AWNNOZHING EVOLVED IN RESPONSE TO
IMMEDIATE NEEDS AND WISHES.
RESIDENTS
SETTLEMENTS,
IN INFORMAL
SOUTH AFRICAN
INKING TAVERNS - SHEBEENS -
FUNCTION AS A LABORATORY
EXAMINING SPATIAL
QUESTIONS DETERMINED BY
POSE AND PURPOSEFUL DESIGN.
By =‘ Thiresh Govender
Shronic lack of imagination charac
erizes our formalized ways of mak
es. We are ailing city dwellers, fist
Mormulaic design solutions that lean
inclples of orderliness and control,
then with the bleale townscapes we
quently produce, Our slavish focus
Joped economies and uncritical
mn of thet ‘solutions’ undermines
jue, meaning and creativity of our
context. Subsequently, our market:
cities are increasingly segregated,
4 with mono-funetional, independent
self-serving spaces such as shopping
, office buildings and housing
Perhaps the principle of order
needs to be traded forthe first principles
of usability, fanetionalty and purpose?
Perhaps it is time to look ertically at the
complerity of our emergent spaces to bet-
ter pursue relevance and meaning?
tm response to the immediate needs and
wishes of residents in informal settle
ments, South African drinking taverns —
shebeens' have evolved to cater to chang-
ing socio-economic circumstances. And
as such, they ean function as a laboratory
for examining spatial questions deter
mined by purpose and purposeful design.
‘Many informal settlements, such as Sweet
Home Farmt, exist the fringes of urban
environments. A study on shebeens
area provides an opportunity for
cal reflection and aggressive borrowing
with a view to devising alternative ways 10
Imagine our cities. The Spatiaity of She
beens, building upon preliminary work
undertaken by social scientists, sought 0
investigate the broader roles of shebeens
in their particular environments with an
emphasis on their spatialit Documented
by architects through drawings and pho-
tographs over a three-month period, this
socio-spatial ethnographic study present-
ed a unique insight into the funetions of
shebeens
Ake finding concerned the diverse roles
(of shebeens associa institutions over and
above simply servingas designated spaces
{or¢he consumption of alcohol. They serve
‘hese and other funetions within a neigh-
borkood ~ 2 reciprocal relationship be-
tween the shebeen and ts richand dynam:
je urban setting is articulated through its
various economic and cultural associa
tions The study focused on five sites. Both
the interior spatial arangement and the
external relationship to place were ans-
Iyzed in each ease.
Shebeens originated in the townships of
apartheid South Africe, where black resi
dents were forced to live at some remove
from urban and economic centers. Con:
centeated in residential ghettos, people
were often obliged to generate lve
hhood nearby. Shebeons offered an easy
and accessible point of entry into the en-
twepreneurial economy. Black residents
were also forbidden from socializing in
‘patel mapping of typi =neboen
SOUTH AFRICAJ designated white areas and shebeens thus
served as important social and political
sites. Located in dense and highly dis
tressed settlements, shebeens are often
associated with drunkenness, violence
‘and deviance. It is this unsavory charac
terization that informs the existing egal
framework, particularly in the Western
‘Cape where Sweet Home Farm is located
and the sale of alcohol at shebeens isi
H ievel, Recent policy encourages the sale
fic consumption of liquor at high street
btablishments. Typically though, these
fc found inthe eitiesand subuebs white
mclaves of the past. Already marginal-
bd entrepreneurs are further victim:
bd through a repressive and imported
Wesic of eriminaligation. The eurrentlegal
stance dismisses the complex, apartheid
searred geographies of contemporary
South African cities, simultaneously dis
regarding the positive social ole shebeens
play in these settings.
Sweet Home Farm is home to 17,000 in-
habitants, lvingin 3,125 shacks. With 109,
shebeons, this translates to one shebeen for
every 28 shacks, Although shebeens have
bbeen in existence for many years, the I
tense increase in and concentration of the
purposes they serve is recent. The study
found the inerease in the number of she
‘eens is caused by economic competition.
Im the past decade, migrants wich com:
petitive buying cooperatives have come to
dominate the township retall market (for
example, spaza shops). With the trading
of liquor forbidden forthe mostly Muslim
migrants, locals have identified a gap in
the market and resorted 10 the relatively
secure and lucrative liquor trade. The 1e-
sult is plethora of randomly distributed
shebeers across the settlement. A close
‘exploration of shebeens and shebeen cul
ture in this setting provides insights that
‘ean inform practitioners seeking to make
‘more purposeful spaces in our ities.
Intensity And
Differentiation
‘There is no diseernible pattern as to how
the shebeens are distributed through the
settlement, exeeptto nate their configura
tion is randomly and evenly spread. The
density ofthe urban fabric and the close
proximity of shebeens to each other gener
ate immense competition. Economie sur
vival depends on often-minute variations
Inuseend product offerings. Forexample,
shebeens can also support an ecosystem
of interdependent micro-enterprises, in
cluding eeyeling and fastfood. Bach she
been esters toa unique clientele and thus
renders its services to that segment ofthe
market, Accordingly, the research sought
to identify the nuances that fuel differen:
tiation An audit of each shebeen revealed
that satellite TVs, pool tables, juke boxes,
types af aleohol, the style and quantity of
seating, the size ofthe establishment and
the proprietors personality all influence
the type and role of the shebeen. From
the sample group, the following shebeen
types and associated characteristics were
defined
CENTS LON
} =
1 Drinketelnment - young patrons, entor-
talnment, loud music, satelite TV, juko-
box beer and heavy drinking
1 Conversational ~ elderly and religious
patrons. no entertainment
1 Neighborhood - mixed patrons, acces
‘sible to different users throughout the