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3Urbanization and Its Consequences
4
5Xizhe Peng
6Population Research Institute, Fudan University, China
7
8Xiangming Chen
9Center for Urban and Global Studies, Trinity College, US
10
11Yuan Cheng
12Population Research Institute, Fudan University, China
13
14Keywords: urbanization, population size, megacities, rural population, urban
15population, self-generated or endogenous urbanization, industrialization,
16modernization theory, dependency/world-system theory, rural-urban imbalance, the
17global urban hierarchy, global cities, urban localities, percentage the labor force in
18industry, urban hierarchy, sectoral inequality, rural to urban migration, urban primacy,
19growth and wealth distribution, overurbanization, underurbanization, demographic
20natural increase, urbanization-environment relationship, job creation, informal sector,
21housing, spatial form, education, health.
22
23Contents
241. Definition and Background
252. Urbanization Theory
263. Importance Dimensions of Urbanization
273.1 Urban Place and Hierarchy
283.2 Urban Primacy
293.3 Overurbanization vs. Underurbanization
303.4 Natural Increase and Migration
314. Consequences of Urbanization
324.1 Urbanization and the Environment
334.2 Urbanization, Job Creation, and the Informal Sector
344.3 Urbanization, Housing, and Spatial Form
354.4 Urbanization, Education, and Health
365. Conclusions
37Bibliography
38
39Summary
40To show a general picture about urbanization and its consequences, we introduce the
41most common concept of urbanization and review the urbanization history briefly.
42Dedicated to the development of the urbanization, four mainstreams of urbanization
43theories and their respective pros and cons have been discussed.
44While urbanization is a powerful master process of long historical duration, current
45vibrancy, and even stronger future impact, it is not monolithic or unidimentional. On
46the contrary, urbanization carries several important dimensions that collectively and
47individually produce macro and micro impacts on the society and everyday life. We
1
92shift in the urban/rural balance. In his classic work The Growth of Cities in the
93Nineteenth Century (1899), A. Weber provided a historical account for the limited
94level of urbanization at the global scale. Only three regions in Great Britain, North95West Europe, and the USA were more than 20 percent urban in 1890. Urbanization in
96the first half of the twentieth century occurred most rapidly and extensively in Europe,
97the Americas, and Australasia. The number of large cities (city has more than 100,000
98inhabitants ) in the world increased to 946, and the largest city New Yorkhad a
99population of 2.3 million in 1950, while urbanization proceeded very slowly in much
100of the rest of the world. Although only a quarter of the worlds total population lived
101in urban places in 1950, urbanization in the developed countries had largely reached
102its peak (Davis, 1965).
103The acceleration of world urbanization since 1850 partly reflects a corresponding
104acceleration of world population growth; but urbanization is not merely an increase in
105the average density of human settlement (Lowry, 1990). For example, in 1960, nearly
106all less urbanized regions of the world had low rates of rural outmigration under 1
107percent annually and high rates of urban immigration 1.5 to 3.2 percent annually
108(Lowry, 1990). With a few exceptions, urban and rural rates of natural increases were
109about the same, yet urban growth rates were two to five time above rural growth rates,
110reflecting the strong effect of rural-to-urban migration in regions with relatively small
111urban sectors.
112The urbanization of the developing world began to accelerate in late twentieth century
113(Timberlake, 1987), although there was no clear trend in overall urban growth in less
114developed countries due to inconsistent definition of urban and the lack of quality in
115their census data. According to the United Nations, the levels of urbanization in 1995
116were high across the Americas, most of Europe, parts of western Asia and Australia.
117South America was the most urban continent with the population in all but one of its
118countries (Guyana) being more urban than rural. More than 80 percent of the
119population lived in towns and cities in Venezuela, Uruguay, Chile and Argentina.
120Levels of urban development were low throughout most of Africa, South and East
121Asia. Less than one person in three in sub-Saharan Africa was an urban dweller. The
122figure was below 20 percent in Ethiopia, Malawi, Uganda, Burkina Faso, Rwanda and
123Burundi. An estimated 40 percent of Chinas 1.2 billion people and 29 percent of
124Indias 0.96 billion lived in cities and towns. The Himalayan kingdom of Bhutan was
125reckoned to be the worlds most rural sovereign state, with only six percent of its
126population living in urban places.
127The transition from the twentieth to the present century marked a new and more
128striking era of global urbanization. In 2008 the world crossed that long-awaited
129demographic watershed of half of the people on earth living in urban areas. Further
130acceleration of urbanization going forward is likely to raise the share of the worlds
131urban population to 75 percent by 2050, significantly higher than the mere 10 percent
132in 1900. While the USA, Britain, and Germany have already surpassed 75 percent
133urban and wont exceed 90 percent by 2050, newly industrializing countries like
134South Korea and Mexico, which were half-way urbanized at 50 percent in 1950, are
135likely to pass 75 percent by 2030. Moving along a steeper upward trajectory, China
136will urbanize from 20 percent in 1980 to over 60 percent around 2030. Chinas
137urbanization from the 1980s on reflects the global shift of the worlds urban
138population from developed to developing countries, which will account for about 80
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139percent of the worlds urbanites by 2030 doubling from 40 percent in 1950 (Soja and
140Kanai, 2007).
141Another salient aspect of this intensified urbanization is the accelerated growth of
142million-plus cities, which grew from only two (London and Beijing) around 1800 to
14316 around 1900 to roughly 70 in 1950, to approximately 180 by 1975, and then soared
144to over 450 in 2005. Of this number, China claimed almost 100, India about 40, while
145the USA and Europe had 40 respectively, and so did the African continent, with 57
146million-plus cities in Latin America and the Caribbean. While London was the first
147and only megacity of 10 million people around 1900, the list expanded to over 20 in
1482005. In addition, while only three of the worlds largest cities with five million or
149more people were in developing countries, eight of the 10 largest cities and 15 of the
15020 megacities of 10 million people in 2005 were in developing countries (Soja and
151Kanai, 2007). The trend of mega-urbanization will become stronger in developing
152countries, especially like India and China, which is expected to have more than 220
153million-plus cities and 25 cities with five million people by 2025
154(www.chinabusinessservices.com/blog, April 6, 2008).
155While urbanization has intensified in terms of the growing megacities, the overall rate
156of urban growth has consistently declined in most world regions in the past half
157century and probably in the coming several decades (see Figure 1). Therefore, the
158rapid rates of urban population growth are no longer the most pressing concern but the
159absolute population size of the huge urban centers, especially those in Asia and Africa.
160Figure 1. Average Annual Rate of Change of the Urban Population, by Region, 1950-2030
161
162
1632. Urbanization Theories
164Theories on urbanization have been around for such a long time that they have
165blended into and intersect with theories that also pertain to cities, industrialization,
166and more recently, globalization. At the risk of being subjective and circumvent, we
167introduce and discuss four such theories, which provide both earlier and recent
168explanations for why and how urbanization occurs. First, there is what may be labeled
169the theory on self-generated or endogenous urbanization. This theory suggests that
170urbanization requires two separate prerequisites--the generation of surplus products
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171that sustain people in non-agricultural actives (Childe, 1950; Harvey, 1973) and the
172achievement of a level of social development that allows large communities to be
173socially viable and stable (Lampard, 1965). From a long temporal perspective, these
174changes took place simultaneously in the Neolithic period when the first cities
175emerged in the Middle East (Wheatley, 1971) as mentioned earlier. A much later
176period in which these two preconditions interacted strongly was the late eighteenth
177century when the rise of industrial capitalism led to the emergence of urban societies
178in Great Britain, North-West Europe and North America (Pred, 1977).
179In a demographic sense, this theory focuses on the rural-urban population shift as the
180foundation of urbanization but it identifies industrialization as the basic driver behind
181the movement of rural population to urban areas for factory jobs. The historical
182evidence undoubtedly bears this out. Before the Industrial Revolution in Great Britain,
183no society could be described as urban or urbanized. And all countries, primarily in
184the West, that began to industrialize rapidly after Great Britain became highly
185urbanized by the mid-twentieth century, which was followed by the accelerated
186industrialization and then urbanization in the rest of the world through the last century
187and into the present. If we focus on cities instead of urbanization, this theory accounts
188for the endogenous conditions that facilitate the transition from pre-industrial to
189industrial cities, first in the West and then in the rest of the world, in an uneven
190manner. Perhaps the first theoretical perspective that remains relevant today in light of
191the close relationship between industrialization and urbanization, it suffers from the
192drawback of focusing narrowly on the rural-urban shift within countries as the key to
193urbanization. Besides the authors cited above, this theoretical tradition was enriched
194by scholars like Kinsley Davis in the 1950s through the 1970s (Davis, 1951, 1965,
1951969, 1972).
196The second theory on urbanization actually emerged from a broader theoretical school
197known as the modernization theory that became prevalent and influential from the
1981950s through the 1970s. While overlapping with the first theory in the timing of
199development, modernization theory had a wider set of assumptions and scope of
200influence (see So, 1990 for a comprehensive critique of modernization theory).
201Looking at urbanization through the lens of modernization, first, the present state of
202urbanization in any given society is set by its initial state at the onset of
203modernization. Secondly, technology is fundamentally more important than a
204societys social organization in shaping urbanization. Finally, the path and pattern of
205urbanization within and between developed and developing countries are most likely
206to converge through cultural diffusion, despite breeding inevitable social disequilibria
207(Kasarda and Crenshaw, 1991).
208We could trace the intellectual underpinning of the modernization view on
209urbanization in developing countries to an even earlier theoretical paradigm, namely,
210human ecology. While developed to describe the structure and evolution of the
211American city, primarily Chicago in the 1920s-1930s by Robert Park and others,
212human ecology is based on strong assumptions about the interactive role of population
213dynamics, market competition, material technology (e.g., transport infrastructure), and
214the built environment in making and remaking urban life (Hawley, 1981; Orum and
215Chen, 2003). These assumptions became the predictive elements in how
216modernization theory would view subsequent developing-country urbanization as
217being driven by industrialization, technological progress, information penetration, and
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265(Friedmann, 1986; Friedmann and Wolff, 1982), suggesting that world cities are a
266small number of massive urban regions at the apex of the global urban hierarchy that
267exercise worldwide control over production and market expansion. With their global
268control functions directly reflected in the structure of their production sectors and
269employment, world cities also are major sites for the concentration and accumulation
270of international capital. This new focus on world cities marked a theoretical extension
271from the world-system perspective by highlighting the study of individual or a
272network of cities for understanding broader urbanization trends and tendencies.
273The globalization of urbanization theories didnt stop there. Sociologist Saskia
274Sassen, with the publication of the book The Global City: New York, London, and
275Tokyo in 1991, brought a definitive touch to the study of the global city through a
276sharp conceptualization and a systematic comparison of three such cities. According
277to Sassen, global cities function as 1) highly concentrated command points in the
278organization of the world economy; 2) key locations for finance and specialized
279services, which have replaced manufacturing as the leading industries; 3) innovative
280sites of production in these leading industries; and 4) markets for the products and
281innovations of these industries. From Sassens perspective, the hallmark of a global
282city is the growth and extent of its producer services, which include accounting,
283banking, financial services, legal services, insurance, real estate, computer and
284information processing, etc. While not a theory on urbanization in the same sense as
285the other theories, the global city perspective has moved the theorizing of urbanization
286both backward and forward to explicating the historical and contemporary
287relationship between industrialization (and now deindustrialization in the West),
288urbanization, and globalization. In sharpening this relationship further, Soja and Kanai
289(2007) contend that globalization leads to a different round of urban-industrialization
290and thus to a new global geography of economic development. Testing this line of
291argument is a growing stream of rigorous empirical studies that use network analysis
292to uncover the complex structure of both hierarchical and horizontal ties among world
293cities (see Carroll, 2007).
294Individually, each of the four theories reviewed here, selective as it is, offers a
295distinctive perspective on urbanization during different times that were conducive to
296the gestation and evolution of each theory. To a large extent, each theory has
297transcended these times in either sustaining or losing its applicability to countries
298(cases) that have experienced urbanization differently. While the so-called theory on
299self-generated or endogenous urbanization uncovered its important general conditions,
300it does little to account for the recent urbanization of developing countries. Besides
301failing on the same score, modernization theory does not stress class relations or
302capitalism per se, but rather the inevitable tensions created by the shifts in social
303organization encouraged by industrialism (Kasarda and Crenshaw, 1991).
304Dependency/world-system theory is stronger in suggesting the association rather than
305proving a causal relationship between urbanization and capitalist development. It may
306also fall short in explaining the large scope and powerful ways of the state in creating
307and sustaining rapid urbanization in the context of China and the rise of Shanghai as a
308new global city (see Chen, 2009). Scholars like John Friedmann and Saskia Sassen
309have alerted students of the city to see and appreciate the real impact of global forces
310on the city. Armed with this global perspective, we should be in a stronger position to
311examine and understand how the global forces play out in the specific context of a
312city. One major weakness of the global city perspective may be that its theorizing and
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313analysis are based primarily on a few dominant and heavily studied cities in Western
314industrialized countries (Orum and Chen, 2003).
315
1880-1950
1950-
Economic formation
Industrial capitalism
Monopoly capitalism
Corporate capitalism
Source of wealth
Manufacturing
Manufacturing
Factory
Multi-national corporation
Space relations
Atlantic basin
International
Global
System of supply
Colonialism/Imperialism
State imperialism
Corporate imperialism
Hegemonic powers
Britain
Britain, USA
USA
27
Britain
Dominant cities
London
Mode of Accumulation
World-System Characteristics
Urban Consequences
10
362in any country over time. This somewhat familiar argument, however, has already
363been updated and enriched by the world or global city literature, which presses us to
364see the national hierarchical composition of urban places as being shaped by more
365distant international conditions. The global view also reveals the stronger tendencies
366toward more economic disparities among the urban places of a hierarchy that are
367induced and sustained by the penetration of outside forces. This conceptual advance
368allows us to question and critique urban places and hierarchy as a classic and taken369for-granted aspect of urbanization.
370
3713.2 Urban Primacy
372Closely related to the above dimension is urban primacy, which characterizes a
373problematic demographic and functional syndrome of urbanization in certain
374developing countries. Urban primacy refers to the largest city of a country or urban
375system being disproportionately large and thus dominating all the other cities. It is
376assumed to have undesirable effects on national development as the primate city sucks
377away a disproportionately large share of resources to cause uneven growth and wealth
378distribution. Hauser (1957) labeled the primate city as parasitic rather than
379generative as it retards the development of other cities. Since its early formulation,
380the concept of urban primacy has been modified to include the notions and measures
381of two-city primacy, regional multiple-city primacy and multi-centric urban systems
382(Kasarda and Crenshaw, 1991). Going beyond demographic size, Chen (1991)
383extended the measurement and analysis of urban primacy into the economic realm of
384Chinas urban system.
385Of the economic factors that foster urban primacy, transportation networks, the
386location of cities, the location of government services, and the physical characteristics
387of the urban hinterland exert a conjunctural influence on the relative growth of the
388largest city vs. that of other cities, which in turn may lead to urban primacy (see
389Bairoch, 1988; Dogan, 1988; DeCola, 1984; Henderson, 1982, 1986; London, 1986;
390Preston, 1979; Rosen and Resnick, 1980). Other scholars found that urban primacy
391may be produced by export dependency (Frey et al, 1986), foreign capital penetration
392and world-system position (London, 1987), and economic development (or lack of it),
393peripheral status in the world system (Smith and London, 1990). It also appears that
394administrative centralization, the centralization of government social services, and
395general government expenditures are positively related to primate development
396(Crenshaw, 1990; London, 1986; Mutlu, 1989; Petrakos and Brada, 1989). Some
397policies such as minimum wage legislation, import-substitution, and bowing to
398pressure from trade unions may encourage intense urban concentration (Henderson,
3991982; Nemeth and Smith, 1985).
400The myriad of conditions are assumed to induce urban primacy aside, what are the
401countervailing forces that mitigate or forestall it? Since urban primacy is often
402contrasted to a regular urban hierarchy or a more integrated urban system, which
403tends to accompany more advanced economic development, we would expect the
404latter to be the primary strategy for countering or eliminating urban primacy.
405However, there are less developing countries where urban primacy is absent. In China
406and India, which have a large number of very large cities for a long time, urban
407primacy, at least at the national level, has not occurred due to the entrenched positions
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408and shifting fortunes of major cities across an expansive urban landscape. Even
409colonial rule, which contributed to urban primacy in Latin America and Africa, did not
410do so in India. While natural endowment and historical conditions set the constraints
411on urban primacy, more recent policies such as promoting small towns and secondary
412cities have had some ameliorating and complementary effects on urban primary. On
413the other hand, partial strategies such as relocating the national capital, creating
414countermagnets, and border regional development have rarely worked because of their
415high cost and minimal impact (Richardson, 1987).
416
4173.3 Overurbanization vs. Underurbanization
418The study and understanding of urbanization has benefited from the polarized
419reference to that extent that urbanization in developing countries, especially those
420rapidly urbanizing ones may be over (too much) or under (not enough).
421Overurbanization refers to the excessive growth of urban population relative to the
422amount of industrial jobs to accommodate or absorb it. The idea dates back to
423Hoselitz (1954) who advanced the thesis that urbanization in developing nations could
424be too great given the industrial mix of their economies. The cited symptoms of
425overurbanization include substandard living conditions for urban residents, the failure
426of municipal governments to provide the infrastructure and services that make urban
427life more efficient and comfortable, urban unemployment and low wages, and the
428need to import food from abroad in order to sustain the urban population, Less often
429cited but probably salient in the deliberations of governments are the political
430consequences of urbanization: population clustered on a scale that facilitates mass
431demonstrations and mob violence against unpopular national policies or privileged
432groups. Although these concerns sometimes focus on the problems of managing large
433cities, generally they address the question of balance between the numbers of urban
434and rural residents (Lowry, 1990).
435Despite the intrigue of overurbanization and its array of assumed symptoms, scholars
436have lodged varied criticisms against the arbitrary nature of the concept and its
437inherent ethnocentrism (Breese, 1966; Kamerschen, 1969; Hawley, 1981; Smith,
4381987; Sovani, 1964). While overurbanization seems to make more sense in
439developing countries where urban population growth tends to outpace industrial jobs,
440it can be misleading if applied to post-industrial societies like the United States, which
441have a larger share of their urban population than manufacturing jobs due to the
442eroded manufacturing sector and the rapid growth of the service industries (Smith and
443London, 1990). The same authors also found that peripheral status, which captured the
444position of developing countries in the world system, had only a marginal effect on
445overurbanization through the mid-1980s. This raises the question not only about the
446measure of overurbanizationthe ratio of urban population to industrial jobs--but
447also about the changing context in which some characteristics of overurbanization
448may be observed without indicating the full presence of the general condition
449attributed to developing countries.
450The flip side of overurbanization, underurbanization features a much faster expansion
451of industrial employment than the growth of the urban population, which
452characterized the Stalinist period in the former Soviet Union and the policy of urban453rural balance and thus stagnating urbanization in China in the 1960s and 1970s (Chen
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545warming is the main reason for the rising sea levels, surface subsidence is also to
546blame for the threat of floods in Shanghai and Tianjin due to their indiscriminate
547exploitation of groundwater resources. Shanghai is also facing additional trouble in
548ensuring fresh water supply to its 20 million residents due to seawater. Serious
549deterioration in offshore water quality stems from pollution from onshore sources. In
550the next decade, China's coastal sea level is likely to rise by 32 mm, or 3.2 mm every
551year faster than the annual rise of 2.5 mm from 1975 to 2007. i The Chinese case
552illustrates the strong interdependence between urbanization and the environment.
553Rapid urbanization, when unplanned and underserviced poses multiple environmental
554threats, especially to the exploding megacities in South Asia where five of the worlds
55510 biggest cities will be found within seven years time, namely, Delhi, Dhaka,
556Karachi, Kolkata and Mumbai. In the Pakistani city of Lahore, an open drain is
557causing health problems to nearby residents. Originally planned to channel storm
558water, this drains is now, like the 16 odd other open drains in the city, a floating
559cesspool of raw and untreated sewerage. The drain easily offends and can overwhelm
560even the heartiest of men. Not only that, since the noxious and toxic gases emitted by
561decomposing waste are well known corrosives, the open drain is a constant source of
562attrition on any metal kept outdoors, corroding the air-conditioners that are essential
563in the scorching summer.ii Near Jakarta, a trash slide at a huge garbage dump killed
564three scavengers and injured five others in September 2006. The dump received 600
565trucks around the clock to deliver about 6,000 tons of trash every day from the capital
566city of Jakarta. Reaching up to 15 meters in height, a pile of trash collapsed suddenly
567and buried a number of scavengers who lived and worked right by the dump everyday
568and whose livelihood was dependent on it.iii
569In spite and because of its lower level of urbanization compared to Latin America,
570Asian cities have been growing faster than those in Latin America and Africa and
571therefore becoming dirtier. Sulfur dioxide (a major pollutant that damages crops and
572materials) is 50 percent higher in Asia than in Latin America. While Asian emissions
573of CO2 (a global pollutant suspected to contribute to global warming) are less than half
574of the per capita world average, they are growing at four times the world average.
575Surface waters in Asian cities are full of pathogens, organic material, and heavy
576metals that exceed national and WHO standards. And the overwhelming majority of
577the worlds most polluted cities are in Asia (Panayotou, 2001, p. 422). It remains to be
578seen whether Asian cities are equipped to handle this multitude of environmental
579challenges coming at the same time. Without mega-urbanization in the form of
580megacities, these environmental challenges would not have been brought into sharp
581relief this quickly. It has reshuffled the priority deck for understanding and
582confronting the list of consequences of urbanization on a global scale.
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727also has impacts on the process of urbanization. In the most severely affected
728countries, HIV is found to exert a significant limiting effect on the process of
729urbanization by differentially affecting mortality, migration and fertility between the
730urban and rural sectors (Dyson, 2003).
731In the age of mega-urbanization and much larger and more densely populated cities of
732developing countries, the impact on education and heath originates from and is
733transmitted by a set of more connected conditions such as environmental degradation,
734economic inequality, and dilapidated housing, as well as some previously unidentified
735circumstances. Environmental problems pose health hazards to both wealthy and low736income settlement in the urban areas in most countries. They include air pollution
737from motor vehicles and industrial emissions, water pollution, insufficient water
738supplies, inadequate solid waste management leading to the proliferation of disease
739vectors, contaminated food and noise (Goldstein, 1990). The amassing of poor rural
740migrants in Indian and Chinese megacities has magnified the glaring problem of
741providing basic and affordable education to the children of these migrants. This is
742worse in a way in the Indian cities that are hampered by poor infrastructure.
743According to the World Competitiveness Book 2006, India has the highest ratio of
744pupils to teaching staff and the second largest ratio of inhabitants to physicians and
745nurses, out of 61 countries analyzed. Missing infrastructure not only restricts access to
746educational and health facilities, which in turn lowers the levels of illiteracy and
747mortality, but also represents a challenge for the implementation of different
748development strategies, mainly in the area of social security.vii In the large Chinese
749cities, the children of migrant workers have highly limited access to public education
750due to unfavorable government policy. The majority of the approximately 400,000
751migrant children in Beijing attend the 300 or so private schools located on the
752metropolitan fringes, which are organized by migrants themselves and NGOs. Yet
753some of these schools have been closed down by the municipal government on the
754basis that they are not up to the official educational standards (Chen, 2007).
755The massive number of the urban poor including the majority of migrant workers does
756not have to lead to an inferior education and health status for them. As important
757contributors to wealth creation in the booming megacities, they deserve decent
758education and heath care. In India recently, the Ministry of Human Resource
759Development has set up residential schools in some of the educationally backward
760urban districts to provide comprehensive education to adolescent girls belonging to
761the lowest castes and classes. Healthcare, writing, computers, and disaster
762management are important elements of the curriculum. This kind of education has
763brought about a more positive attitude in both the students and their parents toward
764self-confidence, marriage outlook, and health consciousness. viii If this kind of
765government investment can make the biggest difference to the neediest urban poor, it
766represents a broader lesson for rethinking about the relationship between urbanization
767and education and health.
768
7695. Conclusions
770In this chapter we have offered a series of treatments of urbanization with the ultimate
771purpose of creating a broad and somewhat integrated account for this complex and
772multidimensional phenomenon. We intend this chapter to serve both the general
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773reader and the special expert but in different ways. The more general reader will
774obtain a holistic picture weaved together from definition, theory, and a progressive
775unpacking of the dimensions and consequences of urbanization. While the expert on
776the topic may not find anything original in this chapter, the new evidence assembled
777here may prompt the expert to look at the definition and theories a little differently. If
778there is one main thread here that carries the new evidence to the next fruitful stage of
779analysis, it is our effort to move beyond the more conventional focus on urbanization
780as a rural-to-urban shift and to highlight a new stage of urbanization characterized by
781its accelerated pace and the resulting megacities. Although this may not be a
782qualitatively new transition, even a cursory look at megacities awakens us to the
783greater complexity of urbanization and its new and more challenging consequences
784such as environmental damage. Urbanization definitely not just simply create
785problems, people believe urbanization itself also contain the solutions. The challenge
786is in learning how to exploit its possibilities.
787
788Glossary
789Urbanization is the physical growth of urban areas from rural areas as a result of
790population immigration to an existing urban area
791Megacities - is usually defined as a metropolitan area with a total population in
792excess of 10 million people.
793Urban hierarchy - a term that relates the structure of towns within an area
794Urban primacy - indicates a city whose population is at least twice as large as that of
795the next largest city in a country
796
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948urbanization]
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956International Labor Organization (ILO), 1972, Employment, Income and Equality: a
957Strategy for Increasing Productive Employment in Kenya, ILO, Geneva. [Policies for
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959Jayasuriya, R. and Q. Wodon, 2003, Explaining Country Efficiency in Improving
960Health and Education Indicators: The Role of Urbanization, World Development
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962[About to measures the efficiency of countries in improving net primary enrollment
963and life expectancy]
964Kalnay, E. and M. Cai, 2003, Impact of Urbanization and Land-Use Change on
965Climate, Nature 423: 528:531. [Propose an interesting finding that half of the
966observed decrease in diurnal temperature range is due to urban and other land-use
967changes]
968Kamerschen, D., 1969, Further Analysis of Overurbanization, Economic Development
969and Culture Change 17: 235-253. [An early exposition of over urbanization]
970Kasarda, J.D. and E. M. Crenshaw, 1991, Third World Urbanization: Dimensions,
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