theories, and by
the ability or inability of Fordism to modify or refute them. After 1926 all
parties would debate rationalization primarily in terms of practices within
Germany rather than the promise of the American model, however con,
strued. Befare turning to those practices, however, we need to explore the
debates on the possible social and cultural consequences of Americanism
on and off the shopfloor, for the forms of rationalization that were imple,
mented were shaped not only by what was considered possible, but by what
was considered desirable in political, social, and cultural as well as in purely
economic terms.
5
Work, Workers, and
the Workplace
in America
~{1
6
The Cultural Consequences
of Americanism
109
i.?,1 ,~,:;.: tion of women. They explored whether these were the product of such
,~ ,,;6~.. against 1t. If not, were they 1nev1table man1festat1ons of advanced ca pi~
.1. .<._~\:'., talism?2 Did "the Fordization of ali aspects of American culture condemn
' ~~~-._~:_.,, the healthy instincts of a young race to intellectual indifference and drill
~l ,';~{~,: the life expression of millions and millions of pe~ple into a regimented
;J~~\; >existence," as AdolfHalfeld, a German newspaper correspondent living in
-:,.~- ~~~:1;. -America, argued?3 Were the efficient but cold American women and the
- "" functional but soulless American homes (as Germans viewed them) the
~ e: .. ~,
~, , . unaVoidable products of economic modernity?
.;,,J:;.
Other commentators were less concerned about the consequences of
_.,
capitalist development than about the consciousness it bred. Did Ameri4 :-:._J.~- can men's singleminded pursuit of productivity, efficiency, and the
'
almighty dollar-so admired when economics was discussed-have alarmj, ~-- ':;: ing consequences far culture and gender? Did the demands that Fordism
placed on men-whether owners or managers, technicians or workers-lead
to a fundamental redefinition of masculinity and femininity, a fundamental
shift in domestic responsibilities and social roles? Was the peculiar superfi
ciality and striking feminization of American culture the necessary flip side
of male devotion to technology and profits?
Culture and gender were inextricably intertwined in these ruminations
about the consequences of economic Americanism, far Americanism and
Fordism called into question traditional assumptions about culture and
gender and the gendered nature of culture. America not only lacked Kultm
in the German sense of both high culture and a high value placed on intellectual and artistic matters; American culture was ostensibly controlled by
women. Americans not only consumed standardized, mass produced goods,
but such consumption also transformed both public culture and priva te life.
While men embraced the ideology of rationalization in the public sphere,
women did so in the home. In the Weimar debates on rationalization, mass
consumption and the American woman were considered emblema tic of the
social and cultural consequences of economic Americanism and of the hopes
and fears they engendered. 4 It is to them that we must turn.
Mass Consumption
"The almighty do llar and its use are the meaning and goal of American life,"
wrote Moritz J. Bonn. "A civilization has emerged whose essential feature
lies exclusively in the satisfaction of more or less material needs with the
technically most perfect, most comfortable, laborsaving machines." Puri
tanism had once provided sense and structure to life and directed economic
activity toward savings and investment; now "enjoying pleasure though
immediate consumption" and winning consumers for new products shaped
the mentality and culture of Americans. 5 Bonn' s equation of Americanism
with consumption was widely shared by his contemporaries as well as by
historians.6
110
Imagining Ami:Tica
~-
111
ted that Sears and Roebuck "twice a year determi?es what_ m~n a~d
no
nd children should wear. It clothes them, desp1te ali var1at1ons, In
'
1
f h A
.
' women
ne stylea .... It creates the same form of e
11e 1or a ~rge p~rt o t e me~1,
r ~n papulation. "IS Admirers of ~merica stress~d un1form1ty as muchas d1d
-.
According to Julius Hirsch, everythtng from underwear to auto,
its cnucs.
.
.
d b
' b"I was standardized and people purchased not JUst stmI ar goo s ut
:roo1es
.
1
h .
16
;.:brand names, such as the Arrow shirt col ar or Wrig e! s c ew1:g _gum ..
:. , No one doubted that standardized mass con:umpt1on was efftcien~, in
..
f productivity and price, but they questioned the value of umfor:;'a~d its effects on society and culture. Adolf Halfeld raised aesthetic
. ctions claiming that mass goods lacked the beauty and good taste of
o be produced
'
.
. "Many 1eare
'
d
in cultures with a strong arttsan
tra d"1t1on.
items
.
d"
"d
1
.
d
t"
h t "the dazzling colorfulness ofEuropean tn iv1 ua s, re Ig1ons, an na ion
:li~ies will be replaced by the gray, monotone, mechanistic uniformit~ of
the American norm. "18 Nearly all _recognized that there was a democratiza,
t 10
n of consumption in America, 1n contrast to Europe, where needs were
1 55 , 5pecific 19 As sorne reported with approval and others with dismay,
20
e
workers dressed,
ate, and drove cars JUSt
like
If more uniform and egalitarian mass consumption seemed emanc1patory
t 0 German trade unionists and workers, it raised the frightening spectre of
.
mass man to many middle,class observer~. 21 .A _ccor d".!ng to Bo? A rner_1ca
pioneered the "normal individual, a mass 1nd1~1dual, wh~ considered h1m
self free but lived justas others did." Standard1zed producUon and consumption produced standardized people, argued Paul Wengraf. Indeed, m their
thoughts and feelings Americans were more un1form and m~re cl~sely .P_t'
terned on the average person than people in any o~her socI~ty, 1ncludI~g
Russians." Agreeing wholeheartedly, Arthur Holitscher tned to spec1fy
the mechanisms of mass consumption that were responsible. "Mail arder
catalogs standardized goods and people," he argued, while "newspapers and
the radio standardized needs and opinions. " 24
Social Democrats countered by asserting that standardization did not
produce oppressive uniformity, that _mas_s prod.uction did not_ mean mono,
tony. The 1925 trade union delegat1on Invest1gated the anx1ous German
rumor that there were only three kinds ofbedsteads and four types of alarm
clocks in all of America. As they crisscrossed the land, they carefully
counted the different bedframes encountered in hotels and homes, read bed
ads in newspapers and magazines, and discussed this issue with trade union,
ists, store owners, and manufacturers alike. Diversity abounded, the dele
gates happily reported, and not only in beds. Despite the prevalence of the
Model T there were at least 54 different types of cars produced. Moreover, goods of the same style carne in every possible price and quality. lt
was thus a serious mistake to equate American norrns and interchangeable
parts with a uniform, universally manufactured model. 25
As he puzzled out the contradictions of Americanism, Wengraf arg~ed
that people there might be homogeneous, but America had create~ the h1gh,
est standard of living far the greatest number. The average m1ddle-class
112
'
'
113
Imagini11g AmeTica
; h
ere more concerned about the values expressed in and encouraged
reyw
.
"h h
Consumption than about the concrete forms tn whtc t ey were
f
35 Mass culture like mass consumpt1on, was a reflect1on o a
ex:pressed .
.
d "d
.d
roblem. America not only lacked high culture; most Amencans t
h"1gh esteem. Thetr
mos t
eeperp cultural institutions and ac h"1evements tn
not hoId
basic values seemed antithetical to Kultur.
.
Germans of varied political outlooks, such as Arthur Peder, Charlotte
L0tkens, Adolf Halfeld, Moritz J. Bonn and Alfred Rhl, elaborated on
charges by describing a series of dichotomtes that allegedly characthese
dA
. I h ..
rlied the societies and mentalities of Germany an
mer1ca. n t eir v1ew,
~ any endorsed the disinterested pursuit of intellectual and aesthetic
:~:rs and the inner development of the individual, whereas America legi~
~mated the production of material goods and the attaini:nent of visible
success. German culture appreciated the complex, the amb1~uous, and the
nique America valorized the straightforward, the functtonal, and the
uttainable. Germans and other Europeans favored disinterested, freeflowing
~ntemplation~ Americans preferred instrumental rationality. <?erman ~ul
ture was built on the creative use of leisure; America emphas1zed ac.t1on,
speed, and fun~tionalism, whether at work o~ play. Germ~ny ~pprec1ate~
quality; Amenca sought to reduce e~e~yt~1ng to quant1tat1ve term~ ..
Europe understood the fundamental d1st1nct1on ~etween cult~re and ~1v1
lization, whereas America merged the two, regard1ng technolog1cal ach1eve
ments as cultural accomplishments.l7
Each author presented these dichotomies in slightly different terms, yet
each carne to a similar conclusion. Germany had spirit or intellect (Geist);
America had materialism. Germany had Kultur America had consumpt!on.
According to one disgruntled observer from the Ruhr 1 Ame.rica was less
38
the land of unlimited possibilities than "the land of absolute materialism. "
Yet Theodor Ltiddecke praised Americanism as "the most marked manifes,
39
w-
r
114
Imagining AmeTica
ness journal. 44 Taking a slightly different tack, the ~ocial Worlcer AJice ..
Saloman saw the distinguishing characteristic of America as the practic.aJ :
application of knowledge and science to conquer nature and salve concrete ~.
problems. Attentive to the situation of women, as few. male travelers were '
she cited the electrification of the home as a prime example of his. 4SAmeri~
had, in the words of the engineer Franz Westermann, "a culture Of the here
and now, a culture of rea1ity. "46 Every aspect of it was imbued With a robu.stness and energy that sorne Germans saw as the secret of America' s strengtb and others as a sigo of restlessness and emptiness. 41
Instead of enumerating abstract values, many Germans simply described
the American man. They Shared the view, expressed in its most extreme
form by Erwin Rosen, that "the American nation was born at the moment
when the American ideal of manhood was fully articulated. "48 By German
standards, the American man and the American ideal of masculinity were
'
effective but limited, arousing admiration and anxiety in equaI 'measure. The ..
American man was regarded as naive and overly optimistic, or, in harsher
1
formulations, uncomplicated, almost childlike. He was in Rosen's words, ..,,"" ~_,.,
:
"a very simply constructed person, very natural. ''4 9 The language was similar ;: .
to the way Europeans described their colonial subjects; but Americans could
'.' .
not be dismissed as unsophisticated and immature. Their narvet was com'
bined with incredible determination and energy, noted Westermann.5
~
American optimism was built on the conscious denial of the inadequacies
and evils of the world, but it instilled enormous self-assurance and an empowering sense of superiority. 51 The American man might well be a phiJis,
tine, admitted his defenders 1 like Anton Erkelenz, but most Germans were
not different. 5 2
115
.
d
. I progress. ss Rosen described in detatl an . average
. ,.ranz eto practica
N
y ayk
~utrne~t of Mr Thompson, a department store sales manager in ew. o~
n.the Herusean
hfe
h d. d b cunee d from one activity to the next,
enthus1ast1c
fh
A.
C1ty.
r d the key characteristic o t e menean
.:about
and his limitations: "the compul'
the soucce a on
f h A
.
an
'..!~
.. (Dran ZUT crat).59 According to Wengra t .e mer1can m .
~ s1on to" actn of d eegd s " a ..m an of "'acts ,, He represented a d'new'd bourgeo1s
-was a ma
.
everything.tHecpee~;o~~ ~etrength
d trumen
Others dissented. Adolf Halfeld condemned Americans as narrow economic men who "in their noneconomic activities are probably 1ess demanding and more indifferent ... than any of their contemporaries. "53 Peter
Mennicken, another harsh critic of the United Sta tes, contrasted the Ameri
can horno faber, who promoted progress and civilization, unfavor3.bly with
the European horno sapiens, who created Kultur and embodied Geist. In
the discourse of which Mennicken was a part, both civilization and progress
were negative terms, connoting materialism, pragmatism, fragmentation
superficiality, and conformity. Mennicken regarded Ford, that quintessen-1
tial representative of America, as the perfect "Zivilisationsmensch." He was
an organizer, nota leader (Fhrer); an inventor, nota genjus. He had achieve
ments (Leistungen) but no personality.54 Like the "Ford-man" he had created, Ford had "drugged himself with work and accumulation," which had
become ends in themselves instead of means to a higher end. Ford, a businessman who could talk only business was markedly inferior to Walter
Rathenau 1 head ofGerman General Electric, a diplomatand politician who,
in Mennicken' s eyes1 was ''a philosopher" who could also discuss business
and economics. ss
1
f_
<
0 1
i~ ~nrn:;;~;;
but
to resolve this last question, German observers explored
'si tes for the new American culture of consumptlon. Those whdo
h 1
t e prerequ1
t o Kultur were not concerne
. d b ut the relationship of consumpt1on
worne a o .
1
es and markets led to mass consump
with "':hat
of technoJY'
divided industrialists and trade
in
what
kind of individual, history,
un1on1s s; r
k1~ds
~~1tt~rly
tro~-:-1stsueasttheart pthreeoyc~~~~ein:~rested
1
1 0
~1
l!:,,:
t, )
,:
i,
116
Imagining Ame:rica
,j
~r
117
','}\ it'-l{ .:
n observers did not explore the emergence in the late nineteenth and
, ~~WJ.~?e,rm~wentieth century of a new consumer culture with its ethos of self. .
~1 ..,earY
. 73
American mass consumption went hand in hand with a uniformity of ~, ~i~:;,,
; ..~tion through consumpt1on.
Jifestyles and attitudes, as many observers noted. PubJi~ opinion, personal -'.~, ~~'.~~XY r~ Most Weimar Germa~s. were less concerned wit~ American tradi~ion
appearance, and behavior we.re so standardized that German Visitors often
:i ff,, than with the lack of trad1t1onal th~ught and behav10r that char_actenzed
had trouble knowing whether they were dealing with a businessman, a "',.. ,, .. "_ American society. They saw 1mm1grat1on asdthe key. to expla1nA1ng t_he
professional, ar a worker. Every aspect of American society, from the rela- :.; ---~Il~:~ routability and uniformity of needs and deman s. 1mmtgrants to _menea
tive absence of class conflict to the imposition of prohibition and the one ";::'.' ...t,<;. were regarded as creatures very different from the Germans. ohr Ehnghshmen
class transportation system, reflected this homogeneity. 65 Butwhat was
'~.::_;
Russians they had once been. Far from being burdened w1t t e customs
cause and what was effect? Sorne sought an answer in the specific dynami': ~~d values of the old world, the millions of Europeans who immigrated to
ics of mass production and consumption. Wilhelm Vershofen maintained
A erica were eager and able to assimilate. The typ1cal lowerclass 1mm1 . .
that highly rationalized, Fordist production methods so exhausted and
, g;t brought little from his ho~eland, argued_ Moritz]. Bonn, bec~~se "he
exploited workers that they sought relief in stimulating, sensual, and irra ot only socially disenfranch1Sed but also mtellectually and spmtually
tional consumption, symbolized by the automobile. 66 Viewing the relation
n herited. "74 According to Alfred Rhl, "he wanted to leave behind and
".
dIS!n
d"f'
"7' j
h" .
ship more positively, Theodor Lddecke stated that standardized producforget bis tradition, he wished to become a 1 1er~nt perdso~ . n. t IS I~
tion shaped people's character, accustoming them to standardized goods.67
terpretation, the experience of crossing the Atlant1c erase t e 1mm1gran_t s
According to Moritz J. Bonn, there was "a democratization of need satis
previous culture. The immigrant mind was a kind of tabula rasa on wht~h
faction" in America that contrasted sharply with the classspecific consump
American culture-ar, more aptly, American consumption-could wr1_te
tion patterns of Europe. As demand became generalized, prices were low
what it chose. Immigrants were preoccupied with "the creation of an e~1s
ered 1 and lower prices enabled demand to become yet more general, with
tence, the hope for savings and possessions," according to th_e trade un1on
the ironic result that manufacturers became rich while the poor ceased to
delegation. 76 Jmmigrants let business define needs an_d ~e termine what type
envy them because they, too, participated in consumption. "This democ
and style of goods would satisfy them. Even those w1sh1ng to preserve so~e
ratization of need satisfaction is simultaneously a prerequisite for .and
tradition or sorne individualism were unlikely to succeed, far, once 1n
a result of standardization," Bonn concluded. 68 This was an accurate de
America, "greenhorns" were subject to extraordinary p:essures to conform.
scription but nonetheless unsatisfying, for it faed to explain whether
What they chose to think or buy was influenced by their workplace, school
the supply of uniform goods automatically created its own demand, or
or church, and by the media. As a result, di verse immigrants quickly became
'?Jhether the peculiarities of American history produced the desire far mass
Americanized and were willing, indeed eager, to consume whatever mass
products.69
.
goods were available. 77 .
This view of immigrants and immigration was superficial and schemat1c,
Severa] authors pointed out the multiple ways in which American busi
ness sought to crea te demand instead of waiting passively for it to arise. High
ignoring the differe'nt experiences and opportunities of women and men and
wages and standardized mass production were the principal but nOt the only
among different generations and ethnic groups. It exaggerated the extent
means. Advertising and credit buying, the chain store, and the mail arder
of mass consumption in America while downplaying the spread of standard
catalog were also singled out. They expanded markets geographically and
ized, although not necessarily mass produced, goods in Germany. ~ron: the
socialJy; of equal irnportance, they suggested new needs and created new
perspective of the late twentieth century, when mass cons~mptton 1~ so
demands.7 Whereas these measures were not completely unknown in Europe,
widespread not only in Europe but elsewhere, the effort to link American
they originated in America and were much more developed there. Many
mass consumption to the frontier ar Puritanism seems farfetched. Nonet?e,.
Germans seem to ha ve viewed them warily, as products of the American
less, American consumption, especially in the industrial Mid':"es~ to wh1ch
character and value system and hence antithetical to German culture.
so many Germans traveled, did differ qualitatively and quant1tauvely from
Many sought the roots of uniform consumption in American history,
that in Weimar Germany. Germans were genuinely puzzled by the dynam
singling out two distinctly American phenomena. One was the frontier
ics of mass consumption. They sought to understand which goods were
experience, which forced pioneers to focus on basic needs and generated a
candidates for such consumption; whether people of any or all classes would
desire for equality; the other was Puritanism, which stressed conformity
purchase them; and whether desirable ar detrimental social and. cultural
in belief and lifestyle and condemned individuality as arrogance.71 Heinz
consequence.s would come in their wake. Their contorted theor1es about
Marr viewed Fordism asan expression of radical Puritanism, and standard
the heritage of Puritanism, the effects of immigration, and the fa te of Kultur
ization in production and consumpon asan effort to subject people to the
are a testament to just how difficult it was to imagine mass consumpt1on in
"ideal monotony and uniformity of the Puritan regementation of Jife. "72
ali its complexity.
War I.64 Weimar Germans did not question their validity, choosing instead
to explore how Americans developed these tas tes and habits f ~onsumption.
r1
r1
(. '
118
wer
s~I agree w1th Paul ":engraf that, even though American mass consump
~10~ represented the tnumph of civilization over Kultur, "the American
1zat1on of Europe is . irresistible fact. "80 Thus, whether they argued in
terms of hard econom1c facts or took a romantic view of German traditions
most bourgeois visitors did not believe that the culture of consumptio~
would soon transform the fatherland.
~s we discusse~ earlier, party and trade union leaders, functionaries,
and 1ntel~ectuaJs beheved that mass consumption, and the high wages and
~tandard1zed mass production on which it had to be built, would serve the
1nterests not only of_workers but also of capitalists. Mass consumption was
the essence of Ford1sm and the secret of American economic successs. It
represented the logic of the next stage of capitalist development-which
had already been realized in America-and it transformed production in
ways that would promete socialism. Those trade union members who immi,
grated to America wrote back glowing reports of the goods they could
acqu1re ~nd the more satisfying Jife they led as a result. s1
.:.~ Social Democrats and trade unionists viewed mass consumption as neC
essary but ~er~ not ~onvinced that it was inevitable. They encountered
sta~nch capitahst res1stance to their proposals for mass,consumption in the
earh~st stages of the debate about Fordism and rationalization, and would
contmue to encounter it throughout the late 1920s. Even though Social
~emo~rats asserted that capitalism must develop, sooner or later, in the
d1rect1?n of technological rationalization, mass production and mass con,
sumpt1on, the~ worried that industrialists would distort capitalist devel,
opment, to the1r own detriment and that of workers.
Although Soci~l Democrts preached the gospel of mass consumption,
they were uncerta1n how such an economy would function in Germany.
Sorne assumed there was a ready market for more massproduced goods
others ar.gued that Gerrnans would have to be educated to purchase th~
stand~rd1zed pro~ucts ~f rationalized industry.B2 Most ignored advertising
and v1ewed cred1t buy1ng with suspicion. 83 The left was as vague about
:Vhat valu~s would structure a culture of consumption as they were about
Jts econom1c mechanisms. Social Democrats nalvely assumed that Germany
coul~ ~ave mass ~onsumption without oppressive uniformity, justas they
had tnsisted that 1t could ha ve mass production without undermining quality
_J_
119
SJ.Ze
and d iver
. 5uffered from "autoism. "85 Nor couId G ermany, g1ven
1ts
86
~?re tain mailorder houses like Sears and Roebuck. Efforts to develop
s1ty, sus
.
d .
1
.
re positive picture of German mass consumpt1on prove s1ngu arly
amo
h"
d
G
"t 1
->unsccessful. Tarnow's famous slogan, is a vice to erm~n cap1 a tsts to
-~. od
"not baking ovens but bread,"87 was symptomat1c of the move,
P' uce,
I
h d h
120
~f{i
lmagit1it1g AmeTica
I'
~any of the deepest fears and reservations Weimar Germans expressed about
e culture of co?sumpt_ion and the consequences of economic modernity centered arou_nd the Amen~n woman and American gender relations. At first
gl~nce, th1S seerns puzzlmg. After_ ali, it was Henry Ford and his engineers
an _auto workers-that is, men, 1ndividuaUy and coHectively-who were
the icons of ~he new economic arder. Detroit, that mecca of German travel
ers to Amer1ca, hadan overwhelmingly male workforce.91 And it was Ger
;an men who ~e?ated the economic aspects of Fordism in terms first and
oremost of th~1r 1mpact on men's wages, work, and profits.
The prom1nence of women and gender in this debate can be understood
more as.a produce of German anxieties than of American realities. War and
~evol~.~~on, economic crisis and new attitudes toward sexuality political
~~sta 1 1ty a~d e~ergent mass culture had altered German wom~n' 5 posi
ion-sometl~e~ in ways that were emancipatory, often not-and created
enormous anx1et1e~ a?~~t male power and privilege as well as about women' s
~oles and respon_s1bd1t1es. German economic and political dehates were
aunted by the f1g~res of the "new wornan "-young, stylish, liberatedwho reJected marnage or combined it with work and motherhood of the
woman V~ter, unpredictable but presumably conservative; and of the older
woman, single or married, who worked from necessity, not choice, at jobs
many men felt should be theirs.92 Airead y preoccupied with gender athome
Eerm;ns confronte~ not onJy the realities of women and gender in Americ~
ut t e representat1ons of Women in American mass culture in Germany.
For m ~ny, women came_t~ symbolizeaH thecontradictions and ambiguities,
as W~ a~ ~he opportun1t1es, of modernity. Debates about the German eco
?m~c
crtsis _and t~e pos~ibilities of a Fordist solution thus slid easily, aJmost
1
nev_1tab .Y.' 1nto d1scuss1ons of American culture, high and low, and of the
erot1c cns1s that purportedly loomed 1arge in both societies.93
. AThe.amorphous anxiety eXpressed about women and gender relations
:;. h :r~a coa_lesced around three principal concerns. Those preoccupied
lt
e menean culture of consumption questioned whether women and
t
J_
~11}'
121
blame-1or
stan d ar d"1ze d mass consump eion. Others,
q~;'._ i.tY erned more with Kultu.r than consumption, scrutinized the relation..
rf%.f~ .-~~;between ~ornen' s po~erful position in American society and the os ten
_::_~j~_ 'sible feminizat1on of Amencan h1gh cul~ure: Nearly _ali ~emoaned the tr~ns
;jf.rs. formation of home, family, and sexuah~y 1n Amenca in wa!s tha_t m1ght
)e;' well be modern and rationalized but wh1ch seerned soulless, dJSturbmg, and
;--~,~'~ distinctly unEuropean. Whereas the American man, whether worker or
r'.(- '. capitalist, aroused admiration even as ~is limitatio~~ w~re ackno~l~ged,
-the American woman engendered anx1ety or host1hty 1n the maJOnty of
German commentators. Her achievements and virtues were considered to
be as problematic as her failings. Befare we explore th~ pervas.ive and per
"t~>ce nicious influence attributed to women, we must examine the 1mage of the
American woman constructed by Weimar Germana.
. Discussions of "the American woman" were conducted almost exclu
-;. :( ~ ;. ,, ' sively about middleclass women. To be sure, "middle class" was broadly
construed, far the image of the American woman was a composite picture,
drawn from the-experiences of shopgirls and secretaries, professional women
and college students, middleclass social reformers and church women, and
.1 the nonemployed wives of businessmen. But certain groups were virtually
omitted and invisible-factory girls, domestic servants, married home
workers, recent immigrants, and black women from the North and South. 94
The commentators, like the objects of their analysis 1 were overwhelm
ingly bourgeois. Nowand again Social Democrats, trade unionists, or workers
who had immigrated made a passing and usually derogatory reference to
women and gender.95 Social Democrats tried to redefine the American bour
geois "new woman" in ways compatible with the movement's vision of
politics and motherhood, while Communists dismissed her as one more
perversion of capitalist culture. The American workingclass woman was
seen as yet another example of suffering and exploited proletarian woman
hood, such as existed in abundance in Germany. 96 ln general, however, the
left remained resolutely focused on male workers and male capitalists, on
the world of work and technology. Not so bourgeois observers, whose gaze
wandered nervously from the factory floor to both the home and the pub
lic sphere of politics and culture.
In America middleclass Germans encountered what prewar Germans,
such as the Harvard psychology professor Hugo Mnsterberg, had already
discovered, namely that women seemed to enjoy much greater equality and
power than their European counterparts. 97 Germans claimed that Ameri
can women were held in high regard and were able to make their influence
feit at home and at work, in culture and society.98 Women had much greater
legal equality and public visibility. 99 They had the same educational oppor
tuniti~s as men; indeed, they often received more education.-for men fre
quently abandoned their studies far lucrative jobs. The education might
well be superficial by European standards, but women had access not merely
to the same kinds of schooling, but the very same institutions, as men. 100
''"'1 an e
'.l;.~. ..'.-. -or
122
Imaginitig America
'ence, but also for believing that woman actually were morally, intellectu,
ti;
with
singleminded devotion of American :.~~~,e;h:; ;;;;~ ldollar
to wor . tn greater numbers than their European counter arts e Ieved
j~s~~-r::,f~c~o~~1n
~mpete
;Jy, and aesthetically superior. 113 Others saw the key to women's perva
meri~or d~~r~~~:
to both th
11
r, s e ~ a etter chance of marrying.104 D
hadan easi:rr:eral .,eveldof prosperity and to household technology, ,;:;
me tre an more time far a career lt
..
ous social work. "IO,. A d "f h h
~u ~ra act1v1ty, or serj.
Saloman she could ownna 1 she e ose to rema1n single, claimed Alice
123
'
rrr
li
. i
1
1
1
1
1
1
124
ln1agi11i11g America
and dominated by women, they had become feminized. "Onlyvia the woma
and her unique cultural leadership role could standardization conquer a
aspects of American life," Halfeld concluded. 120
. The American woman was not only integral to the' cu~ture of consump
t1on; she was absolutely central to Kuf tur1 or what passed-for it in America
"The man devoted himself to business, the woman to culture," reiterated
Morit.z J. Bono in nearly every work he wrote. 121 According to. Alice
Saloman, there was a distinct "feminization of culture," far women were
not only the principal consumers of culture, but its principal organizers
promoters, and shapers. 122 Women represented the vast majorityof teacher~
at all levels belowcollege. This feminization of the teaching profession, the
result of abundant job opportunities far roen and coeducation, was striking
to Germans. E ven more un usual and troubling, by European standards, was
the central role that women p1ayed in promoting museums, concerts, and the theater. Men might prvide the money, but women.determined the
cultural uses to which it was put. In so doing, women imposed their own
:
tastes, rather than deferring to the intellectual and aesthetic judgments of
men. Perhaps they had no choice, admicted some Germans, far America had
no significant group of artists and intellectuals; it had no leisured aristoc
racy and it bad no male bourgeoisie wboappreciated literature and the arts.
In short, it lacked the masculine social base of Kultur in Europe.I2J InteHec
tually and organizationally, men surrendered the field of culture to women
:
willingly and unthinkingly.
'
Judgments varied on what women had created. AdolfHalfeld was pre
dictably most upset by the feminization of ali emotions, tastes, arc, and
thought. This was, he insisted, the American problem in its most danger
ous, almost pathological form. 124 Charlotte Ltkens' assessment was more
mixed. Although she admired women' s independence, energy, and dedica
tion in cultural activities, she believed that "a sphere of cultural activity so
completely directed and measured by women lacks, in large measure, the
tensions and subtlties ... which enable the pu re work of speculation or
fantasy to come to fe for society. " 125 Moritz J. Bonn and Alice Salomen
were more positive, arguing that although women had not created a sophis
ticated and introspective European culture, they had created one which
emphasized the useful, the practica!; and the moral. Nearly al! agreed that
women' s cultural and social power was directly responsible for that most
incomprehensible and uniquely American phenomenon: Prohibition.126
The culture women created was thus seen as a manifestation of values
that permeated American economic life-such as practicality and concrete
ness-and as a complement to the onesided, materialistic preoccupations
of American economic man. Jt combined pragmatism and moralism, and
added culture to consumption, but in ways that bourgeois Germans found
to be superfjcial, unorjginal, and unsatisfying. Even more disturbing, Ameri
can culture was judged to have "distorted the natural arder of a relation
ship in which, so long as people can remember, woman has received the
creative spark from man. "I27
125
m
d
b ld f
. he was even reported to was t e IS es, e ean
howe ver a e erence,
1
h. d
d
s Ld care for the children-all in arder to p ease Is eman 1ng
the
~KJuse, an
.. h
t
ale d
::.,
'fi 129 "Over there "noted FritZ Giese, t ere are no separa e m an
; ~ - w1 e.l
h
f du,ty Being a woman does not mean being a cook or
0.--fema e sp eres o
.
E
~r.''
h "130 As one unhappy man summarized che s1tuat1on, In urape man
fjO::C root er.
th
een 13 1 Women
:T~', was the lord of the house; in America woman was e qu
.
'
h
d d h
. ~~
l redivison of domestic labor had occurred, but even t ey. a m1Cte w1t
'~:
that American roen did more around the house than the1r German coun
'
:c1
:vy
:;t;:__
..
,;'
__._
terparts.132
.
The home aver which the American woman ruled was seen as quin
. 11
odern German travelers paid no attention to the cenements
tessen t 1a Y m
1 f 1 h
g
and old homes in the East, focusing instead on newer s1ng ~ ~mi Y. ousin
the Midwest and West or the modero apartment buildmgs m places
i?k New York. Houses were conscructed in che simplest, most funcCional
~~ner, they argued, and the work required to maintain them ha~ ~en re
minimum. Not only was there running water, electr1c1ty, and
d t
d uce o 3
d
l
. d r
bundance 13)
central heating~ there were househol app iances .In azz _1ng a
Even in the homes of skilled workers, one could f1nd refr1gerato~s, vacu~m
k
nd washing machines. 1" Everyone rehed heav1ly
cleaners, e1ectnc coo ers, a
l
on canned goods to simplify meals, and many families_ate out frequent Y at
the automat or soda fountain or, far special occas1ons, ata restaurant
ar club.ns Americans hada "rational Hfestyle" that was nowhere more
evident than in the home.
. h
German observers offered severa} explanations far such pervasIVe ouse'
hold rationalizacion and mechanization. First and foremos_t the shortag~ of
servants and their high cost forced an alteration in the des1gn and f~nctlon
ing of middle,class homes. Money could buy technology a~d serv1ce~ o~~~
side the home much more readily than it could be ~sed to ht~e dome~tics.
But labor market conditions alone did not explam the rad1cally d1fferent
nature of the American home. Its farreaching rationalizat10~ relecced the
low regard in which Americans held housework. Accord1ng to German
observers, the American woman did not regard h~use~ork as a Ber~f, an
occupation from which to derive meaning and sat1sfa.ct1on. Rat~er, It wa~
a boring and burdensome necessity that should_ be d1spensed w1th as ef
ciently as possible so that more important and 1nterest1ng act1v1ties could
be undertaken. m Finally, it was believed that household technology and
127
Imcigining America
.
. ture " according to Adolf Halfeld.1so
"Amazon state tn m1n1a
'
1
db E
flage-an
.
f Puntanism she imposed a sing e an y uroBu1Iding on the her1ta~e o
1 t nd,ard in In literature as in life, the
restrict1ve sexua s a
1 f
d
d 'th marriage but incapab e o gran
pean entena,
.
an was concerne WI
l
Amencan wom
roached in a rational, objective, rather ca cu at1n~
. pass1on. Lave ~as app d b
I ke Moritz J. Bonn, was the prereqU1'
nd th1s argue o servers I
; roanner,
'
. u2
~ site for women's equaht~ American woman's appearance and behavior,
Por sorne Germans t e
1t reflected America, s own contra
her mixture of openness and as~xuaFI YA.rthur Holitscher America wasa
dictory attitudes toward_ sex_uahtyd or ression progressive'sexual attitudes
confusing mixtureof Punta:i1sm ant ~e~xualit; while morahty condemned
and prost1tution. The media flaun. e l s
Gi~e offered two photos. One
it.15J To illustrate A~ericanla~b~~:o~:~:d with painted designs; the other
showed a woman hav1ng her
ring the length of a woman, s bathpictured the Florida morals po ic~~~as~th the law. Flirtation, with its su
ing suit to be sure t?at she _com~ 1~ Aw erican gender relations, he believed,
perficialityand allus1ons, ep1tom1ze
m
d ,,.
.
.
tenced and suppresse
.
.
y to emulate America economt'
pay a cultura 1 an spiritua P e G
.
d h.
tended plea 'or erman
. .
1nterrupte ts ex
.
. . he saw existing in both soc1et1es,
cally with a tirade about the erkouc cnsids modern dances a declinmg birth
. .
b l'zed by silk stoc mgs an
'
a cr1s1s sym o 1
. He admired Ford for trying to restare ~ra,
1
rate, anda new sexual_ mora ity..
d oc1al relationsh1ps at the same time
er
woman t ey recogn1ze
h A
cani~m an d t e . menean ha ve ~o occur in Germany immediately. Bour
no~1c restructur~ng wouldbelteve that their past culture was supenor and
geo1s Germans m1ght well
.
d acial proiects promised a more
. 1 D emocra t s, that their econom1c an .s d that the
)
Soeta
American economy
progress1ve future, but both groups recogn1ze
and economic model dom1nated the present.
i;.-:; r
Modernizing GC'tmany
178
fied: "Everyone with insight has known for a long time that we do not reject
the rationalization of prcx:luction, because it can mean nothi~g other than
employing technical and organi_zational measures with reason." 159
Sometimes opposition led to informal protests--absenteeism, insults to
foremen, even fistfights. These were especially conimon in mining. In
1929-1930 the Mining Association reported 256 cases of managers being
insulted and cursed out by miners. In another 68 cases, workers and fore,
men carne to blows. 16 KarlHeinz Roth has argued that the new semiskilled
workers created by rationa!ization engaged in passive resistance from 1927
on. Without support from the unions, these workers expressed their oppo
sitien to new forms of wofk by means of absenteeism and sabotage.16'1
Although there were sorne instances of this in the automobile and the
electrotechnical industries, they were not the rule.
The prospect of job losa during a period of high unemployment made
resistance extremely costly and unlikely. This was especially true in such
industries as mining, where the work force was older and had families to
support. 162 What economics didn' t curb, poli tics quelled. Even though the
Social Democratic union leadership could not impose its faith in rational
i.zation, it did effectively restrict militant and organized protest against it.
Communists and left Social Democrats, who shared the Social Democrats'
theoretical endorsement of technological and organizational restructuring,
had no practica! strategy to offer disaffected workers. The KPD carne to
represent the unemployed more than the employed; those party members
who still held jobs reported that it was all but impossible to engage work
ers in shop floor struggJes or political work. 163
The very ways in which rationalization transformed work undermined
the possibilities o( both formal organization and informal protest. As Uta
Stolle' s pioneering study ofBayer, BASF; and Bosch shows, rationalization
disrupted traditional workshops and work groups and destroyed informal
networks, which had often served as a basis for more formal politics. The
possibiJities for communication among workers were significantly dimin
ished. 16< Reports from KPD factory cells lamented that pauses had been
eJiminated and supervision intensified. Workers could no longer speak dur,
ing work, and "had time neither to agitate nor to listen to agitators." The
contradictory effects of rationaiization were neatly summariz:ed in the asser'
tion, "Flow production, which unites the operations of the worker in to a
complete uninterrupted process, separates the worker as a living being, as
a member of a united coUectivity. "16'5 Under these circumstances, workers'
disHke of rationaJization resulted only in division and demoralization, and
led to their disillusionment with trade unions and the SPD.
Although the trade union and SPD leadership often seemed blind to
the social consequences of economic rationa!ization, industry leaders and
engineers were not. They acknowledged, indeed frequently overestimated,
worker opposition to rationalization. But they refused to buy acceptance
of it by high wages and massconsumption. Instead they developed an arra y
of policies to create a new type of worker and working,cJass family.
9
Engineering
the New Worker
.
1 b German industrialists on the soul of the German
A great envelop1ng assau t y
. attack consists in nothing less than a com
worker is in progress. The goal of,.th1s f
s of male and female workers.
. lD
1
1
.\
&li1'l
ET-.. '._'
180
Moder11izing
Gern~ny
--
r,
'
~ng a~~
Din ta' s vision of a rationalized economy and working class was not the
most. modern or Americanized model developed in Germany, but neither
wa~ 1t the most. in transigen ti y reactionary. Din ta mixed technol9gical modern1~~ and soc~a.l re~ction with great skil1 and sophistication, drawing on
trad1t1o~s of m1htar1sm and service (Dienst) and combining them with cost
~ccounting, modern psychology, and psychotechnics. It was politically flexible, functioning under Weimar even though it preferred a more authori
t~ri~~ regime. Nothing illustrates the limits of Americanism and the pecuhant1es of German rationalization more clearly than Din ta' s project far the
industrial leadership of men (industrielle Menschenfhrung). And nothing
11lustrate~ the left's difficulties in dealing with rationalization as ideology
an.d pra.ct1ce better than its response to Dinta. Our analysis must begin not
~ith D1nta, but with the movement far "human rationalization," of which
1t was a central part.
181
::_:i'and sec tors and its goals were articulated in different ideological intona
t .
Measures that prometed ''the planned management of human labor
an d vocationa
Id
' ' to
tions. "ranged from vocational apt1tud e test1ng
a v1s1ng
.
Power t . eship programs general worker educat1on
courses, company news
appren 1c
d recreational programs. 8 Nor did company socia po 1cy stop at
n
apees,
a
e
P
the factory gate, for a var1ety of educat1onal an~ we 1are programs were
'd d far working women as well as far the w1ves and ch1ldren of male
eff''
d
- Provie
es Whtle sorne efforts stresse d econom1c
1c1ency, o thers a1me
' emP oye
h'
h
d
b
d'
d
t'lling "proper" conceptions of 1erarc y an o e 1ence, an " t h e
, at ms '
h
f
.1 .
'~-~ optima
J s t 1m
ulati'on of Joy in work "9 Often t e. proponents
o socia
ratio-.
.
1'
1 t' n espoused a factory ar firm commun1ty (Betr1ebsgemeinschaft oc
na za
. 1
. d .h
:: Werksgemeinschaft), concepts implicitly if not exp 1~1t Y assoc1ate wtt
.~
m anti'socialism and opposition to trade un1ons. Overall,
human
"' nationa is ,
l
f
""tlon sought to create new workers and new work1ng,c ass ami
ratmna i~
.
11
. d
h
lies that would be more technically, socially, and em~ttona Y suite to t e
ew rationalized work as well as more politically qu1escent.
n Instead of paternalism, charity, and yellow trade unions, the new c?m'
pany social policy stressed education, psychology, and cost account1ng.
Efficiency, profitability, and human rationalizat~on were seen as mutually
reinforcing.10 Company social policy was premts~d o~ the acceptan~e of
rationalized work, even as it promised to restare JY in "".'r~, ~ocat1onal
itment and dedication to the firm. Rather than d1.sm1ss1ng work
comm
fh
.
h
.
centered male identities as a phenomenon o t e past . 1t soug t to rev1.v~
them, but in a form more economically useful far capital and mo~e pol~tl'
cally amena ble to the overtures of the right. Akhough company social pohcy
often advocated a psychotechnical restructurmg of the w?rkplace and could
be combined with wage incentives, it relied most hea.v1ly on ~edagog1c~I
and welfare measures. It sought to reshape the worker s b~havtor and att~..
tudes from the inside by influencing his "work personahty" or even h1s
'
whole person. ll
.
.
d
Company social policy accepted, albe1t reluctantly 1 We1mar tn ustna
relations, even as it sought to outmaneuver trade unions an~ estab~ish. a e.aun
terweight to state social policy. Propone?ts of campany social policy 1ns1.sted
that the firm was a unique social format1on that must be allowed to .develop
according to its own laws.12 The firm was to be isolated from soc1ety and
serve as the basis far reforming it.
.
Company social policy was very much a product of ~ar, revolut1on,
and the new political realities ofWeimar. The massive recru1tme.ntof f~male
labor during World War I led toan expansion of company social pohcy to
serve the needs of women workers in the factory and at home. n The revo
]ution of 1918-1919, the factory council movement, and the 1920 factory
council law spurred further activism on the part ~f ind~~t~1ahsts. Far all
their limitations, these events and achievements d1d poht1c1ze t~e factory
and increase workers' power in state and society. Yellow trad~ un1o~s w~re
outlawed, collective bargaining was legitimated, and protec~1~e leg1slat~on
and social insurance were expanded, ali of which made trad1t1onal patriar
182
Modirrnizing Gi!:rmany
chal company social policy ineffective. 14 Paced with new pow"er relationships on the shop floor as well as in nationaJ politics, industrialists, eng.
neers, and scientists of work sought new means to counter.workers' power
and preempt its expansion. 1"
.
Practical economic considerations also directed ati:entioh to the shop
t
the Ruhr such metalworking firms as Bos an t e opttca Jns rumen t
SI e
h
.
d camera company Zeiss transformed t eir extens1ve prewar company
~elfare policies, while the most modero and competitive firms, s~ch as :he
electrotechnical giant Siemens, embarked on vast c~mp~ny social pohc!'
programs. 24 Even small textile factories and construct1on fums pooled the1r
resources to implement sorne of the new measures .
The new discipline of industrial sOEi<?.lf>gy sket~hed t~e con tours of and
justification for a comprehensive new company social pohcy. Itscenter was
the Institute for Company Sociology !1c:l Social Co!1lpany ,lvf~!'gement,
established after the Prussia!} La_11dtag and th_e Prussmn M~1stry _of<?.u~
ture concluded that engineers needed to be educated about the human s1de
ohhe production process.,,located _at the Technische Hochschule m Berlin, the institute was founded in 1928 by the econom1st Goetz Bnefs and
the-engineer afid enthusiast of Americanism, ~auLR1ebensah_m. Fror_n th1s
Visible academic position, Briefs elaborated h1s own theory of t~e f1rm as
both a source of economic and social problei:ris anda locos for solv1n~ them.
Of equal importance, he gathered around him a group of scholars, mcluding L. H. A. Geck, RudolfSchwenger, Peter Baumer, and Walter Jost'. who
elaborated the theory of company social policy and analyzed 1ts practlce m
Weimar firms. 26 The So~~J-~ien~.~-J_n&titute_a~__ the_l]piYersi_ty _9f Colog~-~ hada department fodustrial pedagogy. By 1932 courses on company social
;olcy were beingtaught in Leipzig and in Frankfurt am Mamas well. Dw
sertations were written on such themes as worker estrangement from the
' 'ln
d us
ty
flrm (Werksfremdheit), an dh uman management ln
r "
.
.
A variety of private and semi-public institutions promoted f1rm-ba~ed
vocational education. The German Bureau for Technical. Ed~cat1on
(DATSCH), established by the VD! in 1908, develope.d .gu1dehnes for
courses, while the Working Committee for V ocational Tra1n1ng, wh1ch was
a joint project of the VD!, the RDI, and the VDA. debated .the broader
problems of vocational training. In 1930 the Fr~nkfurt Social Museu.m
brought together the principal theorists and pracuoners of company social
policy, suchas Karl Arnhold, JosefWinschuh, and Ernst Horneffer, as well
as their trade un ion critics, such as Fritz Fricke, to debate ftrm-based vocato te
,,, ;:-
,.;,
183
ModernzitJg Germany
tional education. 28 That same year the RKW, which had been r'eprimanded
by the Reichstag for ignoring the social consequences of rationalization
began exploring aptitude testing, vocational education, workplace design'
_:_- ,
ffect of making engineering central to economic modernizatiqn while
i;-ous
eeasing the number o f pos1tions
many o f
~d
open to engineers
an d ma king
7
.-, hecr which continued to exist less varied and challenging.l
toseThese economic problems, status anx1et1es
andh
~
t warte d asp1rat1ons
d the political and econom1c strategies ofWeimar engineers. They had
shape
t he repu bl"te as
l the Ioosest tiesto the We1mar
party system, toIerattng
on y t rovi"ded prosperity and they were susceptible to the flattery of
.1ongas1p
h"
k
economics orto social engineering. Numerous ng twtng t tn ers, sorne o f
whom were engineers, depicted technology as cen~ral
the developm~nt
f Kultur. This reactionary modernist strand of engineenng thought, wh1ch
:as displayed most prominently in the VD! journal 'Technology and Culture, sought to improve the status of engi~eers by augmentin~ the value of
technology.40 A more prosaic and pragmat1cstrategy was to ~1e technolo.gy
ever more closely to capitalism by making the eng~neer a bus1nes~man w1th
an eye for profits andan aptitude far cost account1ng: The W~rk1ng ~roup
f German Factory Engineers, headed by the qu1ntessent1al eng1neer
~usinessman Carl Kottgen, and the VD! journal 'Technology and Economy
regarded American engineers as exemplary in this regard and sought to emu-
184
185
t?
late them. 41
d
Dinta subsumed arguments about culture and economtcs un er 1ts
42
broader plea far the engineer to redefine himself as educator and leader.
The engineer' 5 role was to modernize the_ German economy and prevent
pernicious forms of Americanism from tak1ng hold.
Origins and !deology of Dinta
1
1
1
1
!Tii
..~ 1
1
186
''
Modernizi11g Germany
.i
communit "T ki
y.
a ng a much more pragmatic approach, the psychotech .
Walther Poppelreuter ~Jaborated the need far aptitude te~ting. Therucia~
~e.er Kar~ Arnh_old4J m1xed pragmatism and ideo!ogy. He' o e d h eng1
w1th an 1mpass1oned plea "to wake the powers sJu b .. p~ ne
IS talk
and place them in the service of the econ
" ~ enng 10 ou~ peopfe apprenticeship training program geared toW o~y. _and t~en ou_thned an
cent boys and promoting economic prosperit;~4 ~~1ng en a~g~red adoJes
with Arnhold as its head, was established. .
ew mont s ater Dinta,
Arnhold was born in Elberfeld in 1884 d
.
.
.
training there. Prior to World WarI he w
7 r~c~1ved hts engmeering
iron works, whose director had worked i~s t~:iu:~ d ~ the G. :d I. Jaeger
to emulate American methods Th
A
1 e_
tatesan waseager
apprenticeship training program~ w~re rn~olt first began organizing
en wfahr. ro e out m 1914, Arnhold
immediately volunteered As r .
to
.
By 1924 he was back at &halk
h
v
In A Lije 'or th &
er, w er~ ilg1er first encountered him.
J'
e onomy, an anonymous biogra h f A h Id h
~ y oh rn o t at I suspect is actually an autobiography V" l .
that Schalker apprentices were w~rki~g er.1s sa1 to av~ been impressed
and political turmoil of 1923. Accordin g tw1~o~t ~ay dunng the .economic
cooperation of Communists w'th th ;. o ~g er s b1ographer, t was the
l
e Irm t at drew Vgler' s favorable
attention 45 Whethe
Arnhold;
lf
r apocryphal ar true, these stories reveal much about
s se presentat1on and ap
J H
.
en:
1
1
1
1
1
1
By the mid-1920s Dinta was clearly an idea whose time had come.
~? Within six months of its founding, the Dinta House was opened in
ji'. Dilsseldorf. Albert Vogler and the right-wing social philosopher Ernst
-,... Horneffer spoke at thededication ceremonies, as did the city's mayor, Lehr,
who agreed to become the official patron of the organi.zation. In a written
greeting, Spengler praised Dinta far trying to instill "a sense of honor and
ambition" in German workers.49 The Dinta House served as the training
center far engineers, who then set up Dinta programs in firms, and as the
editorial offices far Dinta' s publishing operations. By mid 1926, 25 engineers
and 12 foremen, sent by Ruhr firms, were enrolled in Dinta training
programs, while other Dinta engineers had already established 24 apprenticeshiptraining workshops in mining and metalworking. Din ta was airead y
publishing 18-20 company newspapers. By decade' s end, Dinta ran training programs in 150-300 German and Austrian firms and published more
than 50 company newspapers, which reached nearly half a million
employees. ' Din ta continued to expand until 1930 and more ar less held
its own thereafter, des pite the Depression.
Dinta was especially strong in iron and steel, machine making, and
metalworking, and to a lesser extent in mining-all sectors that hadan over,
whelmingly male labor force. Gutehoffnungshtte, Hoesch, Thyssen, V
Schalker, Friedrich-Wilhelms-Htte, Waggonfabrik Uerdingen, and Siemens&huckert in Mlheim/Ruhr were among the majar firms that brought in
Din ta. It received active support not only from Vogler, but from such promi
nent Ruhr industrialists as Paul Reusch of Gutehoffnungshtte and such
firms as Rheinmetall, a giant munitions and metalworking firm in Dssel
dorf. 51 Dinta also ran programs in textile, rubber, cement and construction
companies. Many other firms and sectors adopted Dinta ideas and policies,
even though they neither sent their personnel to Dinta for training nor had
a formal affiliation with Arnhold. The Ruhr was unquestionably Din ta' s
stronghold, but by the late 1920s it had spread into parts of central Germany and Silesia and had established a few outposts in southern Germany
and in the Alpin-Montan Gesellschaft of Austria." lt had no influence
among technologically advanced and less reactionary firms, such as those
in the electrotechnical and Berlin machinery industries.
The membership of Din ta' s various boards and committees suggests the
range of its support. On the executive committee were Vagler, Franz
Burgers, another Vestag director, and Fritz Winkhaus, general director of
the CologneNeuessene Bergwerksverein. This solidly Ruhr heavy indus
try directora te was supplemented by a much broader managing committee
whose twenty-four members included Anton Apold, head of Alpin-Montan
Gesellschaft; Ernst van Borsig, head of Borsig; G. Lippart, director of
MAN; Conrad Matchoss, professor of engineering and head of the VDJ;
.'
l
187
,, '
.".,.-~1'
1
1
188
Mode:rnizittg Ge:rmar1y
e,h e 1ef
.
e d 1tor o
r
.
'
_
r, w oran
a _press_ serv1c~ io_r heavy 1ndustry, and representatives of several oth~r re,
gtonal industrial 1nterest groups. The scientific committee revealed its 1 k
to technocrats, academics, and right-wing publicists. In addition to ~:r~ Dunkmann, Ernst Horneffer and Oswald Spengler, it had three engineer
mg professors, mclud1ng Adolf Wallichs, and a member of the Kaiser
Wilhelm lnst1tute for !ron Research."
189
. Din ta' s success was due not only to Arnhold' s indefatigable organiza,
t1onal energy or the power of his patrons, although these were undoubt
edly a~sets ..As soon as D1nta ~s established, Arnhold Sent.information
about_ its P_h1losophy and programs to ali chambers of commerce and techni
cal un1vers1t1es, to pro?1inent industrialists who where "accessible to Dinta,"
an~ to :4uch organ1zat1ons as the Working Committee for Vocational Edu,
~at10n .. Arnhold constantly asked Reusch to introduce him to bis fellow
tndustna~1sts,. and one assumes that Vogler provided the same service ..ss
Along with ~is assi~ta~ts, Arnhol~ too~ to the lecture circuit, addressing
41 emplo~ers assoc1at.1o~s an~ ~ng1neenng groups in the first half of 1926
alone. This propagand1st1c act1v1ty continued throughout the decade with
lectures, ~erson~l meetings, glossy brochures filled with pictures of Dinta
p_rograms in :ar1ous firms, and finally the publication of a regular informa,
tional magazine, Work Schooling. 56 Din ta also set up affiliated organizations
s~ch _as the Research Centeron Heavy Work and the Society for the Friend;
~ Dinta, and cooperate~ with such vocational education institutions as
A TSCH, as well as w1th psychotechnical associations 57
D~nta' s success .was primarily due i:o its message: it p;omised to address
~ mult1tude o~ perce1ved economic and social problems with ideological ciar,.
It_y, prag~at1c ast~t_eness, and effective eclecticism. Although Arrihold
1
; mse.lf dtd not ~ng1nate most of the ideas and policies he prometed, he
omb1ned them in ways that were innovative and appealing.58 Dinta
preached th_e gospel of productivism and individual productivity, while
flatly re1ecting Fordis_t wage and market strategies. It celebrated modero
technology but prom1s~d to obviate its detrimental effects on work and
w~rker.s .through educat1on alone. lt embodied a military spirit of discipline
? serv1ce and e~evated leadership and hierarchy in the firm to new heights.
~tmultaneously, 1t p~e?ged to ~nspir~ individual achievement and aspiration.
;h~owed to depolit1c1ze the lrm w1thout involving itself in party politics.
ts progr~m perfectly reflected Arnhold' s personal makeup. He was a man
once descr1bed as "a forme off"
..
.
r icer, now an eng1neer; superf1c1ally the pro,
totyp1cal smar_t American, inwardly a cadet'with a dash of Realpolitik,
always roo_ted In the facts. "59 Din ta' s claims were sweeping and vague yet
:he means 1t chas.e to achieve them were sharply defined-the new wo,rker
nd the new eng1neer who would be instrumental in creating him. lt was
1
Modcrnizing Germany
190
!3Y
191
d
d
b'l'
I
.
'th its implications of mass consumpt1on an upwar mo 11ty. t
15m, WI
d h
.
.
f
th A
.
f~ da way to instill the much-adm1Ce e aractenst1cs o
e .mer1can
0
erke -his efficiency flexibility, individualism, and sympathet1c underwor man
'
. fl
. l'
. b
. nding of capitalism-without his correspond1ng ~ws-matena 1sm, JO
~:tability, uniformity, and egalita~ianism.7~ It prom1sed .to create what s~
Germans thought they saw in Amenca-a comm1tment to produc
~~~~ shared byworkersand employers.72 FinaUy, the military.model offered
kingmen an exclusively masculine and eht1st selfdefin1t1on, a sense of
worrpose and a workbased community that incorporated elements of the
pu tradition,
'
d. ~ h em.
yet transformed and d epal'~t1c1ze
,
craft
Dinta was much more reticent about 1ts poht1~l g~als. Arnhold con
t tly claimed that Dinta was nonpartisan-nat1onahst, to be sure, but
sis en
h . . d D' t
d
not party political. Nor was Dinta anti-trade union, e 1ns~ste ; 1n a an.
the unions simply had different spheres of competence. D1nta was a ver~1
cal organization, Iocated in and serving the need~ of the .firm alone, w~de
trade unions were horizontal organizations operat1ng outs1~e th~) en:erpr1se.
Within the firm factory councils had a role, but not un1ons. D1nta fre
quently spoke of the need for a factory community (Betriebsgemeinschaft)
or company community(Wer~sgemeinschaft), but Arnhold d1d not env1S1~n
this as a yeUow trade union of the sort advocated by the German Assoc1ation of Patriotic Workers and Company Associations or b! P~~l Bang' s
Association for a Planned Economy and Works Commun1ty. Inste~d,
Arnhold argued, it was to be a community dedicated to product1on
(Wer~sprodu~tionsgemeinschaft), which would create a new atmosphere m
11orm.
r
75
the firm, not a new organ1.zat1ona
.
.
. .
Other Dinta supporters were much more open.about 1ts.~.~1soc.1.hst
and anti-trade union orientation. Horneffer procla1med as h1s. ideal the
establishment of factory guilds that would include owners, eng1neer.s, man
agers, and workers.76 Others couched Din ta' s at.t~ck ~n the w~rkers move
ment in more modern terms. Max &hiefen, wnt1ng 1n the D1ntaoperated
Phoenix 'N,_ewspaper, insisted that Dinta strove far "a strong and healthy
Germany and a contented, industrious people, who valued the fatherla~ ~
and the worker more than the class struggle and the Internat1onal.
Arnhold's assistant, Paul Osthold, who was an economist, World War 1
veteran, and activist in veterans' associations, outl_ined a s~eep1ng ideo
logical and political agenda in a pamphlet provocat1vely ent1t~:'d Struggle
for che Soul of the Wor~er. 78 He began with the modest goal of freemg the
worker from the Ioneliness of his isolated partial f.u~ct10~ In t~.e produc
tion process " but quickly moved to the more amb1t1ous a1m of overco.ming the hostle opposition betwee~ worker and employer." H.is ~e.~t P?ln~
went to the heart ofWeimar confl1cts between la~or and cap1:at. sat1sfy
ing and pacifying the worker in the current econom1c syst~m w~th t.~' mea~s
that are available to the German economy in its current s1tuat1on, t~at 1.s,
without increased wages or the eighthour day. The final.goal revea Is D1nta .s
implicit antiMarxism: "to bring the worker to the potnt that he frees h1s
~
i'
i-
"
'I
''
. j
1
1
_,
'
Modcrnizing Germany
192
economic
hstriving1for improvement once and for all from ;he poiso-n ouscon
cept1on. t at surp us va1ue has been extracted from his ou:p t
d . '
held from .him with unscrupulous disregard. "79
u an W1th:1nt~ s s~eep1ng goals drew on ideas expressed in the Gertnan deb
on merrcan1sm, the discourse on quality work BerUf
d ; .
ates
t
od
'
an JY Jn work
and the techn
comb. d
ocra ic pr uct1v1sm so prevalerit in engineering circl~s Th '
. in~ . an ~cceptance of economic modernity with an admiratio fi . . ey
and a co?servative ideology of Ieadership.
nghtear t eas a out how th1s eclectic and ambitious mix might be
~mg -~1htar~sm
Dint~ h~~
realize~~ry
pliabil~~-w;~e:~g;~c~~~~dm~~p~:n~~;:.~~pti~raity,joy
193
:~~h~;::t;a~:~:~i:t;~~~~~~:~::e~":o~l:~;~: ~~:~~~:~~:~~::;:::~
ex erienced en i
. inta set out to introduce technically trained and
fa~rung so Alt;ounegehrsthtodthe tlheofry and practice of industrie/le Menschen.
e eta1soD1nta'sta
e
os account1ng to yo th
!
j
1
1
1
1
1
i
--
I_
imitating. 90
Dinta first set up apprenticeship programs in such iron and steel and
machine making firms as Thyssen, Gutehoffnungshtte, Krefelder Stahlwerk, and the Waggonfabrik Uerdingen. In the case ofThyssen' s Friedrich
Wilhelms Htte, Dinta analyzed the chaotic state of training, prescribed a
comprehensive program of reform, and promised to set it up for under 30,000
marks.9 1 Many mine owners were initially hesitant to bring in Dinta, fear
ing that it could not teach the appropriate skills and would encroach upan
management' s prerogatives.92 Others believed Dinta should be called in only
if the Prussiafl government actually established municipally run mining
apprenticeship programs." Despite these qualms, roughly 20 of the 63 mines
of the Bergbau Verein had established apprenticeship workshops by 1927,
and between 1,000 and 2,000 of the 11,000 to 12,000 adole.cent mine workers
were enrolled." By 1931 the number of programs had risen to 39." Not ali
were run by Dinta or exactly according to its elaborate prescriptions,
although they were in such mines as Centrum, Froliche Morgensonne, and
Minister Stein and Frst Hardenberg. Nonetheless, according to a Bergbau
Verein spokesman, the spirit of Dinta was "marching through mining. 96
Dinta also ran cooperatlve apprenticeship workshops, such as that for the
Essen construction industry, which trained apprentices for smaller, more
r:;T~'''
I . . .
1 ,-
'1
'
194
'
dispersed firms. Estima tes of the total number of Dinta apprenticeship train-
ing workshops and factory schools range from 150 to 300, and by 1930 Dinta
claimed to ha.ve trained 10,000 apprentices, virtually aU of them men.97
'
'
195
, d
. d" orced from politics, he would become acqua1nte
,\ worId 0 f productton
IV
d
.
h. k. .. by keeping track of h1s own costs an was.te
,, with "economtc tf m ~ng the factory and helping the apprenticeship tram
, _:-, producing items oh uself~:u ortlng. He would learn the economic value of
ng workshop to e se . PP f
et work as well as the power and beauty
"" , machines and the necess~tY? exa . of productivism and technological
, '
l
The captta 1st vers1on
.
h
f
of techno ogy.
h Id up as a ternatives
d
i;.;; fetish1sm were e.
d Dinta workshops were charactenze
' "
As man y outs1de observers note b d,
as not blind 107 They
~"
..
1ebutae1encew
'11
pulsion.110
h
ntices attended classes in the fa~tory school.
nded greatly in We1mar, were a
One day a week t e appre b
These Werk_sschulen, whose nui:n ers ekxpha nd an alternative to the state
ticesh1p wor s op a
supplement to t he appren
f h I m In the 1920s the statechmadle
, ch Is orllern se u en.
d
vocational e ucat1on ~ oo '
s toattend continuingeducation s oo s
it mandatory far work1ng ado~-~e~~nding far vocational schools, as far so
for a few hours a we~f' La~ /r!s to privatize this part of adolescent edumuch else, the state a ':"e . 1
fforts on ouths who had no access to
cation, while concentrat1n~ its ~wn .e.
. n~nd steel and metalworking
n2 M .or f1rms tn m1n1ng, ira
'
h l
factory seh ool.s. J chools ar esta bl"ts hed new ones and by t e. ate
uJ
expanded t heir ex1st1ng s
h l
re located in these industnes.
1920s four-fifths of ali factory se oos we t staffed these schools, which.
than state c1v1 servan s,
.
Of
. l d'
Firmemployees,rather
ti"on to the firm's product1on.
d
with
1
1tt
e
1srup
.
h
Id
students cou atten
d t the spec1fic tec n1ca
h
riculum was geare o
f th f m 114 At Vestag' s August
equal importance, t e cur. . .
needs-and political pr~chv1t1es-~
e u1;hs,were taught sorne physics
..
here Dinta was active, yo
.
,
Thyssen H utte, w
.d
h t upplement their practica tra1n. .
.
d
e
apphe
mat
o
s
d
and chem1stry an som
k . The first courses focuse on
. h
t
they also too c1v1cs.
ing. Far e1g t semes ers.
he duties of apprentices to teachers and par
the Beru.f of m.etalwork1ngfi t Thereafter students were instru_cted about
ents, and the h1story of the. m~.
d legal questions of daily hfe, such as
the government, the constltut~on, ~~final semesters, they were taught in
family Jaw and contracts. Dunng _t
d
unications and "the devel"
dustrial organization, transportat1on an e~~~
opment of the soda! questio~17 Ge)r;:~~ V:.orkshop and education (ErziehTechnical tra1n1ng (Aus 1 ung
d b program of sports and rec
hool were augmente y a
. h '
ung) in t e iactory se
d.
n t these programs were .. t he mos t
. (J
dpfl ege).116 Accor
mg to m a,
h
reat1on u.gen
.
d develo ing the personal values t at s um
importantmeansofawaken1ngan
Id. p
e health and manual dexter
.
"117 They wou
1mprov
d
ber in the apprent1ce.
. f
the rigors of rationalized work, an
ity, provide needed relaxat1on rom
n
'
~1
'
196
Mode-rnizi11g Germany
c~t1on w1th_ the particular ~u.lture of a craft. Apprentices wer~ offered spe.
c1al recreat1onal opportun1t1es that isolated them from. other proleta
youths and filled al! available free time. Swimming and gymnastics h'kr~an
1 mg
an d ho bb'tes were all carefully supervised by Dinta engineers. Vest
5
Dortmunder Union claimed to have a 40member gymnastics group ~g
~occer teams, and 50-70 swimmers. In addition there was a library co~ta:~ 1ng 84? boo_ks and ~ chess ~lub. 119 ln Merseberg and in Austria apprentices
eve? l1v~d. 10 spec1al hous1ng, but that was an exception.120 At che end of
the1r t~1n1ng, Din ta apprentices were given an unheard of luxury-a week,
lo~g tnp to the German Museum in Munich, for example, ora sail on the
sh_1p Glc~auf, which Cardinal Schulte from Cologne had donated to
121
Dmta. Indeed, Dinta tried to make good on its daim to shape the total
person.
,fo the late 1920s, Din ta developed very short training courses for the
sem1sk1lled, in which instructors analyzed their jobs, taught Taylorist im
provem~nts, a~d stressed a~cident prevention. 122 The goal was to improve
wo:ker~ conf1dence, comm1tment, and productivity rather than transform
the1~ skdls, .psy~hes, or politics. lt is impossible to determine just how ex,
te~~1vely D1nta ~mplemented such programs. 123 Certainly Arnhold, wth his
eht1sm and pa~s1on fo~ the ~ilitary, was more interested in educating what
?e sav: ~s the 1ndustr1al officer corp of engineers and skiJled workers than
In tra1n1ng the factory rank and file.
Company Newspapers and Social Programa
Dint.a al~o attempted to reach adults, family members, and the unskilled,
bu.t 1: d1d so outside the factory proper. Company newspapers were the
prmc1pa_l means. In 1926 Dinta published roughly fifty newspapers with a
circulat10n of 400,000; by 1934 the number of papers had doubled and
reached over 1 milJion employees. The largest, with circulations ranging
from 14,000 to 23,000, were published for Gutehoffnungshtte, Hoesch,
Dortmunder Umon, and the Hamborn and Bochum divisions of Vestag.1>1
Throughout thelate 1920s Vestag was spending nearly 400,000 marks ayear
on the co~pany papers of thtrteen member firms. 12s Sorne company news,
papers exISted before Dinta; Krupp, for example, published a company
1?g~z1ne in the Imperial era, while Siemens and Bosch began monthly pub,
licat1ons after 1918. But the 1920s saw a massive proliferation of such news
organs ~nd a transformation of their character, for which Dnta was Jargely
respons1 ble. 126
197
the mouthpiece of the factory leadership and the mirror image of the
1t!S
128 A ccor d.1ng to anot her, "'I t
ees " argued one Din ta pu bl'1cat1on.
emploY '
.
f
.
1 8 the firm constantly in the center of the consc1ousness o each of 1ts
. ~~~~ers .... It is suited to warm the naked, indifferent wage relation
,i ship."129 These papers also co.vered.c?mpany sports, ~arden clubs, and
>_ . bilees as well as company social pohctes for women, children, and adoles
.. ~. ~~nt girls, thereby expanding th~ definition of the fact~ry communit~ to
' ' lude workers' families. n Thetr message about the pr1macy of the fum,
l'1sm was a1me
d
:; me
the centrality of work, and the self-evident trut h o f cap1ta
'' t 0 nly at male employees, but also their wives-whom Arnhold believed
no
eh'ld
fluenced their husband' s attitudes so strongly-and even t h e1r
1 ren. m
in The Dinta company newspapers were a joint production of the indi,
-- 'dual firms and the Dinta newspaper company, MiJl and Mine. They
;~nded to ha ve such pedestrian names as the Mine Paper, ~he Mil.l Paper,
or simply theCompany Paper, but the contents were more 1nnovat1ve t.han
the names suggest. n2 Appearing twice a month, the papers ran from eigh.t
to twenty pages in length and were distributed free_ to empl.oyees. A typ_1
cal issue contained one or two pages of nat1onal and 1nternat1onal econom1c
(but not political) news, usually provided by Dinta, anda large cover photo
of a new plant, product, or technological innovation tha~ belonged to .the
firm in question. The inside pages, which were largel~ furn1shed b~ the ICm,
focused on technology, production processes, and acc1dent prevent1on. They
contained numerous articles on apprenticeship workshops and welfare poli,
cies and were lavishly illustrated with firstrate industrial photography as
well as portraits of longterm employees and snapshots of company re~re,
ation programs. They might also contain fiction, .travel news, or sugg~~t1ons
far Ieisure activities.133 The final pages had adv1ce columns, such as From
the Realm ofWomen"' and "'Garden Tips." Initially Dinta allowed no ads,
but as expenses mounted a page or two appeared to help cover costs. Like
those in the socialist press, they were for such items as clothes, watches,
bicycles and motor bikes, sewing machines, and furniture. 134 By contrast
with many other company papers, Dinta publications seemed lively, var,
ied, and modern. The Krupp Mitteilungen, for example, was a small news
letter, filled with official announcements and detailed technical news and
only carried photos about safety. The Borsig paper focused on the firm at
the expense of sports, women' s news, and fiction. C?nly the S1emens ~it 1
teilungen was as diverse in content and as modern 1n layout as the D1nta
papers. 135
.
Din ta papers, like Dinta education programs, stressed what potent1ally
united labor and capital. According to Arnhold, workers and managers
agreed on 90 percent of all iss~es; the few ~ivisive .q~e~tions-which
included wages, hours, trade un1ons, and nat1onal pohtics.- were to. be
assiduously avoided.136 Workers were toread the papers for technolog1cal
news, ad vice, or company gossip without encountering offensive political
attacks, except perhaps on the first page, which published proemployer
social and economic analyses. Sorne company newspaper ed1tors found these
1
198
Moder11izing Germany
.
.
of the workers it hoped to crea te, and efforts
ideologyofDmta ar the imarh lf-hearted. Many workers were willing to
to encourage tt were at mas rs abut few wrote for them. I42
read the c?mlpany ~ew~~a~~i~ta was active involved company social poli
The fina area In w IC
k
well as far those who fell victim to
h
fmenwor ersas
d'd
cies far t e re at.1vesl? d
k Dinta like Weimar industy in general, I
the rigors of rat1ona ize .worf~r it w;s both unpopular with workers and
not favor company hous1ng,
l'kewise considered outmoded and expen
1 t4l Co pany stores were l
h
'
h
cost y. . m lk d thusiastically about the need for works ops wr t. e
sive;. H4
ta e
ould em loy older and injured workers In men1al
aged and mfirm, wh1c w
p osed to be self-supporting and would
but productive work. T~ey ':Jere sude':ice and demorafation. Although the
ining campany did establish a work,
ostensibly save worker~ ~om k~pr
Schalker Works of the e sen irc en m
ded of the economic and politihop for the aged no other irm was persua
D~n~
's
Sorne Din ta papers solicited articles, letters and suggestions from work
ers, sometimes even offering to pay. 141 The free trade unions repeatedly
admonished their members not to send in contributions, but their concern
seems to ha ve been unwarranted. Audience participation did not suit the
199
'''
.e~
145
a~iances.
,;
i'
200
Modernizing Germany
:O
J'o
1
1
201
~1
f. ::
f.'!
202
Mode-rnizing Germany
!;
.
'
I!
Wor~er
203
Social Democrats were most critica} and fearfuJ of factory schools and
youth recreation activities, even though they admitted that these Dinta programs were "damned clever. " 162 The programs provided a technicaJ and
theoretical education that was narrowly tied to the needs of the firm, gave
employers a disproportionate political influence on young workers. and iS<Y
lated these workers from socialist youth activities and older workers. And,
adding insult to injury, Dinta apprentices were not even paid far the one
day each week they attended the factory schocJ. 16'
~~~conomic
t.
.
haft] must be transformed 1nto a
Our community of struggle [KampJf1gemOe1nsc d standingoftheemotionaland
.
fl ., '-b g mi:inscha e] urun er
communityo 11e(u:: ens e
. h h
ustgrow Workers' organiza
d f
ght up wit mac 1nes m
far joy.17S
PJ
.
Natianal
a bout D.Int as 1mpact on workers, hawever,
'
n
: ,
204
Modenlizing Germany
20S
of company
nel~spape~s: rt kers threw out the first issues
. dof the com
A h ld's ear 1est acttv1sm, wor
rn oPaper in
. d"JSgus t A f,ew years la ter ' however, they ptcke
upa copy
h
d
pany
.
f
and ut it in their pocket w1t out a secan
upo.n
may
have been exceptionaL Jf the reports of
thoug t.
n
r
t be believed workers actu
the Gutehoffoungshtte compa_nri::~::~: c~ntained th." youth supple
ally asked far the ~ape',,e~r~a me was not alone in worrying that the
ment.190 The Du1s urg
~s
ealin to the unorganized and Iess
hlea,~:1 t;~~~I~::
n~t
o ;m
~~~~~~:~;f
i~J:f~::1:~:is~:~~:i~~~~~~yi~dt::~~:f~:~
~::
~
t~~
0
1
reg~~ ~he
ce_rt~in
w1t
world of the mind with the development of a
1rm
naltdure
. "191 The DMV paper struck
alarmist note, cla1m1ng that
so
1 arity.
. a more
"192
d 'political po1Son.
:f
iiTT7
f':/';'?
1'' " ' 1'
1 .. 1
1'
'
'
207
~,
10
f.
shared a commitment to
d
hwor carne rom d1verse groups who
There were of course We:~r ~n tec n?logy and productivis~ ideoJogies.
Bauhaus and the Neue B
ermany s famous modern arch1tects of the
Wagner, who regardeds fu~~~~:ovement, such_as Bruno Taut and Martin
forming working-class housin a~~~;:~rn a7h1teau:e as the hy to trans1n this campaign were indust ~ 1
Soc~ves ed w1th1n It.1 The1r partners
I~I Democrats, and bourgeois femi,
nists. All accepted aid fro ~~a ists,
socioJogists and vocat1'onalmd e s~me soc1hal workers, engineers, industrial
ersa nd coord.inated th.
through the' Home Econ e . ucat1onteac
G
e1r efforts
whether or not modern p~~lcsh roup of the RKW.' Each believed that
wife could be Taylorized th Je o~smg was bmlt, the workingclass house
vision of a "new person" h e proldetbari.~n home rationalized. Each shared a
e modero cJea n, rat1ona
l, d1sc1phned,
as wel1as family orientedw. .,3owou
206
f;
1
1
'
1
1
_I
208
209
Modernizing Germany
~. _
b h d
aign to reform housework met with a positive
, . _ d commerce e in a camp
pre-World War I Socialist women 's movement, for all its c;iti9ue ~bour ---,!
an
geois feminism, also emphasized women' s duties as wives a_nd mothers, albeit . ~~
work did not arise from changes in the household or the practices of the
housewife. In the 1920s, as in earlier decades, housework was physically--
. arduous and time consuming, appliances were few, and, among the working
class, overcrowding was common. 6 What was new in the 1920s was the tone
and substance of the campaign to reform housework, its highJy organized
character, and the breadth of support for it among industrialists and engineers, conservative housewives' organizations and Social Democratic trade
unions, government officials, and educators.
.
The first intimations of the new cancero about and conceptualization
.of housework carne in the wake of World War I. As severa! authors noted,
the war had graphically illustrated the importance of housework, not only
to the individual household, but also to the economy. In 1921, for example,
Heinz Potthof, an ardent proponent of rationalization, wrote a brochure
entitled 'The lmportance of the Household in the }l(ational Economy, and this
theme featured prominently in every subsequent publication.7 The infatuation with America also emerged early in the decade. In 1921 Irene Witte,
a champion ofTaylorism, translated Christine Frederick' s 'The }l(ew House
keeping, changing the German title toDierationelle Haushaltfahrnng. Fred
erick, a prominent personality in the pre-World War 1 home economics
movement in the United States, systematically applied Taylor' s principies
of scientific management to thehome. 8 As Witte argued in her subsequent
book, Home: and Te:chnology in Ame:rica, the United States was far more
advanced in household rationalization, both because industry had produced
more household equipment and beca use Americans adjusted to new cir:cumstances and ideas more readily and broke with tradition more easily. 9
In 1922 Erna Meyer added yet another new element to the emerging
discourse on household rationalization. In an article on "The Rationalization of Consumption in the Household," published in the VDJ' s 'Technik
und Wirtschaft, Meyer insisted that "the household, exactly like the work
shop and the factory, must be understood as a manufacturing enterprise
(Betrieb]". Every aspect of household production, consumption, technoJogy
and sociability needed to be systematically rethought and reformed-1
These early advocates of household rationalization spoke a more opti,
mistic, a more American language than their successors were to. Household
rationaJization, they argued, would not only save resources, time, money
and energy; it would also promete a new kind of consumption of household
utensi]s and appJiances and would, by minimizing household drudgery, free
the housewife to develop her personality. Man y of these claims were to be
moderated substantially la ter in the 1920s, but the pleas ofMeyer and others
for an organization that would unite housewives and engineers, industry
response.
th H meEconomicsGroupoftheRKW, which
That ~rgani~tio~
a s:iatt advisory group of represen ta ti ves of the
s establtshed In 19 6. , oc tions 11 Ayear later both its scope and
' wa
Housework was singled out,
rural and ur ban h ous_ew1ves
. . ass
1 ia ded
memb~rship were s1gn1_fic:~~r9el:~~~ of RKW N_achrichten, beca use the
aceord1ng to ~n arttc~e in
ce of the household for the national economy.
,U::W recogn1zed the 1mpo~tan ht t that recogniuon by the active lobby' Jn reality, the RKW was ~ug th o f the Central Off1ce of the House
,_, ing of Charlotte Muhsam er Mer, .El- beth Lders a German Demo
A ssoc1a
. t.10n and by Dr ane
isa
d
12
. wives
d r
r social worker ande ucator.
'
. p
berofparltamentan ararme
. h
k
crat1c arty mem
.
f idespread interest in ousewor
Moreover, the mid,1920s was; ttmeho Ew Meyer's detailed manual for
. - d ted by the iact t at rna
d
" reform, as IS In tea
. 1
titled 'The N_ew Househol went
. rationalizmg housework, appropnatebly ent1on in early 1926 and mid-1927.1'
'
. t"ngs between its pu ica
h
'. through 23 pnn
I
.
rke the RKW generally, wasas mue a coor
- The Home Econom1cs Group, 11 d ctive in rationaliz1ng housework as
dinator of the ~ork of groups a rea yda cational endeavors.
an initiator of its own research and e u t d to create the kind of broadThe Home Economics Group attemp ~ household rationalization had
based alliance for which early advocaf thesHo
&onomics Group had one
t" e commtttee o t e orne
argued. Th e execu IV
.
tr trade the artisan sector the consumer
representative each from 1nts.
~ratic trade union movement, and
cooperative movement, the f ~ta emH u ewives' Associations (RDH).
the National Assoc1ation o erman fi o t s ne and twenty,five, respecAlthough men outnumbered ~ornen ( or th: female bastion in the other
tivelyJ . the Home Econ~m1cs le ~;{'ww~nd the affiliations of the wo~en
wtse virtually exclusive y maf
. t"
concerned with rationaliz1ng
.
t the range 0 organiza 1ons
mem b ers sugges
. RDH had five members, the rural housew1ves
fh
mies schools two. The trade
housework. The conservat1ve
. .
r
d the league 0 orne econo
'
dp
assoc1at1on, iour, an
1 hree men), while the Catholic an rot'
unions sent f1ve women (as wel ads t
tative each The overwhelm'
. .
estant women s organ1
f
. d stry commerce or cap1ta 1tst
ing majority of male members carne rom tn u
'
'
w::
as Social Demacra tic ones. The state, through such educacional -institutions as adolescent continuing education courses, as weH as various chatity orga
nizations, sought to improve the quality of working-class homemaking by
offermg cooking, sewmg, and child care classes.5 The new attent1on to house-
ro
Jt
j
1
1
1
1
!
1
'
d esearch inst1tut1ons in
d
dustry, un1vers1t1es, an r
.h
the archive which collecte
Economics Group's first accomphs men~ was. tionofho~sework. By 1931
domestic and foreign literature oochnthe rat1onaltza per articles and books. It
it had amassed over 44,000 ~r
ure.s, ne! wchspa l teachers ;nd members of
t
primanly vocat1ona s oo
16
received 672 v1s1 ors,
dI
2 OCO pieces of literature.
housewives organizations, an ent out over '
210
:' 1
!
Modernizing Germany
Housewor~
Made Easy
211
to e
ff t forms of knives an 1or s, coo 1ng utens1 s,
ex:plained the most e ic~enh
med to educate women and girls about
b
l
t and water pite ers, a1
coffee
po
s,
f
h
.
d
househoid
and encourage them to uy on Y
d t 1 0 t e rat1ona 1ze
the e a1. s d f
. al household essentials. Such purchases were not seen
standard1ze ' uoctton , . . 1 nd qualitatively new kind of mass con,
as the advent of a quant1tladtt~e y a hoped promete standardization and
umption, but they wou ' lt was
'
s
''''dtry"
rationaltzat1on tn in ush H.
Ec omics Group went on to produce pam,
B the late 1920s t e orne on
dd
tgoaanc:::~:u:~~:~~~;;~asy,'::~
;:,f,
'}: ?r.---~!."
-,__,
ted on a compara
~ :h
!~a~~~~:~d:~~e,~;~r0
e~~io~ ~~:~:n~~=.~;~;s: ~~~~%::~~~i~~:~
;~e pn~te
sand copies
t ;;,ie 1;30s.,. Beca use these materials were so widely
tobep'.mte t rnug. ou rtant to examine more closely the vision of the
d1ssem1nated, lt ts impo d
.
1. d h usewife theycontained, a v1s1on
rationalized hou'.ehold an ' rabtion"ize 'T~ )l!ew Household, and in Witte' s
that was echoed in Meyer s estse er, e
Home and Technology in America.
The New Woman in the New Home
~~ec~~~~~;~~~s:!:ii~=
~~~l:~~~:~~i~;~~~hho~
~h~~a~;~a~s:e peafra;t~e~:p~!:~'
.
Id'
soft e orneas
5 0
0
~;/
..
212
Moder11izing Germany
Housewor~
lf one looks at the work of the individual housewife in her home,' if one sees with
what lave she carries out the individual tasks and how during her work she
occasionally pauses far a minute to gaze out the window or Jook at ~erseJf in the
mfrror, the thought of applying a systematicanalysis of work seems alm9st laugh-
able, ...
:(
as
con~
sider housework notas an individual activity but a social function .... we get
a very different picture. Then we see that an hour of previously wasted energy
saved in every household amounts to man y days arid years. The meaning of waste
Made Easy
2D
.
h German delegates discussed the home in the
women and the household~ t e
om and scientific management. This
abstract categories of nattonafl econ ! ff1c1'ency as the highest goal and
. .
d
ent o econom1c e
.
unquest1on1ng en orsem h b t eans gave the German d1scourse on
f'
nagement as t e es m
f
f'd
scientl te ma
. .
k ble consistency and sel .-con I ence:, even
household rationahzat1on a remar~
tere and almost dehumanized.
though it strikes later readers as a sdtract, a usa! o the way work and home
.
1
represente a revers
G
Th1s new angua~e
. l . 11 In late nineteenth-century erhad previously been _ltnked i~eo1og1canc~ to endorse women' s waged work
roan y, there was a w1despre.a 1re ~t~tabetween women s paid work-espe
'd h h
and the stm1 ari 1es
d
. d
d fi d processing-an women s
outsf et e orne,
cially in textiles, the garme~t I~ ustrh an ~re emphasized. Homework,
unpaid traditional ta~ks w1thml ~e ~~e :d offered employment {espe
which was prevalent In Impena ermd Y.d l 1'n ths discourse.35 In the
d
n) represente an t ea
.
atibility of Geist and rationalNo one articulated the.perce1ved cok'mph
rk "soulless, mechani
1
h W'tt
Far from ma mg ousewo
Id
ization better t en
e. .
. ,. ti'onalization she insisted, wou
d.
1 and unmterestmg, ra
'
h
k
cal, one- 1mens1ona '
.
hou ework "In arder to analyze er wor
add new depth and meanmg to
s
't . he [the housewife] must pene
in the app~opri~te way a~~ec~~s~~~~u~:observe the people with whom
trate deep tnto its essence
esle .
loy the materia Is, tools, and per.
ta t She must earn to emp
. b] "l9
she comes 1n con1 e
ff' .
'n her enterprise [Betne
th most e 1c1ent way
. .
haps even peop e in.. e
. li tion but the soulless matena 1ism
The antithesis of sp1r1t was not ratd1onha zat' nal1.zed American home, fam
b 1. d h d permeate t e ra to
that many
e ieve a
h
r 1ke the Dinta engineer, was supd
t 1 e "'The ousewi.e, 1
. .
h
ily,an
soc1etya
a~g.
f.
d
t.
posed to adopt the tdeology o in us na 1efficiency while elim1nat1ng te
lf''9
w. :,1:
(
1 ..
'1
'
'
.1
214
Hou.u:wor~
Moden1izi11g Germany
g
. The ideas of duty and servic~ accomplished the same end._ Household
rat1onahzation was not advocated 1n arder to promete consumption I
'bl
.~~
or.a~y ostensJ Y selfis? ver~ion of women' s emancipation. Rat.her, indus:
tr1ahsts
. wanted the rattonahzed home to serve the intereses of Germa n eco-
nomic r'.'ove~r_and devdopment; Social Democrats hoped it wou!d further
women s pohtical act1v1sm and social reform and bourgeois fe
. .
d h .
'
mrn1Sts
ant~ctpate t at 1t would free women to participate in highercultural and
na.t1onal tasks. Common to al! was a conviction that the Taylorized house~
w1fe would be a ble not ~nly to serve her own family better but also to fulfil!
~ew econo~1c and poht1cal duties effectively. As Meyer succinctly stated,
. Unburden1ng women ... meaos winning time and energy f9r the more
1mpo~tant and more difficult wor~ on ourselves and for others. Work thus
rema1ns our battlecry. "42
. Although the Home Ec_ono'."_ics Group' s studies of floor mopping con-
tatn~d much superfluous sc1ent1f1c Jargon and relatively little useful infor
mat1on, the same cannot be said of the bulk of RKW publications on ratio-
nahzed housework. The ad vice offered was simple, practical, and inexpensive
Made Ea5y
21'
-.
The tone of HousewDY~ Made Easy and other books and pamphlets was
~:-. I ys encouraging and egalitarian rather than authoritarian. Readers were
awa
'dby compar1ng
1t to
t: addressed as "Meine Damen, '' housework was pra1se
beavy male labor, and housewives were informed. that th~y, too, could and
t d rved to save energy justas factory workers dtd. Adv1ce was presented
f1 . ~~e form of suggestions, not orders. Indeed, authors repeatedly assured
'.,:_: ;:tener~ and readers that recommendations di~ n~t.amount to a "ri?id and
unalterable recipe for housework." Rather, 11;~1v1duals should p1ck and
choose what seemed most useful or affordable.
.
The rationalized housewife thus was one who Taylonzed her work routines. The centerofher home life was the kitchen, which, ideally, wassmall,
functional, isolated from the rest of the apartmen~. and ~s.e~ by the hous~-
wife alone, rather than being the locus of ali fam1ly act1v1t1es as the trad1tional large working-class ''living kitchen" had been. There she was. to move
with efficiency and economy, perform tasks sitting wh.enever poss1ble, and
use simple, functional utensils. If she mastered the s1mpler forms of selfrationalization, she might devise a time schedule far her day. and week,
>
-.' ~.
organize her daily shopping in to one or two heffi~ient weekldy tnpths, or keep
1
accurate household accounts. Much less emp as1s was pace
on ese. more
:J-:1:; comprehensive activities than on the organized and e:ficient executionkof
,,;~:_ individual tasks. The rationalized proletarian housewi e was more a wor er
- ~:.;- '
than a manager.
.
.,.'-'. '"
According to both household rationalizers and modern arch1~ects, the
. '. .. ,,
methodical Jife of the rationalized housewife ideally was to be led m a m_od
ern, uncluttered, welllit and carefully arranged home. Th1s was 1mposS1ble
> _--- far the vast majority of working-class women, however, as the funct1onal
apartments in the new state housing projects built during W~imar were too
expensive for any but white-collar workers and a small po~t1on of the best
paid skilled workers.'17 Most workin~-clas~ wome~ were adv1sed to re~rrange
'j .'
existing quarters. Furniture, espec1ally 10 the k1tch:n, was t~ be s1tua.ted
1
so as to elimina te supertluous motions, andas much hghtand arras poss1ble
_j
were to be let in. Above all, knickknacks,excessive furniture, and nonfuncI
tional decorations which merely collected dust and were ugly, were to be
48
ruthlessly purged: Only a few tasteful pictures were permitted. _
__
.J-:
216
Modernizi71g Germa71)'
:,
.' i
.1
']
i
Housewor~
for what it excluded as for what it emphasized, for wha.t it ~acitly assurned .
as for what it consciously chalJenged. Few authors hnked the need for
rationalization to the growth of women' s paid work or specifically addressec1
the double burden.49 More broadly, no one questioned the existing sexual
division of labor, which assigned aH housework to women. (Women Viere
also assumed to be responsible for childrearirig, although surpr~singly little ;,(
attention was paid to that subject.) To be sure, Meyer mentioned that ln -,'
"faraway" and "much praised" America, men were rumored to do heavyc.,.L
household tasks and even prepare breakfast and get children ready for school,
For Germany, however, Meyer suggested briefly and in the mosttentative
terms that al! family members should be encouraged to help at home. Even
that suggestion was missing from most other works. 50
Nor did anyone argue that certain household tasks be socialized or communalized. Each household was to be rationalized, but, unlike.in industry,
where jobs were specialized, each housewife would perform ali tasks.SI
Neither architects, nor Social Democrats, nor feminists talked of the "onekitchen" apartment house or debated the kinds of collective facilities and
social services that the Austrian Socialists built in Vienna. 52 MarieJuchacz,
a leader in the SPD, was among the few who saw the rationalization of the
individual household as a step toward socialization in the private sphere;
but this remained a subordinate and iJl-defined theme in a discourse that
stressed the short-term transformation of the individual housewife. 53 Charlotte MhsamWerther may have spoken for many when she told the Inter
national Congress of Scientific Management that the German rationalization movement rejected any forro of coHectivization beca use "it contradicts
the true meaning of the family household. ""Women and gender illuminate
the traditionalism of the modernist vision.
Consumption and household technology played a distinctly subordi
nate role in the German vision of rationalization. Sorne historians of the
American home economics movement ha ve argued that it consciqusly promoted new kinds of consumption to benefit industry, Buying replaced frugality as the virtue taught in home economics courses.55 A comparable
argument cannot be made for Germany. To be sure, companies such as
Siemens, the giant electotechnical concern, produced vacuum cleaners and
other appliances, buc'a Siemens Mitteilungen story/ad, "How the BuschmUers Gota Vacuum," clearly indica tes the audience for whom such consumer durables were intended: a comfortable white-collar family is depicted
choosing between the relative costs of a cleaning woman anda vacuum. 56
In so far as working-class consumption was discussed, it in volved household essentials. Women should purchase standardized pots, pans, silverware,
and pitchers. lndeed, they were "called" (berufen) to promote standardiza
tion and rationalization in both production and their homes by such purchases.57 No one was expJicitly urged to throw out aU existing utensils and
begin anew, but the advantages of rationalized goods were continually
stressed. In the judgment of the MetallarbeiterZeitung, even this modest
leve! of consumption was unrealistic:
'
_ _j_,_
Made Easy
217
av~dable
t~at
h h
er durables were desirable in
Opinions vari~d abo.~~:o~~l ~oc:s:~~ Management" in theGewer~
principle. In an art1cle.on
Elfnede Behne praised the new household
schaftliche Frauenzeh1tunhgd,
th wonders of American household tech
h
od
h. 59Witte w o a seen e
mac ines.
' . . ed that the efficient American home was t e pr ,
ha~d, 1ns1stk
,~ nologyat
f .. 6rst priate
wor proced ures " and not "expensive labor-saving
d
~ uct o appro
hl
h
lavish descriptions of m1x-masters an
~ applianches." Nonet e e~s, s e;sg::~ washing machines, and staunchly dedishwas ers, vacuum e ean.
f
hasing such items on credit.M The
fended the _A~erican pract~c~~d ~~tr~ven give a passing nod to expensive
RKW pubhcat1ons, howeve d. t the Handboo~ of Rationalization:
household technology. Accor ing o
.
h h
hold rationalization is identical with
One often encount_ers .the v1ew t at :~~e rationalization is only possible with
household mechanu,at1on, that hou~e. o {; ' 1
A Lousehold that is tech
L
l' es Th1s1sa ate1u error. 11
.
the help of tecun1ca app ianc
worthless if the spirit {Geist] that
nically equipped in the most comp1et~ ~y is
.
e households would be
rules it fails. Jn addition, t~e gre:it maJor~y ~~~:~~se: expensive for them.61
excluded from rationalizat1on, s1nce mee an1
.
. . d th t the housewife could only
The MetallarbeiterZeitung ms1Ste da h val" and that this might
rationalize "with~ut ex~en~I~~:~~;:~~= m~~e ~virtue out of the neces
sorriehoy-r ."~ear etter r~tt. and household technology. If women reformed
d h . h uses ofknickknacks and nonfunc
sityofhm1t1ng consumptto~
uote her most memo
their work methods and strtppe t etr. o
tional furniture, machines woluld havelll1t~le t~ ~~fl~~Js in the home which
rabie claim, "The vacuum e eaner w1 e s ? "63
does not allow dust the possibility of collecting.
The Ambiguities of Household Rationalization
. ]' d h
'fe and the reformed
Howev~r bleak these imageshof t~e radt1on~d:pre~~::wp1port
among di verse
d Soc' 1
~~~~~t~~1:e::~~!:a~~~~~~:1~::~1~:~:!~i~~~i~::E~~~~:~~=tt
to instrumentalize the moveme~t for itsdarrert P. 1 oods household ratioFor such industries as furn1ture an e ec rica g
'ddle classes
nalization promis~d to incr~asefzem;nd, ::~~;; ~:~~~gt t~emr~putedly ex:
Por all sectors of industry tt o er~ a m . f the workin class and thus,
travagant and irresponsible spend1ng ~ab1t~ ~
ta e ~f working-class
presumably, limiting wage demands. A h1g perc~I~ "~omplained Alfred
women can neither buy correctly nor manage rationa '
J
218
1
.
'
.
!
Modernizing Germany
HousewoT~
~ 00
219
Industrial sociologists, factory social workers, and Dinta afficials ali agreed
> .that nursery schools performed the important function of freeing the har,
e can
Erich Lilienthal, writing on "The Rationalization of Private Lif. ..
Der Arbeitgeber, published by the VDA echoed these sentiments "If e 1
about rationalizing the economy can be, taken from Amer1ca "h.. mued
"h"
1
, eargue
t ~sis certa1n Y not the ~se with respect to priva te life." Germans had t~
avo1d the extravagant le1sure activities of the Americans epitomized b
Luna Park, the Coney lsland amusement park. Germans co~ld not aspire ty
th.e fancie.r cooking and kitchen technology that American housewive~
widely ~~oyed. Rather, German working-class women needed to be educated in the reasonable use and preparation of such food as can be purchased
by wages that are pegged to productivity." Similarly, the purchase of clothl~l and ho~sehol_d goods should be directly tied to the leve! of industrial
e tcie~cy. Ali s1des must engage in detailed educational work whose suc
cess wil_I be decisive for Germany's economic development."65
. T?1s stre~s on edu~tion was not idle rhetoric. During the 1920s such
::~ 1ndust~1al enterprises as Thyssen, Krupp, Gutehoffnungshtte and
estabhshed an impressive array of home economics courses Kr~pp
far e.amhl~ offered two year-long programs far adolescent girls ~ha had
JUst inis e . schooJ, two 8-12 week courses for adult women, and five 2-3
month even1ng courses for working women. These were supplernented b
a re~ular lecture series for wives and daughters of employees covering sucb
top1cs as "proper nutrition" and "Sundays and holidays with the farnil "6S
In Oberhausen, Gutehoffnungshtte established a home economics sc{~I
wh1ch approximately 30 students attended foil time far half ayear. Ther~
were al~o two ~o-ca~Jed needlework schools, where married women and
s~h00Jg1r_ls rece1ved 1nstruction in sewing, cooking and cleaning on a parttime basis. The T_hyssen works had a similar course plus an ambitious
12-month program in home economics andan 18-month caurse an child care
1
togeth~r 150-160 girls attended. 67 Sorne of these courses were offered unde;
t~e au;;icesdof Dmta; others . directly by the firm. Regardless of sponsors lp, t e un erly1ng assumpt1ons were similar. Whereas men 's education
programs empbasized the mastery of technology, women's education
a~su;.'ed that technology had not entered the home and would not do so in
t e_ orese_eable future. The ideal was to ha ve working-class wornen ratianah1z: their housework without increased consumption electrification or
app iances.
'
'
But diminishing labor costs was not the only goal. Karl Arnhold, who
designed a variety of educational pragrams for the wives and daughters of
workers in majar Ruhr firms, stressed joy in work as well as productivity. HiS
aim was tocreatea new typeof workerand not merely to squeeze moreoutof
the old one. Arnhold believed that improved housekeeping was a way tocreate "healthy and happy families" that are "the source from which new, healthy
and strong forces continually stream into our industria~ enterprises. "7 5 For
Arnhold, as far others, healthy and strong were code words for antisocialist
and nationalist. The industrial sociologist Rudolf Schwenger described
the emphasis Ruhr firms placed on housework education as "preventative
work .... &onomic distress, illness, demoralization, despair, and radicalism
will be fought against at their source, principally in the family. "76
Housework education, like apprenticeShip training, was to be both practica! and moral. Girls and women were to Iearn how to run the home effi,
_--~ .But she
h. ~rms also ran kindergartens and provided health and maternity care
w te prov1ded education as well as concrete services. In 1927-1928 fo;
exa~Je, Gutehof~nungshtte r~n seven nursery schools ata cast of ne~rly
90,
marks, mak1ng them the single most expensive program far fami1ies.6S
Made Easy
!1
1
_,
220
Moder11izir1g Germany
ciently and keep their families healthy. These skills would be useful not only
in their own homes, but as a means of earning a living before ~arriage, ar if
necessary after. This was especially important in the Ruhr, where few fac.
tory jobs were available far women.77 According to Mis.s M. Grundels, girls
were to ?e taug?t that a home req~i~ed great nurturance and t~~t "strong
connect1ons exist between the dihgent performance of one s voation
[Beruf] and the growth of one' s moral personality. " 78 As stated in the
Gutehoffnungshtte Wer~szeitung, girls must be educated "so that they
eventually.establish an ordered home for their husband and children and
thereby create far stable workers a true German Heimat in their home
'
whose happiness will acconipany them to their workplace. "79
Probably the least significant function served by these programs to
rationalize housework was to provide concrete advice and material aid to
the workingclass housewife, although sorne women and families definitely
did receive benefits. A more important-purpose of the programs was to
enable the worker's support network to function and aid him in properJy
performing his paid job. In theory these education programs would enable
the working..class housewife to sol ve her problems on an individua! basis in
her own house just as the firm soJved its problems on an individual basis
within the factory.80
One suspects, however, that industry preached the gospel of household
rationalization primarily for ideo!ogicalreasons. lt was, after aJI, impossible
to measure .or control women' s unpaid domes tic labor or to assess the con ..
crete economic effects of self.-Taylorization on her own work or on industrial productivity. Benefits might well result, but they were not subject to
the new rationalized cost.-accounting measures of the 1920s. The political
value of the campaign to rationalize housework was clearer. lt taught the
significance of efficiency, the virtues of a minute division of labor, the
importance of saving time and materials. Company programs to rationalize
housework attempted to legitima te an austere, productivist vision of ratio..
nalization, emphasizing the individual's principal role as worker, whether
in the factory or at home. They fit nicely with industry' s vision of rational.ization, which stressed producers' goods and export markets, and rejected
the notion that Germany could afford mass consumption of the American
kind. Rather, the working class, whether occupied in the home or the fac..
tory, must be encouraged or forced to increase productivity, limit its wage
demands, and forego mass consumption in order to restare the German
econorny. No immediate rewards would be forthcomng far such sacrifices.
The rationalized factory worker would find understandingand support
from the rationalized housewife; they would speak the same language and
share the same values. Both would transform their work practices in a dis
tinctly modern but only partially Americanized way. His devotion to the
firm would be paralleled by her devotion to the family. Both would develop
a vocational ethos and experience joy in work, regardless of whether their
work was genuinely meaningful. Both would be sympathetic to the priw
ciples of economic and social rationa1ization and restructure their lives
221
'
.
.
k 'n the benefits of mass consumption and _mass
ccordingly, w1thout see ' hg
h would combine American techmques
a Itureascompensa t1'on In s ort ' eac .d h soullessness an d materia
. 11sm
cu_th a German Geist and thereby av_ol1 t_ ~ ociety in the United States.
w1
bl
ted home fam1 y, an s
1 d
fth
that ostensi y permea
'. 1ed cation teachers and ea ers o e
Women social workers, vocat1onda
ud household rationalization, foras
t ns eagerly en orse
k dd
ti,
. d b th to elevate housewor an
rama
housewives assoc1a I~
deology and p~actice it promtse 'fe oB s eaking the pervasive language of
callY alter the hfe of the _houshewl1 k. byet~een the home' s economy and the
by showmgt
e m
prod uceiv ity
.
rationa lizat1on,
.
d s t. n studies and urg1ng
nation' s, by conducting t1mea?
~~w status for housework and denied
andefficiency, thesewomenclatm ~ tivities They draped housework
f
other econom1c ac
k .
d
d
'ty hoping thereby toma e ita prO'
its separateness rom_
- ith the mande of sc1ence an 1:11 ern1 ' 81
w
f) d . e unpaid character.
ll b .
espite I s
1
tral to the economic we .. e1ng
fession {Beru
Rationalized housework was notl on y ceonthers and citizens. Irene Witte
women'sroesasm
d .
.
od ! he performed her ut1es as
ofGermany b utalso t o
housew1fe
as
a
m
e
s
d h
. .
. d and efficient manner an t us
held up the A mer1can
.,
h
nd wife m a rat1ona 1ze
k
d "
housew11e, mot er, a
lity interests and now e ge.
op
her
0 wn persona
l
d
e between rationa 1zatton an d
had time to eve
t sed the connec ion
M
Most commentators s re~
.
onsibilities. According to arga'
the fulfillment of women s muhlupledresp political rights but with them
men had ac ieve new
'
t do
rethe Ru dorff ' wo
' economic recovery; one way o
carne the "duty" to p~omo~e~erm~~~~ndardization in thehome.83' Marie..
so was to support rattonah~t1on ~ .
d olitics somewhat differently
Elisabeth Lders linked rat1onahza~on ';;' 'Techni~ und Wirtschaft and
in an eloquent article that appeare tn o
the Metallarbeiter-Zeimng:
::;o
t:
h
b bucket and dust cloth because they
Women should not be freed from t e s~rub d ns o the household in arder to
are lazy. They should be freed from t e 1url e and to enhance the ulfillment
. 't 1 d cultura va ues
develop intellectua , sp1Cl ua ..
We do not want to rush out o the h_ouse
o their duties as mothers and c1ttzens.
. R ther we think it is a m1suse
a
d
home
econom1cs.
a
b
out o aversion to t he house 0
'f
n within our four walls, scru '
e Cmily and state t we rema1
Id "
ofwomen's power ior a .
.
toad ride think "my home, my wor .
bing and polishing and w1th m1su?de~s wor<l But in arder to do that we must
Instead, we should s~e ou~ hfome inu~ ~ouse th~n we are today.
be much more emanc1pate romo
fJ
! . .';
;
!
!
222
Moden1izing GerTany
'; i
Housewor~
.
rat1ona1Jzed proletarian household confhcted with efor~ers v1sion of the
bourgeo1s femin1sts, social workers and d
wor ing..class reahties
mg..cl
.
'
e ucators promised to
'
223
ease Work.
.
prewar ousing 86 Co
.
sew1ng, e ean1ng, and child care a
.
. . urses in cooking,
hold rationalization were the '. p ckaged m the new ideoJogy of house.
'
mainstay of conti
d
.
cent girls, whereas the curriculum for
nu1ng e uca_t1on far adolesand preparation for paid work. 87 Labor~~;. stres;~ed technica.J knowledge
b
ices o ered techn1cal and general education for unemployed
that is, child ca re and housewormk e~ ut can c"ourses on "women s work "
'
o fG erman Housewives' Assoc. ,10rwomen
t"
. TheNa t'iona JAssociation
~rban lower-cJass housewives a~~ ~:~r~moted education far rufal and
ing far the women who would teaCh the:1~9 servants and advanced trainThe Women who taught th
Made Easy
'.
224
Modernizing Germany
Housewor~
the two children, who play quietly. Rationalization peihaps w'as seen"" "_;
the modern way to attain this old fashioned ideal of home and family.
;y
Household rationalization also was viewed positively. bei:ause Socia-!;!
Democrats thought it would help solve the long-standing problem of Iow
participation by women in the trade union movement and the party. Ac- ti
cording to theMetallarbeiterZeitung, the key.reason why women were not '
active in movement affairs was that they lacked free time. Day and night
the housewife cooked, sewed, cleaned, and cared for the children. Although
an eighthour day, such as men had, was inconceivable for women, rationalization could crea te a few free hours here and there that could bedevoted
to political work. This was essential, the paper stressed, because women
were "the educators of youth" and "the men of toda y need you, the Women
as comrades and co-fighters. "99 The need to rationalize housework so tha~
women could manage a job outside the home as well was mentioned only in
passing.
,~
~aments
Made Easy
225
.
. . n increased production, lower prices, and
this consumption-oriented vision of
. e ele of increased rat1onalizat1_0.
'\ i:creased
on the rationalization of house
tionahzation foun no ec o in
Id talk concretely about how a Gerro.
rea where one cou
. d h
- work. Here was an a
.
Id look far everyone adm1tte t at
~'roan version of mass consump~1on wou car culture like the United States;
f Germany could not hope .to a~~~~~e mass production and consumption
~ yettherewasnospeculat1on f hu ingandhouseholdgoodstobecome
,::.ofhousehold appliances, nod pTleahsSoc
or
vision of consumption
'
f deman
e
13
,., the key sources o
f usehold rationalization austere.
remained abstract that o ho
h Id appliances wasdue, in part, toa sober
tion According to one survey,
This refusal to promete ouse ho
recognit1on of the obstacles to suc fc~nsue~bad eiectricity; of those homes,
in Berlin in 1928 only_45 perc:n~~cen~~ad electric irons, but only 28 per44 percent only had hghts;o; p the new fully electrified housing projects,
h d to scimp on household furn1sh1ngs
cent had vacuum cleaners. l~
those who could afford rents o ~en a.
. e the role of the home in mass
and appliances.103 But the inab1hty ~~~~gin Social Democrats traveled to
~nthey studied automobiles, not
consumption had other root~ as we
America, they visited factor1es, not ornes, And their selective v1sion of
.
h
ke with men, not women.
h
Th
apphances; t ey spo .
d
d
f gender relations at orne.
e
as a whole but it was not
America reinforced the1r un erstanh ing o
d . h b
ortant to t e economy
.
d
m1g t e imp re olitically significant but in support1ng an
central, JUst as women we . p
d d but it was tacitly assumed that
subordina te roles. Consumpt1on was nee eT,h Social Democrats remained
d b h
ipal consumers.
e
h
et e prmc f the ublic and private spheres,_even as t ey
men woul
p t" that blurred those !mes.
trapped m the dual1Sm o
at whom this propaganda barabstractly argued far mass cons~mp ion
And what of the work~ng-chass women
ressive or liberating? lnfor. d7 D"d th y fmd t e message opp
.
e
.
d "ded responses. In a collect1on
rage was a1me 1
b t it suggests 1v1
.d
. I d M W: da My Wee~end, mame
mation is very scanty, u
h.
s ent1t e
Y or~ ,,
b
of autobiograp ica essay '
1
f eff1ciency experts to descr1 e
women textile workers used the an:;;age . and evening routines were
how they performed hou_s~work. "tho;~:~i~ion and discipline, so that the
work could be mastered. While
planned minutely and carr1e ~ut
double burden of waged wor an douse l harried and complained about
ded extraer 1nan Y
some of these women soun . 1 d
k t home as well as in the factory'
the oppressive nature of rat1ona ize 'dw~r : v1ng organized their time and
others seemed to take a certa1n pn e Ibnl ai1c and austere rationalizing
ff. tl 104 However pro em
r
h
d h
fe somewhat easier ror t e
efforts so ke 1c1en Y
"t
y have ma e orne '
"d h
housewor
1 ma
ec1all if she was employed outs1 e t e
working-class w1fe and mother ~sp
d ~he possib1lity of either consump
home. In a pe~iod w?en ~o one isc~s~~housework or childrearing, it would
ine other solut1ons.
tion or the soc1ahzat1on o any aspe~
ha ve been difficult far women to im~g
h
as under somewhat differThe nonemployed house:'ife an mofth eurswehold tasks. Adolescent girls
ent pressures to re1orm
r
her perrormance o o
consump~on. S~rpn:~;/Tt~rature
~emocratic
househo~
;1h
was~
r:
,,,,
'
226
Modernizing Germany
i,
'
were educated in the new theory and practices, while older women were
bombarded with lectures, pamphlets, and newspaper articles, no matter
which newspaper they read. Given the precariousness of proletarian Jife
many housewives probably read aH tips on saving time, money, a~d mate:
rials. 1 Those whose husbands worked in firms with company social and
welfare policies were offered more information aOd advice and subjected to
more active intervention and criticism, as were inhabitants of the new hous-ing projects. A 1920s study of workingclass families in Berlin found that
most housewives were diligent and orderly, although it is unclear if they
practiced the precepts of rationalized housework. 106
'
Epilogue
1 ..
d
growing anger about ~a 1s~ cap1 1.!i
1
nt from which unpre~edente
equated rationalizatio_n w1th the ~~ei~~~;.;1rferent Jine, industrialists and
numbers suffered. Adoptmg a p d b t ver;Americanizauon, forced on
iightwing engineers ~o~plaine_ ~it~~t ~emands. But neither the forrnerly
liusiness by labor' s ostens1bly exor . .
the Nacional Socialists who
.
t f rat1onahzat1on, nor
.
ta
enthusiastlc proponen.so udiated ali the assumpt1ons, expec
were to bene~i~ from t~s failu~eh r~~ rationalization movement of the 1920s.
'e Americanism, they sought to
tions and pohc1esassoc1ated w1t ~
.
t
'
.
h m for econom
Abandoning the1r ent_ :1~_1a~ - .- 1 . - nd combine its dtscrete par s
deolog1ca gu1ses a
- -- . . 1
cloak ratiorializa_t1~~_1n !le":'
iii. new way-s_.
. .
had its roots in the incomplete rec~very
. The DepresS1on m Germany
. h d tabilizing effects of rat10nal
6f the mid and late 1920s, as ~ell la_s 1n.t e_ e;eased productivity without
rat1ona 1zat1on tnc
d'd
d e
ization itsel_f. A s we saw, . b ---d Prices held steadyas l wa~es, u
expanding ma~k-~t~ a~ h_~me or. a r~a . b t rowth was slow' prof1ts were
to carteliiatlon and_s~ate_ ar~1tration~ ~ ~ent was high. Prosperity ':s
low,_ anc!__~tru~tur~l and c~chca~~:= i~al ;nd labor each delivered runn1ng
limitid,-stabiltzat1on relatt:e, r
- p 1 tion in its current form.
critiques of the inadequac1es o rat1ona 1za
227
'