"Thank You, Come Back Soon", Analysis Immigration Policies of The Spanish State During The Economic Crisis (2007-2014)

Posgrado en Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades
(Postgraduate in Social Sciences and Humanities)
Universidad Autnoma Metropolitana
Thank you, come back soon, Analysis immigration policies of the

Spanish State during the economic crisis (2007-2014)
Author:
Rodrigo Hernndez Gamboa
2016, December
Index
Introduction
1. The migration phenomenon in capitalism.
2. Immigration policies.
3. Problem research.
Chapter 1. Immigration in Spain
1.1. Traditional migrations in Spain
1.2. Immigration in Spain in the context of globalization
1.3. Immigration in Spain prior the crisis
Chapter 2. The development of immigration as from the economic crisis
2.1. Capitalist crisis: economic and financial crisis (2008).
2.2. The economic crisis and its implications in Spain.
2.3. The role of immigration in the economic crisis.
Chapter 3. Policies management-control of immigration in the economic crisis
3.1. Policies management-control in Spain
3.1.1. Polices management-control: discourse analysis
3.1.2. Policies of entry for legal immigration.
3.1.3. Policies of entry for illegal immigration.
3.1.4. Policies of departures and expulsion.
3.2. The asylum and refuge.
3.3. The development cooperation policies.
Thank you, come back soon, Analysis immigration policies of the Spanish State during the economic crisis (2007-2014)
Chapter 4. Policies of integration of immigrants in the economic crisis

4.1. Integration policies and specificity in Spain.
4.2. Integration into the economic crisis.
4.3. Areas of action of integration policies.
4.3.1. Reception
4.3.2. Education
4.3.3. Employment
4.3.4. Health
Final thoughts
Bibliography
Introduction
The intention of this work, as shown from the title, is to observe the modifications
experienced by immigration policies developed by the Spanish government as a result of
the economic crisis that began in the years 2007-2008. This problem has different edges
because the implications of this issue are developed in very specific situations that have to
be assembled to achieve more or less broad conclusions. For example, it is had to
understand arrival of the immigrants to Spain in the context of economic globalization, it is
analyze the processes by which the State and the Spanish society accepted and integrated
these groups, it is warned the economic cycles that gave rise to the financial crisis and its
implications into Spain and immigrants; in order link all these phenomena and observe the
scopes of this economic cycle in immigration policies developed by the Spanish State.
Thus, this task was not at all simple.
The Thank you, come back soon of the title refers precisely to the conclusions
drawn from this research, which show very different immigration policies to developed
prior to economic crisis cycle, more restrictive in most respects . Therefore, a little
ironically, the title tries to express what no immigration policy during this period of crisis
signals literally, but clearly States the intention to send immigrants back to their
hometowns, and not receive more foreign labor during this period of economic recession.
But since the issues addressed in this research are wide and the scopes of these are
limited, I begin by noting a series of theoretical / methodological criteria that guided the
investigation and that is appropriate to report from the outset to guide the entire analysis.
The first of these criteria refers to analysis of public policies as the condensation of fight of
forces developed within the State and executed as power devices derived from this fight.
The second of these criteria refers to the contemporary migratory phenomenon that is
directly linked to the development of the capitalist mode of production. And finally, those
immigration policies are deployed by the State to maintain immigration control using
selective access mechanisms, based on the needs of the State itself. These criteria, whose
arguments will be presented here, are the basis of this investigation.
1. The migration phenomenon in capitalism.

Migrations of people are an archaic phenomenon, existed from that the needs of
human beings could not be fully satisfied in their regions of origin, which forced them to
move. Therefore, these movements of people were always linked to economic vacuums that
were presented in a particular community, but also made reference to cultural, social and
even humanitarian needs, which sought were settled through these movements. Thus,
migration of people in many eras and in many civilizations formed a regular part of the
development of societies.
However, these movements of people in earlier times, even though were often largescale and included a motley diversity of cultures, cannot be compared to migrations
developed within the capitalist mode of production. Because, the insufficient wage labor at
cost required for industries, growth in the world market and the perennial need for capital
expansion, have produced that the large-scale migrations are necessary in this mode of
production irretrievably.
Some remote antecedents of the emerging commercial developments that gave way to
capitalism and exemplify the increase of immigrations were the resulting displacements
during the first trading companies in XV century. These sought to expand the market and
reduce costs of raw materials looking for a seaway nearest between the West incipiently
industrialized and the East supplier of raw materials. This caused the first wave of
emigration of colonization of early capitalism, as a result of stumble with the American
continent, which led to a significant outflow of the European population that went directly
to colonize these new territories (German, 2005; 34). This first emigration was very
important for the extensive development of capitalism. The primitive accumulation of
capital developed in the colonies was an inseparable condition of subsequent capitalist
process, as the European wage labor, dominant productive modality, was conditioned by
un-free labor colonies maintained by the European powers; in the same way that productive
labor wage-earner depended on the unwaged work of women at home (Coronil, 1999, 122125).
These first colonizing immigrations were combined subsequently in the seventeenth

and eighteenth centuries with the movements of millions of peasants to the cities within the
continent of Europe as wage laborers. This because the capitalist development cannot be
explained without the high concentration of human beings, as a result of the processes of
social division of labor and mechanization thereof, which objectively have been expressed
in the migrations of humans from the countryside to the cities (Rodrguez Caballero, 2003:
169).
These migratory waves conditioned the development of mode of production and
shaped the cities, which ceased to be the space of the upper classes, enlightened and
industrious to become hotbeds of marginalization, where mortality rates were increasing by
the different epidemics that were developed in the conglomeration of individuals in
deplorable situations. However, the economic conditions had an impact in the constant
flows of living-labor thats not stopped, and replaced the loss of labor-force caused by these
conditions of habituality (Vries, 1984: 11).
These social conditions were modified in the nineteenth century to reduce death rates
by a series of factors such as medical discoveries that were beginning to inhibit the spread
of epidemics, health policies implemented by the State that regulated the expulsion of
household waste, and infrastructure policies, as sewage from the streets, thereby improving
the average life. But although mortality levels were stabilized in the cities, the influx of
immigrants from the countryside did not stop, because this workforce was required in the
mining, metallurgical, port and textile industries of major cities British, Dutch, French and
German; which were at such times the center of world capitalism (Capel, 1997: 2).
Migration is intensely developed within these European States. However, social
conflicts caused by social marginalization and unemployment rates, attached to other
factors, led to the first deliberate or voluntary international migrations 1. These acquired a
massive scale, because from 1870 to 1930 about 54 million people left Europe to reside in
Most migrations, even in the cases of major agency, are forced, as are preceded by some form of violence:
social, political, cultural or economic. However, migrations referred to in this section reflects that are
immigrants themselves those who wish to leave their countries, although obviously behind them there are
mechanisms of violence that led to his expulsion.
other regions, mainly in North America, some countries in Latin America and Australia.
(Reinhard and Armengaud, 1966: 247)
This period is usually recognized as the first capitalist globalization (late of
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries) that was led by the hand of a technological
revolution conceived from the massive use of electricity, oil and automobile, transforming
societies from the massive momentum of the migrations: countryside-city and centerperiphery (Amin, 2002: 34-58). Innovations that occurred by industrialization and
improvements in transport and communications that allowed millions of European workers
move to the development poles: United States received 34 million immigrants between
1875 to 1930, Canada received 5 million immigrants, Australia 3.5 million, Argentina 6.5
million and Brazil 4 million immigrants (Snchez Alonso, 2003: 22-24).
These migrations were developed in what has been called Belle poque for
capitalism and the central countries that formed. Since these migrations thickened the
working classes, which ceased to be dangerous in their majority, as had been the mid
nineteenth century and generally accepted the civilizing mission of economic and political
liberalism. These immigrants arrived in abundance, trying to access the big cities to sell
their labor and integrating them at promised lifestyle. This Belle poque was crowned
with the conjunction of western capitalism around the world; Latin America and the
English and Dutch Indies, that were previously excluded from the Eurocentric concomitant
development, now accepted the rules of the game, the same as the old States of Asia:
China, the Ottoman Empire and Persia are increasingly integrated into the new economy,
acting as peripheral economies (Amin, 2002: 24-34). Thus, the capitalist economy settled in
what Immanuel Wallerstein called world-system as a structure organized around the
endless accumulation of capital in the world market.2
Observing these international flows in perspective, developed during this first
globalization (at late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries), it is notes that these were
By the late nineteenth century existed for the first time in history a single historical system; we are still in
this situation. This historical system, which is a space-time specific, articulated, first, at an economic structure
organized around the endless accumulation of capital in a global market; secondly, a political structure based
on legally sovereign, but with interdependent Nation-States; and, thirdly, a cultural structure (the geo-cultural)
that legitimizes and gives coherence (German, 2005: 13-25).
very important for certain States. For example, in the year 1907 the main recipient country
was the United States, which received 1.7 million immigrants, a number that has not been
surpassed so far with a population four times that then (Arango, 2007: 55). However, today
the immigration is far outnumbers those of this first globalization; these countries admitted
a nearby movement of 54 million people, while in 2005 this number amounted to 191
million immigrants by Division population of the United Nations.
This increase in migration currently to be oweds factors that contributed at
migrations within the first globalization, as; the technological development of the media
and transport, the needs labor-force in developed countries and economic growth that
settled in the low cost of this labor-force. However, the differences are many, starting with
the fact that in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century the majority of
international migrants were disembarking in five countries: United States, Argentina,
Brazil, Canada and Australia. Now, to account for a proportion equivalent, it is must added
those received by forty countries. This means that the list of countries receiving
immigrants, defined as those who receive flows of sustained and systematic way has
increased, but the demand for each of them has been reduced. Today, most of immigrants
receptors are grouped in four international migratory systems: North America, Western
Europe, the Persian Gulf region and Western Pacific States. Similarly, in the first capitalist
globalization, the emigrations departed mainly from European countries, nine out of ten
came from this continent, currently these are from over one hundred countries mainly in
Asia, Latin America and Africa (Arango, 2007 ; 77).
Unlike over a hundred years ago where immigration demands were almost limitless
and restrictions on transfers of people were minimal3, at present such demand for foreign
labor is severely regulated by the States and the restrictions have increased. No wonder
some authors call the current era as the age of involuntary immobility (Arango, 2001,
3
At this time of extensive development of migrations (at late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries) the
vast majority of immigrants were admitted without passports and visas, as most were seen as workers and
eventually as residents, a situation that is very difficult of conceive today. These disparities in the contexts can
be explained by technological development, by a State more controller of life of its citizens, but mainly
because at that demand for immigrants is no longer unlimited, as practically was during this time of great
transoceanic migrations. However, although currently developed economies continue to demand immigrant
workers, de jure or de facto, this demand has been reduced considerably in all recipient countries. (Arango,
2007: 99-105)
2003) in which people wish to migrate to emancipate themselves politically, culturally or

economically, however, the restrictions implemented by the States do not allow it.
The economically more developed States have applied tighter restrictions, although
have kept the demand for immigrant labor. This is due to the problems (they argue) that are
developed by the entry of immigrants, who often dilute the economic benefits they
generate.
One of the problems that supposedly facing States when they are admitting
immigrants is related to a possible loss of social cohesion. This thought has taken root in
neoconservative circles that promote cultural incompatibility of immigrants, appealing to
the segregation of minorities in nation-States. These arguments are illustrated in the work
of Samuel Huntington, he argues that one of the greatest challenges to US is national
identity, caused by the wave of immigration of millions of Latin Americans and Asians,
where the culture and values of their countries of origin differ substantially, in many cases
of the usual in America, and therefore they imply conflicts that weaken the American
nation-State (Huntington, 2004).
Similarly Some authors argue that immigration is a problem intrinsic to the social
viability of the welfare State (Freeman, 1986: 51-63), since it is characterized by its
protectionist and nationalistic nature (Myrdal, 1960: 107). The welfare State can only be
sustained by a strong sense of belonging to a gated community whose members establish
solidarity and redistributive relations with each other. Therefore, these authors suggest that
immigration, as they have shown currently, often respond to logic of free market and
international demand for labor force, thereby changing the social base of solidarity
(Bruquetas, 2012: 12-23).
Finally, the problem of national security often has been linked to the entry of illegal
immigrants, mainly after 2001, in which the United States subordinated any immigration
action to the national security issues. This paradigm is installed quickly in most the States
receiving of immigrant, applying measures to securitize the borders and to improve
human and technical mechanisms against illegal immigration.
These problems which facing States with regard to immigration and also all measures
tending to benefit these groups are reflected by States in immigration policies as State
mechanisms to concretize the dominant idea regarding these groups. But also in these
public policies you can observe the contexts in that these immigrations develop and the
arguments that are made to legitimize such actions. Therefore, if our intention is to observe
the measures implemented by the Spanish State towards immigrants during the last
economic crisis, we have to carefully observe these devices that will be the focus of our
research.
2. Immigration policies.
Public policies generically have been established as a series of actions, decisions and
solutions implemented by the State, directed the management of problematic situations of
society, seeking resolved through these mechanisms. This conception of public policy has a
neopositivist legacy on these government instruments, showing them as devices by which
State officials try to govern without any interest or intention beyond that generated by its
own bureaucratic responsibility.
However, this notion of rationality and political-ideological neutrality of those
involved in the formulation and implementation of public policies is compromised at from
the studies (which from anthropology) used the concept of governmentability of School
Foucault to remove these notions4. The governmentality in the subject plays an active role
in the regulation or self-regulation of behavior of individuals, normalizing and disciplining
subjects at from the construction of subjectivities5. These are edified through knowledge,
writing, language and intermediation, which are responsible for conceptualizing the
description of a reality.
This way the creators and implementers of public policy governing the behavior of
citizens at from these State mechanisms, based on the subjectivities they adhere to them.
They reproduce these subjectivities, (both those that preceded them as their own) that
4
The Governmentability is conceived as the devices that stimulate action through the introduction of regimes
that structure the field of decisions and choices, so that subjects behave themselves based on the rules that
govern them, they constitute itself as governable subjects (Acute Sanchz, 2009; 85).
5
Subjectivities are: The set of perceptions, images, feelings, attitudes, aspirations and feelings that promote
and guide the actions of individuals in permanent interaction with reality (Grajeda, 2001).
10
determine a particular view of the phenomena. From this perspective, the public policies
ultimately seek to legitimize a domain: reproducing, modifying and standardizing the
behavior of subjects at from the concepts that describe, problematize and resolve a conflict
in society.
The use of language and speech in public policies not has a neutral relationship with
reality because these mechanisms are more geared to please and to persuade it to inform or
describe (Apthorpe, 1997; 44-45). Therefore, public policies and rules generated for
language, discourse, knowledge and intermediation reflect ways of thinking about the
world and how to act on it. They contain implicit and sometimes explicit models (as in the
case of public integration policies for immigrants) how to behave and self-regulated in the
community6.
From this view, public policies reaffirm their operationality as government
instruments or power technologies that delve the relations of domination within the State,
activated from of arguments that are used to problematize a situation, minimizing not
converge with this explanation (Shore and Writes, 1997: 120-132). And it is through these
public policies, which seeks to standardize, guide and instrumentalise aspirations, thoughts
and actions of others in order to achieve the aims that are considered desirable (Gil
Araujo, 2006: 51).
Immigration public policy7 besides reproducing the subjectivities to frame treatment
of the immigrants, according to the dominant relationships, also hide a background that is
proper to the intrinsic nature of the nation-State by strengthening ties building national
identity from the other (Gil Araujo, 2006: 84). That is, when the State requires to
immigrants that behave in any particular way, such as speaking a certain language, be
6
Behind the discourse of neutrality, characteristic of public policies and in general of modern political
language, public policies hide mechanisms that define problems and choose solutions, exposing them as
techniques, rationales and naturals, but are not necessarily. Thus, it is no possible observe public policy as
neutral, and begins to evidence the particularities containing as norms and values that influence the behavior
of individuals at from categorizations that implicitly placed them. Therefore, public policies are cultural
products that pose languages and speeches as elements that serve to analyze the architecture of power
relations, and as mechanisms intended to modify the behavior of people through their coexistence.
7
By public immigration policies it can be understood as the set of legal and administrative mechanisms,
articulated usually from the State, but also from other supranational institutions that govern the access to the
territory, stay and establishment and integration socioeconomic and civic of immigrants, besides the
enjoyment of citizens rights and incorporation into the political community . (Lpez Salas, 2005b: 28)
11
connected to society in a way, be responsible with the government and the receiving State
of some other, etc., at the same time are built the elements that are required to native
citizens as identity8.
For example, when the Netherlands require at immigrants a series of requirements
such as knowledge of the language, history and Dutch society, as well as respect for the
values and political institutions to be worthy of citizenship; at the same time the Dutch
identity are constructed with these elements that for the State are the characteristic of its
population. Thereby, secularism, multiculturalism, freedom, equality, democracy, etc. are
concepts built from the own reinterpretation of the State, manifesting them in immigration
policies and that impact on their citizens like subjectivities that adhere to their behavior
evidencing a condition of power.
Therefore, given that the State uses to immigration policy as an element that
strengthens and resembles his identity as a nation, recipients of such public policies (the
immigrants) serve as an additional element of reproduction of these values and
characteristics. Immigrants must meet a series of requirement that resembles with the host
society to be worthy of the benefits of immigration policies such as: regularization, the
residence and work permits, family reunification permits and naturalization. These benefits
will only be realized while immigrants reproduce the principles that defend the State as
characteristic of its population, and show the values that declare their integration: the
language, moral and political values, and social characteristics that reinforce this national
spirit9.
For example, when the State tries to make a change in the behavior of certain
immigrants at from some awareness programs for the most vulnerable as children or
immigrant women, designing policies human development for these individuals; these
policies aim to a change in the direction that the State points out, tried to influence the
behavior of the population to which it is addressed, hoping that these policies help the
Identity [...] it involves a process of reflection and self-perception of conscious or unconscious subjects.
This identity is manifested from identifying symbols of culture itself, which serve the community to define
social boundaries of his group (Hanono Ashkenazi, 2007: 37). It is a dialogical process of recognition
against the other that allows defining our identity and beginning to dialectically rebuild the identity of the
other in a continuous exchange (Taylor, 1993).
8
12
immigrants assimilate into the postulates that the State defends as part of the identity of its
citizens and the best way to coexist in society10. Therefore, the implementation of these
public policies and the conceptions that are defended as freedom, equality, respect,
etc. are full of subjectivities constructed from the State that compel individuals to act
according as is suggests. This situation is complicated when resistance to such
modifications generates social conflicts which call into question the integration of these
immigrants and therefore subsequent legalization or receiving of unassimilable contingents
to culture or the behavior of the host society.
Thus, immigration policies determine the amount and composition of immigration
candidates at from the eligibility conditions required by the State (Lopez Salas, 2005: 28).
Immigration policies, therefore, are selective access policies based on the needs of the
State, which indirectly determines the eligibility of certain migrations, condemning others
to illegality (Durand and Massey, 2003).
Thus the construction of immigration policy responds to a multitude of interests
within the State or within the creative entity that specifies the primacy of certain migrations
and the reasons why these migrations take precedence over others. Also, they establish
what objectives and results sought to be obtained from immigrations and therefore placed
these goals and create public policies to achieve these objectives.
It is noted that ultimately immigration policies have different variants and can be
developed with different nuances in accordance with State interests that are established
based on their own economic circumstances, political and social. In this research will
gather the immigration public policy in two sets: control-management and integration
policies (Hammar, 1985: 319). The first group is a series of measures that aim at regulating
migration flows in accordance with the needs of the State. The second group of measures
on immigration seeks to improve the coexistence of immigrants and natives, ditching
cultural differences, and equating them with the rest of society without prejudicing their
most basic rights.
[...] The problem to be recognized as ethnic beings and included a category of special (and also with
specific rights) can perpetuate the coloniality of being if not aims to change the institutional structures that
continue to maintain and reproduce the rationality of modernity as ontological norm (Walsh, 2008: 25).
10
13
These immigrations policies are those analyzed in this research, which then presents
an overview of its objectives and the methodology used to obtain some conclusions.
3. Problem research.
From the previous theoretical-methodological criteria were built certain approaches
on the understanding of the migration phenomenon in Spain and its treatment within the
economic crisis. For example;
a)
The Spanish immigration phenomenon in the late twentieth and early
twenty-first century could be developed by economic growth accelerated in sectors

aimed to benefit from the low cost of the immigrant labor force.
b)
Also the first immigration policies in these times of economic growth
could be aimed at attracting these groups to benefit their economy, but also could be
designed to attract a type of migration more close to their cultural values.
c)
And finally, in a time of economic crisis, the tensions inherent in this
period could lead to more complex immigration policies, which in some way
restrict, reduce and caused loss to immigrants by the abundance of this workforce.
However, these approximations were simple deductions of the theoretical elements

with which I began the research, which in some sense are revealed more or less coherent.
However, if not developed from a detailed study would be very difficult to simply assume
these statements.
Thus, the problem of research focused on checking these deductions, starting with
analyzing the immigration policies elaborated and developed by the Spanish central State at
from the economic crisis that began in the years 2007-2008. Therefore, the first step was to
analyze at immigrants and context of crisis, on which the arguments of the investigation
were made.
14
The first chapter of this paper deals precisely of the development of immigrations in
Spain, the origin of these, what economic and population sectors they address, where they
settled, what was the reception from the population, what kind of education they had, which
was their consumption capacity, in which economic and social sectors were excluded, etc.
That is, a radiograph showing not only to immigrants but also the environment that
surrounded them.
Also in this chapter is discussed the birth and development of the economic and
financial crisis and its causes and consequences in the Spanish economy, the Spanish State
and immigrants. The purpose of this recounting is to distinguish the subject and context,
before the crisis and during it, to obtain a broad overview of the elements that might affect
the creation and implementation of immigration policies in the economic crisis.
However, the purpose of the investigation did not focus on immigrants or their living
conditions, rather on immigration policies created and executed by the Spanish central State
that influenced the living conditions of immigrants. These policies are divided into two
types: control-management and integration according to their objectives.
These policies were analyzed in several dimensions: the first was the revision of the
primary sources, i.e., the place where the State reflected the characteristics of each public
policy, its programs and its objectives. The second analysis was performed in speeches,
language and information contained in these public policies because as already outlined,
they are not neutral, and in all cases contain valorative elements such as subjectivities that
found in the speeches and responding to a certain power relationship. Similarly were
reviewed in both cases the public budgets, to analyze not only the speeches of these public
policies, but also its implementation, this analysis was combined with the revision of the
official data, which further they showed the impact of the implementation of these policies.
Finally, all these results were compared in the temporal segmentation before the economic
crisis (2004-2008) and after the same (2008-2012) to observe the most significant changes
in immigration policies and obtain any conclusions from these analyzes.
Both control-management policies and integration policies of immigration the
obtaining of information was different. While in the first were addressed, the organic laws
15
on foreigners (Leyes organicas de Extranjera); in the second, the integration plans were
prioritized. Similarly, in some cases it proved easier to obtain information, while in other
cases the investigation was truncated by the lack of it. However, I am convinced that the
results that were reached in all cases were enough to get some argued informed
conclusions.
Finally, I have to point out two deficiencies of this study, the first is the passive role
that immigrants seem to have in this research; the second is the insistence and obstinacy
somewhat by the researcher that all transformations of immigration policies in the years of
economic crisis are derivations of the crisis itself. In the first case I have to add that like all
the researches, this was also limited, and although it would have been preferable to add
elements that show the actions of immigrants in these times of crisis and the resistances to
the implementation of measures that perhaps might harm their quality of life; these were
not a priority in this study because more attached to political science analysis, I decided to
observe the actions of the State and institutions, for then draw some conclusions about
immigration policies.
In the second of these deficiencies of this research, I have to point out that the
economic crisis in every case is a turning point in contemporary societies, and the crisis of
2008 was no exception. These economic cycles in capitalism not only affect trade relations
or private finances, too they hit directly social relations since most of these are based on the
production process. Likewise, economic crises affect the public budget, which often guide
the actions of public institutions. However, despite often economic circumstances can
determine the political and ideological positions of those involved, not in all cases must be
so. Therefore, I have to admit that at certain moments of research I left aside the possibility
that changes in immigration policies during the economic crisis had a different derivation
of the economic context; therefore, this interpretation may be biased at times.
16
Chapter 1. Immigration in Spain

This section will be examined immigration in Spain and its growth
from the last quarter of the twentieth century and until the years before of
the economic, in order to observe how this immigration flow were
composed, what motivations corresponded and how they were integrated by
the native population during this period.
1.1. Traditional migrations in Spain

When talking about immigration in Spain we should recognize that, unlike other
European countries that have historically been receiving immigrants for different reasons,
in Spain these flows only becomes in relevant until well into the twentieth century, coupled
with the phenomenon of globalization capitalist that potentiated the labor immigration11.
Prior to this massive influx of immigrants, these were minorities groups generally retired
from Western Europe who saw Spain as a place of pleasant climate with low cost in the
standard of living and stable economic and political situation; or Latin American political
refugees persecuted by the regimes of their countries from the second half of the twentieth
century.
11
However, despite the fact that in the contemporary history of Spain (after World War II) mostly the
immigrants were retired and political exiles, we should not forget that prior to this period they existed mainly
three other foreign communities established in Spain and had deep roots in their communities. The first is the
Arab community that had a significant influence on many aspects of the lives of the people of the Iberian
Peninsula from the tenth century until the fourteenth century, however, these customs they were eradicating
continually for dominance of the unified Spanish crown in Catholic kings. The second was the Jewish
community, believed immigrated to the Iberian Peninsula since the time of Roman rule, but, despite the
antiquity of this immigration, always maintained a distinction with the rest of the population. An example of
this is the formation of the district of Lavapies in Madrid, built in the twelfth or thirteenth century formed part
of the extramural suburbs of the Villa de Madrid where foreigners, marginalized and Jews gathered. These
latter were forbidden to live outside the Jewish quarter that was under siege by walls and was locked at night
so that none of them tried to blend in with the rest of the population. In 1391 the district suffered a pogrom in
1492 and expelled the Jews from the kingdoms of Castilla, which substantially reduced this population
(Gmez, 2006: 11-14). The other community that has a unique history of immigration to Spain is the Gypsies
or Romani people. This community entered the Iberian Peninsula in the fifteenth century by the Strait of
Gibraltar, but quickly the stereotypes that criminalized her lifestyle were generated, and from the sixteenth
century occurred throughout Europe practices and decrees against the way of life Gypsies. The dynamics with
which it excluded at these immigrations from all European and Spanish society in particular were
contradictory because [...] were forced to settle while they were prevented from entering many cities, are
forced to assimilate while they are concentrated in certain neighborhoods, they are forced to work in trades
re/cognized while they were prevented from entering the guilds [...] (Arayici, 1998).
17
In 1975 the number of foreigners in Spain was 165 thousand people with a total
population of about 34 million people. Most of these immigrants came from developed
countries with high academic standards and residence in major cities, therefore, public
policies for the treatment of these immigrations was minimal, directed mostly to the
issuance of permits and the border control. Contrary the fact that immigration flows that
entered minority were. Therefore, emigration policies dominated the set of immigration
policies of the Spanish State for almost the entire twentieth century because this was the
predominant flow in the recent history of Spain.
In the nineteenth century, several rounds of emigrations followed, most of them of
political sign. In June 1813, after crossing the Pyrenees the King Joseph Bonaparte goes
back to France, and supporters of the monarch who had obeyed and that they assured his
regime were declared traitors by the assemblies of Cadiz and they had to exile in France;
the number of expatriates was 10,000 to 12,000 Spaniards. The following year, in 1814,
there were another political emigration, this time it were the Liberals who were forced into
exile to be persecuted by Fernando VII during the first two decades of the nineteenth
century. The three Carlistas Wars also generated its corresponding exiles; the first ended in
1839 with the Convention of Vergara, and around 28,000 Carlistas that they refused to
accept such agreement were expatriated, the other two wars of the same hue in 1848 and
1876 generated emigrations, but in smaller proportions. Progressives, Democrats and
Republicans also were forced into exile, the first two in 1866 after the failed mutiny of
General Prim and Republicans in 1874 to organize the monarchical restoration (Santos,
2003: 34). However, despite these constant emigrations, cannot compare in magnitude with
those made throughout the twentieth century; both political and economic reasons.
The first great migrations of the twentieth century in Spain would be produced by the
civil war (1936-1939) which left, according to the Franquista State of 181,000 emigrants
(Lora Tamayo, 1998: 55). However, given the political-ideological nature of the conflict,
many people who emigrated from the country they went without informing the State of
such action. Only in the internment camps in France 550 thousand Spanish refugees were
calculated in 1940 (Laharie, 1993: 102) and it is estimated that in Mexico around 25
18
thousand Spaniards took refuge during this offensive and years immediately following
(Martinez Torrijos, 2014: 12).
At the end of the civil conflict, the emigrations remained as an unchanging
phenomenon, but at a much more moderate pace since 1949-1959, when the military
conflict had subsided. The outflows were 562.815 citizens, according to the Spanish State
(Lora Tamayo 1998: 101). These migrations can be explained by two reasons, one politicalideological and other economic; the first corresponds the establishment of the Franco
government, and with it, the implementation of a series of measures within the Spanish
State that sought to ensure his regime through a policy of persecution and elimination of
political opponents, which limited the areas of divergence and punished at the opponents
into exile.
The economic factor also influenced these emigrations because despite the fact that
had ended the internal armed conflict, the delays in the economic development of the
country by the ravages of war and the late industrialization of Spain they remained. In
addition to this, the winners of the Spanish civil war were associated with the losers of the
Second World War, was therefore not developed in Spain an alliance to introduce the
country in the various programs of economic restructuring which generated US (Plan
Marshall) after the war to take certain hegemony of Western Europe. Spain continued to
maintain an authoritarian State whose regime was sustained by a military government that
still is associated ideologically with German nationalism and Italian fascism.
These two causes boosted Spanish emigration mainly to the countries of northern and
central Europe, where they occupied tasks agricultural and industrial to labor qualification
menial. In these areas the migration policies of the Spanish State focused, for facilitating
and negotiating with different countries the quotas necessary for the output of this labor that
benefited the public coffers by returnee remittances and reducing unemployment; For this
the Spanish Institute of Migration was established in 1956. It is estimated that from 1960 to
1973 emigrated slightly more than two million Spanish citizens to different regions of both
Europe and Latin America (Lora Tamayo, 1998: 48).
19
However, these Spanish emigrations that had begun with civil war and continued
with the Franco government, was altered by the 1973 oil crisis12. This crisis had an impact
mainly in the industrialized countries of the West (of which was not yet part Spain), which
as a measure of restraint for the implications of the crisis, such as unemployment, inflation
or social conflicts, they closed their borders to immigrations temporary and they maintained
a policy of exclusion and expulsion to the immigrant groups that had already been
established there. By that time the immigration phenomenon was widespread in the
northern States of Europe, which is supplied from the end of the Second World War of the
cheap labor of developing countries in the continent13.
It is within of this economic crisis that originates the basis for the weakening of the
Spanish emigration usual that has begun with the civil war. Disruption of these emigrations
from Spaniards that partly were due to the closure of the borders of the most developed
countries of Europe, but also because of the different changes, first politicians, but after
economic that were developed in Spain at the time, starting a new process in that Spain
would begin to be introduced to the paths of neoliberal economic development.
12
The 1973 oil crisis changed the guidelines with which economic and trade relations were governed since
the end of World War II; a new economic paradigm linked to the nature of the economic system altered the
Keynesian versions of functioning of the economy and the role of the State, for other, of free trade, that
released the market forces at their own will. Based on the premises of theoretical Marxism would say that the
revolutionary transformations of capitalism directly influenced by technological change (set at that time by
information technology and the emerging computational systematization) and the downward trend in the rate
of profit, changed the international division of labor and thus the social relations of production that directly
would affect the role of immigration in these new forms of capitalist accumulation.
13
From 1945 to 1970 international migrations were the basis for the social reconstruction of the countries
devastated by the armed conflicts in Europe. To do this, for example, in Britain entered to around 90 thousand
people from the refugee camps in Italy to a European voluntary work scheme, they were devoted to the
reconstruction of the cities especially the capital. Another of these arrangements were the permits temporary
work issued by the British government between 1945 and 1950, to late 1951 there were at least 100,000
continental Europeans who had entered this country through this modality. France used a similar system from
the National Immigration Office, which sought to cover workforce shortages this organism called
demographic insufficiency. Was coordinated a program to attract 150 thousand workers from Spain and
Portugal who they were immersed in its respective military dictatorships, and in France they had the
possibility of finding a job and take refuge from political conflicts that arose in their respective countries;
1970 two million foreign workers resided in France (Kay and Miles, 1992: 45-46). These same circumstances
were held in Switzerland, where employers come to seek foreign labor force and the State was responsible for
regularized. The Federal Republic of Germany remained a model of attraction of immigrants in which
employers pay a fee to the Federal Labour Office so that it will select workers in the Mediterranean countries,
subjecting them to a series physical and skill tests. Foreign workers increased from 95 thousand in 1956 to
one million 300 thousand in 1966 and two million 600 thousand in 1973 (Castles and Miller, 2005: 101).
20
The fall of the Franco regime in 1975 promoted political freedoms and capitalist
economic development accelerated, and this, together with the stability of State finances
and political transition model; explains the return of some emigrants (650 thousand
returned voluntarily) and stagnation of emigrations that had been continuously developed
over the past four decades (De la Fuente Rodriguez, 2001). However, the inherited
deficiencies of the Franco regime, as the subordination of Spain to the outside market due
to exports, remittances and dependence on energy resources and productive capacity
limited, meant that also Spain, like the rest of the European countries suffered the
consequences of the oil crisis, such as inflation, slowing and unemployment. Therefore, its
economic takeoff had to wait until the last two decades of the twentieth century.
These reforms were largely designed to integrate Spain into the European common
market that although it was a proclamation from the end of the Second World War, was not
established itself until the signing of the Single European Act in 1986, in which they began
to eliminate the physical and bureaucratic barriers to the realization of the common market.
Within the common market, liberalization of capital flows of goods and of people were
established, beginning to transform the relations of the States participating and undertaking
the process of neoliberal globalization.
1.2. Immigration in Spain in the context of globalization

The migration of people is part of the evolution of economic relations within the
neoliberal globalization process developed in the last two decades of the twentieth century.
This economic process based on the internationalization of the marketing and production
relations was supported by the immanent necessity of capitalism of extended territorially
for hoard the widest market possible in their search to reproduce and keep rising the rate of
profit (as we will observe in detail in the next section). However, the pursuit of capitalist
accumulation in all its forms, generates economic inequalities in productive agents within
economic relations, causing uneven development of regions, by the existence of central and
peripheral countries of capitalism, in which it establishes an unequal distribution of
productive development, both industrial as of natural resources, and therefore generates
21
displacements of the labor force, which tends to be attracted or expelled according to its
role in the international division of labor. (Wallerstein, 1984; Massey, 1998; Portes and
Walton, 1981; Sassen, 1988)
Neoliberal globalization potentiated migrations due to the global interconnection to
the extent that transportation became massive, and the industries were off-shored, while
States generated free trade agreements that relegated territorial barriers. Above all, these
immigrations were extended to the extent that the market accumulated wealth in the central
countries at the expense of peripheral countries, generating attracting citizens of the
peripheries, developing a new geography and demography; on the one side of development
and quality life, and on the other side of marginalization and social exclusion.
Migration flows are today a structural feature, (systemic) of world order that imposed
by the dominant model of globalization. As such, constitute a new phenomenon, a real
displacement in the world that characterizes this process of globalization [...] In this sense it
could be argued that migration flows appear as the real figurehead of globalization, it
announces, or put otherwise, to the extent that increases the globalization process also
increase migration. (De Lucas, 2002: 1)
During this transition process of capitalist accumulation took place mainly two
archetypes immigration. The first is represented by the highest strata social and economic
of the population, developed under the bounties of globalization and protected by State
regulations. These immigrations are exemplified for the citizens who are part of the
European community, beginning their mobility with a kind of common citizenship and
therefore acquire at its entry to any EU country certain social protection, access to work and
residence (at least normatively). These immigrations have different motivations, being the
highly qualified work the first, but also the academic, the professional, the leisure, etc.
(Capel, 1997: 33).
The other model immigration is labor, primarily due to the economic needs that gave
rise to these transfers, which have intensified and diversified both in relation to the origins
of immigration as the destinations of it. These immigrations have replaced labor
immigrations coming from the backward countries of Europe, for others as: the inhabitants
of the Maghreb, sub-Saharan Africans, Latin Americans and Asians from the peripheries of
22
the capitalist center. Their non belonging to the spaces of free transit and the search for
low-skilled jobs has generated more reticence upon arrival and has conditioned in many
cases at the irregularity14. (Kay and Miles, 1992: 203-213)
One of the most obvious problems of neoliberal globalization is that while it was
established a wide opening for goods, capital and mass media, as were necessary to the
process of capitalist and unavoidable for reproduction of globalization; were restricted
movement of people, avoiding immigration (or some of them) limiting the flow of
individuals, and their permanent stay. These limitations on certain immigrations led to
restrictive and segregationist border policies that even they hindered the legal step
indirectly (by the requirement of visas15), fueling the growth of the entry and stay irregular
immigration, which in turn have been channeled to markets precarious employment and
without any regulation. (Perada, Actis and Prada, 2007: 55)
The globalization process has developed in Spain by these two paths, the first: the
incorporation of Spain to the liberalization of borders for goods and capitals with the
deregulation of the financial market and its incorporation into the European Economic
Community16. The second; the immigration attraction to its territory due to continued
economic growth, promoting magnetism in the imagination of the citizens of poor
countries, which search in the mobility to Spain a path of economic development feasible.
(Centre d' Estudis Sociolgics, 2011: 139)
14
Another trend of these new immigrations is the marked increase in the feminization of these flows,
compounds increasingly by women that are moved independently or as heads of household, due to the relative
decline of industrial jobs in traditional immigrants and the increase of jobs in domestic and service sectors
that give them the opportunity to be participate in the labor market and acquire more cultural authority given
his role as a partner in domestic spending (Castles, 2000: 12).
15
In Spain for example, after extensive development of immigrations in the 1990s, it began to ask for a visa
to citizens of the Dominican Republic, Peru, Ecuador, Colombia and Morocco that were the main sending
countries of migrants.
16
The incorporation of Spain to the European Economic Community, led to that are assimilated the policies
of financial deregulation and opening of markets, driven by economic circles and European intellectuals in
those immersed moments in the Treaty of Maastricht (Busch, 2011: 51). Similarly, in Spain was assimilated
the creation of a welfare State in communion with the European societies most advanced, from the
agreements Lisbon and Nice. (Cordero del Castillo, 2009, 131) The opening to foreign investment,
modernization of industries, the breadth of public investments, rising private consumption and valuation of
real estate, had an impact for that Spain steady economic growth; mainly in the construction industries and
services, which made spectacular its economic development, with a further boost with the introduction of the
euro in 2002.
23
These structural conditions in Spain, along with the deficiencies of immigration

policies which had not contemplated this phenomenon to large scale, and gaps in border
security (the porosity of land borders of Ceuta and Melilla in African territory and maritime
borders in the Strait of Gibraltar), caused that Spain became one of the main centers arrival
of immigrants in western Europe. Likewise, the historical relationship between Spain and
Latin America caused that large numbers of people of this region will find in Spain a
formula of vertical social mobility in their migration, pushed by the facilities for integration
and lax conditions of stay imposed by the State Spanish to allow them residence and
subsequent naturalization.
This immigration phenomenon initially, lacked rigorous State standards; however,
this did not lead to conflicts accentuated as in other regions of Europe. (Truccone, 2012: 3)
These mishaps can be placed in the low developed by public institutions dedicated to
specifically cater to immigrants, keeping backlogs in education, health, legal sector, etc. in
which the lack to training or capacity to serve the immigration and its derivations,
generated conflict and reproduced patterns that criminalized, marginalized and excluded to
certain immigrants (De Giorgi, 2012: 156-167). Similarly, a civil society not accustomed to
live with different cultures and behaviors, in some cases presented actions linked to
xenophobia, exclusion, stigmatization, racism, etc. which generated conflicts between
natives and immigrants. (Capel, 2001: 54) But unlike other contexts in Europe, in Spain,
although they were presented in some circumstances, these State deficits and social
problems were not widespread or spread disproportionately, as happened in States such as
France, Britain, Germany and Greece for example.
This situation of relative social compromise of the immigration phenomenon can be
explained from the own economic growth that took place from 1994 to 2007, by reducing
unemployment and increasing the employment rate for both immigrants and natives
(Moreno Fuentes, 2011; 11). In these years of economic growth, immigration also
increased, making Spain the country the EU that received more immigrants. In the late
nineties of the last century there were 1.57 million immigrants in Spain, which had a total
population of 40.8 million, something like 3.5% of the total population. By the year 2007,
there were 4.15 million immigrants in a total population of 44.7 million people, i.e., the
24
immigrant population had become 9.3% of the total population. In 2012 the number of
immigrants was around 5.25 million, slightly more than 11% of the total population.
(Dodaldo, 2008: 10)
1.3. Immigration in Spain prior to the crisis
As already noted the increase of immigrants in Spain during the time of expansive
economic development was meteoric (Graph 1) from being in 20 years a phenomenon
small and delimited in its composition, at be an essential part of the growth and forceproductive necessary for the economy. Immigration stopped serious problems in the labor
market, such as the shortage of low-skilled labor to work in the service sector, the
introduction of Spanish women in the labor market (because now immigrants are taking the
work at home) and the drastic reduction in the birth rate.
Graph 1, Source: Labour Force Survey 2006 in Spain, taken from: (Oficina Econmica del
Presidente, 2006). Foreign (Extranjeros) y Native (Nativos).
In Graphs 1 and 2 shows how this exponential growth of immigration in just over a
decade developed. In data from three government instances an unprecedented growth of the
foreign population in Spain is observed, and is from the start of the economic crisis and
especially in the period in which the conditions of this economic cycle were intensified that
is observed a stagnation and subsequent reduction in the number of immigrants.
25
Graph 2, Details of the annual average number of immigrants in Spain according to the
Municipal Register (INE), the Secretary of State for Immigration and Emigration (SEIE) and the
Labour Force Survey (EPA), Taken from (Ideas Foundation, 2011; 42).
In the Graph 3 can see how was constituted immigration in Spain in the period of
economic growth (2006-2007).
Graph 3, Composition of immigration in Spain 2006, Source: National Institute of Statistics

2006, taken from: (Oficina Econmica del Presidente, 2006).
There are two features highlight of this graphic: the first is the historical relationship
between Spain and the citizens who formed the largest contingent of these migrations;
Latin American about 35% and Moroccans with more than 13%. The feature second is the
participation of members of the common European market in these migrations towards
Spain.
The collectives of Latin Americans and Moroccans had a broader historical
relationship of colonization and cultural convergence with the host State, which implies the
26
possibility to integrate better into the native culture by the cultural and geographical
approach allowing the massive development of these flows. In the case of Latin American
immigration had a close cultural and social relationship with Spain due largely to the three
centuries of colonization that suggest a cultural approach ranging, from language to
religion, through various behaviors and social preferences that are made compatible with
those of the host society.
Thereby, both for Latin American migrants attempting to move towards Europe, and
for the Spanish State that need this immigration as a workforce, is that this relationship is a
priority well above those taken with other States or migrant groups. Proof of this is the
massive increase in Latin American immigrants to Spain, much higher than those of any
other EU State. And on the other side this preference of the Spanish State is shown when
granting citizenship to Latin American immigrants; in the case of the these with two years
of legal and continuous residence it is allowed to obtain citizenship, in the case of other
immigration have to wait ten years to get this benefit17.
Moroccan immigration was not developed massively in Spain until the last two
decades of the last century, unlike the set of previously colonized African citizens who
sought migrate to metropolis subsequently to emancipation, to mid-twentieth century (as
happened with the Algerians, Libyans, Tunisians, South Africans, Ethiopians, Ivoirians,
etc.). The geographical proximity between Spain and Morocco, and the recent historical
relationship, allowed a cultural exchange because of the Spanish protectorate in the early
twentieth century on the Moroccan territory. However, not was generated Moroccan
migration to Spain until initiate the process of economic growth and attract migrants by
neoliberal globalization.
This immigration of Moroccans took root in certain places, such as Barcelona and
Malaga, where had a lack of manpower by stagnation of internal migration, which was
relieved by the workforce Moroccan who assimilated this function and was part of the first
17
Legal and continuous residence of Latin American citizens, and citizens of Andorra, Philippines, Equatorial
Guinea, Portugal or Sephardim (Jews), in Spanish territory for more than two years, allows them to request
Spanish nationality by residence, fulfilling a series of requirements and procedures, including, of no criminal
record. (Maldonado, 2013: 12)
27
collectives that legalized their status illegal in the processes that opened the Spanish State
in this direction. (Lpez Garca, 2004: 34)
The second feature of immigration that entered Spain in the last two decades of the
twentieth century is set to its membership of the EU and to space of Schengen, and
therefore the freedom of movement for these immigrants. In 2007, 20.8% of all immigrants
in Spain were from EU countries, generally highly skilled workers or retirees previously
settled.
These flows migratory within the EU are grouped into a pole mobility of neoliberal
globalization; flows are mostly highly skilled, protected by the citizenship of the European
community or of the consular agreements of the most States developed, which have as their
motivations beyond the conditions labor. At the other pole are the main labor migrations,
generally low-skilled, which in the case Spanish are mostly of Latin Americans, Africans,
of the no-Community Europe and to a lesser extent Asia.
One way to note the difference between immigrant groups in Spain is observe their
educational level (Graph 4). In the case of immigrants from the EU, the proportion of
citizens with higher education or college is 38.3%, a situation that contrasts with the 18.0%
of immigrants from the rest of the world with that level of education, and even surpasses
the average of the natives at the level of university studies with 22.5%. Similarly, when the
level of primary education is explored and even illiterate people of these three groups, is
observed that the immigrants non-Community are part of a contingent less prepared
academically and conducive to fill jobs of more low rating.
100%
Higher education
Highschool education
75%
Primary education
Illiterate
50%
25%
0%
Native
Foreign: EU Foreign: Rest of the world
Graph 4, Level of education of immigrants in Spain by place of origin, Source Labour Force
Survey 2006, Taken (Oficina Econmica del Presidente, 2006)
28
Another variable that clearly demonstrates the difference between immigrant groups
is their ability to achieve higher wages, reflecting in turn a placement in the top
management of the economic structure in Spain. In Graph 5 is shows how during almost all
of the early years of this century, immigrants of Community origin gained much better
wages than immigrants from the rest of the world, and that only in times of economic crisis,
their wages fell from average salary of the Spanish citizen, but still were higher than the
wages of the rest of immigrants.
Graph 5, Annual average earnings per worker according to their nationality in Spain, Taken
in: (Fundacin Ideas, 2011; 51). (Spain) Espaa; (Rest of Europe) Resto de Europa; (Rest of the
world) Resto del mundo; (EU, less Spain) UE menos Espaa; Latin America (Amrica Latina).
These conditions show that immigration from EU partners has a different tone to the
rest of the immigrations who settled in Spain. Its peculiarities certainly lie in the qualities
(academic, legal, economic, political, consular, etc.) previously acquired at this move, and
that allowed them to join the process of globalization and cultural interaction based on the
jobs they occupied in Spain. Therefore, freedom of movement within the EU allows them
to maintain their status as citizens with all the implications that this entails; the "legalize"
them and enables them to perform all their activities with full support of state.
This situation contrasts with the present conditions of the other immigrations, in
which the absence of the citizenship status on immigrants with legal stay, and the absence
of documentation of legal stay in the illegal immigrants, reduces them to a vulnerable
situation. This vulnerability is concentrated in all social fields as shown in Table 1, but as
29
this immigration in Spain has mainly labor motivations, is this segment where it is possible
to show such vulnerabilities with greater depth. (Garrido and Toharia, 2004: 74-86)
Exclusion from employment

Exclusion consumption
Political exclusion
Exclusion from education
Exclusion of shelter
Excluding health
Social conflict
Social isolation
Spanish and
belonging to EU 15 *
12.5
8.1
4.3
6.1
17.8
10.8
12.3
7.5
Non-EU and belonging

to enlargement of the
EU 12 **
27.2
17.2
89.1
3.5
37.1
16.6
16.4
9.2
Table 1, Relationship of vulnerability and exclusion of immigrants in Spain by nationality in

percentages, Source: Survey FOESSA (Fomento de estudios sociales y de sociologa aplicada)
(2008). From: (Laparra Navarro and Martinez de Lizarrondo, 2009) *Austria, Belgium, Denmark,
Spain, Finland, France, Greece, Holland, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Portugal, United Kingdom
and Sweden. **Bulgaria, Romania, Cyprus, Slovakia, Slovenia, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia,
Lithuania, Malta, Poland and Czech Republic.
According to the Encuesta de Estructura Salarial (Wage Structure Survey) 2006 in

Spain (not yet in recession) the immigrants from non-Community origin earned on average
30% less than that of a worker of Spanish nationality and / or Community with similar
characteristics in the educational level and professional experience. And for an immigrant
without prior work experience in their first year of work in Spain his salary was 35% lower
than that of a native worker of the European Community with the same work experience
and age. After 10 years of staying in Spain, this gap usually is shortened to only 15% less
than natives and / or Community (Simon Sanromn and Ramos, 2008).
These millions of non-EU immigrants who settled in the Spanish State since the
nineties of the last century to the present, not displace native workers from their jobs nor
they prevented the growth of wages in the short-term (Felgueroso and Vazquez, 2010: 34),
but they took jobs that opened according to their conditions and capabilities. A situation
which was benefited at the Spanish economy because during the growth period of 20002007 were generated in Spain around 4.85 million net jobs, an amount equal to 24% of total
employment that existed in Spain at the end of 2007, of which migrants occupied the half
30
of all net jobs created, with growth rates near annual population to 30%, much higher than
those recorded by the native population that grew at 2.13%. (Fundacin idas, 2011; 25)
The immigrants not-EU citizens kept their jobs in the lower strata of this
classification, in contrast to the Spaniards, whose job was more uniformly distributed in the
labor market. With this what is observed is the labor dualization, in which two distinct
labor markets persist; in the Spanish case this division is generated by the origin of the
worker: for a side native and EU immigrants and on the other side immigrant of the rest of
the world generally coming from developing countries. The latter usually cover the most
precarious, unstable, less or not regulated tasks, often in the field of domestic service,
construction and services (Wilhelmi, 2012: 34-60).
As Aparicio Wilhelmi says:
[...] The dualization of the labor market is a structural necessity of capitalism and
such a need is what produces the pull effect on migration flows [...]. The dualization, with
the creation of a labor available and in worse conditions as those in national workers, is
favored by policies that emphasize control against integration. Administrative Illegality is
deepened in the precarious legal of the immigrant who sharpens the duality. (Aparicio
Wilhelmi, 2012; 13)
These working conditions show that immigrants who arrived prior to the process of
economic crisis, had a specific place in the economy of Spain, but later the crisis, this place
is diluted due to the turmoils in the labor market. The productive sectors are concentrated
in Graph 6 to see how they were distributed in the Spanish production system. As shown in
Graph, the weight of the services sector in the occupancy level of both immigrant and
natives is huge. However, immigrant are concentrated in domestic service, in the hotel and
food industry, as well as jobs such as operators or carriers, among others, which proved to
be the positions of lower qualifications and therefore with lower wages .
31
Graph 6, Sectors of occupation by nationality, Source: Labour Force Survey, 2006 Taken
from: (Oficina Econmica del Presidente, 2006): Native (Nativos), Foreign (Extranjeros)
However, is relevant to note that the only sector where foreigners outnumber native
occupation is in the construction. This sector was the engine that got that the Spanish
economy steadily grow because all the industrial implications that this activity entails
(market large work, need vast basic inputs, large amounts of embedded capital, use the
services sector, both financial and of the construction, marketing of the final product,
product valorization, etc.), and which in turn was the main factor determined the initiation
and development of the economic crisis in Spain, on which it is possible to foresee the
affectation in the immigrant.
Another feature of immigration that is associated with the employment structure,
dualized and groundwater in Spain is illegal immigration. As noted initially, geographic,
legal and economic structures as well as the porosity at land and sea borders, the lax
regulations of stay of the Spanish State and constant economic growth, generated in the
immigrant the hope of move to Spain at this moment of economic expansion as a way to
improve their lives. However, the lack to labor contracts that legalized this transfer, lack to
proper documentation from their own States and lack to cultural, social, legal and economic
means generated a considerable increase in illegal immigration.
As pointed Presno Linera (2012):
[...] The difference in standard of living is too large and geographical distance is too
small as not to try the jump. According to World Bank data for 2009, Gross Domestic
Product, at purchasing power parity per capita is about $ 40,000 dollars in the Netherlands,
$ 36,500 in Germany and the UK, and about $ 32,000 in Italy and Spain, while oscillates
32
around $ 4,500 in Morocco and $ 1,800 in Senegal, with several countries neighbors below
this amount. (Presno Linera, 2012: 37)
Illegal immigrant, however, occupy to less well paid jobs without social protection,
which places them more or less permanently in the most precarious sectors of the labor and
social field. In addition to this, invisibility places them facing the economic, political and
legal power, without any legal limitation that protects immigrant of the entrepreneurs,
police, judges, etc., who try to abuse their illegal status.
Hence the consequences of this illegal immigration are also set from invisibility
since that the ignorance the State about the existence of the immigrant to limit or regulate
the actions of these people are low (as possible crimes or diseases that would not be
controlled by the porosity of borders), and social and legal controls that could apply they do
not do it, which implies a loss of power and control over a sensitive part of society.
This invisibility is reflected in the inconsistency of the numbers of these immigrants.
Its calculation is generally established from the difference between two databases; on the
one hand the numbers of residence permits and work that are generated by the central
government, and on the other hand the numbers obtained in the municipal censuses that are
developed by each autonomous government. The first number is taken of database
generated by the Secretariat of State for Immigration and Emigration from the Interior
Ministry showing the amounts of work and residence permits issued to immigrants who
meet the requirements to obtain it. The second number is a record that carries out each
locality called Municipal Population Census considers at all residents that settled in a
municipality, including foreigners, even those that not legally entered the country. The
latter records does not ask demonstrate a particular immigration status to enroll, and allows
registered inhabitants access to certain social and health services, which is a motivation to
enroll. Therefore, the difference between these two estimates may show the number of
illegal immigrants living in each community. But even so, the numbers are skewed by the
voluntarism of the immigrants if they decide to register or not. In 2007 the numbers based
on each region are shown in Table 2.
33
Table 2, Quantification of immigrants from two public records, based on each region (2007),
Source National Institute of Statistics and PECI, 2007-10. From: (Laparra Navarro and Martinez de
Lizarrondo, 2009) Register (Registro), Permits (Permisos) y Difference (Diferencia).
It is noted in this table the substantial difference between the permits of residence and
work and numbers generated from the municipal register. Following these estimates, it is
noted that at least 22.1% of all immigrants in Spain are irregular, but there are certain
communities as the Pas Vasco, Madrid and the Comunidad Valenciana, where these
proportions of irregular migrants grow beyond 30%. As already noted, these calculations
are only estimates based on logical reasoning; however, these quantifications may not be
fully recognized by the various biases that exist.
One consideration that is achieved deduced from the preliminary table is the
proportion of migrants by each autonomous community. This is shown more clearly on the
Map 1, where the percentage of the immigrant population is presented for each region of
the State in proportion to its total population. It is evident on this map that the immigration
phenomenon in Spain is focused on certain regions, with prevalence in major cities of the
northeast and southeast of the country, in non-peninsular territories, and in the center, in the
community of Madrid.
34
Map 1; Map the percentage of immigrant population en total proportion of the population,
taken from: (Oficina Econmica del Presidente, 2006).
These regions maintain diverse paths of economic growth, and therefore the ability of
immigrants to integrate occupationally is modified depending on the context. The
immigrants occupy two side on the large cities of the country, in Catalua and the
community of Madrid; on the one hand, a significant number of EU citizens are residents of
these cities, which are financial centers, corporate and of business in all of Spain that need
these immigrations for being highly qualified in their majority; and on the other hand, labor
immigration with lower labor skills, which are represented by the Latin Americans and
Africans that constitute in the two communities two thirds of the total immigrants; in
Catalua there are twice of Africans
that Latin Americans and
in Madrid happens
opposite. Both groups seek employment in the tertiary sector, agriculture and construction
mainly. Also, in Madrid is the most important colony of Romanians, whose main source of
employment is construction; and in Catalua the Asian community is the largest in Spain
dedicated mostly to domestic and commercial sector.
A third of the immigrants who live in the community of Andaluca come from the
African continent, most of them dedicated to intensive agriculture, but also to the
construction industry that grew strongly during the housing boom. Also, the Romanian
group in Andaluca and Valencia noteworthy, and in the construction and tourism sector,
35
which are their main activities. The Canarias and Baleares Islands have the highest rates of
residents of Community origin, mainly Germans and British that is an immigration of
retired most often. However, labor migration also occurs in these communities; the Canaria
Islands for example, is emphasized the immigration from Latin America, mainly
Colombians and Cubans, and the Baleares Islands is more important the African group.
Due to the massive arrival, to territorial expansion and the socioeconomic conditions
of immigrants who arrived at Spain, receipt of these groups since the native society became
essential to prevent social conflicts predictable for the different cultural conceptions.
Therefore, the perception of the Spanish about immigrants became a fundamental issue of
immigration policies of the Spanish State.
This social perception in the minds of native about immigrants, in part is built from
the political speeches, the diverse contingent situations, so as the own subjective conditions
of the treatment of immigrants from the State (Shore and Writes, 1997: 44). Therefore, the
immigrant category involves not only the lack to citizenship status, but also contains
symbolic meanings that refer to their nature as immigrants. These symbolic meanings most
often are related to conflicting perspectives, such as poverty, disorder, crime and illegality
(Czech, 2003: 201). From these representations, the image of the immigrant acquires, on
the idea of native, attitudes that are not entirely certain in most cases, or at least that not
including the whole phenomenon; but it becomes apparent, in this imaginary, as intrinsic to
their condition. For example, entrenched and stereotyped ideas in some societies that all
immigrants are poor, uneducated, looking for low-skilled jobs, arrived in boats or kayaks,
linked to the various mafias, etc.18
Various studies that are approaches to the issue of immigration and how it is
externalized in political speeches and media intermediation are consistent on a biased,
stereotypical, decontextualized representation of this phenomenon, which affects the
construction of negative cultural values of the host community to this flow (Van Dijk,
18
However, these stereotypes are not similar in all cases, as shown in the treatment of the Spanish to the
immigrants of the EU and non-EU. The latter are consistent with the category already exposed, but EU
immigrants possess better legal, economic and cultural capacity better than the rest of immigration and its
identification as European by the native community has a social recognition more high, and therefore are not
considered mostly a problem. (Sobrados Leon, 2011)
36
1997, 2003; Ban, 1996). This in general is so because on the construction of

subjectivities of the native towards the immigration phenomenon begins with the events
involving conflicts, such as the illegal entry, crime and the problems of coexistence that
reinforce certain arguments and absorb the attention as if these were to whole phenomenon
(Sobrados Len, 2002).
The following are examples of the construction of subjectivities negative from certain
events in which the impression of insecurity was directly linked to the excessive growth of
immigration, reflecting some of the positions of the State in this matter:
The police chief blamed on illegal immigration the rise of crime in 10.52%
(El Pas, 02/11/2001)
Rajoy announced 560 new police to tackle an escalation of crimes
attributed to immigration (El Pas, 21/02/2002)
Interior (Interior Ministry) attributes to immigration the increased crime by
more than 9% (El Pas, 03/01/02)
Interior emphasizes that the majority of the killings in 2001 were vendettas
between foreigners (El Mundo, 03/01/02)
Aznar asks shield the EU against illegal immigration. The police union
accuses inside inflating of foreign detainees data (El Pas, 21/05/02, published on
the cover)
Rajoy links to immigrants with increasing crime (El Mundo, 21/03/02)
Nine out of ten remand prisoners are foreigners arrested in May (ABC,
26/06/02)19
Despite the generation of this speech from the State20, reproduced by the various
national newspapers which placed immigration as synonymous with violence, crime and
19
These examples were taken from (Sobrados Len, 2011).

In Spain, the issue of immigration has caused various political clashes, although to a lesser extent than in
other European countries such as Italy, the UK and Greece, for example, where they have generated political
groupings directly focused on measures to expulsion or limitation of these flows migrations from the State.
Although parties like the center-right PP (Popular Party) that seek to satisfy at their electorate with proposals
to limit immigration, in Spain this phenomenon has also led to more positive assessments, which have been
used for the PSOE (Spanish Socialist Workers Party) and in general by the respective leftist parties in the
different communities, to get political gains derived from the fact that their electorates see at immigration as
positive, but also, as possible to control.
20
37
conflict, the population Spanish in general showed a moderate opinion pro-immigration.

Data from different surveys or publications by the Spanish Monitoring Centre on Racism
and Xenophobia, expressed a positive opinion of the phenomenon above 40% of total
respondents, while negative opinions were around 30% of the measurements21. This can be
explained; first at from the reluctance of certain part of society to take part in the official
discourse, given the plurality of opinions in a consolidated democracy such as the Spanish,
secondly because the areas of greatest conflict with the immigrants as the land and sea
borders and the large cities does not group the whole public perception and therefore the
areas where immigrants have less presence and therefore less reticence towards this
phenomenon has tempered the unfavorable perceptions. And thirdly because despite the
government's discourse; economic development and integration of immigrants based in
employment allowed the Spaniards develop economically and personally, largely thanks to
the participation of newcomers.
These perceptions, as already mentioned were determined by the regions where the
conflict of immigration is lived. In Table 3 can see how the islands of the Spanish State,
in the southern coasts of the peninsula and in communities with more immigrant population
were where more presence had a negative opinion towards immigration.
21
These surveys were conducted by the CIS (Sociological Research Centre, for its acronym in Spanish) and
the IESA-CSIC (Institute of Social Research advanced-Council top of Scientific Research, for its acronym in
Spanish) for the Spanish Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia.
38
Table 3, Evolution of the mention of immigration among the main problems of the
autonomous communities 2005, Source: Barometer of CIS, Taken from: (Ministerio de la
Presidencia, 2007)
The positive or negative ratings on immigration also have as primary variable the
origin of these flows. J. Dez Nicols, who conducted a study in 2015, asked what
perception had Spanish citizens of the different groups of immigrants. He found that the
best rated were the western Europeans, due to the characteristics that have already been
addressed in this work, second were the South Americans by their cultural surroundings,
third were the Asian, fourth were the African, fifth the eastern Europeans, followed by the
Russians, North Americans, the Jews, the Gypsies, and finally the Arab-Muslims. Says the
same study that until 2001 Roma migrants were the worst rated, but after the attacks of
September 11 in the US and March 11 in Spain, the Arab-Muslims occupied that place
(Dez Nicolas, 2015; 2).
Similarly, the increase in the magnitude of the immigration phenomenon in the early
years of this century (which led to a greater appearance of the theme in the media and a
greater positioning of political actors) generated a considerable increase in the rejection of
immigration. As shown in Graph 8, the perception that immigrants are too increases in
the years in which these flows grew exponentially because in 1996 it was the year in which
was the lowest perception in this regard, and the number of immigrants barely surpassed
the half of million inhabitants, while in 2005 when this perception was higher, the number
of immigrants had grown to more than three and a half million people.
39
Graph 8, Evolution of appreciation the number of foreigners in Spain, Source: Data from
CIS. Taken from: (Ministerio de la Presidencia, 2007), Too many (Demasiados), Enough, but not
too much (Bastantes, pero no demasiados), They are few (Son pocos)
In surveys conducted in different years before the economic crisis, show that even in
the perception of citizens, immigration is justified if it met the needs of the labor market.
Leading to think that while exist more jobs and economic development, most immigration
could be integrated with relative welcome in the whole of Spanish society.
It only remains to note that the Spanish social perception about immigrants was
determined most often by the economy and especially for working conditions. It could be
said that Spain, immersed in the globalization process powered by a multiculturalists
ideology is more respectful of the social and cultural diversity, while their economic
position remains balanced. Therefore, be interesting to note this parameter of citizen
perception about immigrants already in the economic crisis, being a time of conflict in
which perhaps these measures of cosmopolitan tolerance are changed.
In conclusion
In the midst of these descriptions I tried to show the steady growth of immigration in
Spain from economic development promoted by neoliberal globalization and openness to
supranational free market processes. These immigrations girded to the processes of
globalization is distinguished by its positioning within the productive development, some
focused on the benevolent conditions of global interconnection, as was the case of the
Community immigrations, and other entrained by the production process itself, which led
certain flows of foreign population at areas, regions and sectors where they its force labor
was needed, despite low wages and practically without social protection.
Also within this section wanted to emphasize the goal of this immigration and the
recognition that Spanish citizenship gave these flows. In summary, it can be said that in
most cases these immigrations had reasons purely of work, and if at some point they were
questioned by society, in most cases depended on the social, economic and political
situations. It must be said that the reception of immigration in Spain did not lead samples
racial hatred and of religious intolerance that were presented at other States in its
40
environment, largely because Spain had not been a traditional recipient of immigrants and
therefore not had marked stereotypes and reticence that other European societies if had,
however, were not exempt of conflict, although on a smaller scale quantitative and
qualitative than the rest.
Therefore, the intend is address in the next section the analysis of how this same
immigration phenomenon was then transformed of the stagnation and recession of 2008, in
order to observe what was the role of these migrant groups in this economic crisis and what
were their consequences, especially on labor, social and public areas.
41
Chapter 2. The development of immigration as from the economic

crisis
In this section will observe how the economic crisis in Spain was
developed and what their impacts on the population were. But, the analysis
will focus specifically on economic and social conditions of immigrants and
how they changed.
2.1. Capitalist crisis: economic and financial crisis (2008)
Economic crises in capitalism are part of a cycle inherent to the nature of the
production system due to its needs of expansion perennial that transform the economic
structure in a bomb in constant danger of explosion22. The outbreak that now is intended to
address starts at 2007, but has its history since 2001, and even since 1973 when the
paradigm economic Keynesian dominant until then was modified, and were developed the
causes that resulted the crisis economy and finance in recent years.
The economic crisis that began in the years 2007-2008 has certain similarities with
the crises of the years 187323 and 192924. In all three cases the technological developments,
22
It is noted that economic crises are an inherent part of model production, marketing and consumption
capitalist because the economic and social relationships that develop within it and make it viable in turn, as
the use of money as a means payment, the use of credit for productive development, the pursuit of infinite
gain of the capitalist, etc., are themselves the origins of the economic crisis. These arguments are developed in
(Hernndez Gamboa, 2014)
23
The economic crisis of 1873 began with the bursting of the speculative bubble of the railway industry and
its suppliers. The progress of this powerful economic activity had increased from 80 thousand kilometers of
railways at the time of the American Civil War to more than 160 thousand kilometers in 1873. This same
phenomenon was extrapolated to Russia and Europe generating an overproduction in which investors placed
their capital in companies dedicated to this branch and the actions of the same, which served to finance such
production. However, the benefits of such investments did not give the expected result (decreases the rate of
profit) reducing their investments and initiating a financial crisis that started in the stock exchange in Vienna
it contained some of the quotes for the shares of companies railway. These halted the construction of the lines
that were in process, laying off workers and canceling supply contracts. This triggered an economic crisis in
all branches of production, as this retraction of the capital, stopped the credit and productive and
technological development of all markets. (Marichal, 2002)
24
The 1929 crisis was caused by an overproduction based on technological improvements that paradoxically
led to very good results in the production of certain goods. For example, in agriculture, good harvests in the
United States, coupled with the incorporation of Argentina and Canada in the food market and the recovery of
Europe that no longer demanded such quantities of food, led to a saturation of international markets and this
cost reduction of such goods generated the bankruptcy of farmers. The same happened with industrial
production processes due to technological improvements that produced an overproduction and a decrease in
the rate of profit. But, these conditions were aggravated by the involvement of the financial market and
speculation generated by him. The constant growth of the stock exchange in New York due to the generation
42
overproduction and financial speculation played very important roles in the origin and
development of these economic cycles25. These processes depreciation in all three cases
had great periods of economic growth boosted by technological changes in the production
process26 that allowed them to keep rising profit rates. However, these same conditions of
technological innovation and overproduction allowed a recessionary economic cycle who
could not escape until increase aggregate demand, based on armed conflicts and other
elements that acted for its recovery27. (Goldstein, 2012)
In the 1929 crisis also as an engine of recovery served the Keynesian economic
theory at the expense of the classical theory. This latter as previously mentioned, clung the
thought of laissez faire, laissez passer as addressed in contemporary economic treaties, in
contrast to the Keynesian notion of State involvement in the economy as demand generator
and regulator of the consequences of capitalism, hegemonic from the thirties to the
seventies of the last century. This is important because the economic crisis that began in
2001 as cyclical background of the crisis of 2007, occurred largely as part of restrictions
imposed within legal frameworks produced by Keynesianism that were modified while the
of financial instruments that sustained its development on speculation prices, began to fall apart just when
commodity prices began to decline, reducing the investments and thus credits, selling the shares at very lows
prices because was little demand and had lot of supply. This broke the October 21 of 1929, with the
accumulation of 13 million sales orders in shares without finding buyer.
25
This situation triggers several considerations: the first is that capitalist production is entirely based on credit
(Marx 1946, 568), the second is that credit and therefore the financial system are means for capitalist
accumulation processes, but also serve as the end of this same accumulation, and third, that the requirement in
the accumulation in search of profit promoted mass production based on technological development and
forms of absolute and relative surplus value, allowing a new cycle of production although the precedent not
have yet been sold. This situation produces a saturation of the market in the form of overproduction and
accumulation of capital which are the obverse and reverse of the same phenomenon (Bensaid, 2009; 11).
26
Technological changes that allowed the previous economic development to 1873 were the application of
scientific processes in industries such as the widespread use of chemicals, internal combustion engines and
development of the use of oil as an energy source and the use telegraph as a remote communication, in
addition to the massive development of the rail network, in supported which investments and subsequent
speculative bubbles would. Adding, in the United States the annexation of Mexican territory and the use of
Chinese labor for the construction of railways was a migration that reduces production costs in the industry.
Before the crisis 1929 can be added, the implementation of Fordism as a process of assembly line supported
by the expansion of the market, reducing production costs and the improve the consumption of products, in
addition to the massive electrification, road construction and implementation of media, both radio and
telephone of way widespread, producing steady growth that ultimately collapsed in the stock market crash of
1929. (Goldstein, 2012)
27
Of crisis of 1873 it could not fully recover the economy until the various military processes that erupted:
US unemployment fell only after the war between Spain and the United States in 1898, which led to the
appropriation of U.S.A of the Philippines, Cuba and Puerto Rico. In Europe, there was a similar conflict, but
these by the distribution of Africa in 1880. On the other hand, the crisis of 1929 was tempered with the start
of World War II and the construction of a defense industry that recomposed aggregate demand in the United
States and European economies.
43
economic paradigm also was doing28. Leading to a reconsideration of the classical school of
economic, recovering some assumptions that projecting, from the oil crisis of 1973, the
dominance of free market, economic deregulation, liberalization of borders, etc. as opposed
to Keynesian ineffective State.
The hegemonic recomposition of the classical school of economics based on the
theoretical seats of the Austrian school from the seventies of the last century, again pushed
to no market intervention and hence the deregulation of markets from State29. These
circumstances led to the first economic crisis of the century, in the years 2000-2001, being
the basis of the crisis of the years 2007-2008. This is because the expansion associated with
technological development based on a period of growth of the shares of companies linked
to Internet as technologies that posed a revolution in all production processes, causing a
speculative bubble on the financial market of the NASDAQ (National Association of
Securities Dealers Automated Quotation) that recorded limited growth, giving little profit
margins to the large number of inserts capital in that market , causing a drop in technology
28
One of these legal measures that were modified (freeing the trade and the causes of the economic crisis of
2007) was the called Glass-Steagall Act or Banking Act which came into force in 1933, just a few years
subsequent to crack financial market. This regulation was trying to control financial speculation, distancing
the banking conventional and investments banking that were have united, also established the Federal Deposit
Insurance Corporation that was aimed to ensure deposits in commercial banks. The relevance of this
regulation is that before this, the commercial banks to available of small and large investors were using the
liquidity that was available to participate indiscriminately in speculative financial market, causing the stock
market crash of 1929, but losses were both for those who entered with their capital to speculative roulette or
simply deposited their savings without interfering in financial markets. In 1999, already in full free trade
hegemony, this regulation was repealed and changed by the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act, which was contrary at
these postulates, and allowed banks of any size and range get involved in the different financial activities
without restrictions regulatory by the State (Delgado Selley, 2011).
In the same way the Bank Holding Company Act of 1956, which slowed the merger of banking
conglomerates and did not allow the holding of shares of investment banks to commercial banks, was
reformed in 1999, allowing in some circumstances that commercial banks have subsidiaries of banks of
investment and vice versa (Delgado Selley, 2011). Also, among the agreements that benefited financial
speculation on a large scale it is the developed 1951 between the Fed (Federal Reserve System) and the US
Treasury, which freed the Fed of its responsibility to maintain low interest rates in the banking system solidly
regulated by the State and its institutions, at other based on considerations free market (Wray, 2007). That is,
of a State comptroller Keynesian, confidence is returning to a State leveraged in the classical school of
economics, which saw it as a legislator of competences between private, focused on its monetary function to
avoid market distortions , i.e., away from any productive branch and any intervention in the market.
29
The crisis of the seventies strongly weakened at the workers and their representatives, and facilitated the
development of theories that represented a radical change in economic policy in favor of the interests of
capital. They relayed on the advantages that allowed the global operation of capital, global competition and
the power of new technologies (as a virtuous circle for capital), together with the weakening and
disintegration of the popular forces, with the help of institutions international and governments, major world
capitals managed to go imposing a very favorable strategy for them that allowed the rapid recovery of the
profit rate. It is known as neoliberal economic policy. (Giribets Martinez, 2009; 13)
44
stocks in the United States and dragging with it a distrust of international markets30
(Heroics Cardoso, 2014). However, the US monetary authority in order to encourage
demand and stabilize the stock exchange, used the financial market as a backdrop to a
fictitious growth, reducing interest rates at almost 0% in order to stimulate investment and
reactivate consumption (Laffaye, 2008).
The financial market was largely the element limiting the economic crisis of 2001
based on the available capital increase driven by the US Federal Reserve that allowed
readjust the demand from companies and individuals. Its application was in the relatively
cheap credit obtained due to excess capital generated for savings rates in the exporting
countries of Asian oil, economic growth in emerging countries, mainly China and India,
and the preference of investors in financing leveraged assets in developed countries and on
a capital good durable, as proved to be the investment in real estate and mortgages that
ended up being the cause of the crisis of 2007 (Heroles Cardoso, 2014).
However, the pursuit to profit the capitalist must be constant, because its rate of profit
will be directly related to the volume of surplus labor within of production process,
therefore the size of the production level be the volume of its profit; and while production
this seated on the credit, and the credit was very accessible, production capacities will have
an exponential growth (2002-2007), especially in the real estate industry.
But as noted in the first paragraph, not only the production will be seated on credit,
also the consumption of capital goods it shall be rooted in the same; therefore, financial
market will be core in the entire production process. However, as it changed its ways to
profit with market liberalization (unification of commercial banks and investment), where
banks not only get benefits to the intermediation between savings and investment, as
30
In Spain the crisis equally produced ruinous effects than those presented in most stock markets of more
developed countries. Jazztel a Spanish telecommunications company fell 16% in a few minutes after a
shareholder is rid of all titles. Terra is another case in which the impact of the crisis has been seen since its
listing on the stock exchange, in November 1999 was priced at 11.81 euro and closed that same year at a price
of 37 euro per share, representing an increase of 184.61%, already in crisis; actions had a value 3.04 euro
(BBC, 2010). The company Recol telecommunications, as railway undertakings of 1873, began with a
promising project in an industry in turmoil (which was to bring Internet to all professional associations and
their members of speaks Spanish), getting in just seven months some 29 million euro of nearly 7,000 small
investors, but the company soon after was destroyed by the speculative bubble, and it ended up being accused
of fraud by these same shareholders (Creamdes, 2001).
45
traditionally they did, but also for the provision of financial31, as a collection of tariffs,
quotas and commissions, etc. their work will be expanded and their interests will mutate to
generate risks excessive than conventional banks, and the capitalist economic system itself
had not taken before of this new system earnings artificially. (Maria Flores, 2009)
These risks as subprime mortgages32 were the spearhead that brought together
overproduction of housing, accumulation of capital, and financial deregulation and market
boundaries in the crisis of the years 2007-2008. It was sustainable this business model due
to that the risks of a possible default by the creditor, the commercial bank would not
assume them as their own33, and this risk was transferred by banks and financial
subsidiaries, to other investment banks that cataloged these risks34 and grouped them to
generate a financial mechanism to pay afford them. These mechanisms are called
securitisation or titles credit35 that are financial vehicles sold by investment banks to
investors, investment funds, pension funds, foreign investors, etc. due to that these buyers
generated them a profit while the price of the goods (the housing) continue to increase and
there is a demand for purchasing such financial products.
31
As the managing funds for retirement savings, pension funds, mutual funds and investment, etc.
The Subprime mortgage category is part of the risk rating that banks and raters give their clients that
suppose may have a risk of default higher than the rest of the credits.
33
These brief overviews it can explain why conventional banks leave of assume full control of mortgage
loans issued. The profit of conventional banks resides in put these mortgages in the market because from there
they get dividends as fees, commissions, etc., and then your concern is to find a market without a concern
about of who will acquire these loans, as the bank not support these loans. The bank brings together the
different mortgages and sold in package to an investment bank, which securitizes different financial vehicles,
which sells at the same time to investors, so the bank didn't be is undercapitalized, then it recovers soon your
investment with a profit and generates a stimulus to further promote these mortgages, also do not generate any
risk while this risk is in investment banks and the owners of these mortgage securities.
34
In this equation also is the benevolent qualification that a different companies rating of financial risks (SP,
Moody's and Fitch) granted to these subprime mortgage portfolios. It is clear that the business of the
investment banks is to generate these packages of securitized mortgages and sell them to the various funds
and investors to get a commission and again play the same equation. Initially, these subprime mortgages were
conjoined with prime mortgages to avoid large risks, and therefore the qualifications to such portfolios were
good, however, gradually the securitisation was giving only mortgage subprime, but the rating of these
portfolios never changed. And with the collapse of the mortgage market and the first speculation caused that
all these titles lost their value, so the rating companies never saw such circumstances correctly.
35
Securitisation consists of granting credits from commercial banks to investment banks through channels
that are backed by mortgage assets and in general for all types of credit assets. These MBS (mortgage backed
securities) which have the advantage that their records appear off-balance sheet of banks, allowing them to
use assets leased for emitting papers to the investor market without the risk of compromising the issuing bank.
(Ginesta, 2011; 6)
32
46
Given these circumstances the momentum to build homes was huge; as there was
initially a very large demand, due use the low cost credit conditions to acquire a property.
This led eventually an overproduction of housing, which didn't be corresponding to demand
that was required by the limiting of the market itself. Therefore, they began to grant loans
to people who could not afford, which is where the subprime mortgages reside. These
steady increases in supply housing were promoted by the different credit lines at very low
costs relative with expected earnings by the construction. Here, is achieved observe
production and consumption settled in speculative financial market.
This reproduction: marketing of mortgages to creditworthy and defaulter customers,
selling these mortgages to investment banks, conjunction of these mortgages in a
securitisation, sale of these securities to various investors and capital funds (and speculation
about the same ones), return of the capital to conventional banks plus a profit, and
marketing of new mortgages, and so; they had its climax in 2005-2006. In these years the
marketing of subprime mortgages securitized came to 81% of all these titles (Kregel, 2007),
i.e., only risk was sold. This, together with the increased the interest rate of reference of the
US Federal Reserve in 5% (in order to reduce inflation by reducing credit and therefore
demand, of 1% to 5.25% between April 2004 and June 2007). In this context the number of
demanded credits for housing fell because the retraction of the credit, thus the demand of
housings also fell, and the value of the real estate started down, due existence a greater
supply of homes available demand for them, i.e., there was an overproduction of housing
that no longer found buyer.
The system began to falter progressively when creditors of these mortgages began to
lose power purchasing due to inflation and the increase in quotas of credits mortgages
acquired at a variable interest rate, by resulting in defaults on credit and uncertainty in
banks and financial markets by reducing the rate of profit36. In addition began to increase
36
The first to resenting the decline incipient were the holders of MBS that are the securitized packages of
mortgage debt, which they began to lose value due to the uncertainty about defaulting. The holders tried to
sell their financial products at any price before the egregious increase of offer decreased its price, this make
that financial instruments around him began equally to lose value. This of course affected the investment
banks and mortgage companies that are due the housing market. Already that without demand and because of
increases in interest rates to acquire a home, the mortgage market collapsed. The crisis in these markets
quickly spread throughout the financial market, as most of the investors had acquired these packages of debt
47
the unemployment rate in 2007 and later unemployment became more evident, with the
onset of the economic recession cycle37.
2.2. The economic crisis and its implications in Spain
Spain was part of that group of North American and European countries that were
affected by the economic crisis of the years 2007-2008 due to credit and production
implications settled in her womb, and that paradoxically were the elements that produced
their economic fore-stripping from mid the last decade of the past century. As it noted in
the preliminary section, market liberalization in Spain by the growth possibilities that
portended this flexibility affected the regulatory mechanisms designed in postfranquistas
economic frameworks, embracing the neoliberal policies of growth and development.
The entry of Spain into the common market of the European Union (EU) in that is
shared monetary policy among members using the euro as currency, generated lower risks
and uncertainties in the financial markets by the mass of capitals that support this currency.
Thus, for example, interest rates for mortgage loans, which are the nodal element of this
crisis, fell from 11% in 1995, to 3.5% in the years 2003-2005 that facilitated credit to
purchase such goods, and enabled a investors finance construction massive of houses that
had a constant demand and were valued in the market.
With the increased demand for houses and the good credit possibilities for the
production, the supply of housing increased disproportionately, while also the price of
housing in the market grew. For example, in 2003 the overvaluation of housing increased
from between 8% and 20%, and in 2004 of between 24% and 35% (Bank of Spain, 2005,
40) This increase in price housing was estimated by The Economist in 2003, about 52%,
the same year that Jos Garca-Montalvo estimated at 28.5%, more measured, but he stated:
in short, it is very likely that the Spanish housing market is a time bomb waiting to be
detonated. (Garca-Montalvo, 2003)
that they were begun to see as toxic, and in some cases if it was so, but in other cases the speculation turned
them in toxics.
37
It was not until December 2008 when officially recognized that the US economy has begun its recession
since December 2007. (Maria Flores, 2009)
48
The credit centered on the real estate and mortgages to households, loans to
construction companies and real estate activities got to reach 60% of total credit in the
Spanish economy. Only lending to the real estate sector stood at 30% of GDP (gross
domestic product) and total credit compared to GDP was much higher than the average of
the OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development) (Graph 9).
However, the countercyclical measures of the Bank of Spain never were entirely consistent
with these levels of debt in a single industry, and always the Bank of Spain denied the
existence of a housing bubble that interpreted as a transitory situation of overvaluation of
the prices that the market would resolve for itself.
Graph 9, Percentage of credit obtained relative to GDP 2007 in a comparison with OECD
countries. Sources Cecchetti, Mohanty and Zampolli, (2011) Taken from: (Colom, 2012).
Households (Hogares), Non-financial companies (Empresas no financieras), Public sector (Sector
Pblico)
Like the rest of European countries, the onset of the crisis in Spain was preceded by
the collapse of US investment banks (2007-2008), which caused the Spanish slowdown,
impacting on the reduced value of houses by reducing demand of real estate and
speculating about the future of securitisations of the mortgage loans industry .In Spain
between the second and third quarters of 2007 it is when the slowdown and recession in
economic begins, and its departure is placed until the last quarter of the year 2009 and early
of 2010, when they begin a very moderate growth (Graph 10). However, the various
measures taken by the Spanish State, as: the social cuts, interventions in the banks or
savings banks, labor reform, the increase in VAT (Value Added Tax) and the implications
of sovereign debt, not only in Spain, but also in some others countries of southern Europe,
49
generated them uncertainty about the recovery in the region, partly because of financial
speculation and partly because the measures required by international economic entities for
granting loans. Situation which led to that the possible recovery widespread were by only a
few quarters, falling back in 2011.
Graph 10, Development of GDP in Spain from 2007 to 2012, Source: Bloomberg, Taken
from (Rivas, 2012). Quarterly GDP (PIB trimestral), Annual GDP (PIB anualizado).
The characteristics of this crisis not only draw complex economic a conditions, but
also an intimate relationship with economic and social processes that developed around
these factors. That is, in general the impact of the recession due to the destabilization of real
estate markets in the United States determined equally to France, Italy, Germany and the
United Kingdom, however, local conditions were associated with global causes of the crisis
for establish processes longer and more complex. (Alama and Fuertes, 2012; 6)
These conditions are translated for example, in a significant loss of productive, and
competitiveness of Spain with other countries in the region, as the Spanish competition
consisted of the low cost of the labor and the raw materials, which when joined with the
common market European this advantage was neutralized due to the use of a common
currency, which generated an imbalance in its trade balance and began to suffer losses. In
addition to this, the credit relatively low offered by its membership the EU not was destined
to try to compete in the markets in which Spain did not have a competitive production with
other countries, but went to markets domestic competition, as was the case of construction
50
or tourism, which produced jobs not entirely well-paid and mostly seasonal (Ruesga
Benito, 2013; 78).
These structural conditions led to that in 2012 26% of the population, 6 million
people were unemployed (Graph 11), but these conditions worsened in the immigrant
groups as these percentages jumped above 35%, as will see later or for young people 15 to
24 years in that its unemployment rate was 57%. (Stuckler and Basu, 2012) In addition 259
thousand public sector jobs were eliminated and hundreds of thousands were slashed
benefits including extra pay Christmas. The suicide rate among men increased significantly
in the period of economic crisis, as well as patients with alcohol dependence increased six
fold in this time span (Stuckler and Basu, 2012).
Graph 11, Percentage of unemployment with respect to the total population of Spain 20072013. Source: Instituto Nacional de Estadstica, Taken from (Ocn Galilea, 2013; 31).
Due of the legal frameworks of the environ Spanish, the social implications of the
crisis were experienced differently, for example; in the EU countries the citizens not
covering the mortgage payments are not bound to vacate the house, however, in Spain this
is allowed, leading to people to keep debt off the property and even these debts can be
transmitted to their children (Stuckler and Basu, 2012). Until 2012, 400 thousand people
had been evicted from their homes by non-payment, which does not involve the nullity of
credit. Data provided by the religious association Caritas indicate that 600 thousand people
have no income and 22% of families in Spain living in poverty.
Many of these social repercussions were developed for the economic crisis because of
a real estate overproduction that generated a violent adjustment in supply and demand for
51
the commodity, which produced itself a correction in such production with closure of
certain businesses and the dismissal of some employees. However, one of the
characteristics of this economic cycle is that the consequences of the crisis served to that
the social impact of this economic cycle will surpass the generated for economic process in
itself. That is, the implications left by the crisis were had conceived of such way that the
reconstruction of the economic model aligned to State measures allowed greater
lengthening of this economic cycle, generating more poverty, inequality, unemployment,
and in generally greater consequences the crisis in the society, therefore it is very important
describe such actions of the State in this economic cycle.
The Spanish State established a countercyclical plan in 2008 with a budget of 160
billion euro in aid to Spanish banks and a guarantee line at the banks of 90 billion euro, on
which the State assured investors that if private banks failed to meet their obligations, him
would assume them as their own.. Also in 2008 was established the Fund for Orderly Bank
Restructuring (FROB) which was tasked to allocate direct capital injections to some banks,
for example; 19 billion to Bankia, 9 billion euro to Catalua Caixa and Nova Caixa Galicia,
in which the total aid reached about 15% of GDP of Spain (Alvarez, 2012).
After these countercyclical measures, the Spanish government produced the so-called
Plan E (Spanish Plan for Stimulating the Economy and Employment), which was of four
areas: promoting employment, modernization of the economy, support businesses and
families, and financial and budgetary measures. Initially the plan was 7.836 millions euro
as budget, which mainly was directed to municipalities to revive the economy, with
injecting resources to stimulate aggregate demand. But this program had very few
economic repercussions (Reuesga Benito, 2013) since the productive characteristics of
Spain, where growth and previous development this recession cycle was generated by
international circumstances, in addition that most of the budget it was allocated to the
expenditure of the municipalities with a growth short-term without longer term goals.
However, it is important to say that this effort had a dose of Keynesianism in its
conception, as trying to boost the labor market to increase demand.
However, countercyclical policy in general took a turn in 2010 with the reformulation
of Plan E, now as, Sustainable Economy Plan. Such recovery policy gave priority to
52
intervention on private banking, which was the most volatile element and had destabilized
to economy on the basis of credit management. Banks as: Caja Madrid, Bankia and Caja de
Ahorros Castilla la Mancha, among others, were intervened by the government given their
vulnerability to the brink of bankruptcy (Graph 12). (Alvarez, 2012)
State aid in million euros
Bankia
Catalunya Banc
NovaCaixaGalicia
Banco de Valencia
CAM
Liberbank
Banco Mare Nostrum
Banco Cvia
UNNIM
Ibercaja
Banco Gallego
0
7,500
15,000
22,500
30,000
Graph 12, Public aid by bank in Spain, Source: (El Pas, 2014)
In a way the countercyclical measures, both the policies Keynesian and interventions
and bank bailouts led to an economic recovery, as shown in Graph 10, but these reckless
spending did not go unnoticed in the balance of public accounts. Spain presented a fiscal
surplus of 1.9% of GDP in 2007, but in 2009 the surplus became a deficit of -11.2% and 9.4% in 2011 (Graph 13), (Alvarez, 2012), and Spain's public debt jumped from 37% of
GDP in 2007, up to 85% of GDP in March 2013. (Stuckler, David and Sanjay Basu, 2012)
Graph 13, Surplus (+) and Deficit (-) of public expenditure to GDP ratio, Source: Bank of
Spain. Taken from (Alvarez, 2012)
53
Consequently, public spending already had become a problem, despite having a

Community regulation with the Stability and Growth Pact of 1997 EU, in which the
member States of the euro zone undertook to maintain a balance budget, obtaining a surplus
or a deficit of at least 3% in public spending and a public debt not exceeding 60% of GDP.
But, with the economic crisis Spain did not meet these requirements, the same as many
other countries as can be seen in Graph 14 with respect to public debt.
Graph 14, Evolution of public debt in % to GDP of each country respectively, Source:
European Central Bank, Taken from: (Lorca-Susino, 2013).
Thereby, were generated uncertainty in the financial markets again, now by the level
of sovereign debt of the States most heavily indebted (Greece, Spain, Ireland, Portugal and
Italy) due at that on the proportions of their debts were present the possibilities of default.
These circumstances caused the risk premium increase that determines the interest rates that
investors charge for buying sovereign bonds that the State puts into the market to finance
their spending. So the cost of debt contracting by States increased as the pressure on
budgets increased, due to fiscal deficit and debt that also increasing by the moment of
economic recession. The collection of taxes fell and there was a new cost overrun on the
States refinancing, which together with pressure to credits for private industry, determined
that the chances of economic recovery distanced.
That is, while the EU Member States hired debt to bail out banks and the private
investors in the first stage of the economic crisis, as: injecting money, lending to lower
interest rates than the market, backing to banks, etc. In the second stage of the crisis, in
which States have been already indebted for these actions, these same investors begun to
speculate about the State ability to pay its debt, in order to gain a greater return on loans
made to States. And not only that, as the European Central Bank had prohibited lend
54
directly of its coffers to the coffers of any State since the Treaty of Maastricht in 1992,
conventional and investment banks arrived to ECB to get credit with low interest rates to
invest in bonds of States with higher risk premiums and higher rates of interest, to obtain
the greatest possible profit from this simple management of capital. (Marrero URBIN,
2012) The case of Greece was the most extreme, interest rate to 10-year government bonds
doubled in a short time, from 4.57% in October 2009 to 9.1% in June 2010 (Romo Guillen,
2011).
This did more expensive public debt, increased public deficits and public financing. If
the State had been financed with a rate interest similar to that delivered by the ECB to
banks and private investors, it is estimated that they would have saved 143 billion euro
(URBIN Marrero, 2012). In the case of Spain, private banks maintained a quarter of the
sovereign debt, and are estimated to have appropriated 36 billion euro using this procedure.
In Graph 15, shows as the ratio of public and private debt walks away in the first moments
of the crisis, but as rescue programs were used to speculate on the sovereign debt of States,
this relationship begins to reduce.
Graph 15, Annual evolution of public and bank debt of Spain, Source: Bank of Spain, Taken
(URBIN Marrero, 2012).
The European Central Bank, the European Commission and various international
organizations, particularly the International Monetary Fund, promoted special treatment for
States have these debts and fiscal deficits. The main focus was on trying to reduce these
elements of uncertainty in the public accounts and not, for example, regulate speculation
which besieged at the bonds of public debt. Therefore, was managed by these agencies a
55
schedule aimed at reducing State spending if they wanted to benefit from the various aid
programs by 110 billion euro.
In Spain this austerity schedule was implemented by the Partido Socialista Obrero
Espaol (Spanish Socialist Workers Party, center-left) and the Partido Popular (Popular
Party, center-right), which alternated in the government of the Spanish State during this
economic cycle. In both cases the implementation of measures to adjust public spending
were preceded by the goal of reducing public debt and fiscal deficit. In the case of Socialist
government of Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero, the cuts in public spending were 15 billion
euro, and in the case of Marino Rajoy of the Popular Party, these amounted to 65 billion
euro. However, in both cases its goal of reducing pressures on public finances was not met,
this situation can be seen in Graphics 13, 14 and 15, which shows as the debt and the deficit
continued to grow, despite these measures, until 2012 at least. That is, while reducing
public spending, demand is reduced, and at a time of recession, where the demand is
already low, this situation worsens, generating less tax revenue, which affects the public
deficit and the need to increase debt to occupy the spaces that tax revenues no longer
occupy. (Stuckler, David and Sanjay Basu, 2012)
This reduction in concrete terms implied a reduction of salaries of public employees,
including the Christmas bonus (Aguinaldo), a labor reform that contains all the postulates
required by international economic organizations; flexibility, insecurity, ease for dismissal,
etc. Also were developed reforms to the pension system which held a new estimate of the
payment and the increasing the retirement years. It was cut the education spending, health
care spending, social programs, etc. around 1.5% of GDP in 2010 (Marrero URBIN, 2012)
(Graphics 16, 17, and 18). The State Budget for 2013 had a cut amounting to 40 billion
euro, while increasing the expenditure on interest payments of debt to reach 38,600 million
euro, 3.4% of GDP (Alvarez, 2012).
56
.
Graph 16, Evolution of the share of social expenditures in Spain. Taken from (Gmez
Fernndez, 2013)
Graph 17, Average expenditure per person in Education 2012

person in 2012 Taken from: (Gmez Fernndez, 2013)
Graph 18, Average health expenditure per

Taken from: (Gmez Fernndez, 2013)
Under these circumstances of recession and shrinking public spending it is that it

becomes relevant observe one of the most vulnerable groups for the legal characteristics,
political and even racial, seen from the constitution of the nation-State. The Immigrants as
an essential part of this research have a particular role in this crisis.
2.3. The role of immigration in the economic crisis.
As already noted, the downward trend in the rate of profit among entrepreneurs is
inherent in the capitalist production process, but paradoxically, capital needs to be
reproduced to be in constant growth, which means that the rate of profit should increase
permanently. This implies that the capitalists is obliged to obtain the largest possible
amount of gain of the production process if they are want survive as such, due they are
immersed in a relationship of permanent competition that forcing them cut prices and
therefore reduce production costs if they want to continue competing. This pushes to
57
revolutionize manufacturing mechanisms, encourage technological development, but

especially to will use the only supply available to reduce production costs without investing
capital: the workforce. Capital constantly needs review the social price of its workforce, if
technological mechanisms and market boundaries themselves do not allow you to increase
production and thereby increase its rate of profit.
This situation poses a very complicated scenario, it implies that continually
employers and workers face, this being a direct confrontation that does not benefit the
production processes. Marx himself envisioned a series of trade-offs that are developed
within the system of production to slow these struggles within society and that in turn
allows to remain upward the profit rates as much as possible. These compensations are;
exchange with the outside, i.e., the cheapening of the means for producing below their
value in the domestic market; another is the use of capital to produce a profit in the
financial market, as already discussed in the first section; intensification or prolongation of
the working day, which attempts to generate the necessary compensations to balance
surplus-labor appropriation; another is the reduction of wages below their value, i.e., the
average rate of the cost of the labor force in the market; and the last compensation, is the
relative surplus of labor available, i.e., increased industrial reserve army.
These last three compensations (intensification of the working day, they reduction
wages below their value and relative surplus of wage labor) are very relevant to this section
that is observed the role of immigrants in the economic and financial crisis 2007-2008. In
the first of these compensations talking about increasing the amount and intensity of wage
labor within a working day, is a situation that immigrants are more exposed due to they
often lack by the State protection according to the laws regulating the job. The second
compensation: reduction of wage below their value, i.e. the average wage of a worker is
less in reference to the value it has produced; this always manifested in labor relations, but
it is more apparent when productive agents lack a legal status to protect them, or when they
consider that this remuneration is beneficial for them, taking into account their previous
conditions, as in the case of immigrants. The last of these compensations is equally
important due to increasing in the number of employees available, with increased
immigration; i.e., the cost of the labor force is reduced by the increased supply of this raw
58
material for production, generating wages lower, and increasing the rate of profit of the
capitalists; in this situation also are embedded the immigrants, as they are the responsible
for increasing of labor forces faster way, as they increase the actual birth rates of the
country enabling that eventually will drop the cost of workforce.
Within the development of globalization all these compensations have been used to a
greater or less extent. However, the last three directly affect the labor immigration
phenomenon. Immigrants have made viable economic system by offering its workforce
below the actual cost it has in the regions in which they come to sell her, i.e., they receive
less salary, of they would receive if they were citizens, which limits them to adapt to the
conditions of the employer. Therefore, the legal gap and the almost null social protection of
the State, restricts their salary for the benefit of capitalist accumulation.
In the economic crisis of 2000-2001, immigrants (along with the financial system)
were an important part of the instrument used to stimulate and grow the economy again of
the central countries of capitalism, based upon industries where immigrants were important
part. It is not fortuitous that after the first economic crisis of this century, Spain for
example, has based its economic development in the industries of construction, tourism and
services, with large numbers of immigrants in these industries, allowing greater ranges
usufruct by the lower cost of their workforce.
The work during the last decades has been the main motivation of States and natives,
to welcome immigrants and also a cause for that immigrant arrive and integrated into the
host societies. Many authors have highlighted that this immigration have supplemented the
deficiencies of the labor market worldwide, but unique way in the Spanish market (Garrido
and Toharia, 2004; Garrido, 2005; Bernardi, Garrido and Miyar, 2010; Felgueroso and
Vazquez, 2010).
The immigrant population was the great motivator of job creation in the Spanish
economy during the period -2000, 2007- [...] This led to increases by more than 10 points in
their employment rate, which stood in 2007 above 65%. However, while is generated
employments, emerged a significant volume of unemployed, close to 320,000 new
unemployed, while the volume of unemployed in the native population was reduced by
about one million people. This increase in immigrant unemployment went result more of
59
new entrants in the labor market, than the loss of employment of those who were already
working. Despite the increase in immigrant unemployment, the unemployment rate in
general went 12%, above the 7.6% of the native population. (Fundacin ideas, 2011; 25)
Immigrants prior to the economic crisis had a delimited place in the workplace, which
suited their social, legal and economic conditions, benefiting the Spanish economy, the
Spanish State and the immigrants themselves. This situation changed with the onset of the
economic crisis. Unemployment rates of immigrants during this period of recession were
around 30% compared with 20% of native (Graph 19). This situation has not worsened
because the flexibility of immigrants themselves to be relocated in productive sectors less
exposed to the crisis. (Fundacin Ideas, 2011; 36) However, these provisions to any work
for immigrants, is due to their lower attachment to specific productive sectors, particular
regions, high salaries, etc. They have come to occupy again, jobs unsatisfactory from the
point of view of the working conditions, as may be agricultural work or informal work. (De
Lizarrondo, Moreno, Rinken, Godenau and Martin Perez, 2012)
Graph 19, Unemployment rate by origin in Spain in 2007 and 2011. Source: Labour Force
Survey. From: (Colectivo Io, 2012), Native (Autctonos), Immigrants (Inmigrados).
The reason why unemployment is higher among immigrants is linked to the jobs they
occupied daily; the construction sector, as already specified, was the field where the causes
and consequences of the economic crisis materialized. Therefore, when the crisis exploded,
the entire industry collapsed along with the jobs. In the services sector, the conditions of
temporality, precariousness and flexibility at work that are hegemonic in this field, and are
manifested especially in immigrants, allow that simple vagaries of the economy change
60
their labor needs. Therefore, in a scenario of recession, these jobs tend to fade. Although
we must also add that these jobs started competing among Spaniards, better prepared and
more integrated at the market needs, they began to fill these job positions at the expense of
immigrants.
Since the economic crisis are begun to manifest the different adaptive capacities of
the several of immigrant groups in addition to their different conditions legal, economic,
etc. In Graph 20 is shown how the evolution of employment decreases in all immigrant
groups in Spain, but is much higher among the citizens of Africa and Latin America,
followed by immigrants from non-EU, Spanish citizens, and finally from members of the
EU.
Graph 20, Evolution of employment by origin and sex in Spain 2007-2011, Source: Labour
Force Survey, from: (Colectivo Io, 2012) Man (Hombres), Woman (Mujeres).
The EU citizens, as already specified, maintain by their academic preparation, by

their economic status and by their legal status, jobs better qualified with higher wages and
protected by regulations State. These conditions allow that its unemployment rate be lower
than of the natives themselves, and even in the case of women, these maintain a balance in
favor in employment during the years of the economic crisis, a situation that is not
presented by any another group. In contrast, African and Latin American citizens that their
working conditions since before of the crisis were complicated, now in this economic cycle,
are aggravated a little more by rising unemployment that hits directly.
The labor issue in the economic crisis is particularly important among immigrants, as
their legal stay in Spain is subordinate to its ability to adapt to the labor market and get a
61
labor contract that recognizes their skills to sustain him and his family. By reducing these
labor contracts by the economic crisis, and therefore do not accomplish this requirement for
legal residence, places immigrants in a space of vulnerability because many of those who
were legal migrants the illegalizes not getting employment, preventing them from
accessing health services, social benefits and be forced to leave the country in certain cases.
However, is observed that, despite this reduction in labor contracts, is little the
intention of the immigrants of massively leaving of Spain as a country of residence. In
Graph 21 it can be seen that although the estimated entries and recorded inflows have
declined since the year that began the economic crisis, and departures have increased in the
same period, the balance until 2011 remains favorable, i.e., more immigrants continue to
enter of those who leave.
Graph 21, Inputs and departures of the foreign population in Spain 2002-2011. Sources:
Survey of residential variations, taken from: (Colectivo Io, 2012), Inputs (Entradas) Outputs
(Salidas), Balance (Saldo)
Specifically, it estimated that until 2012 had come out 100 thousand foreign citizens
from Spain (Rdenas and Mart, 2012). These is distributed among citizens, South
Americans (Colombians, Ecuadorians and Peruvians) and also among citizens of origin
Romanian and Moroccan who found better employment opportunities in their home
countries, or simply lost the job he had in Spain and decided to return to their countries of
origin38.
38
In recent years (2013-2014) the reduction of immigrants is higher due to the ravages of the economic
crisis, increasing by 210 thousand the number of foreigners who left of reside legally in Spain, a situation that
62
The departure of these groups that were part of the Spanish immigration traditional is
complemented by the entry of other nationalities that did not have this migration as
traditional. Within these entries are found Venezuelans that have almost doubled their
numbers in Spain. There is also an increase in citizens of China, Italy, Russia, the United
States and some Central American citizens who have come to reduce the ratio between the
number of departures and the number of registered entries. (Graph 22)
Graph 22, immigration of foreign population by nationality 2012-2013. Source: National

Institute of Statistics. Taken from (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica, 2014)
Within the economic crisis, immigrants have also had a reduction in social welfare
from its divestiture massive in the labor market. This decrease is reflected in the propensity
to consume (Graph 23), since according to data from the (Encuesta de las condiciones de
vida) Survey of Living Conditions, the average annual net income per household increased
in Spain until 2008, when began to decline because of the variables described by the
crisis39.
is maximized in the media because in this number also added the Spanish citizens that left the country: about
45 thousand Spanish citizens have left their country in search of a better quality of life, mainly of the EU and
Latin America.
39
But also welfare has been affected due to other reasons that also have related to the economic crisis, but are
part of State laws, as the decree issued in 2012 by the Spanish government, where public health services are
limited to immigrants without legal stay in the country.
63
Graph 23, Rate of change of consumption in adult population both Spanish and foreign
(2008-2011) Taken from: (Ballester, Velazco and Rigall-i-Torrent, 2012). By receipts are
understood billings water, electricity, telephone, etc.
Conclusion
This chapter was mostly an introduction to the stage in which will present
immigration policies during the economic crisis. Therefore, various issues were discussed
that are necessary understand for when you begin to deal with the development and
implementation from these public policies from the Spanish State, which as noted, has
dynamic situations and very specific regulations that are relevant to recognize the
instruments State and their implementation on the immigration phenomenon.
Immigrants were the social group that most suffered the economic crisis because of
their legal and social status that the limited them in several respects, such as
unemployment, social aid, economic welfare, etc. But not all immigrants suffered equally;
State protection and its condition prior to this immigration, determined that certain flows
had fewer vulnerabilities by this economic situation, and therefore these could maintain
their lifestyle.
The following section it will observe how these situations described here influence
the development of the immigration policies, both control-management and integration.
And what elements are the than most weigh within the Spanish State to decide how will the
treatment of immigration within this economic crisis.
64
Chapter 3. Policies management-control of immigration in the

economic crisis
In previous chapters it observed how immigrants settled and was
received by the State and the Spanish society before of the economic crisis,
and why inside the economic crisis the impact on immigrant groups were
considerable. In this chapter, it will address how immigration policies, and
in particular of control-management, behaved before and during the
economic crisis and what the consequences were in immigrants.
Immigration policies (observed since the introduction) are not static and have within
their attributes subjective elements that are modified by the environment in which they are
established and power relations which are conceived; therefore within the economic crisis it
is expected that these elements that have shaped these public policies are transformed. In
this way the aim of this chapter is to deepen the presumption suggested from the beginning
of the investigation, in which its recognized that immigration policies that served at a time
for entry and massive integration of immigrants by the period extensive growth; now within
the economic cycle recessive, these public policies evolve and further restrict entry,
promote exit, and complicate the coexistence of immigrants in Spain. Therefore, this
chapter will begin answering the main research questions: how immigration policies were
65
changed by the economic crisis and what was its impact on immigrant groups, taking into
account their previous condition. This chapter will focus on the public policies of controlmanagement of migratory flows; in the next chapter will address the policies of integration.
In the case of control-management policies, these are responsible for processing and
inspecting the arrival and departure of immigrants. Control and management measures
differ from one another because of the nature of their actions. The control measures seek to
record and examine all migratory flows that enter and leave on the basis of certain coercive
mechanisms, such as border security, documents or police checks, always with the aim of
regulating and, to some extent, limiting these flows. Instead, management measures also
seek to regulate immigration flows, but at from a State based planning, especially
economic, but also social and even humanitarian, watching immigrants as beneficial for the
country. Thus, control and management policies can be developed in a coordinated way as
they have been applied in Spain in recent years, but they can also be applied in an
individualized way, as have been implemented by several countries that have a strong limit
on the entry to Immigrants. These definitions will be further elaborated when the mutation
of these policies in Spain is observed.
3.1. Policies management-control in Spain
The hypothesis to argued in this chapter is that immigration control-management
policies were radically altered during the economic crisis; limiting the entry of more legal
and illegal immigration, securing the maritime and land borders more fiercely, fostering the
withdrawal of these groups, reducing scope of the policies of asylum and refuge, in addition
to directing the measures of development cooperation to reduce these human flows. These
modifications are contrary to those made in the previous years of economic growth, where
these public policies were a little more permissive due to the needs of economic
development itself, where immigration played to favor of the Spanish State.
Control-management policies, therefore, refer to legal, administrative and police
mechanisms that allow us to observe how the flow of immigrants is regulated by the State.
However, this regulation of immigration flows also goes through other types of policies
such as the asylum and refugee, and international development cooperation.
66
In the case of asylum and refugee policies, these intervene on immigration, allowing
the entry and stay of some people or communities appealing to the moral relevance of their
reception by the States that grant this right in a particularized and cyclical way. And in the
case of development cooperation policies, these try to influence the regions of expulsion of
immigrants; therefore they have as a regular purpose or curb the origin of these flows
through proposals for economic development, among other measures. Therefore, because
these two public policies intervene in the flows of immigrants, it will be observed how they
were modified during the economic crisis and what their repercussions were on the
immigrants.
Immigration control-management policies are mainly developed by the State, but they
can also be articulated by a supranational entity that delimits the border policies, and
therefore generates the mechanisms for the regulated entrance of the people. Since 198640
the construction of these frontier policies in Spain was entrusted to the European Economic
Community (EEC), which later became the European Union (EU); which developed as a
principle of this body the free mobility of Community citizens in the States that eliminated
internal borders and any form of visa in the enlarged Schengen area41.
In general, in the 1990s immigration policies in Spain and the EU were control
policies. These were driven by the EU on the basis of the Tampere agreements and the
Treaty of Amsterdam, which pointed to this direction; Spain and most EU countries
developed their own regulations and implemented these actions to limit the entry of third
country people into the community space42.
In title IV of the Treaty establishing the European Community, Article 63: It is [...] adopted within five
years from the date of entry into force of the Amsterdam Treaty measures on immigration policies in the
following areas: (A) conditions of entry and residence, and rules on procedures for the issuance by Member
States of long-stay visas and residence permits, including those for family reunification and (B) The
immigration and residence of illegal, including repatriation of illegal residents.
41
The Schengen area is an agreement which entered into force in 1995 whereby several European countries
abolished controls at internal borders and moved these controls to the external borders. Admission to the
Schengen area requires certain conditions, such as: 1) the elimination of border controls with member
countries, 2) the establishment of uniform rules on the control of external borders, 3) special attention among
travelers circulating within this space and the rest, 4) coordination to supervise the external borders with
personnel and resources of the different members of the space, 5) the fight against irregular immigration, 6)
judicial coordination for extradition, among other components plus.
42
The EU has exclusive competences that all the States have to comply, such as common commercial policy
or customs policy. However, immigration policies do not form part of these exclusive competences, but rather
of shared competences, in the area of freedom, security and justice of the European Union. The decisions in
40
67
Due to this internal opening, the security of external borders (borders with countries
that were not part of the Schengen area) was prioritized, becoming more rigid, reinforcing
surveillance measures and limiting entry to those who were not part of the European
community. This due to the risks to the public security and to the security of the States
themselves about the free mobility of individuals without a permanent control over the
quantity and composition of these migrations. However, is within this logic of relatively
closed doors, which the policies of control of the immigration flows in Spain and in the rest
of Europe begin to develop.
In Spain, the beginning of control policies can be traced to the promulgation of the
first law on foreigners called the Ley de Derechos y Libertades de los Extranjeros en
Espaa (Law on the Rights and Freedoms of Foreigners in Spain) (7/1985) (Ley de
Extranjeria, 1985). With which Spain tried to assimilate itself to the proposals of the
European community in matter of immigration since its main objective was to form part of
the agreements of the Schengen space.
[...] both the national interest and the obligations imposed by our membership of the
EEC require us to take a series of measures aimed at articulating a rigorous and at the same
time fluid border control that guarantees the effectiveness of control at our borders against
the illegal immigration [...] (Ley de Extranjeria, 7/1985) (Fernndez de Valderrama, 2002).
This law on foreigners maintained a constant search to control over immigration

flows, examining the possibilities of combating clandestine work, reinforcing police action,
improving administrative coordination and reformulating asylum and refuge procedures
due to that it was believed that has abusive an use of these instruments. This law stated:
[...] we are still in time to prevent the migration phenomenon from becoming a social
conflict and political problem. The number of a maximum of 600 thousands foreigners on
our soil still enables us with an effective control of flows, to develop a policy of solidarity
these areas, therefore reach a high degree of co-operation and coordination political, but in which States have
various powers to adapt these measures to their interests. Thus, immigration policies are based on the EU-led
guidelines, but the States apply them with a high degree of discretion.
68
with foreigners already established in our country and with those who continue to come in
the future. (Fernndez de Valderrama, 2002).43
In order to avoid these conflicts, was established in Spain a visa regime for the
citizens of the countries that began to migrate in the 1990s, such as Morocco, the
Dominican Republic and Peru, to which were subsequently added Colombia and Ecuador;
being these the first contingents of labor immigrants arrived in Spain in greater numbers. It
should be added that immigration control measures, border security measures and
procedures for the return and the expulsion of immigrants were generalized in Spain for
their new role as guardian of European borders. (Lpez Sala, 2007; 7)
These policies that favored the control of immigration flows gradually changed to
integrate the advantages of immigration management. This notion of management is part of
the Tampere agreements in 1999 on area of security and freedom for EU members. This
agreement sought to create a common asylum system, fair treatment of third country
nationals and manage immigration flows. However, this last notion was rather diffuse,
understood as a simple regulation of flows, although a new perspective was beginning to
emerge in immigration control policies. (Fernndez de Valderrama, 2002; 237)
The idea of policies for the management of immigration flows was clarified in Plan
GRECO (Global Program for the Regulation and Coordination on Foreigners and
Immigration in Spain) created in 2001, also as a corollary of the reforms to the law of
foreigners of the year 2000. It takes on the aspect of [...] addressing immigration from a
global perspective that allows planning the treatment of this phenomenon as necessary and
positive for Spanish society, within the framework of our membership of the EU and the
commitments acquired by our country in this context. (Plan GRECO, 2001)
This transformation in the control policies on immigration was the most substantial
since the first pure Alien Law of 1985, which was limited to generating immigration
43
As consequence of this law and others, the foundations for the cooperation and security agreements
required as members of the Schengen area were laid. In addition, a special regime was established for the
citizens of the Community, in which freedom of movement and the freedom over economic activities were
extended, which would be the antecedent of later European citizenship. (Lpez Sala, 2007; 7)
69
inspection policies. This modification conceived a new notion of tolerance towards the
immigrant groups, beginning to observe them as beneficial for the receiving society since
the main objective from the State was no longer to limit or avoid them, but to regulate
them, to plan them and channel them as best as possible.
The new management policies sought to determine the magnitude of the phenomenon
and channel it to the labor sectors and regions that most required it, in addition to agreeing
with other States on the arrival of new immigrant contingents, and strengthening
development cooperation policies to intervene in flows illegal
before they reached
Spanish national borders. Therefore, immigration management policies were understood as:
[...] the action or actions aimed at adapting migratory flows to the needs of the actors
involved [...] constitutes an active policy oriented to the fulfillment of objectives, which
implies planning and foresight in addition to control. (Fernndez de Valderrama, 2002,
237).
Management policies dealt with some of the responsibilities of control policies, but
above all they reconsidered them since the latter did not disappear, and in some sense they
were potentialized given the regulatory and planning nature of the flows from State. As a
result, border controls were improved, illegal immigration was fought, and legislation was
enacted that protected immigrants within Spanish territory and in the most disadvantaged
sectors. Thus, this link between control policies and management policies was aimed at
maintaining border controls and the elements of immigration deterrence such as visas and
police controls, on the one hand, and on the other hand to plan the flows of immigration
that entered Spain to the needs of the State; That is, immigrants are required, but selected
by State controls.
The combination of control and management policies towards immigration was
determined by the economic conditions in Spain, which was constantly increasing in the
sectors of production in which immigrant labor generated dividends; Such as construction,
agriculture and the non-specialized service sector. In addition, the participation of
immigration in Spanish society helped to improve the birth rate and therefore the finances
of retirement savings and social security systems also improved.
70
From this conjunction was that the measures that limited the entry of immigrants
were transformed, recognizing the need for this labor force, allowing the regularization
thousand of immigrants and supporting their integration into the host society. Likewise, this
change conditioned the discourses of the public policies of immigration, and, therefore, the
subjectivities that were built around the immigrants in the scope of their entrance and stay;
of being a problem or a possible problem to avoid, to be an advantage that is possible to
exploit.
3.1.1. Polices management-control: discourse analysis
The policies of control and management of immigration in Spain during the years of
economic growth (1994-2007) maintained approaches to take advantage of the flow of
immigrants, despite the fact that they maintained strict border policies, especially of flows
from Africa and the Middle East. These measures in the discursive field can be seen in the
laws of foreigners: 4/2000, 8/2000, 14/2003, 2/2009, maintaining similar positions such as
limiting border crossings, allowing only these crossings with the necessary documents44,
only by appropriate border posts45, without regard to certain documents for the Citizens of
the community countries or allies46, etc. However, the change in these reforms is observed
mainly in the narrative that the Spanish State it uses to refer to immigrants and their role in
society, depending on the social and political conditions and the economic context that is
manifested in the exhibition of reasons for each reform. This is very important because as
mentioned from the introduction, the generation of certain subjectivities in the narratives
developed in the public policies reflects the implications of the immigrants in the relations
of power, which are executed by the States according to their interests.
Foreigners who intend to enter Spanish territory must be provided with the corresponding valid visa issued
in their passports or travel documents or, if applicable, in a separate document, except as provided for in the
following paragraph (Ley de Extranjeria 7/1985, Article 20).
45
Entry into, and departure from, Spanish territory by land, port or airport boundaries shall be effected by
posts authorized for that purpose, during the days and hours specified, except in cases of force majeure, and
under the control of the competent officials of the General Directorate of Police. At the border posts where
appropriate, the days and times of closure shall be indicated in a visible place for the public. (Ley de
Extranjeria 7/1985)
46
This Title has been adapted to the entry, visa issuance, stay and extension of stay in the convention
implementing the Schengen agreement, [...] In particular, it was necessary to pick up the principles adopted
by the heads of State and Government of the member States of the European Union at its meeting on 16 and
17 October 1999 in Tampere on the creation of an area of freedom, security and justice, as well as the
Schengen acquis on entry arrangements, conditions issuance of visas, regulation of the stay of foreigners, and
liability and penalties for transporters. (Ley de Extranjeria 14/2003, Explanatory Memorandum)
44
71
In the case of the reforms to the immigration laws of the years 2000 and 2003, the
manifested discourses considered immigrants, within the set of domination relations, as an
important part of the labor force of the Spanish productive system. Immigrants were
favorable for their use due to lucrative that they implied in the productive process. At the
same time, it was required that these migratory flows had as characteristics to have legally
entered the country, have conditions of integration and willingness to contribute to the
economic development of Spain. From these conditions, the State's interest in getting these
human flows is evident, simplifying the bureaucratic frameworks for these transfers and
generating massive regularizations for irregular immigrants in 2004-2005, which made it
possible to assume a desire of the Spanish State to secure the quantities and the
characteristics of immigrants needed for their industries. These subjectivities about
immigrants can be seen in the following paragraphs extracted from the explanatory
statements of such reforms.
[...] In relation to Title II of the Organic Law on the legal status of situations of
foreigners, the premise that has informed the amendments made to its articles has been to
establish a regime of situations and authorizations that encourage foreigners to enter
and reside in our country within the framework of regularity, against entry and stay
irregular 47 [...] (Ley de Extranjeria 8/2000, Exposition of Motives)
[...] The improvement of management by simplifying administrative procedures, and
the legal regime of the situations of foreigners in Spain, as well as the determination of the
types of visa and the effects thereof, and the fight against the fraudulent use of the
administrative procedures of management in this matter. All this in order to promote legal
immigration and integration of foreigners who, in this way, access and reside in our
territory [...] (Ley de Extranjeria 8/2000, Exposition of Motives)
[...] With respect to the regulation of work authorization that authorizes foreigners to
carry out lucrative activities in Spain for their own account or for others, the difference
between this authorization and the mere legal residence status is clarified [...] In short,
there is a documentary regime that facilitates the foreigner who wishes to work in our
country, who can do so with all the guarantees and rights. [...] On the other hand, visa
changes aim to simplify the administrative procedure, in order to favor the legal
47
All italics and boldface of the quotations are mine.
72
immigration of foreigners who wish to reside in Spain, eliminating unnecessary procedures.

Thus, once the alien has entered Spain, the visa entitles him to remain in the situation for
which he has been issued [...] (Ley de Extranjeria 14/2003, Explanatory Memorandum).
In the previous paragraphs it observes the treatment discursively given to labor, legal
and integrable immigrants who collaborated with the economic development that the State
sought to encourage. To these immigrants, according to the above, were tried them
guarantee their labor and social rights by means of regularizations so that they collaborated
in lucrative activities that benefited the whole of Spain.
For the illegal immigration that represented in the year 22.1% of all the immigrants
and that did not conform the ideal type of immigration, other type of subjectivities were
generated. (Laparra Navarro and Martnez de Lizarrondo, 2009)
[...] The social reality has shown that one of the main problems that the criminal
legal system has to respond to is that of delinquency (of irregular immigrants) that
repeatedly commits its actions from anonymity. [...] The phenomenon of domestic
violence (among irregular immigrants) has a truly multidisciplinary scope. It must be
addressed with preventive measures, with assistance measures and social intervention in
favor of the victim, with incentive measures for the investigation, and also with legislative
measures aimed at dissuading the commission of these crimes [...] (Ley de Extranjeria
14/2003 , Explanatory Memorandum).
According to these narratives, the above problems are two conditions that are present
in the immigration phenomenon and especially in the irregular immigrants and in the
relations that they develop in their path; such as people trafficking, drug trafficking,
begging, etc. While it is true that in some cases these problems have had a greater impact
within these irregular groups, it is also true that legal models of immigration
hypercriminalization have been developed throughout Europe, framed by a radicalized
language in which the Immigration flow with conflicting situations at all times. Based on
this, immigrants (based on their environment and supported by these subjectivities
reinforced by the State) were placed as one of the three main concerns that most alarmed
Spanish society prior to the process of economic recession. (De Giorgi, 2012, Tinessa,
2007, Fernndez Bessa, 2010)
73
During the years of economic crisis, the ideas that the State displayed on the
immigrants as a whole were similar to those it had previously developed towards irregular
immigrants, i.e., a direct association between immigration and social conflict. Subjectivities
that were part of the reform of the law of foreign in 2009 show how unnecessary was now
this immigration, in which the primary needs of the State and of the natives are recognized,
about the immigrants.
[...] Immigration is a constantly changing reality. For this reason, the legislator is
obliged to adapt its regulatory rules, if it wants to provide effective solutions to the new
challenges that arise. [...] Therefore, the public authorities must legally order and
channel migratory flows in such a way that they are in line with our reception capacity
and the real needs of our labor market. [...]
[...] The need to adapt the aforementioned Organic Law to the new migration
situation in Spain, which has some features and poses different challenges than existed
when the last reform law was passed. Furthermore, the objectives pursued with this reform
are: [...] improving the system of legal and orderly channeling of labor migration flows,
reinforcing the linking of the reception capacity of immigrant workers to the needs of
the labor market []
[...] However, should also be noted that, according to the Constitutional Court's own
interpretation, no right is absolute, which means that the State maintains all the capacity
to impose limits on the permanence of foreigners when it is not based on a Legal
residence [...]
[...] Increase the effectiveness of the fight against illegal immigration, reinforcing
the means and instruments of control and enforcement, especially as regards those
who facilitate access or permanence of illegal immigration in Spain, exacerbating the
sanctioning regime this case and reinforcing the procedures of return of the foreigners
who have acceded illegally to our country. [...] In Title III, in order to strengthen the fight
against irregular immigration, new offenses are envisaged to prevent fraudulent actions such
as marriages of convenience, the promotion of irregular immigration by indirect means or
the falsification of data for the enumeration. With the same aim, it is proposed to increase
the economic sanctions for all infractions. Certain modifications are also introduced in order
to make suspension and return measures more efficient and more reliable; Also
74
contemplates the extension of the term of internment that would happen to the 60 days from
the 40 that are applied today, as well as the improves the legal security of the affected ones
by these measures with the concession of a period of voluntary compliance of the order of
expulsion. [...] (Ley de Extranjeria 2/2009, Preamble)
Its observed in these approaches how the speech deployed by the State on the entry
of the immigrants was modified; of being a partisan of the admission of immigrants with
the objective of collaborating in the economic development of the country, to be realistic
about the conditions present in Spain, where the labor market and reception capacity by the
State are which will determine the entry of immigrants. Consequently, while
unemployment rates in Spain were around 25% and cuts were generated in most social
programs, immigrants' entry will is not entirely well-received, as the labor market not have
the jobs available for these immigrants and the State not have the resources to receive them.
In addition, in this last reform punitive punishments were increased on those who were
entries in Spain illegally, and the decision on the permanence of any irregular immigrant
was recognized as an absolute right of the State.
In the comparison of these two discourses there is a change in the subject on which
most of the approved provisions are devoted. In the reforms to the laws of foreign that
occurred before the economic crisis the subjects were legal immigrants who sought
employment in Spain and on which the State sought to influence to reduce the barriers that
limited their entry. In immigration reform within the economic crisis the discourse focused
on combating illegal immigration from State institutions and reinforcing measures to
prevent them from entering, making them now a problem, the most important change
being in the discourse of control-management policies in the economic crisis.
3.1.2. Policies of entry for legal immigration.
After the economic crisis the Spanish State improved border controls, increased
punitive penalties for illegal immigration and took a series of internal and external
measures to reduce the number of immigrants. In the case of legal immigrants these
conditions can be seen in the policies of contingents which sought to attract a certain
number of immigrants from the demand of the domestic labor market that was not absorbed
by the native workers. Therefore, these measures offered employment contracts, residence
75
permits and stable working conditions for immigrants who will be integrated into the native
society. The number of these contingents during the years of economic growth was
considerable, however during the economic crisis the possibilities of entry by these
mechanisms were evaporated as shown in the following table.
Annum
Total Stable /
Temporary Jobs
1993
26,600
1994
376,00
1995
8,000
1996
Did not open
1997
24,690
1998
28,000
1999
30,000
2000
Did not open
2001
Did not open
2002
32,079
2003
34,157
2004
30,978
2005
6,594
2006
16,878
2007
27,034
2008
15,731
2009
901
2010
168
2011
14
Table 4, Number of immigrants requested by the Spanish State for years, Source: (Mrquez
Domnguez, J. A.; Gordo Mrquez, M.; Felicidades Garca, J.; Daz Diego, J.; 2013).
76
This table shows how the public policies of quotas that was developed to encourage
the entry and employment of the immigrants in a legal manner, is reduced substantially by
the economic situation. Understanding, of course, which the labor market is the one who
determines the number of entries and within the economic crisis the labor market was one
of the sectors that most was affected the recession, however, this policy of quotas that was
raised by the State to regulate the entry of legal immigrants, practically is closed during this
period. From 2003 to 2008, these quotas were reduced by more than 100%, but in 2011 the
reduction was more than 1000% compared to 2008. Therefore, this policy was totally
suppressed by the economic crisis.
Another of the measures aimed at regulating the entry of legal immigrants that also
changed in one way or another because of the economic crisis was the visa policy that is
part of the control-management policies. The purpose of the visa policy is to select and
regulate the entry of legal immigrants who so request, and to provide documentation of stay
and short or long-term residence to the immigrants who met the requirements for it.
The transformation of the visa policy by the economic crisis developed from the entry
of some eastern European countries into the EU, as was the case of Bulgaria, but mainly
Romania in 2007. It was observed in the first chapter that before the economic crisis the
flow of immigrants of Romanian origin was the third most important in Spain and was
distributed in almost the entire territory. But with its entry into the supranational body the
number of immigrants quadrupled, despite the fact that the Spanish government, and the
EU in general, in the accession treaty of Romania in 2007 included a moratorium of seven
years (until January 1st, 2014) for that their nationals could enjoy the right to free
movement of workers like the rest of the EU citizens, due to a substantial increase in the
flow of immigrants, especially in Spain. However, during this period 2007-2014, Romanian
immigration in Spain was constantly increasing. The immigrants took advantage of the fact
that the visitors did not require a visa to enter the Spanish territory, so they entered as
tourists, and stayed later, living as irregular immigrants.
The Spanish State, observing these circumstances and involved in the recessive
economic cycle, reinforced the controls for the entry of the Romanian citizens to Spanish
territory, and in 2011 established that they had to process an express authorization of the
77
State before exercising any work or economic lucrative activity. These measures, according
to the Spanish government, were taken in particular by the labor market situation in Spain
arguing in a note by the Ministry of Labor that the measure was temporary and subject to
continuous evaluation that the labor market evolve. (De Jauna, 2011)
These measures were also implemented on Latin American citizens, especially with
the first large migrations to Spain (Dominican, Peruvian and Cuban) in 1999, which was
the trigger for the introduction of the short-term visa requirement for these countries. That
is, the Spanish State had to give the citizens of these countries permission to travel and
reside in Spain for three months, a situation that did not happen before. Between 2000 and
2005 there was a continuous growth of these groups, but also of citizens of Colombia and
Ecuador, generating the introduction of the visa requirement for these citizens as well; in
2002 for the Colombian case and in 2003 for the Ecuadorian. Since 2006, the origins of this
Latin American immigration have diversified, now including Bolivians and, to a lesser
extent, Brazilians, Argentines and Uruguayans. But it was exclusively the Bolivian citizens
who were asked for the visa requirement to enter Spain, in order to avoid the false tourist,
and to stay permanently since it was observed that most of them their motivation was labor.
These visa requirements for Latin American citizens were fundamentally applied as
mechanisms of selection and control of these flows, beyond as a form to immigration
restriction since the entry of these groups was permanent. However, what the Spanish State
sought to do was intervening in immigration to maintain control over the population
entering its territory, seeking integrable them into the labor market and Spanish society in
general.
With the economic crisis, the issuance of Spanish government visas for the citizens of
much of Latin America (which had been a substantial part of this legal immigration flow)
was continuously destabilizing and at times significantly reducing. This condition can be
seen in Graph 24, which shows the trends in the delivery of these documents to crossing the
Spanish border of citizens of South and Central America in contrast to the countries of
North America.
78
300000
Visas to
citizens of
North
America
240000
180000
Visas to
citizens of
North
America
120000
60000
0
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
Graph 24, Delivery of visas of the Spanish State by regions of the American continent,
Source: Ministry of Employment and Social Security (2012).
This Graphic shows development and rise of these mechanisms of entry and stay of
the citizens of central and South America until 2008, in which their entry in a legal way
was advantageous for the State and for immigrants. The downward fluctuations in the
delivery of visas appear at the beginning of the economic crisis, tracing these numbers soon
after with moderate growth, but ultimately shows a substantial reduction in the delivery of
these documents compared to the previously developed to this economic process of
recession.
This behavior of the data contrasts with the countries of the North of the continent
(including Mexico), which maintains a number of documents issued by the Spanish State
more or less uniform and even shows a small increase during the recessive period. This
indicates that their impact due to the economic crisis was minimal, perhaps because these
countries did not have a significant labor migration, as they did the countries of the center
and south of the continent.
The Spanish State, therefore, considerably and constantly reduced the issuance of this
type of entry and stay documents for citizens who had as a traditional destination their
emigrations to Spain, and who therefore maintained networks family, of work, etc., which
would lead to a permanence of the immigrants beyond what indicated by the issuance of the
visa, which would affect the labor market and social services by increasing the number of
people seeking social assistance and paid work. Contrary to what happens with the
countries of the North of the continent, which generally have not had a traditional flow of
immigration to Spain, and therefore do not represent this same danger.
79
In Graph 25 shows the fluctuations in the delivery of visas in seven countries in

central and southern America. In Graph 26 shows the stability and even moderate growth of
the delivery of these documents for citizens of the North American countries. It is, deducted
from these graphs a decrease in visas issued to countries traditionally ejectors of
immigrants, which could be interpreted as certain reluctance by the Spanish State so that
these citizens use these mechanisms of entry, and reside in Spain permanently.
87,500
Ecuador
Brazil
70,000
Bolivia
52,500
Peru
Dominican
Republic
35,000
Colombia
17,500
Chile
0
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
40,000
Mexico
30,000
20,000
Canada
10,000
U.S.
0
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
Graphics 25 and 26, Development of delivery of visas of the Spanish State; Examples from
six southern and central American countries, and the countries of North America, Source: Ministry
of Employment and Social Security (2012).
From immigrant-sending countries to Spain, the case of Colombian citizens is the

only one that increases visa issuance within the economic cycle of recession, although with
a steep decline in years such as 2009 or 2012. The rest of the immigrant-sending countries
of Central and South America show a reduction during this period, in contrast to the
countries of the North of the continent that maintain uniformity in the development of this
Spanish policy.
80
However, despite which the total number of visa applicants is not available in the
consulted sources during this period of economic crisis, it can be inferred that the citizens
of Central and South America interested in acquiring these document were not reduced in
the same proportion as the delivery of visas by the Spanish State. This deduction needs
further investigation; however, it can be risk such an assertion because the already woven
immigration networks, the right of immigrants to family reunion and the tireless pursuit of
better quality of life, are not can suspend so sharply by this economic cycle. In addition, the
economic and political situations of the immigrant-sending countries did not change much
from those offered during the boom of these exits. Therefore, it is clear from these data that
the visa policy of the Spanish State was modified implicitly to make the border more rigid
and complicated the entry of these potentiality irregular immigrants.
This argument is reinforced by the trend expressed by the number of total visas issued
by the Spanish State from 2003 to 2012. As shown in Graph 27, this trend is on the rise,
with a slight fall in 2009, but that does not show a permanent and important variation in the
number of visas. Therefore, unless there is a variant not observed in the context of the
center and south American that had prevented its exit, or that has limited it in a generalized
way in all the countries, it is considered that the reduction of these flows is only
responsibility of the receiving State and a more rigid policy towards these citizens through
the issuance of these documents.
2250000
1800000
1350000
Total visas issued
by the Spanish
State.
900000
450000
0
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
Graph 27, Development of delivery of visas of the Spanish State for years, Source
Ministry of Employment and Social Security (2012).
This same situation on visa policy can be observed in other regions, for example, in
the comparison between Morocco, which is one of the main countries expulsions of
immigrants to Spain, and the Asian continent as a whole, which maintains a similar trend in
81
the number of visas issued by the Spanish government. As can be seen in Graph 28, the
trajectory in the issuance of these documents is similar from 2003 to 2008, when this
tendency deviates, considerably increasing for the case the citizens of the Asian continent
and decreasing continuously for the Moroccan citizens. Is shown here is border rigidity for
certain types of immigration that are considered a traditionally labor-intensive and irregular
flow, in contrast to visas issued to Asian citizens whose transfers respond to more diverse
motivations such as tourism, education, trade, etc.
240,000
Total visas to
citizens of
Morocco
180,000
120,000
Total visas to
Asian citizens
60,000
0
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
Graph 28, Development of visa delivery for Moroccan and Asian citizens for years,
Source Ministry of Employment and Social Security (2011).
Within these modifications to the visa policy, sometimes implicit and sometimes
explicit, its important to note that in 2014 the EU approved a visa exemption to travel for
less than 90 days in the Schengen area to the citizens of Colombia and Peru. This measure
was also approved for citizens of the United Arab Emirates, Dominica, Grenada, Kiribati,
Marshall Islands, Solomon Islands, Micronesia, Nauru, Palau, Saint Vincent and the
Grenadines, Samoa, Saint Lucia, East Timor, Trinidad and Tobago, Tonga, Tuvalu and
Vanuatu. However, the implications of a possible immigration flow from these latter
countries were not fully explored, as if it were analyzed for the cases of citizens of South
America. The Spanish State was an impeller of this measure, which was also supported by
France, Italy, Poland, Portugal, among others.
However, along with this measure was approved the signing of the free trade
agreement between these countries, mainly Peru and Colombia, and the EU since this visa
exemption to its citizens was subject to the approval of the South American governments of
82
this trade agreement. This same commercial proposal was made to Bolivia, who refused to
sign the commercial treaty, and was removed from the visa exemption for its citizens (EFE,
2013; RTVE, 2013). This visa exemption, more than a border easing (which it certainly is),
is a necessary measure to expand the commercial market of the supranational entity at a
time of incipient economic recovery. This shows that the border and visa policy is used
explicitly in accordance with the economic needs of the European States.
3.1.3. Policies of entry for illegal immigration.
The tightening of control-management policies in the economic crisis are evident in
irregular immigrants since the controls used to suppress these migrations have become
explicit. These controls can be border fences, administrative detention centers, border
police, etc. These last times have increased in Spain by more than 50% between the years
2006-2010, since in 2006 there were 10,239 policemen in this function; by 2010 the
number amounted to more 16,375 elements. (Ministerio del Interior, 2010)
Also in the function of border security participates the European Agency for the
Management of Operational Cooperation at the External Borders (FRONTEX, for its
acronym in French), whether with police forces, with technological resources, steps
towards irregular immigrants, etc. This agency was created in 2005, and aims to monitor
the border areas of Europe (sea, land, ports and airports) as well as organize certain
collective expulsions of immigrants between several EU member States. [...] although the
Member States are responsible for the control and surveillance of external borders, the
Agency facilitates the implementation of current and future Community measures relating
to the management of these borders. (Informe Derechos Humanos en la Frontera Sur,
2011)
This agency, under the Commission and the European Parliament has increased its
budget considerably in recent years as shown in Graph 29, which has multiplied 14 times
since its creation until the year 2005 to the year 2010. It is important to note that as a newly
created agency, its first budget and the subsequent are usually larger since it is necessary to
create the infrastructure and request the different human and material resources to carry out
their functions; this could be an argument of the huge increase. However, it should be
83
remembered that for much of this budget increase, most EU members were in crisis, which
meant cuts to social programs and public spending. Therefore, paying attention to a newly
created agency for border security, coupled with the fact that there are already security
agencies in charge of this task, demonstrates that the border problem, and in particular the
handover, or rather the limitation of this transfer of immigrants irregular, is an important
part of public policies in general in Europe and not only in Spain.
Budget FRONTEX
90,000,000
67,500,000
45,000,000
22,500,000
0
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
Graph 29, Development of the budget of the European agency (FRONTEX), Source:
http://www.frontex.europa.eu/budget_and_finance. Taken from: (Informe Derechos Humanos en la
Frontera Sur, 2011)
In the case of Spain, border spending obtained by European budgets was used, among
other measures, to build a wall that divided the regions of Ceuta and Melilla in North
Africa with the rest of the continent. This border barrier has been continuously reinforced,
first with the extension of the three-dimensional mesh border perimeter for 7 million euro
in 2007, then in 2012 with the construction of three surveillance turrets to protect the border
of Melilla of migratory avalanches and finally in 2014 to place more anti-climbing meshes
in both perimeters of the wall and in the bars in El Tarajal for an amount of 2.1 million
euro; All these expenses have been contributed by the budgets for European border
security.
These measures show that border public policies from the EU and Spain converge to
prevent the entry of more illegal immigrants, but these actions have been consolidated in
the years of economic crisis compared to the years of accelerated growth.
84
In Europe, the fights against illegal immigration in the years of economic crisis has
focused on combating boats loaded with irregular immigrants trying to reach the coasts of
Italy and Greece, but are intercepted at sea, and the largest the times are returned to the
countries from where they embarked. Similar situations have also occurred in Spain, but
boats are less and less used by immigrants48. As can be seen in Graph 30, the location and
detention of the vessels that arrived on the Spanish coasts have decreased considerably
since 2007, largely due to the efforts in border security of the Ministry of the Interior with
the help of the agency European borderline.
50,000
Entry of irregular
immigrants by means
of boats
40,000
30,000
Peninsula and
Balearic Islands
20,000
Canarias Islands
10,000
Cauta and Melilla
0
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
Graph 30, Number of vessels that arrived at the Spanish coasts of the years 2003-2010.
Source: Ministry of the Interior (2006, 2012)
In the previous graph it is observed how the irregular immigration by means of boats
has diminished permanently. The different Balances on Illegal Immigration issued year
after year by the Ministry of the interior, show this trend, which they themselves associate
with permanent vigilance, the increase in the number of police officers and technological
development, which have made it possible to detect these vessels and stop them for later
deportation49. The improvement of these safety mechanisms that reduce the number of
vessels that arrive to the Spanish coasts does not properly start with the recessive economic
cycle, but unlike other sectors, such as health, education or social services, border security
48
In August 2014 there was a significant increase in the number of vessels that have reached the coasts of
the Spanish peninsula, mainly in Cdiz from Morocco. These flows have been the most abundant of the last
ten years.
49
The latest events of August 2014 on the huge increase in the number of vessels that have reached the
Spanish coast show that while security mechanisms are capable of locating and stopping these boats full of
African immigrants; are the Development Cooperation Policies with other countries that have actually
reduced the number of these transfers. Since the inattentions of the Moroccan border guards, intentionally or
not, are what have allowed the exponential development of this phenomenon, not perceived like this since the
crisis of the Cayucos in the year 2005-2006.
85
does not has lost its presence in the State budget, and therefore has not lost its effectiveness
in meeting its objectives, which are to discourage this type of transfer (Campos Arnuadas,
2014).
In Spain this permanent desire to cross borders is manifested in the fences of Ceuta
and Melilla, which are autonomous cities of the Spanish State established in the most
northern regions of the African continent, which border with Morocco at south and with the
Mediterranean Sea at north. This location makes them prone to immigration from Africa,
which existed relatively peaceful until 1985 when the Alien Law was implemented,
implying that many people who did not have Spanish citizenship, but who had made most
of their life in these regions, would be considered foreigners by the Spanish State, losing
part of their rights as citizens, which were never normatively, but which appeared to be so
on a daily basis.
This situation produced the first regularizations, which soon caused many citizens of
sub-Saharan origin to migrate to these regions with the same objective. The massive
number of these transfers forced the government to open temporary shelters for immigrants
in the mid-1990s. However, the poor conditions of these centers caused many of these
immigrants to be transferred to the peninsula while their legal situation was solved. (Apdha,
2014)
The permeability of these borders and the massiveness of these contingents caused
that the Spanish State began to construct border walls that prevented the passage of
immigrants to these two communities. Meanwhile, most of the irregular immigrants who
were already settled in the Spanish territories in Africa, moved to the peninsula, and were
given a residence permit for a year, a train ticket, a thousand pesetas and the address of one
NGOs, which regularized thousands of immigrants destined to swell the ranks of the
Spanish labor force in those times of expansion. When these fences were completed, which
were built with European funds, the borders were militarized and the Temporary Stay
Centers for Immigrants (CETI) were created, which served as jails for the immigrants who
managed to jump the fences while solving their Legal status: deportation, asylum or
transfer to the peninsula, this depended on the particular situation of each immigrant, and
the deportation treaties signed by Spain and its countries origin. (Apdha, 2014)
86
In 2005 the first major large jumps were made to these fences due to the impossibility
of migrating legally, the difficulty of using boats to reach the different Spanish coasts and
the harassment of the Moroccan police since in their territory they settled a group of subSaharan immigrants who wanted to cross these barriers. This caused the reinforcement of
the fences that have been continually re-shaped to prevent these jumps.
Different episodes of violence have appeared in this border, which has caused the
death of dozens of immigrants and injuries to others, however the pretensions of entering
Spain have not stopped. Graph 31 shows the volume of immigrants who have entered Ceuta
and Melilla since 2005. There is a drastic reduction from 2006 to 2009 in the number of
immigrants who entered these territories, but this number begins to increase during the
following years of economic crisis. This, despite the fact that the unemployment rate of
irregular immigrants is the highest of all workers of working age in Spain; however the
desire to enter Spain and Europe has become permanent, as it is often seen as the only way
to improve their quality of life.
Graph 31, Number of immigrants who illegally entered Ceuta and Melilla. Source: (Apdha,
2014).
The number of transfers is relatively small compared to total flows, most of those
who succeed are immediately detained, some are deported, others are locked up in the
CETI and some more are transferred to the Iberian Peninsula. However, there are tens of
thousands of sub-Saharan citizens in the vicinity of the border fences that surround the
autonomous cities waiting to overcome these barriers (according to the Ministry of the
87
Interior these reach 80 thousand people in 2014, according to other estimates, do not exceed
the 20 thousand in the same year) (Apdha, 2014). Hidden in the hills of Morocco,
immigrants plan massive jumps, construction of rafts, crossings through sewers, etc. So it
becomes evident that despite the economic crisis, and the discourse generated by the state
in which immigrants withdraw from Spain irretrievably to their places of origin (which in
some cases happens) there are many immigrants who continue hoping to reach the Spanish
autonomous cities of Africa, to jump from there to the peninsula, and to find better
possibilities of life than those offered in their places of origin50.
3.1.4. Policies of departures and expulsion.
The policies of departures and expulsion of immigrants have also been modified by
the economic crisis in Spain, with the aim of leave out thousands of immigrants that now
were dispensable for the productive development of the national economy. In this way, it is
that public policies for expulsion and departure for immigrants are proposals according to
their legal status.
One of expulsion policies for Irregular immigrants is known as "hot returns"
(Devoliciones en caliente), which are practiced by the Spanish border security forces
(Guardia Civil), in which surveillance bodies detect immigrants who manage to cross the
borders of Spanish by sea or earth, detain them, and at moment, without any registration or
procedure by means, they deliver them to the Moroccan security forces, expelling them
from the Spanish borders again. These practices are outside the normative frameworks that
regulate the departure of immigrants since they do not deport them, nor find out their
particular situation, but simply stop and return them.
The hot returns are part of the treatment changes to immigration caused by the
economic crisis. For in the Alien Law, it is established that when an immigrant enters
without an authorization from the State from an unqualified position, the latter must be
transferred to a police unit, where an interpreter and legal assistance will be assigned, and
identified. They will offer the possibility of requesting asylum and this document will be
50
This pressure on Spanish borders is also explained by the significant increase in political, social and
religious conflicts that have spread to certain African and Middle Eastern States, such as Syria, Libya,
Yemen, the Central African Republic and the Republic of Sudan of the South among others.
88
processed, or in the case of being deported will open the corresponding procedure with
your country of origin. However, during the period of economic crisis, these illegal actions
became more widespread, especially with the entry into force of the Agreement between
the Kingdom of Spain and the Kingdom of Morocco on the movement of people, transit
and readmission of foreigners entered illegally that had been signed in 1992, but was not
ratified by the congresses of the two countries until 2012. In this agreement, it is considered
that Morocco and Spain can readmit illegal immigrants immediately if there is evidence
that they had left their territories, and provided there is a formal request for the
readmission of these immigrants in which [] shall include all available data relating to
the identity, to the personal documentation that may be possessed by the alien and the
conditions of his illegal entry into the territory of the requesting State, as well as any other
information available to him. (BOE 1992, 13969-13970)
The relation of this change of patterns in the conduct of the Civil Guard with regard
to the entry into force of the agreement with the Moroccan State has part of its origin in the
consequences of the economic crisis. As noted earlier, the fight against illegal
immigration became the banner of reforms to the Aliens laws within this economic cycle of
recession. This struggle has spared no material, human and technological resources, to
prevent more illegal immigrants from entering Spain. But these same expenses invested in
the border security mechanisms, are cut in the places of detention and reception for the
immigrants. As Amina Bouayach of FIDH (International Federation of Human Rights)
mentions, [...] the economic crisis in Spain is an explanation for this repression. The
reception capacity is no longer the same, so it closes more and more its borders [...]
(FIDH, 2014; 45), which, given the inability to accommodate these immigrants that
entering irregularly, to processing their deportation and safeguarding them during this
period, is very costly. The best option of the Civil Guard is simply to expel them
immediately by handing them back to the Moroccan police.
The expulsions of immigrants through hot returns are informal and illegal
mechanisms generated from the State. But there are other practices of expulsion that are
formal and legal also promoted from the state that encourage the departure of both regular
and irregular immigrants through an economic incentive. These mechanisms have become
89
popular with the economic crisis, led by the Voluntary Return Plan, designed to
permanently reject immigrants from Spain.
In 2007 the EU established the European Return Fund for immigrants, with the aim
of encouraging effective and sustainable returns through a variety of measures and
encouraging Member States to give preference to voluntarily return about forced return,
given which responds better to the interest of both a decent return of these people and that
of the authorities in terms of cost-effectiveness (Snchez Trigueros and Fernndez
Collados, 2010; 15). This program was aimed at both regular and irregular immigrants. The
objective was to facilitate the repatriation of immigrants and to create agreements with third
countries so that these exits carry a lower cost than that generated with the whole process of
repatriation in a normal way.
In Spain, in addition to this program, the International Organization for Migration
managed a plan called PREVIE (Program of Voluntary Return of Immigrants from Spain)
that began in 2003, operating from federal funds, as well as those contributed by the
Generalitat of Catalonia and those of the Community of Madrid. In addition, other NGOs
have been working in this direction to manage the departure of immigrants, such as the Red
Cross, ACCEM, Rescate, Critas, etc.; implementing repatriation programs that commonly
only subsidize the departure plane ticket and the necessary procedures for this action.
However, these mechanisms were not fully demanded by immigrants, an example of which
is that Critas in 2007 only processed 100 applications in Catalonia (Snchez Trigueros and
Fernndez Collados, 2010; 23).
In 2008, at the beginning of the recessive economic process, the Spanish State
published Real Decreto (Royal Decree) 4/2008 regulating the Voluntary Return Plan
(APRE), which granted immigrants who wanted to return voluntarily the right to their
benefits unemployment accumulated in the Spanish treasury, in addition to a series of aids
as a way to motivate the voluntary repatriation of immigrants from Spain. This program
was aimed at those immigrants who had lost their jobs, and wanted to capitalize on their
unemployment benefits in advance and accumulated. This benefit was acquired if the
90
citizen in question left Spain within 30 days from the first payment of the benefit, in
addition to promising not to return to Spain in at least 3 years. The payment would be made
40% once accepting the conditions of the agreement, and the other 60% when the
immigrant was already in his country of origin, within a 90-day deadline.
This repatriation plan, in addition to the unemployment benefit, included as benefits
the payment of the exit ticket, an extra payment for the maintenance during the trip, an
additional financial aid of between 400 and 1600 euro depending on the family unit, an aid
for the displacement of the city where they arrived until their cities of residence in their
countries of origin, medication expenses and accompanying expenses if it were the case. As
a requirement to be a beneficiary of this program, in addition to the departure of the
unemployed immigrant, it was conditioned that not be received other unemployment
benefit or of any other type by the Spanish government; and that the authorization of
residence in Spain be terminated, turning this departure into a voluntary return.
Among the applicants, the largest group was of Ecuadorian citizens, numbering
nearly half of the requests; the rest were distributed among Colombians, Argentines and
Peruvians, among others. The vast majority of the applicants were Latin Americans who
had arrived in Spain of way a little less complicated than for example the African
immigrants; together with the fact that in Latin America the economy was rebounding
slightly, contrary to what happened in Europe. (Snchez Trigueros and Fernndez Collados,
2010; 78)
At first it was estimated that 300 thousand immigrants could benefit from this plan,
the fact is that the numbers showed that very few decided to leave Spain under this exit
mode. Between the years 2008-2011, 28,285 immigrants used the various repatriation
programs in a way rewarded by the Spanish government, by the autonomous governments
or by the various NGOs. This amount is very small; having as reference the number of
immigrants was arriving in Spain in the same period (Table 5). The ratio between newly
arrived immigrants and the returnees is very large. That is, more immigrants were regularly
admitted to Spain through than those who voluntarily left, so that the objective of reducing
pressure on the labor market and social services, expelling immigrants, was not fulfilled.
91
Table 5, Data of immigrants arriving in Spain and returnees from Spain in the years 20092010, Source: (European Commission, 2012)
Similarly, its observed that in the first year of this migratory program (2009), the
outflows of immigrants are considerably higher than those made in the following year
(2010). As a result, many of those who accepted this plan are expected to return to their
countries of origin in a short time, and used the program to benefit from their aid. It also is
shows that only a small number of immigrants really wanted to leave Spain, despite this
recessive cycle and the facilities arranged by the Spanish State to do so.
This immigration policy infers the little need and/or desire of the Spanish State to
conserve the immigrants who entered its territory during the era of economic development.
Although before the economic crisis there were states programs to return immigrants who
wanted to return to their countries of origin, were never based on benefits as broad as those
developed during this period of recession and labor market crisis. Most of the time, the
return tickets and some allowance for living while entering the labor market of their
respective countries of origin, were delivered. However, with the economic crisis, the needs
of the State were modified, giving great prerogatives for these departures. In return, the
state demanded that immigrants be legally, temporarily and territorially disengaged because
they had to give up their legal residence in Spain and not return for more than three years if
they wanted to do any lucrative activity, thereby losing their rights to health, education and
public services, generating savings for the State by having to attend to a smaller population,
with the same budget.
92
Again, the border policy and management of immigration flows is different from at
the developed before the economic crisis, which tried to limit the stay of immigrants in
Spain. Immigrants became unnecessary when they failed to fulfill the objectives for which
they were attracted; sell their labor power below their value in this region for the economic
development of Spain. These programs only applied to those immigrants who were
unemployed, and who, contrary to economic development, demanded not only the
unemployment subsidy from the State, but also various social services; Such as health and
public education, in addition to requiring jobs in the medium term. Thus, to the State and
the Spanish economy, the immigrants more serve back in their home countries, which
competing for occupying jobs needed for the native population.
3.2. The asylum and refuge.
Asylum and refuge policies are understood to be the mechanisms developed by the
State, but based on international law, which seek to protect people of any type of state
persecution from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948 and the Geneva
Convention in 1951. These policies were broadened with the aim of avoiding the
consequences of the Second World War on civil society, which was a direct target of
military aggression and state violence, and was based on ethnicity, gender, religious belief,
position Politics, sexual preference, etc.
Asylum refers specifically to a legal, individual and political character, in which the
person involved manifests a political-ideological position contrary to that developed by the
state regime of their citizenship (or which the State evaluates so), and that is the victim of
persecution, where its human rights are put at risk and it is in danger of losing its life, for
which reason it requests protection from another state entity different from its own to
safeguard their rights. The refuge, on the other hand, includes not only individual cases,
also collective processes, not only conflicts of a political-ideological nature, but also natural
disasters or humanitarian emergencies, which provoke the need to search for safer places
that do not violate the physical integrity of people, and to allow receiving States to
welcome applicants.
93
These more or less generic notions depend on the regulations of each State and each
particular context. For example, in US law differences are established from the location
where the request for protection originates, in the case of asylum, it must be requested in
the United States and in the case of the refuge operates from the country of origin of the
applicant.
However, based on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 and
Declaration 2312 developed by the UN in 1967, stipulates that:
In case of persecution, every person has the right to seek asylum and to enjoy this
right in any country. This right can not be invoked against a judicial action actually arising
from common crimes or acts contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.
On the other hand, the concept of refugee is defined in Refugee Statute of Geneva of
1951:
The well-founded fear of persecution element of the refugee definition is assessed
both objectively (well foundedness) and subjectively (fear). The fear must be subjectively
genuine and objectively reasonable. In terms of the subjective element, an assessment of the
individual's credibility is sometimes needed where the case is not sufficiently clear from the
facts on record. In terms of the objective element, understandings of the conditions in the
country of origin as well as the individuals description of the situation are instructive.
It is not necessary that the applicants fear be based on his or her own experience; the
applicants fear may stem from the experience similarly situated individuals. In this way, the
1951 Convention protects not only persons who have been persecuted but also to those who
wish to avoid risking persecution.
Thus, asylum and refuge policies are most often placed in a specific space of analysis
according to their particular objectives, and therefore are somewhat distanced from
migration studies. This distance is due in many cases to the causes this mobility and to the
consequences that the receiving State has to assume within one category or another. In the
case of the asylum or refuge category, the State manifests that a particular person or group
of people needs protection because their human rights are at risk, which led to their forced
departure, and which the State is prepared to protect. In the case of immigrants, their
94
departure is not completely forced since they consciously decide to leave, and therefore the
State does not have a direct responsibility to protect them, although often this border is not
so clear (See in Kunz, 1973 ; 125-146).
However, in the case of this research, asylum and refuge policies are included in the
control-management immigration policies because the asylum or refugee position and its
variants in most cases coincide with immigration by the person requesting this legal
remedy; going to the frontiers of the receiving State or to the centers of internment to
request this right.
Therefore, asylum and refuge policies are used by national states as mechanisms that
influence the migratory flow of individuals, but this intervention is most often hardly
relevant in the mass influx of immigrants since they do not imply such far-reaching
decisions about the movement of people, as the measures on border/ visa policies, for
example, which handles larger numbers of people in heterogeneous situations. However,
although its impact is often not as fundamental as that of other immigration policies, if its
important to observe its changes due to the economic crisis, insofar as they manifest a sense
and an objective on which these policies are directed and the causes for that these
modifications are made, which will serve to support the conjecture proposed by this
research.
Asylum and refuge policies basically respond to values or interests of the receiving
State of a political-ideological, conjunctural, economic, etc. They are, above all, a moral
determination that is presented to the receiving State by the petitioners, appealing to the
values that constitute it and legitimize it, and to the state interests that are manifested in
certain situations in conflict51. Consequently, considerations about the flow of individuals
and the quantity and composition of this immigration are important. Their educational
status, their political position, their critical perspective on a particular state or situation, and
51
In some occasions it may be argued that public policies of asylum and refuge have a humanitarian and
solidarity aspect with respect to certain human groups because of the situations they face in their countries of
origin. However, it is important to emphasize that although the element of solidarity is often presented in the
granting of these international rights, interests in certain situations matter more than these humanitarian
reasons. An example of this is the case law applied by the Spanish State, in which female genital mutilation of
African citizens is not considered an asylum motive, of which the bulk of the Spanish population considers
inhumanity, but due to the migratory conditions of these practices are not considered sufficient grounds for
asylum in the Spanish State (See Miguel Juan, 2007).
95
their economic status determine the granting or not of asylum or refuge, and show the
differences between this immigration in relation to the conventional ones of a labor nature.
Due to the greater selectivity of this immigration, it is that a possible modification of
these flows becomes more feasible due to the economic crisis in Spain, since the discretion
that has always accompanied the policies of asylum and refuge allows increase or reduces
their number depending to context. In this case, the status of asylum or refugee may be
affected by economic conditions in Spain, because most of those who seek this status and
do not have the resources to do so, turn to NGOs to finance the procedures, which in turn
are subsidized by the State, so that the reduction of public budgets for the expenditure
generated by these immigrants and the bureaucratic procedures for their acceptance, limit
the search for this status.
In the same way, once this protection has been approved, the State must ensure the
welfare of these people, seeking employment for their integration into society, and granting
them similar social rights as the rest of the citizens. Therefore, the reduction in the number
of asylum by the Spanish State would not be totally surprising due to the economic
situation because although it is not a considerable expense compared to others that the State
performs for immigrants, if it is dispensable as long as it is determined by the discretion in
the acceptance of applications.
In Spain, the first asylum law passed in 1984 recognized this right that had been
manifested in the Constitution of the transition in 1978. This law, like the immigration law
of the same year, was determined by the integration of Spain to the European common
market. Therefore, this was an attempt to assimilate to the postulates defended by the
countries of the EU. This law expressed some ambivalence between the terms of asylum
and refuge, which would later be clarified. Similarly, it was admitted that applicants for
these international rights could temporarily reside in Spain as long as the application for
asylum was addressed by the relevant legal and bureaucratic bodies for their acceptance or
rejection.
In 1994, this law was reformed, in which the concept of refuge and asylum was
equated, matching this consideration with the EU bodies that tended towards this direction.
96
The Spanish legislation also established that when the request was manifestly unfounded or
abusive, falsifying data, identities or events, would not be admitted for processing. This
caused many of the applicants for this right to be denied this remedy based on the form of
their application, without going through the judicial bodies.
However, as shown in the following data, this condition of inadmissibility to request
processing be was biased by the place where the applications were filed. The 95% of
asylum applications lodged in Spain are admitted for processing, while only 44% of those
lodged at the border or in detention centers for foreigners are accepted. This shows a bias,
in which asylum-based protection is determined by the application site. Since the majority
of those asylum applying in internment centers, are immigrants who attempted to cross
borders illegally, generally of African origin, fleeing poverty and social, political and
religious conflicts, which did not have enough social capital to interact with an NGO and
enough money to enter Spain as tourists; therefore, this bias is directly related to the
suppression of the most excluded.
During these years, before the economic crisis, the perception of abusive use of these
immigration mechanisms was even expressed in foreign regulations, which would be
foresee in the medium term a tightening of these mechanisms of entry. However, the
policies of asylum and refuge conceived in the year 1994 would not change until the year of
2009, already during the recessive economic process. The reasons for its amendment, as set
out in the preamble of the asylum law 12/2009, are the transformations in the European
regulatory frameworks that Spain would be committed to make compatible.
More than fourteen years have elapsed since this first amendment, already a European
asylum policy has been developed, starting with the Treaty of Amsterdam in 1997, which
has produced a wide range of Community rules which must be incorporated into the internal
legal order through appropriate legislative changes, which in some cases are of great
importance (Law of Asylum, 12/2009).
One of the pillars of the amendment of this law was the pursuit of security, similar to
that which was shown in the amendment of the Aliens Act.
97
[...] the new requirements arising from the most recent legal acts of the European
Union introduce appropriate measures to avoid that those who may pose a danger to the
security of the State, public order or to carry out actions incompatible with the status of
international protection can benefit of this (asylum law). Likewise, a common procedure is
introduced for the adoption of such legal figures, and a further step is taken in the
construction of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (Law of Asylum, 12/2009).
But in addition to this search for security, one of the most important innovations of
the reform of the law was the introduction of the figure of Subsidiary Protection, which
together with the figure of asylum, complemented the measures against the persecution of
the people. Article 4 of the law states:
The right to subsidiary protection is provided to persons from other countries and to
stateless persons who, without qualifying for asylum or being recognized as refugees, but
for whom there are reasonable grounds for believing that if they return to their country of
origin country of origin in the case of nationals or, in relation to their previous habitual
residence in the case of stateless persons, would face a real risk of suffering any of the
serious damages provided for in Article 10 of this Law [...]
This new legal and protection figure has been implemented especially for the defense
of gender issues and sexual orientation, but its implementation has been framed by
discretion and therefore ambivalence, which even manifests itself in its conception. It
clearly states that anyone who does not meet the requirements for acquiring asylum status
can avail himself of this protection status when there are grounds for persecution. However,
its implementation will be exclusively subordinated to the perception of the Spanish State
on this relation of danger, in which there is no binding international norm that reveals the
characteristics of this legal figure and that therefore determines when the State is obliged to
lend, or not this right.
Its important to emphasize that most studies on asylum policies in Spain point out
that asylum does not obtain it the one who is in a situation of fear of being persecuted [...]
but who has the luck to overcome all obstacles and comply with all the requirements
imposed by law" (Daz Calvario, 2011; 126). However, this amended law in 2009, during
the process of economic crisis, tightens the procedures of access to obtain these protection
98
figures, and resumes the concept of shielding the borders which in fact means a
predisposition to automatic inadmissibility of the applications submitted by the citizens
most inclined to this immigration (Valls Freizax, 2012; 203).
This hardening resulted in a reduction in the number of applicants, i.e., in the number
of people who met all the requirements for access to the review of the application for
asylum or refuge. Graph 32 shows the trend in the number of applications in Spain for
international protection. As can be seen, this has been decreasing continuously since 2007,
when the economic crisis began, further complicating the possibility of complying with the
requirements to access this international protection.
Graph 32, Evolution of applicants in Spain for international protection, Source: Ministry of
the Interior. Taken from: (CEAR, 2013)
Since 2007, the declining trend of asylum and refuge seekers in Spain has been
deepened by the tightening of the requirements for access to this application. In 2012, the
number of asylum seekers was the lowest in the last 25 years in Spain, (2,070) and the
granting of this right was the lowest since the approval of the law of 2009, (525) (Graph
33). This situation is not common in the EU, where the number of applications in 2012
increased by 10% over the previous year, while in Spain it was reduced by 25%. These
numbers are revealing because it is difficult to argue that, despite the significant increase in
immigration in Spain and the geopolitical position that Spain plays with countries in North
Africa and Latin America, the number of applications approved by the Spanish State is only
55 applications of asylum per million inhabitants, while the rest of the countries of the
99
European continent have an average of 660 asylum applications approved per million
inhabitants.
5,000
4135
Number of
applications
received
3,750
2175
2,500
2410
2070
990
1,250
350
610
525
Number of
approved
asylum
concessions
0
2009
2010
2011
2012
Graph 33, Number of asylum and refugee applications in Spain received and approved for
years. Source: (Ministry of Interior, 2012).
The granting of asylum and refuge has always been a discretionary element of the
immigration policy of the States. But in the years of economic crisis in Spain, the
beneficiaries of this international law have decreased considerably, and the State has
hardened the requirements for the application of this status, which shows the nature of the
policies that aim receive and attend to certain migrations, but of which the State has no
interest in attracting them.
3.3. The development cooperation policies.
Development cooperation policies are a set of measures driven by public or private
actors seeking to promote economic and social progress in developing countries. These
actions involve a mobilization of financial, human, technical and technological resources to
promote these development goals, in which economic, educational, humanitarian and
cultural solutions are inserted, stimulating respect for human rights and to fundamental
freedoms.
As with asylum and refuge policies, development cooperation policies were
consolidated as international public policies with the creation of the United Nations (UN)
and the signing of the Charter of the UN by the founding States of this Organism in 1945.
Therefore, respond universal values and interests, i.e., which the whole of the global
society judges as beneficial for the population in general, or at least this is the utilitarian
100
perspective from the western states. These international impulses have been consolidated in
several international organizations; however, the majority of the resources destined to these
objectives are managed by the States or NGOs to fulfill the mission of the progress.
Development cooperation was initially linked to the relations established between
States as a result of the Second World War, in which the western capitalist block promoted
through these resources the paths of capitalist economic development in underdeveloped
countries and as containment to the socialist movements because the societies of the poor
countries were breeding ground for its development. Therefore, these resources for welfare
and development also served as instruments of coercion and conviction for the governments
of poorest countries because their alignment to these postulates allowed them to access
these resources necessary for their subsistence.
After the Second World War, the first public development cooperation policies that
were used in Europe were implemented by the United States for the reconstruction of these
countries through the Marshall Plan. However, this support was not alien to the
implications of the cold war and of the economic context that was lived. The consolidation
of a strong Europe economically and socially benefited the United States in many ways;
from supplying a thriving market for its products, to sustaining a politically and socially
western culture, to halting the advance of Soviet socialism by favoring the establishment of
liberal democracies and anti-communist authoritarian regimes. Thus, development
cooperation policies from the outset functioned as intervention mechanisms to safeguard
the political, ideological and economic interests of one State over another.
With the Treaty of Rome in 1957, and with the beginning of the incipient European
common market, the policies of development cooperation in Europe were tried to deploy as
a commitment of the Community States towards the poorest countries. As progress became
concrete, these policies began to gain political and social legitimacy to address issues
related to humanitarian aid, human rights, individual freedoms, but also to put to the fore
their economic interests, and their political and social values in the countries receiving of
such aid.
101
The interests and values of the capitalist western States were consolidated in the
structures of the international organizations that were created to manage these resources of
development cooperation: the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the
various regional development banks. These institutionalized actors were founded with the
mandate to look the development mechanisms, and expose the most optimal forms of
achieving economic and social development, ensuring that the funds are used for these
objectives.
Its within this interventionism that the immigration issue was included in the policies
of development cooperation, playing a role of equal predominance that the fight for the
poverty or the defense by the economic interests. This preponderance of the migratory issue
was generated, especially from the continuous arrival of immigrants to the European
borders, which determined that the measures of development cooperation were used as
mechanisms of delay of these human flows. For although the immigrant labor force is
inescapable and necessary in times of economic growth in Europe; for community security,
for public opinion, for the labor market and for the organization of European States, the
massive influx of immigrants was seen as a latent problem.
The development cooperation policies sought to serve as measures to stop these flows
from their countries of origin, securing jobs in their regions, which allowed limiting these
movements. However, at the same time as this type of economic development was being
promoted, the States of poor countries were also induced to accept laws to repatriate their
immigrants and to reinforce their border security forces to detain their citizens and the
citizens of other States, due that the immigrants used their territories as transit place. In this
way, development cooperation measures also served as measures for the control and
management of immigration flows to Europe. (ALBOAN, 2011)
These policies suggest a more humanized treatment than immigration control
policies, by insinuating a change in the priorities of these measures; not simply of security
and militarization of the community borders, but also of detention and deterrence of these
flows from their own countries of expulsion, providing resources to reduce the number of
emigrants, appealing to the economic development of their regions, as well as
contemplating programs of repatriation and physical coercion to limit these transfers.
102
Since the agreements in Amsterdam and Tampere it was suggested using these
economic cooperation measures to stop the flow of immigrants. However, it was not until
2005 that the Heads of State of the Community countries in Hampton Court, England,
agreed on a strategy called the Global Approach to Migration-Policy, which one
agreement was to optimize link between migration and development cooperation:
On the one hand, development cooperation is seen as a measure that in the medium
term helps to curb migration to the extent that supports the development of countries of
origin. On the other hand, migration poses new challenges and opportunities for
development cooperation, in areas such as remittances, brain-drain, return migration and
south-south migration.
At the First Euro-African Ministerial Conference on Migration and Development in

Rabat in 2006, which brought together ministers and secretaries of State from 57 countries,
an action plan was drawn up (Table 6), which sought to implement measures for
development Economic of countries Africans. However, at the same time that these
measures were proposed from the internal economic development, others were proposed
that contemplated the return of the immigrants already settled in Europe and used support
of the border police to avoid that these flows arrived at the countries of the European
Community52.
Recommendations of the First Euro-African Ministerial Conference on
Migration and Development, Rabat (2006) in relation to the three axes of the
global approach
Rabat Action Plan
1) Migration and Development
Co-development projects in the countries of origin of immigrants.
Help migrants return to create a micro-enterprise in their places of origin.
Implementation of financial instruments that favor co-development.
Ensure that sufficient skills are available for development of African
countries.
Development of knowledge and know-how.
Reinforcement of cooperation on training.
Encourage universities on both continents to welcome more young
people African countries.
Development of partnerships between scientific and technical
institutions.
2) Management of legal migrations
Establishment of cooperation programs in the management of legal
migration.
52
The signing of bilateral treaties for the return of immigrants between receiving and expels countries is very
important for the control of flows over illegal immigration; because not having these mechanisms means
that the receiving countries cannot quickly and expeditiously return illegal immigrants detained of that
nationality, which causes long and expensive repatriation procedures, disadvantageous for the States that want
to return these immigrants to their places of origin.
103
Adoption of measures to facilitate the movement of people.

Improvement and harmonization of the legal conditions of immigration.
3) Irregular immigration
Measures to raise awareness of the risks involved in migrating Illegally.
Police and judicial cooperation in the fight against irregular immigration.
Coordination in the control of borders and maritime routes.
Reinforcement of the capacity of control of the national borders of the
countries transit and departure.
Help victims.
Implementation of effective readmission systems in all countries whose
citizens emigrated irregularly to Europe.
Clarification of the rules of respect for dignity and rights fundamental of
the people.
Creation of a Euro-African observatory to follow the movements
demographic
Table 6, Rabat Action Plan, (Take, ALBOAN, 2011)
Development cooperation policies along with immigration policies generated a

phenomenon that is conceptualized as border externalization (externalizacin fronteriza).
This is a border control practice that goes beyond the territorial limits of a State or
supranational entity, which strives to control the flow of goods or people to its borders by
means of a filter placed in another State or security institution that is in charge of
monitoring and ordering these transfers in order to debug the convenient flows and those
that are not.
Contained in development cooperation agreements such as Rabat in 2006, the fight
against illegal immigration externalized European borders mainly in Africa, and sought to
stop these flows before reaching the community borders.
In this way, cooperation policies have distorted their primary objectives to
concentrate on [...] combating and mitigating irregular migration flows [through]
international cooperation by means of the conclusion of bilateral agreements on migration
cooperation and readmission with countries of origin or transit of irregular immigrants [...]
(Asin, 2008, 167, seen in ALBOAN, 2011)
Within these conditions is that the development cooperation policies begin to have
relevance as of the economic crisis of 2008, specifically in the Spanish case. In this context,
these public policies focused particularly on the fight against illegal immigration, and to a
lesser extent on the economic development of immigrant-expelling regions. These policies
were specifically implemented in African States; because of its geographical proximity, the
characteristics of its migrations and its abundant history of receiving development aid.
104
Which allowed coordinated the cooperation policies with the immigration controlmanagement policies, in order, within this context of economic crisis, to make the
community borders more rigid and more difficult the way of the immigration by the north
and the west of the African continent.
Despite the discourse continually reiterated by the EU agencies in which the
emphasis the combating massive immigration of labor motivations through development
cooperation policies in the countries of origin; The Spanish State from the beginning denied
this use because it tried to legitimize these measures from their original causes, that is, the
disinterested help of the most disadvantaged people:
Development policy does not have as its direct purpose to act on migratory flows,
rather to generate opportunities and expectations of life in countries of origin (of
immigration) [...] so that the cooperation policy on migration and development have their
own geographic objectives and priorities linked to development indicators and to the
achievement of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), so there is no activity focused
on the control and regulation of immigration flows. (ALBOAN, 2011)
However, in the three master plans of Spanish cooperation the issue of migration
emerges. In the first, before the economic crisis (2005-2008), immigration is incorporated
in a similar way to the EU, i.e., intercalating the actions for economic and social
development, with the implementation of migratory return and expulsion agreements. In
fact, [...] Spanish cooperation initially will give priority to co-development actions in two
countries of enormous importance because of the volume of their immigrants in Spain:
Morocco and Ecuador to which large resources were devoted.
In the Spanish cooperation plan 2009-2012, the economic crisis was already having
an impact on national income, although this still did not affect State finances decisively.
Therefore, a speech was encouraged in which is appealed to maintain the resources directed
to the international aid:
From the point of view of development cooperation, the effects of this global crisis
can be manifold. On the one hand, it jeopardizes the development achievements so far made
by developing countries in combating poverty [...] in developed countries; there may be
undesirable trends in favor of protectionism and the closure of markets. Spain [...]
105
undertakes to: a) maintain its commitment to expand aid sequentially, making it compatible
with the other social objectives of domestic policy; b) to defend in international forums the
criteria of openness and integration of the international system and (c) encourage the rest of
the donor countries to uphold their international commitments on development aid to
alleviate the social costs of the crisis.
And finally, in the 2013-2016 the cooperation plan, within a very complicated
scenario of recession, unemployment and social cuts, the discourse expressed in this
document recalled the many sign of solidarity of the Spanish people towards the citizens
of the poorest countries. Therefore, given the present economic conditions, the Spaniards
want to accompany the efforts of our partner countries to advance their development.
In this sense, it can be said that this Master Plan is characterized by presenting a
REALISTIC approach; a determination to REDESIGN our cooperation; the orientation
towards RESULTS; And RENDERING of accounts. [] that is to say, a reconsideration
of the objectives to link them with the monetary capacities of the Spanish State and thus to
fulfill them of effective way.
The objectives of development cooperation were modified, to be directly directed to
tackle the problems of immigration in the countries that more immigrants expelled Spain in
the first plan, to deny this link in the second plan, noting that although poverty was the
cause of immigration. The aim of development policies was not to limit these flows, but to
correct the sources of inequality. And finally, in the plan 2013-2016, the relations between
development cooperation and immigration policies were totally eliminated.
The decoupling between these two policies is only present in these two last
cooperation plans because this relationship is very deep and is manifested mainly in Plan
Africa I and Plan Africa II. In these plans that are considered a project of aid for the
economic and social development of the continent, they keep at the immigration as an
important part of its objectives. In them, it shows conditional cooperation as a natural
practice in which the co-responsibility of the African countries on the immigration that
comes to Europe arises, for that reason, when receiving these aids, the African States
committing themselves to contain to the illegal immigration, and to sign bilateral
agreements for the repatriation of their citizens (Romero, 2006; 26).
106
Under the first Plan Africa, Spain signed twelve new agreements with African States
to incorporate provisions in favor of combating illegal immigration, readmission of illegal
immigrants, incorporation of workers in Spain from the States with which the agreement
was signed and integration of the immigrants. Most of these agreements have been made in
the process of economic crisis; in 2007 only the Gambia and the Republic of Guinea signed
the Framework Agreement on Immigration Cooperation as legally known. However, in
2008, when the economic crisis was more than evident Cape Verde, Mali, Guinea Bissau
and Niger did the same, and in 2009 Senegal and Mauritania also agreed to sign this
agreement which provided them with economic resources from the cooperation to
development, but forced them to repatriate their citizens and to outsource Spanish borders
to their territory.
However, it should be noted that, although these agreements were signed during the
economic crisis, the talks for its implementation began at least two years before they were
formalized. It is possible that the economic crisis has favored the vertiginous signing of
these agreements, but it is also possible that the signing of these treaties only recognizes the
continuous border outsourcing promoted by the EU and the plans directed to the African
continent by the Spanish State, that with crisis or without economic crisis, the
implementation of treaties of repatriation of immigrants was a priority of the Spanish State
and of Europe as a whole.
Something that does not seem to enter into the discussion is the reduction of the
amounts destined by the Spanish State for the policies of development cooperation. As
shown in Graph 34, Spanish cooperation has faced a series of budget cuts since 2008,
which led to a downward trend in these amounts for humanitarian aid.
107
Funds of the Spanish Cooperation for the

development in millions of dollars
8,750
6867
7,000
6584
5917
5140
5027
5,250
3814
3018
3,500
1712
1961
2437
1,750
0
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
Graph 34, Funds of the Spanish cooperation for development. Data of the (OECD 20022010)
Graph 35 shows how the reduction of these funds has affected the countries of the
African continent receiving the highest amounts of aid allocated to the concepts of
economic and social development of the population, which means a reduction in the
amounts destined for the creation of jobs and social improvements, which in turn affect in
the increase of the migrations towards Europe. The Graph shows how since 2007-2008
during the economic crisis, the amounts allocated to economic growth programs, such as
aid to productive sectors or to vulnerable groups, have been, reduced substantially.
200
Angola
160
Algeria
Cape Verde
120
Congo
80
Morocco
Mauritania
40
Mozambique
0
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
Senegal
Graph 35, Funds of Spanish development cooperation, allocated to certain countries of the
African continent, destined to economic and social development, in millions of dollars. Taken from:
(Annual International Cooperation Plan 2005, 2012)
108
However, as the objectives of reducing immigration from the support to the

productive and social development of the population were faded by the economic crisis; the
pursuit of this objective was concretized in other areas such as border control and support
to police corporations in the form of Direct Bilateral Assistance. In the first Plan Africa,
before the economic crisis, a little more than 5% of this aid was conditioned by these
policies, but in the second Plan Africa, during the economic crisis, this amount appears to
have grown by 1.370%, from 355,286 to 4,851,269. This is important to underline, as
official aid declined year after year, police cooperation and some administrative expenses
of Spanish embassies in these countries increased disproportionately during these times of
recession (ALBOAN, 2011).
The administrative entity of the Spanish State from which this aid came is also an
element must be added to this type of development cooperation in the form of support to
police corporations aimed at reducing immigration. Development cooperation in Spain is
not the exclusive competence of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and, in this sense, the
Ministry of the Interior (Home Office) has also participated in these development support
programs in African countries. This Ministry, dedicated to internal political relations of the
Spanish State, would have little to do with foreign aid; however, as one of its objectives is
to safeguard the country's security and immigration seen as a threat, is part of its fields of
action.
As part of the projects financed by the Ministry of the Interior, in databases of
DGPOLDE (General Directorate for the Planning and Evolution of Development Policies)
as Police Cooperation in 2005 and 2006 described as Training of commanders and
specialized police, purchase and dispatch of diverse police equipment, in order to improve
the police operations of these institutions and security bodies, and thus contribute to the
achievement of peace. These funds in the form of official development cooperation, but
dedicated to police training, in the years 2001-2009 amount to about 46 million euro in nine
countries in West African countries, these being the main routes of immigration subSaharan that they go to Spain.
In 2009, 91.49% of the funds earmarked for police cooperation from the Ministry of
the Interior went to Sub-Saharan Africa. In 2011 all the cooperation that the Ministry of the
109
Interior assigned to these countries was as police cooperation. If we add to this data the
police cooperation towards Ghana, we have that 98.01% of these funds are for West African
countries; that is to say, more than 41 millions euro in three years. (Azkona 2013, 3)
During the economic crisis, the aid to improve police forces increased almost in
similar proportions than those used for this concept in the previous eight years, which
shows that one of the fields that predominated during this period of crisis was police
upgrading to limit migration. This data could not be further refined because the DGPOLDE
from which the data were obtained became less important because of the public cuts
established by the government, and even the website and databases that contained therein
disappeared. However, even with the limited data available, it can be argued that for the
Spanish government, one of the best ways to limit the flow of Africans to their territory is
to outsource borders and promote more effective police forces in transit countries. (Olivi,
2011; 105)
In conclusion, development cooperation policies as control-management policies of
immigration flows towards Spain have a very stable relationship, despite what the
discourses of the Spanish State point out. And this imbrications during the economic crisis
deepens, shows of it is the signing of the most important agreements of the Spanish State
with certain African countries for the expeditious repatriation of its citizens who tried to
cross the Spanish borders. These regulations were established within the development
cooperation policies instituted by the Spanish government and by the EU, as forms of
conditional cooperation, in which one of the requirements to be credited to the development
aid funds was to sign this type of agreements, which, for the most part, were
institutionalized during the economic crisis; however, their coupling can be traced back to
at least two years before its formalization. Therefore, what is demonstrated is the continued
policy of Spain and the EU to facilitate the expulsion of these immigrants to their places of
origin, both within the economic crisis as before.
What is evident is that the policies of control and management of immigration flows
were linked to those applied for development cooperation and served in times of economic
crisis to make it more difficult to enter the Spanish territory of immigrants, externalization
its borders to other African transit countries. This shows that with the economic crisis,
110
these immigration policies became more rigid against immigration and in favor of their
expulsion.
In conclusion
From the various measures analyzed that make up the policies of control and
management of immigration in Spain, it can be argued that these actions were modified in
the period of economic recession, and most of the time caused by this situation. This
transformation was aimed at reducing the number of immigrants entering Spain, both
through bureaucratic mechanisms and actions aimed at limiting border crossings or making
them more complicated for illegal immigration. Immigrants were also encouraged to leave,
but their results were not what the Spanish State expected, as most immigrants tried to
engage the labor and social realities present in the economic crisis.
Likewise, asylum and refuge policies and development cooperation policies modified
their parameters of action as a result of the economic crisis, restricting the entry of
immigrants, complicating the mechanisms of action or directing them to functions that were
directly related to the limitation and expulsion of immigrants from Spain.
These brief conclusions are in line with the conjecture raised since the beginning of
the investigation, in which immigration policies as actions designed and executed by the
State, originated within power relations; respond to the interests immersed in these
relations. Immigration policies, and in particular control-management immigration policies,
were permissive at the time when immigrants served as an important source of labor for the
expansion of the Spanish economy by its Cost below the value that this merchandise has in
the Spanish market. However, when they failed to fulfill this role because of the unfolding
of the economic crisis, they became a drag on economic and social relations, changing
these policies from permissive to restrictive.
111
Chapter 4. Policies of integration of immigrants in the economic

crisis
In the same way that control-management immigration policies were
rethought by the economic crisis, integration policies, such as those in
charge of establishing and regulating the stay and coexistence of
immigrants with the rest of the population, were also modified in this
economic cycle as will be presented below.
4.1. Integration policies and specificity in Spain.
The concept of integration in public policies on minorities refers to a wide range of
actions; from the insertion, to the exception, from regrouping to exclusion, from
naturalization to outlawing. For the concept of integration rather than an adaptation to
certain canons cultural, social, political, etc. Determines the inclusion or not of the demands
of the minorities in the institutions and decisions State.
Immigrants are often part of these minorities in contemporary nation-States, and their
integration into society as a whole has three main characteristics: (1) the relationship that
immigrants seek to engage with State institutions and societies (2) the processes of social
integration of immigrants in these societies, and (3) the result of these processes, i.e., the
established link between immigrants and institutional structures related to the recognition
of their rights and obligations (De Lucas , An Roig, Galiana Saura, et al., 2008; 21).
Since immigrants are often considered a minority in the States, it is assumed that
integration is necessary for these groups who try to reside in a society outside their own,
and on which values and interests prevail since the nation-State, which are for the most
presumably different from that of immigrants. Integration plans and treaties therefore deal
primarily with how immigrants should be treated, how they should relate to public
institutions, how integration processes should take place in receiving societies, how to
support and establish their obligations, etc. (De Lucas, An Roig, Galiana Saura, et al.,
2008; 22).
112
Consequently, integration policies are aimed at limiting the conflicts arising from the
social, economic and legal differences that arise in the permanent coexistence between
immigrants and natives. Therefore, they have as part of their objectives to deal with the
social services that are most indispensable for this coexistence. Integration policies focus
on the treatment of health, work, education, housing, culture, assistance mechanisms,
political participation and much more, which is delimited by all that immigrants need to
cohabit in host societies without major setbacks.
In general, integration policies in the western States for immigrants (but also for
indigenous groups, national minorities, and segregated groups) refer to the difficulty of
these groups for relating to public institutions and the regulations that they manifest to from
the building of the nation-State modern. Therefore, in order to observe why it is necessary
to implement integration policies in immigrants from reception societies, it would be
necessary to unravel how the non-immigrant was constructed, that is to say, the national
citizen who conforms to the majority. This in turn will reveal the different variants of
integration policies from the State, and how these have changed over the years.
This historical process (the political and juridical construction of the national citizen)
developed largely from the democratic, liberal, bourgeois revolution in France in the
eighteenth century, in which the State sought its legitimation based on a social uniformity
based on an imagined-community53, conforming itself to the nation as a homogeneous
body of beliefs, customs, values and behaviors54. That is to say, the essentialization of
ethnic identity, in which the cultural ideal, religion and the phenotypic constitution
converge, established a super-ethnicity, which in turn supposedly chose to establish an
administrative, political and military entity to regulate social relations based on law;
relationship in which the contemporary nation-State was instituted. (Baumann, 1999)
53
Something that in the voice of Benedict Anderson is but an "imagined community", that is, the nation as a
mental belief in the sense of a speech; a combination of intellectual and political practices that have given
meaning to human relations within capitalist societies.
54
The unitary power of any State throughout history cannot be legitimized except by using, as a deterrent, the
existence of a unified community, socially, culturally and politically around a given social structure. In this
case, the social structure that legitimized the bourgeoisie as the dominant class and the capitalist production
system as the preponderant was the foundation of the nation and its representation within the State as an
element that justified the dominion over a territory and aligned the objectives of the population as a whole.
(Ferrando Badia, 1987; 8)
113
In this way it is how the nation-State and the national citizen were erected as a quasireligious myth, which is part of one's individual and collective identity, which is rooted in
State institutions as well as in society as a whole. Because the nation and the homogeneous
idea that conjugates them is appreciated, as part of an attribute obtained from birth. This
sentiment acquires a romantic character from which emanates the racial and supremacist
conceptions that constituted the theoretical nucleus of the exacerbated nationalisms of
century XX, evidently exemplified in the fascist States of Europe.
National homogeneity promoted by the State as a measure of legitimization,
normalization and control of individuals, relegated minorities in most of the twentieth
century, forcing them to assimilate to the dominant national ideal. Thus, indigenous groups,
ethnic minorities and national groups other than the hegemonic were often forced to
behave, interact and live in the shade, hiding their differences so as not to be segregated
from certain public spaces55.
The power of the modern nation-State to standardize and reproduce the life of its
population on a large scale on the basis of national values, caused integration policies to be
shaped as policies of assimilation, promoting the adaptation of minorities on many
occasions to the national behaviors already established from the State structures. Whether
ethnic groups, national minorities or immigrants, many had to conform to the homogeneous
norms that the State applied in different public spaces or services; in most cases there was
no option of difference, culturally, idiomatic, religious, etc. (Favell, 2008; 137).
Integration policies based on assimilation were especially directed towards
immigrants in European countries, as these also served as control mechanisms on these
flows. Integration examinations where questions about the language, customs and behavior
of the homogenized receiving society applied in countries such as France, Great Britain
and the Netherlands were first linked to entry permits for immigrants, and later with the
delivery of citizenship. Thus, integration policies were necessary for the regulation of the
55
Those who showed their diversity, endured the multiple consequences of this fact, from the exclusion of
certain public spaces, the restriction to participate in spaces of representation, to imprisonment, forced
deportations, restriction of fundamental freedoms, kidnappings, genocide, etc. which are illustrated in many
episodes of violence of the last two centuries
114
flow of immigrants and unavoidable to be part of a society homogenized and very

susceptible to difference.
With the entry of globalization, and along with the weakening of State borders by the
inherent needs of capitalism, the national ideal was adapted to the new conditions, acceding
to the entry of multinationals, international media and labor immigrants on a large scale,
alluding directly to the erosion of economic, social and cultural nationalism as it was
known during most of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Given the circumstances
presented by globalization, multiculturalism was formed as the basis of the nation-State
itself, being a political theory that defends plurality and allows different human groups to
coexist within a space of tolerance in which the sovereignty of the State is not called into
question. Because, although there is an openness to diversity, the rule of liberal values that
sustain these States is not changed; for this reason, [...] Multiculturalism is not (as much)
an act of charity as an act of self-preservation. [...] (Parekh, 2000; 57)56
The multiculturalists integration policies in the immigrants were developed so that
the outbursts of exclusion typical of the homogenized societies were not generated at the
beginning of the neoliberal economic process, driven by the need to acquire capital and
labor power that allowed the extensive development of the capitalism. In this way, the
multicultural public policies of integration sought that the different immigrant groups
promote their own cultural, social and religious postulates in similar conditions as the rest
of the population, but always respecting the most basic rules of social, economic and
political liberalism, which holds the western nation-State.
Therefore, the more or less multicultural or more or less assimilationist composition
of the policies of integration of the western States, were subordinated to the struggles
condensed within each State; in which nationalist development or the globalizing impulses
decanted the tone of these policies. A wide range of nuances were invariably developed
within the integration policies vacillating between these two major poles.
56
[...] In principle, national membership should be open to all those who, regardless of race or color, are
willing to learn the language and history of society and to participate in their political institutions. [...]
Immigrants in the United States must not only commit to accepting democratic principles, but must also learn
the language and history of their new society. What distinguishes civic nations from ethnic nations is not the
absence of any cultural component in national identity, but rather the fact that any person can integrate into
the common culture, regardless of race or color [ ...] (Kymlicka, 1996).
115
Following Javier de Lucas (2008), the models that are presented ideally in integration
policies are five, always bearing in mind the ideas of pure assimilation and exacerbated
multiculturalism:
1.
Assimilationism: This model is based on the premise that the contact of different
immigrant groups in the reception society does not oblige the alteration of the
limits, values and patterns that structure this society. Consequently, the State
mechanisms for the treatment of immigrants are only mono-cultural; the subjects
that are incorporated are obliged to adapt to the dominant culture. In this model
there is no obvious difference between natives and immigrants in policies or
programs designed by the State, therefore, if immigrants wish to have access to
any public benefit, they must be assimilated to the rest of the population; even
though their cultural, social, economic, etc. be different from the rest.
2.
Segregationism: This model is based on the same premise as the pure assimilation
model, which does not contemplate significant changes in the culture, values or
behaviors of the recipient societies due to the massive influx of immigrants.
However, the main change of the segregationist model is established in the
separation of the differentiated groups to avoid that the dominant culture be
vitiate. While in the ideal of assimilation the immigrants are induced to adopt
new elements of the culture of the native society, in the segregationist, the
integration is given by a non-alteration of the different cultural groups. Therefore,
the coexistence between immigrants and the natives is based on a marked social
separation in all the public areas, from education, health, culture, public spaces,
etc.
3.
Integrationism: This model of integration of immigrants starts from the need to

modify the limits and patterns of the basic structure of society due to the entry of
these human flows. The aim of this model is to minimize the potential conflicts
between the values and interests of natives and immigrants. The main proposal of
this model is the cultural exchange of individuals in the reception society.
Therefore it is not conceived as a one-way street, but rather as a feedback of
immigrants and natives, adapting to their own needs of the environment. While in
some cases the programs designed by the State are aimed at a particular social
116
group, they do not attempt to conceive as part of segregationist attributes, but

rather as positive discriminations in order to achieve a more beneficial equality for
the population as a whole.
4.
Pluralism: As with the integrationist model, the pluralist allows to vary the basic
structures of the host societies by the entry of the immigrants. In contrast, this
model is more permissive in the participation and management of immigrants in
the public sphere, a situation that is restricted in the previous model. Its aim is to
generate social stability and enable the political and cultural representation of
immigrants in host societies.
5.
Identity Model (Modelo Identitario): This last model of integration starts from the
needs of modifying the structures of the State, but not the content of the values and
social patterns that are inserted within the different social groups. In this sense,
although public plans, policies and programs, as well as State institutions can be
modified to shelter immigrants; It also defends the preservation of codes, practices,
values and normative claims derived from the identity of each social group, both
immigrant and native. Perhaps ultimately, what are promoted are closed
communities homogeneous and segregated from the rest of society by vigorously
defending the customs, values and practices of each social group in the particular.
These different models of integration have been implemented in most Western States
in a particular way. In France, for example, integration policies towards immigrants began
in the 1970s, when attempts were made to regulate the immigration of their former Muslimmajority African colonies, which increased in the years preceding the beginning of these
policies. However, at the beginning of the economic crisis of 1973, due to the very
consequences of this economic cycle, this immigration began to be considered a social
problem by the ruling elite that observed these groups as not integrable to the French
cultural traits.
These immigrant groups settled in the slums of the outskirts of the big cities,
generating ghettos where social policies could hardly solve the degrading conditions of
work, housing and social coexistence. These immigrants were categorized as hardly
117
assimilable to the values and foundations of the French State. This led to the integration
policies developed during this period to defend the right of immigrants to preserve their
collective identity, opposing the adaptation of their values and interests to the hegemonic
culture (Gil Araujo, 2011; 11). However, integration policies during this period in France
were closer to segregationism than to pluralism.
Subsequently, within the reform to the Law of Nationality of 1993, the integration
was led rather by the path of assimilation. The reformed civil code pointed out that
foreigners would only obtain citizenship if they were assimilated to French society, which
meant mastering French language and values. Therefore, an integration system that
ultimately seeks the adaptation of foreigners to the native culture has been developed
(Koopmanst, 2005; 45).
Integration policies for immigrants in the Netherlands, to take another example,
began as integrationists, noting the importance of stopping the outbreaks of exclusion and
segregation that occurred in the first labor immigration in their territory, which extended
the idea that, a tolerant and multicultural society (Gil Araujo, 2002; 78). These measures
applied to immigrants and other socially disadvantaged minorities. However, in the early
1990s, it was observed that the living conditions of minorities did not improve profusely,
from which it was suggested that differentiated identities and cultures were barriers to their
emancipation. Thus, integration policies towards immigrants and minorities were modified;
of being respectful of the identities of social minorities, came to consider that they had to
adopt the national culture, forcing these minorities to learn language, culture and political
values Dutch, which supposedly would help them integrate into the labor market. Since
2006, a prerequisite for the admission of immigrants, was to pass a Dutchs exam and
another based on the civic interaction of the reception society, which contains a series of
norms of social behavior aimed at being uncritically reproduced by the immigrants (Gil
Araujo, 2011; 13).57
57
These forms of integration through assimilation were extended, forcing immigrants to attend courses in
language, culture and guidance on the legal system of the receiving State, for renewal of residency, obtaining
the residence permanently or obtaining citizenship. In Germany, for example, the reform of 2002 established
the need for immigrants to study programs of language, history and culture German in order to obtain social
and legal benefits over their stay. In the same way the United Kingdom conditioned the obtaining of the
118
The case of the Spanish State is relevant, since it implies a duality in the discourses
that develop these models of integration; on the one hand, of defending and respecting the
cultural differences that suppose an attachment to the pluralistic model of integration, in
which the host society shares with immigrants the need to integrate:
[..] must manage (the Spanish State) the process of integration in its new society, it
must provide political guidelines on the meaning of such integration and must implement
instruments that make it possible, guaranteeing the rights of immigrants and indigenous
people and creating the conditions that allow the promotion and development of a just and
cohesive society [...] consolidation of an inclusive society, in which all those who contribute
to it have the same opportunities, feel part of it and feel it as theirs. (Plan Estratgico de
Ciudadana e Integracin 2007)
But in turn the Spanish State problematize the integration of immigrants based on
cultural incompatibility (Santamara, 2002, Agrela and Dietz, 2005). That is, integration is
considered difficult due to conflicts arising from religious discrepancies, social values,
public and private behavior, etc. Therefore, the reduction of these conflicts passes through
the adaptation of the immigrants to the cultural characteristics of the Spanish citizen. It is
in this representation of culturally delimited and alien 'others' and 'us' that the fear of
conflict and 'disorder' as a consequence of immigration is forged. (Gil Araujo, 2011).
These elements are described from the first notes that the central government made on the
possibilities of integration of immigrants in Spain:
[...] Spain will consolidate as a country of immigration, which forces us to design and
implement a coherent and comprehensive foreign policy that preserves our economic
interests and our social cohesion, taking into account our historical and cultural values and
that guarantees, in accordance with the values of democratic Spain, a complex integration of
the group of foreign residents who chose as place of life and work our country. (Situacin
de los Extranjeros en Espaa, 1990)
citizenship to the approval of the examinations of the language, the characteristics of the reception society and
on the British political system. Denmark since 2002 has implemented a similar mechanism for those who will
seek citizenship, focusing on Danish language, history and culture. In Austria, the notion of "integration
contract" was introduced, which obliges immigrants in their first 18 months of residence to attend a series of
sessions aimed at learning the language and culture Austrian; these courses are paid half by the immigrant
and the rest by the State or the companies that hired the immigrants. After three years of residence, if the
individual does not have enough knowledge of the German language can be fined, and in the fourth year, can
be withdrawn his residence permits. (Pajares Alonso, 2006).
119
Since the first efforts to develop integration policies (starting with the 2000 reform,
when the treatment of immigration has been institutionalized), the Spanish State proposed
integration within the framework of cultural difference, which seeks to means of actions
that allow immigrants to develop their own culture, but unrestricted respect for the rule of
law and democratic forms of coexistence of Spanish society.
It is in the GRECO plan (2000-2004) that the integration measures are considered
from a perspective closer to assimilationism:
[...] a fundamental objective of immigration and foreign policy must be the
adaptation and integration of new immigrants and foreigners in Spain, in the society to
which they will belong, to which they will add their personal effort, in which they will
contribute to the Social Security system and where they will pay taxes when required by
their level of distribution.
[...] so that education becomes a mechanism for the integration of immigrants in our
society, specific educational programs will be carried out for the segments of the immigrant
population for whom the process of culturalization is more difficult to carry out. (GRECO
Plan, 2001)
Language and religion are the only criteria that explain this shift in the management
of immigration. In general terms, the Spanish labor market attracts immigrants, but policies
select them using colonialist and national identity criteria. In the management of this new
multicultural society Spain is currently in the beginning of a kind of revival of Hispanidad
(Zapata-Barrero 2003; 89).
In this way, the model of (Identitario) identity integration is the one that most
resembles most of the actions undertaken by the Spanish State during this period (although
occasionally also actions are developed in other directions) due to the changes in public
services that take into account immigrants and their cultural characteristics, but State
institutions do not modify the table of national values based on the rule of law. That is to
say, the Spanish State governed by a system of laws and institutions ordered around a
constitution, which is the legal basis of the rule of law, and legal sustenance of
hegemonic-cultural patterns, has not been modified by the entrance of immigrants in their
territory. In other words, the integration of immigrants is only subject to the unrestricted
120
respect of the values and interests that are framed in the constitution, therefore, the change
of values cultural, social, moral, etc. of the Spanish State, isn't determined by the income of
immigrants, but by the modification of the rule of law based on political representation; of
which the immigrants are deficit while their electoral rights are depleted by their status of
non-citizen.
Thus, the Spanish State considered as democratic and respectful of the rule of law,
can integrate immigrants as long as they respect the legal and behavioral limitations that
tolerates the legal framework. Good immigrants are those who do not notice themselves,
those who assimilate themselves, diluting themselves, in the culture (always in the singular)
of the receiving society (Gil Araujo, 2011; 81).
These same postulates are recreated in the basic values of the EU, which also defends
the Spanish State, on which immigrants must assimilate because only within them is that
they manage to guarantee the rest of their rights.
[...] Member States are responsible for actively ensuring that all residents, including
immigrants, understand and respect the full range of values, rights, responsibilities and
privileges established by law of the European Union and Members State, and that enjoy
them and can enjoy the protection that those values, rights, responsibilities and privileges
grant [...]
[...] integration requires a two-way effort to adapt to the new reality, and the
framework [...] within which this mutual effort is to be produced is delimited by the basic
values of the European Union. ((Plan Estratgico de Ciudadana e Inmigracin 2007-2010)
Therefore, the integration of immigrants is decided by the Spanish State and the
power relations condensed within itself, which will indicate when it is appropriate to
promote this integration and when it is better to reduce these actions or modify them
according to the present conditions. These arguments will be presented below according to
the integration plans that in this research will be divided into before and during the
recessive economic process: Strategic Plan for Citizenship and Immigration 2007-2010
(PECI 2007-10) (before the crisis) And Strategic Plan for Citizenship and Immigration
2011-2014 (PECI 2011-14) (in the crisis).
121
Therefore, since the first is designed before the crisis begins, and the second is
already raised within this economic cycle, many of the changes that take place between
these two moments are a corollary of this event, not only economic, but also political and
social. As pointed out in the PECI 2011-14, the context of a general crisis that affects us
all has never been-lost, and that therefore it strongly affects the way in which integration is
observed, and the mechanisms used. Therefore, the study of these plans draws the general
map of the integration policies at the level of the central State, a situation that will be used
to observe the repercussions of the economic crisis on these State mechanisms.
One issue to be highlighted in the integration policies in Spain is that these are
delimited by the central government through these integration plans. However, the
implementations of many of these public policies are obligations of the autonomous
communities. This research will not take into account the integration policies developed by
the Autonomous Communities due to the limited dimensions of this work because in order
to obtain solid conclusions on the impact of the economic crisis on these public policies, it
would be necessary to disaggregate the different plans of integration of the 17 communities
and the two autonomous cities that make up the Spanish State, which would work well for
other research of these dimensions. Therefore, in this investigation only the measures
promoted by the Spanish central State before and during this economic cycle will be
observed.
4.2. Integration into the economic crisis.
In order to observe the changes in integration policies undertaken on the basis of the
recessive economic cycle, we will first analyze: how the question of integration was
conceived in each of these plans, what foundations were established, and what objectives
were sought to comply. Next, will be addressed each of the thematic axes of integration
(health, education, work, etc.) and the discursive changes, the modifications of the
programs undertaken and the amount of resources destined to these integration
mechanisms.
This route will support the hypothesis proposed since the beginning of the
investigation, which points out that the immigration policies developed during the years of
122
economic growth, functioned as mechanisms designed from the State to foment and create
the necessary conditions to attract and use immigrants as a labor force complementary to
the needs of the national labor market. However, with the onset of the economic crisis,
these immigration policies were modified, while immigrants were no longer needed in the
productive market, and therefore these policies within this economic cycle were more
aimed at fostering and creating the conditions for departure of these immigrants for to
improve their living conditions.
The first thing that is important to note about these two integration plans at the central
level is that they are only intended for the treatment of legal immigrants; [...] without
legality there is no possible integration. (PECI, 2007-2010). Therefore, a big part of the
immigrants who live and work in Spain, who in 2012 were more than 20% of the whole of
this group are outside any program designed to improve coexistence between immigrants
and natives.
This issue is very important because, despite the fact that the State considers it
necessary to encourage the legality that implies greater control over immigrants; Cutting a
fifth of the immigrants residing in Spain becomes problematic, especially since these
groups are the most vulnerable in all aspects. Their access to social services in health,
housing, work, education, etc. it is much more precarious than it could be for regular
immigrants. Therefore, the first criticism of this work still alienated from the consequences
of the economic crisis is the exclusion of irregular immigrants from integration policies58.
However, the main difference in the conception and implementation of integration
policies in these two plans (PECI 2007-10 and PECI 2011-14) is the change in the
migration cycle due to the change in the economic cycle. That is, the economic
environment as a force of attraction and expulsion of immigrants is the main variable that
determines in the first place the number of immigrants to be treated, and therefore, the type
of integration policies and the budget amount allocated to them.
58
This critique is accentuated, as some autonomous communities such as the case of Madrid and Catalonia,
do not make this distinction between legal and "illegal" immigrants, therefore the integration policies apply
equally to the different migratory groups.
123
In the PECI 2007-10, before the economic crisis, it is stated that the labor force needs
of the Spanish economy derived from economic growth were the main impetus for the entry
of large contingents of immigrants; which later forced the Spanish State to accelerate
integration policies
Immigrant citizens have come to establish themselves between us and with us,
fundamentally because they have found opportunities to improve their living and working
conditions, and because from the Spanish labor market have been issued signals that
workers are needed in different productive activities [...] (PECI 2007-10)
The economic conditions as promoters of integration policies are shown in the Plan
for the Social Integration of Immigrants in 1994: The incentive to use immigrants as a
cheap labor force generated in the State, since 1994, the Need to integrate immigrants into
the labor market, always following Spanish behavior patterns (PECI, 2007-10).
The integration of immigrants was directly linked to the capabilities of the labor
market and the economic environment. This is also evident in one of the most controversial
mechanisms used by the Spanish State to integrate immigrants: the extraordinary
normalization process of 2005. In this process the Spanish State regularized 691,655 illegal
immigrants residing in Spain and working in a manner Illegal in its territory (PECI, 200710). This mechanism was considered a policy of integration on a large scale because it
implied an improvement in the stay of the immigrants since their new legal status allowed
them to access the various benefits generated by the State, showing a clear improvement in
their working conditions and stay.
Within the PECI 2007-10, it is pointed out regarding the regularization process of the
year 2005:
[...] the normalization of existing relations between employers and foreign workers in
the shadow economy clearly contributed to the integration of the latter into society through
their integration into the labor market ordered with equal rights and obligations with the rest
of the workers, combating possible practices of discrimination and exploitation and thus
facilitating their contribution to the financing of public policies through the fulfillment of
the fiscal and social obligations derived from the provision of labor services (PECI, 200710).
124
However, with the onset of the economic crisis there was a steep increase in
unemployment in the entire population, but mainly among immigrants. This situation
promoted what was called a change of the migratory cycle in the PECI 2011-14. That is to
say, the increase in unemployment, and the tension in the Spanish economy supposedly
produced that large masses of immigrants left Spain irremediably.
[...] (The) context that has contributed to the formation of a new migration scenario
characterized by a notable decrease in the arrival of immigrants, a high-level of
unemployment [...] Spain is a country with a high-level of human development, with high
life expectancy, good educational and health standards, and high degree of economic
development which occupies an important place in the European Union and in the OECD.
For such reasons it has been a destination of attraction of immigration. But the high-level of
unemployment, the fall in income and all the effects of the economic crisis are slowing this
trend and even generating returns of immigrants to their countries of origin, while the
phenomenon of Spanish population other destinations. (PECI 2011-14)
This supposed change in the migratory cycle would force to rethink the mechanisms
destined to the integration of the immigrants from the State. However, this argument about
the massive departure of immigrants is quite complex since, as noted in the previous
chapter, these departures do not affect immigrants as a whole, nor even the majority,
mainly affecting Latin Americans who have increased their departures, and these have been
compensated in some sense by the increase in the entrance of the Asian immigration
especially of Chinese origin.
Similarly, this reduction in the rate of residence of immigrants may be due to the
increase in the number of those who succeeded in obtaining citizenship, especially in Latin
America. This reduction may also be due to the decrease in the number of employment
contracts, which leads to the cancellation of the temporary residence permit for immigrants
who sustain their stay under this mechanism, although they continue to live in Spain now in
an irregular way59.
59
In the last 4 years of economic crisis in Spain have entered 1.4 million people at a rate of 350 thousand
people a year; half of the 750 thousand immigrants who entered before the economic crisis. But above all, 1.6
million people have gone out at a rate of 400 thousand people a year, compared to 125 thousand annual
125
The supposed massive departure of immigrants due to the change in the economic
cycle contradicts the results of the programs intended to promote these outlets, which have
evidently been a failure, as was observed in the previous chapter since there have been very
few Immigrants who have taken advantage of these mechanisms. Although the outflows of
immigrants by this economic cycle have increased, these have not been massive, they are
not reflected in all the contingents, and they are opposed to the incessant attempts of the
immigrants especially of African origin who pretend to enter Spain of irregular form by
means of the borders of Ceuta and Melilla.
Within the integration policies the premise of the massive departure of immigrants
exposed by the central government is driven to recognize the needs of a change in the
integration model, which implies a change in the objectives and in the budget amounts
destined to these policies. That is, why so many resources are spent on policies aimed at
collectives that are gradually reducing. In this way, the budget cuts to these policies are
justified.
The argument for the massive outflow of immigrants is recurrent in the integration
plan developed during the economic crisis (PECI 2011-14), which contrasts with the
arguments designed in the plan prior to this economic cycle, as can be seen in the following
table containing the objectives of both plans:
PECI Objectives 2007-10 (before the crisis)
PECI Objectives 2011-14 (during the crisis)
1. -Guarantee the full exercise of the civil, social,
1. - Guarantee the full exercise, in equal conditions, of
economic, cultural and political rights of the immigrants.
civil, social, economic, cultural and political rights.
2.
2. - Generate social, economic and employment
-Adapt
public
policies,
especially
education,
employment, social services, health and housing, to the
opportunities that guarantee the quality of life.
new needs that originates the presence of immigrants.
3. - To improve the levels of access and use of public
This adaptation must be both quantitative, in order to
services, especially education, health, employment, social
respond to the increase of new citizens and users who
services and dependence, on the part of the whole of the
have to attend public services, as well as qualitative, to
citizenship and in conditions of equity.
adequately manage the diversity of new demands and
4. - Adapt policies and structures of public services to the
incorporate the necessary intercultural competencies.
challenges and demands of a diverse society.
immigrants that exited before the period of the economic crisis. Therefore, the immigration-emigration
balance is less than 200 thousand people. That is, during the period of economic boom 4 million people
entered, and during the period of crisis have left 0.2 million; in this way it can not be pointed out that the
departures of immigrants in Spain were massive. See in http://blog.iese.edu/martinezabascal/2014/01/29/
126
3. - Guarantee the access of the immigrants to the public
5. - Adapt the systems of reception of people in situations
services
social
of vulnerability and specialized reception throughout the
services, health and housing, in equal conditions with the
national territory to the current needs derived from the
native population.
evolution of migratory flows, ensuring that they provide
4. - Establish a system of reception for new immigrants
them with a sufficient degree of autonomy for access to
and those who are in a situation of special vulnerability,
goods and services, exercise of rights and fulfillment of
until they are able to access general public services.
obligations.
5. -Encourage immigrants to know and respect the
6. - Promote comprehensive policies for equal treatment
common values of the European Union, the rights and
and
obligations of residents in Spain, official languages in the
contemplate the prevention and denunciation of all forms
various territories of the State and social norms of
of racism and xenophobia, as well as protection and
coexistence of Spanish society.
assistance to victims in all fields of social life, both in the
6.
-To
especially
combat
education,
the
employment,
various
manifestations
of
opportunities
and
non-discrimination
that
public as well as the private.
discrimination, racism and xenophobia in all areas of
7. - Strengthen equity in all stages of the Educational
social life, both in the public and private spheres.
System, including the university, permanence and
7. -Introduce the gender perspective in both the
academic success.
development
8. - Reduce the levels of social exclusion, marginalization
of
integration
policies
and
their
implementation.
and poverty, with special emphasis on children and youth.
8. - Foster policies and experiences of co-development
9. - Contribute to the development of a democratic and
with the countries of origin of immigration.
participatory culture as well as to institutional legitimacy.
9. - To promote the understanding by the Spanish society
10. - Promote processes of construction and socio-
of
the
community development that promote intercultural
intercultural coexistence, valuing the diversity and
coexistence, the improvement of social, neighborhood
fomenting values of tolerance, and to support the
and labor relations, respect for difference and the
maintenance and knowledge of the cultures of origin of
management of diversity in a shared project of society.
the
migratory
phenomenon,
to
improve
the immigrants.
10. -Encourage the adoption of public policies and
measures by the various Public Administrations and civil
society that promote the integration of immigrants and
cooperation in this field.
Table 7, Objectives of integration plans before and during the economic crisis, Source PECI
2007-2011, PECI 2011-2014
The objectives of the PECI 2007-10 aim to respond to the increase of new citizens
and users to those who have to attend public services, that is to say, to guarantee the
access of the immigrants to the public services, respecting the values Inherent in the EU,
fostering cooperation with immigrant-sending countries and improving intercultural
coexistence.
127
In the PECI 2011-14, the objectives begin by emphasizing the need to generate
social, economic and employment opportunities that guarantee the quality of life of
immigrants, recognizing that they must Reduce the levels of social exclusion,
marginalization and poverty, with special emphasis on children and young people.
Therefore, it is emphasized, contrary to the objectives of the other plan, that integration is
part of intercultural coexistence and social services, as long as economic and employment
conditions have already been completed. For even the objective aimed at improving
intercultural coexistence is eliminated in the PECI 2011-14. And as far as social services
are concerned, these are no longer guaranteed, but are improved or adapted, to the current
needs derived from the evolution of migratory flows; which in terms of this plan have
been decreasing rapidly.
Thus, integration policies in the economic crisis, based on these objectives, leave
intercultural relations aside and focus on economic and employment needs. They also reuse
the argument of the fall in the index of the residence of the immigrants to legitimize the
changes in the social services that as we will later observe, have reduced their budgets
drastically.
In the following sections we will cover each of the social services that are part of the
interference areas of the integration plans.
4.3. Areas of action of integration policies.
The areas of action of integration policies refer to the areas of assistance provided by
the State to immigrants in order to address the possible disadvantages that are manifested in
the coexistence with the rest of the population. These programs begin with the services
reserved for the reception of the immigrants, i.e., the treatment of the immigrants in the first
moments of their arrival; continue with programs of employment, health, education and
social services, among others.
The conditions of social services aimed at the integration of immigrants are modified
in these two plans to compare (PECI 2007-10 and PECI 2011-14), both in the objectives,
programs and mechanisms of solution. However, the first difference that is evident in a
brief review is its organization; while in the PECI 2007-10, before the crisis, areas of
128
intervention as called in this plan were twelve: reception, education, housing, social
services, health, childhood and youth, equality of treatment, women, participation,
sensitization and co-development. In the PECI 2011-14, during the crisis, these criteria are
divided between specific areas of integration and transverse areas. In the first criterion
are the programs of reception, employment, education and health, the second is composed
of coexistence, equality of treatment and anti-discrimination, children, youth and families,
gender and civic participation and education.
The areas that the plan calls transversal are, according to the document, measures
aimed at improving coexistence and emphasize the interculturality of local spaces.
However, it becomes evident that its argumentative weight is reduced and that these are
related to many other tasks, corresponding with integration policies only in a tangential
way. In the comparison of integration policies and programs before and during the
economic crisis, only the specific areas of integration shown in the PECI 2011-14 and
their respective equivalents in the PECI 2007-10 are taken up. Therefore, the integration
policies of: reception, employment, health and education will be addressed, which seem to
be the most important to observe the behavior of integration policies in the central State.
An element that also becomes important to highlight is the disappearance as a priority
of housing programs. In PECI 2007-10, this program is in the third place of the integration
policies. However, in the PECI 2011-14, it disappears without any possible parallel with
another measure described there. It is important because as mentioned:
Housing is one of the key areas for an adequate integration of immigrant citizens in
Spain, whether from the individual perspective of the need to have housing with conditions
comparable to those of the native population, whether from the collective dimension of the
balanced distribution of the immigrant population [...] (PECI 2007-10).
Likewise, in Organic Law 4/2000 on the rights and freedoms of foreigners in Spain
and their integration, this principle is specified in the sense that [...] resident foreigners
have the right to access the public system of aid in matters of housing in the same
conditions as the Spanish. Therefore, the disappearance of housing within the integration
policies is suggestive because as was observed in the first chapter, the real estate sector was
one of the pillars where the economic crisis developed, and where a great part was observed
129
of its repercussions. Many of those who agreed to the loans to buy a home that later
increased in price disproportionately due to this economic maladjustment were the
immigrants who had just arrived in Spain and were looking to invest in a durable asset.
About 40% of all evictions made in the years of the economic crisis correspond to
immigrants who did not pay their mortgage (Fernando Flores, 2012). Thus, the integration
policy of immigrants through housing cannot be compared because within the economic
crisis it disappears.
4.3.1. Reception
Reception policies [...] encompass all those support measures aimed at providing
immigrants with the knowledge and skills necessary to develop autonomously in society
and have access, on an equal with native citizens, on general social resources and services
(PECI 2007-10). These policies are the first to approach immigrants on arrival in the host
country, expressing the integration model, helping immigrants to find a place to reside, and
instructing them in the basic knowledge of language, culture and behavior that allow
immigrants to integrate socially and work.
Reception programs are indicative of the model of integration that drives the State
towards immigrants. Most include workshops, courses and programs that offer resources to
immigrants, such as local language teaching and certain tools for obtaining employment,
etc. But they can also respond to prescriptive policies when the State mandates that
newcomers adopt not only the language but also other features of local culture, such as
religion, customs, and so on.
Equally, it is pertinent to point out that not all imparting norms, values, customs,
behaviors and knowledge from the State to the immigrants respond to a search for
assimilation; but it is established from the obligation to follow only this single path for
integration. That is, only adopting these measures promoted by the State is that these
minorities are introduced into State institutions and given the same rights, recognition and
services as the rest of the population.
In the case of reception programs in Spain developed before the economic crisis and
evidenced in the PECI 2007-10, they show a model of integration over all identity
130
(Identitario), on which the public services can be modified to grant more permissiveness to
the actions and decisions of the immigrants; Nevertheless, the range of values and interests
inserted in the State are inexorably safeguarded. This can be seen in multiple sections of
this reception policy:
(In) this integral conception of reception [...] Language classes and information about
Spanish institutions and procedures for access to public services occupy a central place as
the orientation on the basic rules and values in force, the rights and duties that are
incumbent on all citizens equally or on the most deeply rooted social and cultural habits
(PECI 2007-10).
That is, the procedures for access to public services necessary for the integration of
immigrants are modified from the needs of these flows themselves. However, the rules
and basic values in force are defended in spite of them. Therefore, reception programs, as
well as integration policies as a whole, although they are not homogeneous in following a
single range of integration, if they are hegemonic when placed within the identity
(Identitario) model.
However, in the PECI 2007-10, before the economic crisis, there is a need to
increase, in a general way, actions and resources in terms of reception, in line with the
increase in the number of newcomers. That is to say, which the growth in the arrival of
immigrants and the necessity of the labor force of the same in the Spanish market, forced
the State to rethink the policies of reception to harmonize them with these interests. In this
way, the immigrant contingent programs were pushed to work in Spain, being the most
important in the years of economic growth: Inasmuch as these are collective operations
planned in advance, they allow for a detailed planning of the reception (PECI 2007-10).
This notion of reception programs is drastically altered with the onset of the
economic crisis evidenced in the PECI 2011-14. In the first place, it is predictable the
elimination of measures that pre-programmed the reception mechanisms for labor
immigrants arriving on the basis of contingent policies since, as was already observed in
the previous chapter, these have ceased to be relevant since the beginning of the economic
crisis.
131
However, the argument for the reduction in immigrants' entry due to the change in the
economic cycle served as a justification for this alteration: [...] we must note that
migratory flows have declined and the arrival of foreigners has been significantly reduced
(PECI 2011 -14), therefore, the reception objective must be maintained but resized to the
new reality of flows and keeping existing mechanisms adapted to a lower flow intensity,
enabling them to adapt to a changing reality (PECI 2011- 14).
However, the integration policy itself States that in the medium and long term, there
will be an increase in immigrants in relation to the needs of the labor-market, as a result,
there is a need to maintain the mechanisms for managing migratory flows and preserve
existing devices and systems of reception. (PECI 2011-14).
These arguments are somewhat contradictory; on the one hand, it is advisable to
reshape these policies and, on the other hand, to keep them as they are in 2011. These
entanglements in the way these changes are presented try to hide a change that does not
manifest a dismantling of the programs intended to reception the immigrants.
The following table shows the measures taken by the reception programs before and
after the economic crisis.
PECI 2007-10; Objectives, Programs and Measures
Objective 1
PECI 2011-14; Objectives, Programs and Measures

Objective 1
Provide immigrants with the necessary tools to achieve a sufficient
Provide the people with the necessary tools to achieve a sufficient
degree of autonomy for access to goods and services, exercise of
degree of autonomy for access to goods and services, exercise of
rights and fulfillment of duties on equal terms with the native
rights and fulfillment of duties on equal terms with the Spanish
population
population
Programs and Measures
Line of action and measures
1.1 Development and application of introductory programs to
1.1 Development and application of introductory programs to
the host society
the host society
1.1.1 Promotion of the design and application of introductory
1.1.1 Continuity in the design and application of introductory
modules to the host society, both in origin and destination, aimed
modules to the host society.
at providing guidance and basic information on the host society's
1.1.2 Promotion of programs that include actions and introductory
fundamental norms and values, rights and obligations, as well as
projects in the host society.
on the functioning of public institutions and services and voluntary
1.2 Development and implementation of projects of integral
return programs.
reception of specific groups
1.1.2 Homologation of the introductory modules to the host
1.2.1 Promoting the development of community-based reception
society and accreditation of participation in them.
projects with the participation of the population of foreign and
1.1.3 Promotion of actions aimed at teaching the languages of the
resident origin.
host society, both in origin and destination, particularly in adult
1.2.2 Promotion of projects of integral welcome adapted to people
132
training programs.
1.1.4
Homologation
of foreign origin belonging to specific groups.

of
language
learning
courses
and
1.2.3 Promotion of projects to welcome people from family
accreditation of participation in these activities.
reunification processes.
1.1.5 Promotion of periodic meetings of evaluation, exchange of
1.2.4 Continue improving information collection and treatment
experiences and transfer of good practices between institutions and
systems for asylum seekers.
organizations that develop introductory modules.
1.2.5 Promotion of integration programs for immigrant families in
1.2 Development and implementation of integral reception
rural areas.
projects.
1.2.1 Promotion of individual insertion itineraries that facilitate
1.3 Implementation of an action plan for the promotion of the
personal development in the host society.
teaching of languages
1.2.2 Promotion of integral reception projects adapted to
1.3.1 Adapting the curriculum to the Common European
immigrants in situation of social vulnerability
Framework of Reference for Languages (CEFR) starting with the
1.2.3 Promotion of comprehensive reception projects adapted to
basic A1 and A2 levels.
asylum seekers, refugees and people under international protection
1.3.2 Teacher training and support for curricular programming.
systems.
1.2.4 Promotion of integral reception projects linked to the labor
Objective 2
insertion of specific groups: temporary workers and workers with
Adapt and maintain the State Network of Integral Reception
a job search visa, including pre-reception actions at source.
Devices throughout the national territory, to the current needs of
1.2.5 Promotion of projects of integral reception based on the
reception of people in situations of vulnerability and specialized
social intermediation and of familiar routes of insertion for people
reception
coming from processes of family reunification.

1.2.6 Promotion of good business and union practices in the
2.1 Adaptation of the reception devices
reception of immigrant workers and support to the actions of
2.1.1 Maintenance and adaptation of the reception devices in
business and trade union organizations in the elaboration and
emergency situations.
implementation of reception protocols in companies.
2.1.2 Initial assistance to immigrants in emergency situations.
1.2.7 Elaboration of a comprehensive protection protocol for
2.1.3 Promotion of evaluation and quality analysis of host
immigrants who are victims of crimes against workers' rights and /
programs and services developed.
or who collaborate with judicial or administrative authorities.
2.1.4 Improvement of the systems for collecting and processing
1.2.8 Promotion of hosting projects that takes into account the
the information of the State Network of Reception Devices, both
specific characteristics and needs of women in reception
public and concerted.
processes.
2.1.5 Maintenance of comprehensive reception projects adapted to
1.2.9 Promotion of the involvement of the receiving society as an
asylum seekers, refugees and people under international protection
active participant in the processes of welcoming newcomers.
systems.
1.3 Promotion of the reception and settlement of immigrants in

rural areas.
1.3.3 Study of the socio-economic and demographic situation of
rural areas that may represent an opportunity for immigration and
sustainable development.
1.3.2 Promotion of the development of settlement projects in rural
areas.
1.3.3 Promotion of coordination networks and exchange of
information between rural municipalities interested in the
reception and settlement of immigrants.
Objective 2
Articulate a State Network of Integral Reception Devices
throughout the national territory, capable of responding to the
needs of comprehensive reception, reception of people in
133
situations of vulnerability and specialized reception.

2.1. Extension and improvement of the reception devices.
2.1.1 Expansion of State reception facilities and agreements with
other Public Administrations and with private entities.
2.1.2 Expansion of reception devices for reception in emergency
situations.
2.1.3 Improvement of the equipment of the State reception devices
and arranged with other Public Administrations and with private
entities.
2.2 Plan of quality of the operation of the reception devices.
2.2.1 Harmonization of the protocols of action of the host devices
(of State ownership and concerted) from the establishment and the
homologation of minimum criteria of quality.
2.2.2 Harmonization of the data records of the users of the
Reception Network.
2.2.3 Approval of the regulatory regulations of State-owned
migration centers: regime of operation and rights and duties of
users.
2.2.4 Carrying out studies of evaluation and quality analysis of the
programs and reception services developed.
2.2.5 Support for the training of professionals in the field of
reception.
2.2.6 Promotion of research and transfer of good reception
practices.
2.3 Coordination and dissemination of available reception
devices.
2.3.1 Development and dissemination of a map / catalog of host
devices.
2.3.2 Development and implementation of a computer system that
facilitates the coordination of the Network, the management of the
reception and, in particular, an agile, flexible and balanced
response to emergency situations.
2.3.3 Enhancement of networking with all the associations,
institutions and administrations that affect host programs,
particularly at the local level.
Table 8, Objectives, programs and measures of the reception policy for immigrants, (PECI
2007-2011, PECI 2011-2014)
Firstly, programs and measures prior to the economic crisis are more detailed and
have longer-term objectives. For example, in program 1.1 of Development and application
of introductory programs to the host society; While the PECI 2007-10 is made up of five
measures, including the design and application of introductory modules to the host
society, both in origin and destination, aimed at providing guidance and basic information
134
on standards and values of the host-society [...] ; In the PECI 2011-14, only constitute two
measures, in which one of them cautiously points out: Continuity in the design and
application of introductory modules to the host society, encompassing a series of measures
that were disaggregated in the previous plan.
In general, it is shown that, in the first plan, before the economic crisis, the reception
policies sought to: Expand, Promote and Foster, these actions; in the second plan
were emphasized, Keep, Continue and Tailor these measures in the present context.
For example, while in Objective 2 of the PECI 2007-10, it was sought to Articulate a State
Network of Integral Reception Devices throughout the national territory [...], in the PECI
2011-14 the meaning was modified to Adapt and Maintain the State Network of Integral
Reception Devices throughout the national territory [...] . That is to say, it is not intended
to grow and increase the programs of the reception network, but simply adapt them, and at
best keep them.
Modifications to reception programs are also reflected in the budgets allocated to
these tasks. The following Graph shows this trend; Since in the first integration plan the
budget for these programs was 110 thousand million euro, in the second plan, in the
economic crisis, this budget is below 50 thousand million euro, mainly due to the reduction
in the items originated by the (Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs) Ministerio de Trabajo
y Asuntos Sociales. Therefore, the reduction of the budget resembles the reduction in the
tasks assigned to these reception programs in the plan for integration during the economic
crisis.
140,000,000
Ministry of Labor
and Social
Affairs / Ministry
of Labor and
Immigration
105,000,000
Ministry of
Health
70,000,000
35,000,000
Total
0
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
Graph 36, Budget for reception programs. Taken from (PECI 2007-2011, PECI 2011-2014)
135
In conclusion, it can be pointed out that the reception programs maintain in these two
plans a model of identity (identitario) integration, i.e., measures to accommodate
immigrants are altered by the number of immigrants arriving in Spain, but all of them must
comply with the legal and social guidelines based on the values promoted from the State
and from the EU. This condition does not change with the economic crisis.
What is modified is the number of immigrants that the State considers must try and
how from their perspective these will be presented. Before the economic crisis the
immigrants are numerous and their entry is increasing, therefore, reception policies become
very important. During the economic crisis the immigrants leave Spain in a massive way
and stagnate the entries (although this is not entirely true) and therefore, it is sought in the
best case to maintain the programs as they were established before the crisis, although this
is clearly not fulfilled because the objectives of these plans are limited, the measures are
reduced and the budgets are cut, to conclude with policies that are greatly depleted, in
which the State reduces its capacity well above the reduction of Migration phenomenon.
4.3.2. Education
Education-based immigration integration policies seek to ensure greater equality in
access to education, taking into account the initial inequalities economic, cultural and social
that hinder access, eliminating the mechanisms that foster these inequalities, and
maintaining and promoting in the educational system the students at a disadvantage
(Spanish Constitution of 1978).
Unlike other integration policies, the educational policy towards students of
immigrant origin is more permissive in the externalization of values and interests
heterogeneous to the national culture:
The emphasis should not be placed on the fact that only the new students adapt to the
existing norms, habits, styles and educational practices, but to establish the necessary
changes to adapt the school to the educational needs of all students. For which it is
necessary:
A) Respect, understanding and attention to cultural, social and individual diversity;
136
(B) Equal access to quality education;

C) Close coordination with other social policies. (PECI 2011-2014)
However, it maintains as part of its attributes the struggle for that the State believes is
social exclusion based on stereotypes, and especially on sexist attitudes, supposedly
characteristic present in students of immigrant origin, as these actions are not part of the
values that the Spanish State tries to inculcate.
Thus education based on solidarity, tolerance and respect among all members of
society is one of the essential elements for the creation of an enriching coexistence that
fights against social exclusion since education and, by extension, the school and learning
processes can be used to eliminate stereotypes and sexist attitudes that are embedded in
some migratory groups (PECI 2007-2011).
The forms of social exclusion in schools are experienced within the coexistence
between the immigrant and the native students, producing a segregation of the educational
community, according to the culture, the ethnic and social origin and the economic capacity
that undoubtedly moves from the social environment. The situation is further aggravated if
we take into account that the immigrant population usually settle in socially disadvantaged
areas, where there a higher incidence of socially disadvantaged students, and therefore,
with more differentiated educational demands, which increases the pressure on the human
and material resources available in this type of school.
This often generates that students of immigrant origin present a school failure that
exceeds the indices of the national average. Although there are curricular delays and
educational deficits in this immigrant-origin student, especially in the reception recent;
school failure is fundamentally related to the context of social exclusion in which some
immigrant families live (PECI 2007-11 ). That is, the inequalities that arise in the labor,
cultural and economic spheres are those that mainly limit the equity between immigrant and
native students. Therefore, the integration of immigrants based on education in Spain is
firmly underpinned in the dominant economic and social context.
137
This conclusion becomes clear in the economic crisis of 2007-2008, because as was
observed in the first chapter, the social conditions of immigrants in Spain were pauperized
during this economic cycle, and this pauperization surpassed that experienced by Spanish
citizens. These conditions can be evidenced by the low academic performance of students
of immigrant origin obtained in the test of PISA (Programme for International Student
Assessment of the OECD) of the year 2012 during the economic crisis. It is this evaluation
that immigrants only surpassed natives in the test on solving everyday problems by 39
points, however, in mathematics (where there is a difference of 57 points), reading
comprehension (of 53) and science (of 52), the natives outnumbered the immigrants. These
results, as Jaime Rivire points out, show that integration programs are failing because
When school outcomes are not directly measured, in which immigrant students are
disadvantaged, a fairer comparison is being made between them [...] It is the same, when
the barriers are eliminated, the boys (immigrants) reveal their full capacity (Garca de
Blas, 2014; 4).
The poor integration capacity of students of immigrant origin developed during this
recessive economic cycle is observed by the academic level that the immigrants achieve in
comparison to the natives, as well as the educational aspirations and by the statistical
expectations of obtaining certain degrees Academics. The following table shows how in all
of these items, the percentages are higher in students of native parents than in students of
immigrant origin, and in the majority it is observed that this gap is greater than 10
percentage points.
138
Children
of
immigrants %
Children
of
natives %
Enrolled
-Basic Secondary
32.5
19.7
-Professional qualification programs
2.6
4.3
-Upper secondary and university
49.6
57.4
44.9
32.7
55.1
67.2
54.1
45.7
45.9
54.3
Educational Aspirations
- Low (secondary or lower)
-High
(University
Degree
or
Postgraduate)
Educational Expectations
- Low (secondary or lower)
-High
(University
Degree
or
Postgraduate)
Table 9, Comparison of results of students of immigrant and native origin in Spain by

percentages, taken from: (Rohana Lpez and Morales Sequera, 2013)
It follows from these results in comparison to the objectives that were raised from the
integration plan; that education programs for students of foreign origin in this process of
economic crisis should be promoted with greater commitment, in order to avoid anticipated
lags as a result of the economic cycle and its social consequences. However, the budget
designed to meet the academic performance of students of immigrant parents has been
drastically reduced, as shown in the following graph.
300,000,000
Ministry of Labor and

Social Affairs / Ministry
of Labor and
Immigration
225,000,000
Ministry of Education
and Science
150,000,000
75,000,000
Total budget
0
2007
139
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
Graph 37, Budget for immigrant student integration programs. Taken from (PECI 2007-2011,
PECI 2011-2014)
This reduction of the budget is legitimated again by appealing to the reamortization of

the number of people to attend.
During the period of execution of the I Strategic Plan, and to the present day, the
number of students of foreign origin present in the school has continued to increase, albeit at
a lower level than in previous stages. [...] The incorporation of students of foreign origin has
continued to increase, in a more moderate way, as a consequence of the change in the
migratory scenario (PECI 2011-2014).
As the latest integration plan indicates, the foreign students present in schools have
increased in recent years, albeit at a lower intensity than in previous stages, as confirmed by
the following graph; But not so the budget allocated to these programs has declined
considerably, despite these claims.
12.5
10.
7.5
Percentage of
foreigners
enrolled in
general education
5.
2.5
0.
1994-95
1996-97
1998-99
2000-01
2002-03
2004-05
2006-07
2008-09
2010-11
Graph 38, Percentage of foreigners enrolled in general education. Taken from (Rohana Lpez
and Morales Sequera, 2013)
Thus, while reducing the resources destined to the integration of students of

immigrant origin in more than half, comparing the years 2010 and 2014, the number of
students to be treated has remained unchanged during these years of economic crisis. This
demonstrates that this reduction is not due to a massive departure of these groups from
Spain, or to an unemployment of these social services, but as a consequence of the
economic crisis in the State's spending; and to the irrelevance that now is to allocate large
140
sums of the budget to attend to these immigrant groups, who from the State would prefer to
leave Spain, because the purpose of their stay based on the labor market becomes meager
due to the economic crisis.
Ministry of Labor and Social
Affairs / Ministry of Labor and
Years
Immigration
Ministry of Education and Science
Total Budget
2007
9,000,000
104,089,878
194,089,878
2008
94,500,000
102,294,372
203,794,372
2009
99,225,000
114,759,090
213,984,090
2010
104,186,250
120,497,045
224,683,295
2011
32,666,800
146,829,661
179,496,461
2012
29,056,700
114,750,234
143,806,934
2013
24,802,200
95,197,983
120,000,183
2014
24,802,200
95,157,983
119,960,183
Table 10, Budget for the integration programs of students of immigrant origin, Taken from
(PECI 2007-2011, PECI 2011-2014)
It could be argued that the very consequences of the economic crisis and the cuts
intended for the whole budget of the Spanish State are responsible for these actions, and not
the State's desire for immigrants to renounce their stay in Spain. However, as shown in the
following graph, budget cuts in the education sector, although are important since they are
reduced by almost 1% of the GDP of the year 2009 to the year 2012, do not resemble those
realized in the migratory groups, as for these the cut is more than 50%, and for the rest of
the students this cut does not amount to more than 15% of the budget.
141
70,000,000,000
52,500,000,000
Budget in
Education
2004-2012
35,000,000,000
17,500,000,000
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
Graph 39, Total budget for the Ministry of Education in euro, Taken from (Barometro Social
Espaol, 2013)
It is clear that the State's concern about its citizens and their welfare is greater than
that of immigrants. For it is in the firsts where the sovereignty that allows the emergence of
State institutions is established, and also because it is through them that the authority of the
State is legitimated based on electoral participation in representative democracies as is the
case from Spain. Therefore, it is logical that the actions of the State try as far as possible to
protect their citizens from social cuts, even if they have to sacrifice resources for
immigrants. However, the relevance of the research is not only to affirm this argument, but
to point out that before the economic crisis, in the public discourses the immigrants
emerged as an important part of the Spanish globalized society, but during the beginning
and development of this economic cycle, their membership is diluted, and cuts occur in
actions aimed at protecting them, as is the case of resources for education. Therefore, they
become disposable, timely only at the time when they were needed as labor power and
dispensable when this need is over.
Thus, despite the fact that it is understood from the State that social exclusion
towards immigrants can often be combated from the educational fields, and that this
exclusion is increased by the context of inequality arising from the economic and social
environment; this is not reflects in the measures that the Spanish State takes on. In the
economic crisis, where economic and social tensions increase, forms of exclusion are
developed more rapidly, and yet educational measures to limit these phenomena of
exclusion towards immigrant groups are reduced, leading to a worsening of the conditions
142
of inequality and the formation of prejudices. Therefore, the reduction of the resources
destined to the educational policies during this economic crisis do not allow to fulfill the
objectives of integration that is indicated in the own Spanish constitution and in the
principles of the EU.
4.3.3. Employment
As already discussed on previous occasions, the labor market was the main reason for
millions of immigrants entering Spain in the years of economic growth. It was, therefore,
the first integration mechanism, while obtaining a relatively well-paid job allowed
immigrants (mostly) to obtain a residence permit even though some of them had entered
irregularly, transfer their family to the receiving country based on the mechanisms of
family reunification, enroll their children in the schools and to gain access to health
services, as long as their stay in regulation allowed it.
In the same way, the coexistence in the workspace of the immigrants and the natives
managed to strengthen the bonds of community, and the remuneration of this employment
allowed to the immigrants to accede to the consumer goods and credits to obtain durable
goods, which increased their well-being. Thus, integration was based on employment since
the legal, social and welfare conditions, allowing the immigrants to coexist with the rest of
the population without major setbacks most of the time.
Settled in the economic improvements, the Spanish citizens also integrated to the
immigrants (to some better than to others based on its origin); As the natives increased their
purchasing power by growing the economy, hired immigrants at a lower cost, obtained
cheaper goods and services, and soaked up a plurality of cultures that ultimately benefited
the landscape of Spain as a country cosmopolitan. All this with its exceptions, such as:
increased crime, pressure on land and sea borders, and sometimes violent actions by groups
unwilling to accept these new residents. However, in spite of this, it can be pointed out that
before the economic crisis, the integration mechanisms based on employment and
economic growth had encouraging results.
As noted in the Common Basic Principles about integration:
143
Employment is a fundamental part of the integration process and is essential for the
participation of immigrants, for the contributions that immigrants make to the host society,
and for making such contributions visible (Principios Bsicos Comunes sobre Integracin,
2007)
Thus, despite the fact that work conditions were not the best to immigrants compared
to those established for natives because the wages were lower for immigrants, and that on
many occasions, these jobs were informal, temporary, precarious, painful and dangerous;
global economic conditions allowed these jobs to be better paid than those sought by
immigrants in their countries of origin. In this way the immigrant workers concentrated in
four branches specifically: construction and agriculture, in which the vast majority were
men; domestic service, with an overwhelming majority of women; and hostelry, with
women and men alike.
The characteristics of these labor-intensive sectors make it clear that in the last 15
years Spain presented one of the lowest productivity rates in the European Union, creating
a productive model that allowed economic growth due to the accumulation of labor and
non-technological investment capital rather than by improving productivity. One of the
consequences was the need to incorporate a very high volume of labor into the labor market
that required the arrival of migratory flows. (PECI 2007-10)
In this way the economic crisis was a corollary of the model of capitalist
accumulation promoted by the Spanish State, which was based on obtaining a surplus value
because the low cost of the labor force of the immigrants in the industries in which they
crowded. Thus, with the economic crisis and the collapse of the model of Spanish capitalist
accumulation, also collapsed the integration mechanisms for immigrants by directly
affecting their living conditions:
Increase of a precarious way of life, as the benefits and the help of social networks
was exhausted.
Increase women seeking first job as a way to sustain the family unit and back to
domestic employment as a refuge sector.
144
Greater acceptance of offers with precarious working conditions or outside the

regular economy.
Increasing the requirements of the job profiles
Increased discrimination by origin explicitly in offers or selection processes.
Progressive deterioration of psychosocial health caused by the prolonged
unemployment situation.
Difficulties in renewing the work permits for prolonged unemployment.
Therefore, the public policies identified in the PECI 2007-10 that sought to stimulate
the labor market and based on it, develop an "inclusive growth" starting from an inclusive
view of employment in their struggle to build a cohesive society; were modified in the
PECI 2011-14, focusing on protecting jobs and especially on reducing "the discrimination
that persists in the world of work, an issue that in the context of the economic crisis is
further aggravated." That is, they increase the practices of rejection to the hiring of
foreigners and the preference for the Spanish workers.
Consequently, in the period of economic crisis, labor integration policies sought to
reconstitute the labor market as a source of integration. The following table shows the
objectives, programs and measures of each integrations plan for labor-focused policies,
both before and during the economic crisis.
Objectives, Programs and Measures; PECI 2007-11
Objectives, Programs and Measures; PECI 2011-14
Objective 1
Objective1
To adapt the regulations on employment and social security, in order to
Promote economic activity in order to generate employment
guarantee equality of rights and duties.
opportunities at the local level
1.1 Review of labor legislation and Social Security.
1.1 Improving knowledge of socioeconomic reality
1.2. Promotion of the signing of Bilateral Security Agreements with
1.2 Economic dynamization at local level
various countries for the recognition of pension rights and other

benefits.
Objective 2
Promoting access to employment by adapting the skills of the
Objective 2
working population to the demands and opportunities of the
Continuously improve the management of migratory flows. With this
labor market
objective, the continuous evaluation of the Catalog of Occupancies of
2.1 Active employment policies: Training, promotion of
Difficult Coverage, of the Annual Contingent and of the devices of
recruitment and information and orientation actions
legal access to the labor market in Spain for the better adaptation of the
2.1.1 Promotion of programs and projects of integrated
flows to the needs of this market is pursued.
itineraries for socio-labor insertion for people in situations of
145
2.1 Evaluation of the contribution of the Catalog of Occupations of
vulnerability, adequate to the current economic situation,
Difficult Coverage and other devices of the management of the
especially those who are at risk of "irregularity".
migrations, to the operation of the labor market in Spain.
2.1.2 Promotion and reorientation of vocational training for
2.1.3 Proposals for the development and implementation of these
employment adapted to the needs of the labor market, with
management tools.
special attention to new sources of employment.
2.2 Improvement and modernization of the management of migratory
2.1.3 To inform the population about the national catalog of
flows abroad and in Spain.
Professional Qualifications and about the updates of the new
2.1.2 Centralized system of appointment in foreign offices.
certificates of professionalism.
2.1.3 Automation of renewals of residence and work permits.
2.2 Improvement of management
2.1.4 Automation of initial applications for residence and work
2.2.1 Streamlining procedures and improving coordination
authorization.
for obtaining and renewing work permits.
2.1.6. Extension of bilateral Conventions on Management of Migration
2.2.2 Training of professionals of public and private
Flows to other countries.
employment services in all matters related to immigration.

Objective 3
2.2.3 Speed up the approval and / or validation of
Promote the maintenance of employment, professional promotion and
qualifications, as well as the recognition of professional
training, as well as the adaptation of the skills of the immigrant
qualifications.
working population to the opportunities of the labor market.
2.2.4 Evaluation of the operation of the Catalog of
3.1 Improvement of the access of immigrants to active employment
Occupancies of Difficult Coverage and other devices of
policies and their adaptation to the needs of immigrants.
management of the labor migratory flows.
3.1.1Evaluation of the participation of the immigrants in the active
Objective 3
policies of employment and their incidence in the improvement of
Reducing the precariousness and segmentation of the labor
employment of these workers.
market
3.1.2 Analysis of the adequacy of active employment policies to the
3.1 Improving working conditions and combating irregular
needs of immigrants and formulation of proposals for adaptation.
recruitment and labor exploitation
3.2 Development and improvement of the integrated pathways of
3.1.1 Reinforcement and extension of the actions of the Labor
socio-labor insertion.
Inspectorate, with plans of intervention by sectors and
3.2.1 Evaluation of the presence of immigrants in the various programs
territories in labor matters.
of integrated itineraries of socio-labor insertion.
3.1.2 Promotion of information and training campaigns aimed
3.3 Promotion of the professionalization of care services to
at employers and workers on the rights and duties of workers
dependency.
in the workplace and Social Security, and equal treatment and
3.3.1 Study on the situation of professionals in the care of dependency
opportunities.
and analysis of their professional competences and training needs.
3.1.3 Establishment of protection mechanisms and labor
3.4 Support for business initiatives, self-employment and microcredit
insertion of victims of labor exploitation.
programs.
3.2 Promoting quality of employment
3.4.1 Carry out a study that identifies the existing offer in this field and
3.2.1 To monitor the integration of the Social Security
disseminates it among the immigrant population.
Special Regime into the General Regime and to evaluate the
3.4.2 Improvements in the management of authorizations for self-
consequences of this change and its impact on the foreign
employment.
employed population employed in domestic employment.
3.4.3 Support for entrepreneurship programs, self-employment and
3.2.2. Reinforcement and expansion of the actions of the
microcredit.
Labor Inspectorate, with intervention plans by sectors and

Objective 4
territories in the field of health and safety at work.
Improve the intermediation devices in the labor market.
3.2.3 Enhancement of information and training campaigns on
4.1 Review of intermediation protocols in relation to immigrants.
safety standards at work.
4.1.1 Analysis of labor intermediation protocols in relation to
3.2.4 Support for actions aimed at the incorporation of
immigrants and other groups with access difficulties.
workers of foreign origin into sectors in which they are
4.1.2 Proposed modification of protocols and negotiation of same.
underrepresented: training, information and access to
146
4.1.3 Approval and dissemination of new protocols.
certifications of professionalism.
4.2 Training of the professionals of the management of employment in
3.2.5 Promotion of studies aimed at knowing the factors that
the field of the immigration.
favor the sectorial and professional segmentation of the labor
4.2.1 Development of training and awareness materials aimed at
market.
professionals in employment management in the field of immigration.
Objective 4
4.2.2 Development of training plans for public employment services.
Promoting equal treatment and combating racism and
4.2.3 Implementation of training plans.
discrimination in the labor market and in business
4.3 Coordination of agricultural campaigns between different
4.1 Develop a strategy against racism and xenophobia in the
Autonomous Communities.
labor market within the comprehensive national strategy

Objective 5
4.1.1
Development
of
programs
to
combat
racism:
Combating irregular employment of migrant workers in the shadow
prevention, denunciation, punishment.
economy.
4.1.2 Identification of information related to the ITSS in its
5.1 Fight against the labor exploitation of immigrants and other
plans of intervention in the field of equal treatment and non-
groups.
discrimination of people by their racial and ethnic origin.
5.1.1 Reinforcement and extension of the actions of the Labor
4.1.3 Encouraging the formulation and implementation of
Inspectorate, with plans for intervention by sectors and territories in
diversity management plans in enterprises and access to
matters of recruitment and health and safety at work.
employment schemes.
5.1.2 Development of plans of intervention by the Labor Inspectorate

in the field of equal treatment and non-discrimination of people by
their racial or ethnic origin.
5.1.3. Promotion of information and training campaigns on the rights
and duties of workers in the workplace and Social Security.
Objective 6
Combating discrimination and equal opportunities for immigrants in
the labor market and in business. .
6.1 Information and training on equal treatment and opportunities for
immigrants and other groups in the workplace.
6.1.1 Preparation of materials on equal treatment and opportunities.
6.1.2 Development of training plans on equal treatment and
opportunities. .
Objective 7
Encourage the management of diversity in companies. This objective
aims to support innovative projects and disseminate good practices in
this field.
7.1 Support for innovative actions and exchanges of good practices in
the management of diversity in companies.
7.2 Support for innovative actions in the field of diversity
management.
7.3 Dissemination of good practices in diversity management, in
particular those resulting from Community Initiatives in the field of
employment.
7.4 Incorporation of the management of cultural diversity among plans
and measures to promote Corporate Social Responsibility.
Table 11, Objectives, programs and measures on the labor market, Take from (PECI
2007-10, PECI 2011-14).
147
From this table it is firstly deduced that the number of objectives to be met in the
PECI 2011-14 are lower than those established in the PECI 2007-11. However, looking
more closely at the characteristics of each section, it can be seen that many of the objectives
of the pre-crisis plan were transformed into programs in the plan during the crisis; For
example, "Objective 2" of the PECI 2007-11 on "Improving the continuous evaluation of
the Catalog of Occupancies of Difficult Coverage, the Annual Quota and the mechanisms
for legal access to the labor market in Spain [...]", is transformed into the PECI 2011-14 in
the measure 2.2.4 on the evaluation of the operation of the Catalog of Occupancies of
Difficult Coverage and other devices of management of the labor migratory flows.
As in this case, many actions lose their level of objectives and are diluted in the
programs and in the measures to be implemented in these integration policies, such as:
combating irregular employment of migrant workers in the shadow economy or adjusting
regulations on employment and social security, guarantee equality of rights and duties.
Also, in the PECI 2011-14 are eliminated the sections that discuss the annual quota and the
devices of legal access to the labor market in Spain, due to that with the economic crisis
these forms of contracting from the country of origin fade. The improvements and
modernizations of the management of migratory flows abroad and in Spain, the support to
entrepreneurship programs, self-employment and microcredit, the coordination of
agricultural campaigns between different Autonomous Communities, and a long list that is
limited by all that is far of the primary objective of this employment policy, i.e.: "Promote
economic activity in order to generate employment opportunities."
Therefore, the changes due to the economic crisis on integration policies in the labor
sphere are concentring on eliminating or minimizing all mechanisms that do not promote
economic activity and therefore do not generate employment, and that in turn these actions
do not repercussions on public budgets. That is, although support for private initiatives,
self-employment and microcredit programs aimed at immigrants drive job creation and
economic growth, these measures are based on public financing that the State cannot
afford. Similarly, the training of professionals in the management of employment in the
field of immigration can lead to an improvement in the employment of these groups.
148
However, this professionalization goes through public funding, therefore, these measures
are reduced or eliminated during the period of economic crisis.
The search for optimizing public spending is manifested in the stagnation of the
budget for employment care in immigrants during the years of economic crisis. This is
relevant because, unlike the other integration policies that have reduced their budgets
considerably this policy has kept its budget constant. This issue is due to the impulse that
the Spanish State is making to revive the economy and the creation of jobs, trying to
reintegrate the immigrants to the host society from just the job.
80,000,000
60,000,000
Ministry of Labor
and Social Affairs
/ Ministry of
Labor and
Immigration
40,000,000
20,000,000
0
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
Graph 40, Budget for integration programs for the labor market. Taken from: (PECI 20072011, PECI 2011-2014)
Thus, this finding on employment policies in immigration seems to contradict the

hypothesis proposed since the beginning of the investigation. For these programs do not
seem to notice a desire of the State for the immigrants to leave Spain or to complicate their
stay, rather they seek the adaptation of the immigrant labor force to the conditions of the
labor market present.
However, this can be explained by the growth paths developed by the Spanish
economy in recent years, which, based on the accumulation of capital through a cheap labor
force, have succeeded in highlighting economic sectors in that this labor force is the
preponderant. In this way immigrants as a source of wealth, are indispensable to take off
economically in the midst of the crisis, therefore, the impulse on these groups in the
workplace is aimed in this direction.
149
However, this does not mean that all public policies aimed at immigration are in
accordance with these measures; rather what is pointed out is that in the workplace
immigrants serve as a lever for growth and economic development in the short-term.
Therefore, their impulse from the State goes in this direction, but in other areas such as
education, health and reception, immigrants no longer have this advantage and become a
burden to the economic needs of the State.
4.3.4. Health
The integration of immigrants and their full participation in the host society is
conditioned on access to the benefits of the public health system. Therefore, in Spain, the
different public administrations "within the scope of their competencies, must guarantee the
absence of any form of discrimination in access to services and health care." (PECI 201114)
The Organic Law 4/2000 on the rights and freedoms of foreigners in Spain and its
social integration devotes article twelve of its legislation to the right to health care. In the
first point of this article States that "Foreigners who are in Spain, enrolled in the register of
the municipality in which they have their habitual domicile, are entitled to healthcare under
the same conditions as the Spaniards." This statement is reproduced in the agreement of the
Council of Ministers of May 20, 2005, which formalized the criteria for distribution of the
fund to support the reception and integration of immigrants; establishing three priority lines
of action in health matters:
A) Support for prevention programs and health education, with particular attention to
those directed to immigrant women.
B) Training professionals in the care of people of different origins and cultures, and
in intercultural mediation.
C) Transfer of knowledge and good practices in the field of this intercultural
relationship.
150
Thus, the two integration plans in coordination with these measures ensured the right
to health of immigrants, as they did not make a difference to the attention paid to Spanish
citizens.
In the PECI 2007-10, before the economic crisis, it was ensured that the health profile
of the immigrants to "the arrival [...] responds to that of a young person with a good starting
level of health [...] In the stay, the initial health level begins to change and the same
illnesses are usually present as in the native population". The same was expressed in the
PECI 2011-14: "It can be affirmed that the most frequent health problems among the
populations of foreign origin are not far from those that affect the Spanish population."
However, it was stated in the two integration plans that there were diseases more
prone to immigrants due to the conditions of migration, such as stress caused by migratory
trajectories, ruptures of affective and social bonds, precarious working conditions and
accommodation. Thus, from these conditions, there could be more cases of tuberculosis,
HIV infections and mental disorders. In immigrant women sexually transmitted diseases
and unwanted pregnancies may require more attention from health services.
In this way, the universality of the right to health of immigrants from the integration
plans did not show obstacles, despite the economic crisis. As stated in the PECI 2011-14:
Equity in access to health promotion services, disease prevention services and
medical care for all people in Spain is, in addition to an act of justice and human rights
compliance, an issue effectiveness of public health.
The only drawbacks in access to health services, both before and during the economic
crisis, according to the integration plans, were found in the limitations of immigrants
themselves and in the communicative deficiencies of the staff working in these health
centers. "Problems in accessing standard work, difficulties in accessing the public health
network, coexistence in areas of high social risk and communication problems associated
with language and cultural differences [...]" (PECI 2007-10) Are the main obstacles to
accessing quality health services. And even "what can lead to misuse of some services
(such as emergency care) [...] is the insufficient level of knowledge about the rights and
patterns of use of the health system, its functioning and resources." (PECI 2011- 14)
151
Therefore, in spite of the development of the economic crisis, an inclusive, universal,

quality and unrestricted health policy towards immigrants has been seen so far. However, it
must be remembered that the integration policies of the Spanish State are only intended for
regular immigrants, therefore, despite the fact that the organic law on the rights and
freedoms of foreigners in Spain (4/2000) only determines to grant "illegal" immigrants the
right to emergency services, as well as treatments for infectious diseases, in practice (before
the economic crisis) the use of these health services had no differences among Spanish
citizens, regular immigrants and irregular migrants. (HUMA, 2010
This situation changed with the arrival of the economic crisis, and with it the
approval of the law RD 1192/2012 called "Urgent measures to guarantee the sustainability
of the National Health System and to improve the quality and safety of its benefits" that
implied a change radical in reintroducing the concept of "insured". This change entailed a
restriction on access to health services for undocumented immigrants over the age of 18
with the exception of pregnant women, those affected by infectious diseases and those in
need of urgent treatment. (Moreno Fuentes and Figueiredo Ferreira, 2013; 34-37)
In this way universal health care was abandoned, excluding "illegal" immigrants,
arguing from the State the need to end "abuses", "health tourism" and "fraudulent use" of
the public health system. However, it becomes evident that seldom the migration of
"irregular" workers responds to the need to access public health services; because to carry
out this travels, usually violent and conflictive, relatively good health conditions are
needed, coupled with the fact that these transfers are carried out by a generally young
population that does not need to access these public services immediately and when they
do, they are addressed to the emergency services, which are part of their reduced health
rights.
The signs of the Spanish State conform better to the conditions of EU immigrants
moving without major obstacles into the EU and used their legal status to use Spaniards
health services better or cheaper of the which could access their countries of origin. These
characteristics are also accommodated to immigrants from other regions, but who enter
with their documents in order, in order to take advantage of Spanish public health services.
152
In these groups is that the "health tourism" argument becomes more relevant, however, to
these groups were not withdrawn their health rights.
Contrary to the accusations of the Spanish State, immigrants in general consult 7%
less to the general practitioner than the native population and 16.5% less to the specialist
doctor (Moreno Fuentes and Figueiredo Ferreira, 2013: 43). This, despite the fact that they
collaborate in similar proportions to the financing of the Spanish health system since it is
covered by an indirect tax such as VAT, and while immigrants occupy less these services,
they are the one that are being abused (An estimated 160,000 undocumented immigrants
have been directly affected by this measure).
The rhetoric undertaken by the State on the "abuses" of immigrants to the Spanish
health system, shows symptoms of exclusion that undoubtedly have an impact on "regular"
immigrants, as the confusion generated by these measures and direct references to
immigration, slow the use of these services by these groups. It is also interesting to note
how access to health services from the integration plans is an "act of justice and human
rights-compliance", but these are limited for irregular immigrants, this being at least an act
of non-compliance to human rights.
These changes in integration policies in the field of health are due to the economic
crisis, as the restrictions of these services begin by reducing the contributions necessary for
their operation. This can be seen in the total budget of the Spanish State destined to this
area because as can be seen in the following graph, the fall of the budget begins to appear
in the years of economic crisis.
80,000
60,000
Health
budget
40,000
20,000
0
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
Graph 41, Total health budget of the Spanish State in thousands of euro, Source (CCOO,
2013)
153
The following graph shows how the resources distributed for the health care of
immigrants are reduced, mainly due to the decrease of the contributions generated by the
Ministry of labor and social affairs, compressing in more than 70% of the year 2010 to the
year 2014.
25,000,000
Ministry of Labor and
Social Affairs / Ministry
of Labor and Immigration
20,000,000
15,000,000
Ministry of Health
10,000,000
5,000,000
Total
0
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
Graph 42, Budget for integration programs in the field of health, taken from: (PECI 20072011, PECI 2011-2014)
It is observed that in spite of the cuts to the health budgets of the Spanish State, the
decrease in the health resources focused on the immigrants are reduced of accelerated form
and in greater proportion. Therefore, the conditions of integration of immigrants in this area
are reduced by the economic crisis.
Conclusion
Thus, integration policies during the period of economic crisis were modified
compared to the actions developed prior to this economic cycle, mainly limiting programs
and measures towards immigration, which has had a direct impact on their standard of
living and well-being of immigrants. In the reception policies, the State modified its
parameters based on the supposed massive outflow of immigrants to reduce and reduce the
programs responsible for receiving and integrating them into society. In the area of
education, the programs and budgets that directly affected the quality of these education
systems were reduced, despite the fact that the number of pupils of immigrant parents who
used these public services did not decrease with the economic crisis.
154
In the case of integration policies in the labor sphere, these focused mainly on
creating sources of work to underpin this integration. Therefore, programs and budgets did
not change much before and during the crisis. Finally, in the health sector, the policies
described in the plans were not modified before and during the economic crisis, but the
actions undertaken by the central State changed, cutting benefits to irregular immigrants,
which affected the rest of the immigrants of indirect way. Therefore, these actions affected
the welfare and integration of the immigrants in Spain.
The economic crisis was decisive for the conception of integration policies, and a
change from the State was manifested in which immigrants ceased to be priorities, or at
least lost relevance, not precisely because of the reduction in numbers, but because of the
relevance of prioritizing Spanish citizens and the need to emphasize the exit of immigrants
in the short-term.
155
Final Thoughts
From the beginning of the investigation, some general statements were made about
the possible consequences of the economic crisis on the public immigration policies
developed by the Spanish State. For example, immigration flows grew in Spain because of
economic development driven by industries where immigrant labor was necessary because
of its low cost, and therefore the Spanish state created the conditions necessary for certain
immigration to grow to a large scale. Similarly, it was suggested from the outset that
immigration policies had an impact on the growth of these flows, but in turn favored
immigrant groups closer to the cultural, social and even phenotypic patterns of Spanish
society.
These first statements represent an interest of the State by the entry and integration of
the immigrants in this economic context. However, as the economic crisis begins and
spreads State-driven immigration policies are changing. For the non-necessity of this work
force developed mechanisms tending to the restriction, the expulsion and the affectation in
the entrance and stay of the immigrants.
These first hypotheses were developed in agreement with certain theories on the
international migrations in the capitalism and on the understanding of the public policies in
the States-nation. However, these assumptions also ventured from the different historical
experiences that showed the disenchantment of the State by the stay of the immigrants
during the economic crises; such as the crisis of 1929 in the United States that led to the
expulsion of thousands of Mexican immigrants, or the crisis of 1973 that pushed
restrictions in western European States on the southern immigration of the same continent.
Therefore, to a certain extent these claims were approaching conventionalism.
However, reaffirming these assumptions are important for the social sciences, as
actors and contexts change. Immigrants now have more organizational capacity than they
did a hundred or fifty years ago. Citizens, social organizations and international
organizations maintain a broader scrutiny of the State's actions, which often prevent it, for
example, from violating the human rights of immigrants and expelling or confining them in
conditions that affect these rights. And also the social, economic and political environment
156
has more information on their short and long-term needs, which implies that decisionmaking on immigrants goes through a deeper space for reflection. Hence, it is important to
explain some final considerations.
Immigration in Spain responded to the economic process of globalization by
expanding directly into the sectors of production tending to use this labor force as the
engine of its development during the years of economic growth (1994-2007). Therefore,
immigration became an important part of Spanish society, as it was necessary to maintain
high rates of profit, with little State funding, coupled with the fact that immigrants longed
to reach Spain to fulfill this role.
The reception of the Spanish State and Spanish society to immigration was closely
linked to economic behavior, both in times of growth and in those of stagnation. For much
of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, capitalist development in Spain was stopping by
the political and social conflicts that were developing within, limiting international
immigration and favoring the emigration of Spaniards to other latitudes. This situation
made it impossible for immigration prejudices to be rooted in Spain and, therefore, no
restrictive immigration policies were developed, as was the case in other countries in the
region. Thus, when these immigration flows began to increase in the late twentieth century,
measures aimed at limiting their entry were smaller, and social prejudices on immigrants
were not abundant compared to their surrounding States. This allowed flows to grow
relentlessly during economic globalization and for Spanish citizens to conceive of them as
beneficial for economic development, with some misgivings about their cultural behavior,
public and private, but on a smaller scale than those developed in other States European
countries.
The economic context encouraged the arrival of these immigrations, together with a
very important factor, the low institutionalization of the massive migratory flows in the
Spanish State structures. The porosity of maritime and terrestrial borders, the lack of
personnel in supervised entrances, the underground economy and the meagre labor
regulations on the recruitment of immigrants enabled not only the massive influx of
immigrants but also their development in Spanish society.
157
However, with the advent of the recession in the years 2007-2008, it is that these
relations of convenience are diluted. The environment rarefied by the economic downturn,
mass unemployment and cuts in public budgets, predicted conflicts between immigrants
and natives; as competition in jobs, frustration at not achieving personal goals, finding of
blame towards the immigrants and social and cultural segregation, manifested this
possibility. In different barometers that measured the Spanish public opinion was
manifested an increase in the rejection towards the immigrants.
This rejection manifested itself in the immigration control-management and
integration policies, as has been observed in the previous chapters. These measures range
from the systematic rejection of asylum applications to the restriction of health services,
from the externalization of Spanish borders to the elimination of housing subsidies, from
increased border security spending to the reduction in the expenditure for the education of
the immigrants, etc. This is, a series of measures that together give a landscape of rejection
to the increase of the migrations-labor and of search to reduce as much as possible the stay
of the immigrants residing in Spain.
Thus, the "Thank you, return soon" of the title acquires coherence because these
public policies tending to receive and integrate the immigrants had an opening impulse in
the years of economic development; however, when the economic crisis unfolded and the
objective for which these immigrants were received ceased to be in force, the public
policies became more restrictive, encouraging the departure of immigrants and
complicating the daily life of these groups.
Undoubtedly, during the period of economic growth, immigrants benefited from their
entry into Spain, as well as the State, businessmen and the whole of Spanish society,
developing a relationship of convenience among them. However, it was observed in the
whole of the research that although all these segments of the population were hard hit by
the crisis, it is in the immigrants where these repercussions extended; above all that they
directly affected their most basic social and human rights, such as health, education, their
stay in the country, etc., a situation that is not present in previous social groups.
158
Likewise, the "Thank you, come back soon" of the title also tries to point out that
when profit rates are once again stabilized, and industries that use the immigrant labor force
intensively as the motor of their development need to cut their investments or simply
increase their profits, Will again require the entry of immigrants, and public policies will be
modified in this direction. This scenario can be predicted by the unequal distribution of
income in the world, the decreasing tendency of the rate of profit that will require to reduce
production costs permanently, and in general the conditions that were presented for the
growth of the international immigrations at the beginning of the twentieth century and the
beginning of the twenty-first century, repeating history, the first time as tragedy and the rest
as farce.
159
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Posgrado en Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades

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Universidad Autnoma Metropolitana