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Foreword
The Translators
The great translators involved in this work were Adelard of Bath, Plato of Tivoli, Tobert of Chester, Hermann of
Carinthia, with his pupil Rudolf of Bruges, and Gerard of Cremona, while in Spain itself were Dominicus Gondisalvi,
Hugh of Santalla, and a group of Jewish scholars including Petrus Alphonsi, John of Seville, Savasorda, and Abraham ben
Ezra.
Much of the work of translation was carried out at Barcelona, Tarasona, Sagovia, Leon, Pamplona, as well as beyond the
Pyrenees at Toulouse, Beziers, Narbonne, and Marseilles, in the first quarter of the twelfth century.
Later, after 1116, the chief centre became Toledo, due to the patronage of Raymond, the archbishop of Toledo. The
hospitality of the Spanish King, Frederick II (also the Holy Roman Emperor) to Arab learning certainly sped up the flow
of Arab thought into Christendom. Gerbert of Aurillac, born into the tenth century, was one of the first to profit from the
Arab learning. Through Bishop Lupitus of Barcelona, he acquired instruments and books on Arab mathematics and
science, apparently amazing his contemporaries with the skills he learned. Early in the twelfth century the whole of Euclid
s Elements of Geometry was translated, then his Data and Optics and Algebra.The Arabs had also ruled in Sicily from 902
until 1091, and there the Muslim population remained largely intact after the Norman conquest. There, in the middle of
the twelfth century, Edrisi wrote his compendium of Arabic geography, and Eugene of Palermo translated the Optics of
Ptolemy from the Arabic. North Africa was the source of additional books on mathematics. From this foundation, the
mathematician Leonard of Pisa was able to write his Liber Abaci along with solutions of quadratic and cubic equations.
Astronomical texts were mainly copies of Bede and Helperic in Europe. As late as 1119, Philippe de Thaon wrote his
Cumpoz from the latin tradition. The next year, Walcher of Malvern began to figure in degrees, minutes, and seconds, as
he had learned to do from a Spanish Jew, Petrus Alphonsi. In 1126, Adelard of Bath translated the tables of Al-Kwarizme,
then those of Al-Battani, Al-Zarkali, and Al-Fargani. Adelard of Bath was a translator of both Arabian and Greek works.
The range of his interests can be judged from his writings, which include texts on trigonometry, astrology, Platonic
philosophy, falconry, and chemistry. What he acquired from the Arabs was a rationalist s mentality, what we would call
secular thinking. He developed a feel for observation and experiment. In a letter to his nephew, he wrote:
It is hard to discuss with you, for I have learned one thing from the Arabs under the guidance of reason; you follow
another halter, caught by the appearance of authority, for what is authority but a halter? If reason is not to be the
universal judge, it is given to each to no purpose.
Constantine the African, a Benedictine monk of Monte Cassino, was at work in the eleventh century translating important
medical works, which inspired a revival of studies at the first modern medical school in Europe, at Salerno. Advances in
medical science required the medical knowledge of the ancient world, especially Hippocrates and Galen. Constantine the
African translated some of their teaching, his versions constituting most of the twenty six treatises of the medical library of
Hildesheim in 1161. Most of their writings came to the west, however, in the later twelfth century through the Arabic
versions translated by Gerard of Cremona.
In Islamic thought, there were three schools which
dominated. Firstly, there was the Peripatetic school which followed Aristotle. Secondly, was the school which followed
Plato, called the Aprioristic school by Pines. Thirdly was the school of the Mathematicians. Of course, the
mathematicians placed a great emphasis upon the validity of the mathematical description of the world. The other two
schools shared an interest in phenomena and in the description of phenomenon, seeking knowledge of experience rather
than knowledge of causes. The main reason that the Apriorists could become so concerned with phenomenon was that
many of their leading spokesmen, like Al-Rhazi, were physicians whose medical attitude was dependant upon observation.
It must be emphasised that the natural sciences,
medicine, geography, alchemy, mathematics, and other such pursuits were utterly peripheral to the whole mainstream of
Islamic scholarship. Mohamedanism was not hostile to these sciences, and so they developed normally, but they developed
only as a means of further glorifying the whole culture, religion, philosophy, and vision, of Islam. Al-Rhazi s, Ibn-Hayyan
s, Al-Biruni s Al-Haitham s, Al-Khazini s, Ibn-Sina s (Avicenna), Ibn-Rushd s (Averroes), scientific works are largely given
over to philosophical outbursts and religious insights. Their scientific work was valid in their own eyes only because it fit
well with the whole truth, which was their vision of God and His universe.
The science of the Arabs was chiefly Greek in origin, either by being direct translations of Greek works, or through Syrian
or Hebrew copies. However, this body of ancient works was improved upon, developed, by the Arabs under the patronage
of generations of benevolent Caliphs.
Many of our scientific words in the West are derived from the Arab manuscripts. The medical works which were
translated often came with glossaries of botanical terms in Greek and Arabic. Ophthalmology first developed in Egypt,
where such words as Retina and cataract originated. The words algebra, zero, cipher, almanac, zenith, azimuth, alchemy,
alcohol, alkali, elixir, syrup, bazaar, tariff, arsenal, and the Arabic numerals, all come to us from Islam.
As far as the other natural sciences are concerned, the Arabs made their contributions in each field of study. Al-Biruni
was especially perceptive of geological processes as he saw them indicated in natural formations. Referring to having
found sea fossils inland, he wrote:
1. Medicine
Medicine is the most celebrated of the Islamic sciences.
They excelled in this field, their observation and knowledge of
anatomy and diseases being far superior to anything known in
the West at that time. Islamic medicine combined the
observational and concrete experimental approach of the
Hippocratic school with the theoretical method of Galen, and
added the theories and experiences of the Persian and Indian
physicians, especially in pharmacology. Islamic medicine
remained for the most part empirical, seeking the causes for
individual phenomena.
The two most influential physicians of Islam were
Avicenna (Ibn-Sina) and Rhazes (Al-Rhazi). The ninth century
Rhazes, who entered the study of medicine late in life, was the
greatest clinical and observational physician of Islam. He
became the director of the main hospital at Baghdad, thus
gaining much practical experience. An illustration from his
own notes demonstrates his grasp of medicine:
Abdullah Ibn-Sawada used to suffer from attacks of mixed fever Only a short time elapsed ere the patient passed
pus in his urine. I thereupon informed him that these feverish attacks would not recur, and so it was.
The only thing which prevented me at first from giving it as my definite opinion that the patient was suffering from
ulceration of the kidneys was that he had previously suffered from other mixed types of fever When he passed the
pus, I administered to him diuretics until the urine became free from pus, after which I treated him with terra
siglata, boswellia thurifera, and Dragon s blood, and his sickness departed from him. That the ulceration was slight
was indicated to me by the fact that he did not complain to me at first of weight in the loins. After he had passed
pus, however, I inquired of him whether he had experienced this symptom, and he replied in the affirmative. Had
the ulceration been extensive, he would of his own accord have complained of this symptom. And that the pus was
evacuated quickly indicated a limited ulceration. The other physicians whom he consulted besides myself, however,
did not understand the case at all, even after the patient had passed pus in his urine.
Conclusion
There was plenty of inspiration and example for further
study and experimentation within the Arabic learning.
Aristotle s descriptions of animals often reach the limits
attainable without a microscope. Hippocrates observed diseases
with accuracy. Surgical experiments, physical calculations,
empirical study abounds in the Arab literature. But, initially the
Europeans took the results of Greek and Arabic science rather
than its methods. Medicine became the study of the texts
interpreted scholastically. Physics became the interpretation of
Aristotle. Geography, which the well-travelled cartographers of
Islam had fully pursued, became in the West the study of books.
Nevertheless, there were a few minds who grasped the
scientific lesson in the Arab learning. A great English scholar,
the Franciscan monk, Robert Grosseteste, brought the Arabic
and Greek works on mathematical and experimental science to
Oxford, and his pupil of the thirteenth century, Roger Bacon,
began rewriting the natural sciences, at the same time as
Thomas Aquinas was rewriting Christian philosophy. Bacon
wrote:
Experimental science has one great prerogative in
respect to all other sciences, that it investigates
their conclusions by experience. For the principles
of the other sciences may be known by experience,
but the conclusions are drawn from these
principles by way of argument. If they require
particular and complete knowledge of those
conclusions, the aid of this science must be called
in. It is true that mathematics possesses useful
experience with regard to its own problems of
figure and number, which apply to all the sciences
and experience itself, for no science can be known
without mathematics. And if we wish to have
complete and thoroughly verified knowledge, we
must proceed by the method of experimental
science.
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