John W. Burgess, Reconstruction and the Constitution, 1866 1876, 1902
Burgess was a member of the Dunning School of Reconstruction, believing in the scholarly consensus from the era that blacks were inferior to whites. He specifically believed that people with dark skin were incapable of separating passion from reason and had therefore never created anything akin to modern civilization. It was the most soul-sickening spectacle that America had ever been called upon to behold. Every principle of the old American polity [political system] was here reversed. In place of government by the most intelligent and virtuous part of the people for the benefit of the governed, here was government by the most ignorant and vicious part of the population for the benefit, the vulgar, materialistic, brutal benefit of the governing set. W. E. B. DuBois, Black Reconstruction in America, 1935 After becoming the first African American to receive a doctorate from Harvard University, and also partially based on his experiences growing up in an integrated community in Massachusetts, DuBois openly advocated for the equal rights of blacks across the United States. He was a leader of the Niagara Movement and a co founder of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. In South Carolina, Mississippi and Louisiana, the proportion of Negroes was so large, their leaders of sufficient power, and the Federal control so effective that for the years 1868-1874 the will of black labor was powerful; and so far as it was intelligently led, and had definite goals, it took perceptible steps toward public education, confiscation of large incomes, betterment of labor conditions, universal suffrage, and in some cases distribution of land to the peasant. J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, Reconstruction in North Carolina, 1914 Considered one of the great historians in North Carolinas history, J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton developed his knowledge and understanding of Reconstruction from William Archibald Dunning of Columbia University. Reconstruction was an attempt to Africanize the Southern States and an attempt to deprive the people through misrule and oppression of most that life held dear. Kenneth M. Stampp, The Era of Reconstruction, 1865 1877, 1965 Considered one of the Americas great historians of slavery, the Civil War, and Reconstruction, Stampp overtly rejected the Dunning Schools perception of Reconstruction in his writings. Radical Republicans refused to believe that Negroes were innately inferior. . . . This radical idealism was in part responsible for two of the most momentous enactments of the Reconstruction years: the Fourteenth Amendment and the Fifteenth Amendment. . . . The fact that these amendments could not have been adopted
under any other circumstances, or at any other time, may suggest the crucial importance of the Reconstruction era in American history.
John Hope Franklin, Reconstruction after the Civil War, 1961
Born in Oklahoma to a former slave, Franklin attended Fisk University and Harvard University in the early twentieth century. He has stated that his focus on history was to illustrate the importance of the presence of blacks so that the story of America could be told adequately and fairly. ... Reconstruction governments . . . controlled by carpetbaggers tried to stabilize southern economics by providing tax exemptions to encourage industrial development. The governments established public education, universal suffrage and public works. . . . Many carpetbaggers moved to the south for political and economic gain, but most had high motives. E. Merton Coulter, The South During Reconstruction, 1947 A student of J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton and a remarkably influential author of the mid twentieth century, Coulter has been described by late twentieth century historians as an apologist for Southern secession, a defender of the Confederate cause, and a condemner of Reconstruction. Radical Reconstruction was doomed to fail. With a crass, materialistic design, it was cloaked in the garb of high idealistic justice, but its rulers were inexperienced, ignorant and corrupt. They forgot what the world had learned and experienced during the preceding two thousand years. Millenniums and Utopias might be written about, but intelligent people knew that they were never to be realized in this life. C. Vann Woodward, The Strange Career of Jim Crow, 1955 Considered by his colleagues and the public alike to be among the most influential historians of the mid twentieth century, Woodwards work, which is excerpted here, was proclaimed by Martin Luther King, Jr. as the historical Bible of the Civil Rights Movement. I have noticed among Negro intellectuals a tendency to look back upon the First Reconstruction as if it were in some ways a sort of Golden Age. In this nostalgic view that period takes the shape of the races finest hour, a time of heroic leaders and deed, of high faith and firm resolution, a time of forthright and passionate action, with no bowing to compromises of deliberate speed. I think I understand their feeling. Reconstruction will always have a special and powerful meaning for the Negro. It is undoubtedly a period full of rich and tragic and meaningful history, a period that should be studiously searched for its meanings, a period that has many meanings yet to yield. But I seriously doubt that it will ever serve satisfactorily as a Golden Age for anybody. Theres too much irony mixed with tragedy.