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AWNNOZH ING EVOLVED IN RESPONSE TO IMMEDIATE NEEDS AND WISHES. RESIDENTS SETTLEMENTS, IN INFORMAL SOUTH AFRICAN INKING TAVERNS - SHEBEENS - FUNCTION AS A LABORATORY EXAMINING SPATIAL QUESTIONS DETERMINED BY POSE AND PURPOSEFUL DESIGN. By =‘ Thiresh Govender Shronic lack of imagination charac erizes our formalized ways of mak es. We are ailing city dwellers, fist Mormulaic design solutions that lean inclples of orderliness and control, then with the bleale townscapes we quently produce, Our slavish focus Joped economies and uncritical mn of thet ‘solutions’ undermines jue, meaning and creativity of our context. Subsequently, our market: cities are increasingly segregated, 4 with mono-funetional, independent self-serving spaces such as shopping , office buildings and housing Perhaps the principle of order needs to be traded forthe first principles of usability, fanetionalty and purpose? Perhaps it is time to look ertically at the complerity of our emergent spaces to bet- ter pursue relevance and meaning? tm response to the immediate needs and wishes of residents in informal settle ments, South African drinking taverns — shebeens' have evolved to cater to chang- ing socio-economic circumstances. And as such, they ean function as a laboratory for examining spatial questions deter mined by purpose and purposeful design. ‘Many informal settlements, such as Sweet Home Farmt, exist the fringes of urban environments. A study on shebeens area provides an opportunity for cal reflection and aggressive borrowing with a view to devising alternative ways 10 Imagine our cities. The Spatiaity of She beens, building upon preliminary work undertaken by social scientists, sought 0 investigate the broader roles of shebeens in their particular environments with an emphasis on their spatialit Documented by architects through drawings and pho- tographs over a three-month period, this socio-spatial ethnographic study present- ed a unique insight into the funetions of shebeens Ake finding concerned the diverse roles (of shebeens associa institutions over and above simply servingas designated spaces {or¢he consumption of alcohol. They serve ‘hese and other funetions within a neigh- borkood ~ 2 reciprocal relationship be- tween the shebeen and ts richand dynam: je urban setting is articulated through its various economic and cultural associa tions The study focused on five sites. Both the interior spatial arangement and the external relationship to place were ans- Iyzed in each ease. Shebeens originated in the townships of apartheid South Africe, where black resi dents were forced to live at some remove from urban and economic centers. Con: centeated in residential ghettos, people were often obliged to generate lve hhood nearby. Shebeons offered an easy and accessible point of entry into the en- twepreneurial economy. Black residents were also forbidden from socializing in ‘patel mapping of typi =neboen SOUTH AFRICA J designated white areas and shebeens thus served as important social and political sites. Located in dense and highly dis tressed settlements, shebeens are often associated with drunkenness, violence ‘and deviance. It is this unsavory charac terization that informs the existing egal framework, particularly in the Western ‘Cape where Sweet Home Farm is located and the sale of alcohol at shebeens isi H ievel, Recent policy encourages the sale fic consumption of liquor at high street btablishments. Typically though, these fc found inthe eitiesand subuebs white mclaves of the past. Already marginal- bd entrepreneurs are further victim: bd through a repressive and imported Wesic of eriminaligation. The eurrentlegal stance dismisses the complex, apartheid searred geographies of contemporary South African cities, simultaneously dis regarding the positive social ole shebeens play in these settings. Sweet Home Farm is home to 17,000 in- habitants, lvingin 3,125 shacks. With 109, shebeons, this translates to one shebeen for every 28 shacks, Although shebeens have bbeen in existence for many years, the I tense increase in and concentration of the purposes they serve is recent. The study found the inerease in the number of she ‘eens is caused by economic competition. Im the past decade, migrants wich com: petitive buying cooperatives have come to dominate the township retall market (for example, spaza shops). With the trading of liquor forbidden forthe mostly Muslim migrants, locals have identified a gap in the market and resorted 10 the relatively secure and lucrative liquor trade. The 1e- sult is plethora of randomly distributed shebeers across the settlement. A close ‘exploration of shebeens and shebeen cul ture in this setting provides insights that ‘ean inform practitioners seeking to make ‘more purposeful spaces in our ities. Intensity And Differentiation ‘There is no diseernible pattern as to how the shebeens are distributed through the settlement, exeeptto nate their configura tion is randomly and evenly spread. The density ofthe urban fabric and the close proximity of shebeens to each other gener ate immense competition. Economie sur vival depends on often-minute variations Inuseend product offerings. Forexample, shebeens can also support an ecosystem of interdependent micro-enterprises, in cluding eeyeling and fastfood. Bach she been esters toa unique clientele and thus renders its services to that segment ofthe market, Accordingly, the research sought to identify the nuances that fuel differen: tiation An audit of each shebeen revealed that satellite TVs, pool tables, juke boxes, types af aleohol, the style and quantity of seating, the size ofthe establishment and the proprietors personality all influence the type and role of the shebeen. From the sample group, the following shebeen types and associated characteristics were defined CENTS LON } = 1 Drinketelnment - young patrons, entor- talnment, loud music, satelite TV, juko- box beer and heavy drinking 1 Conversational ~ elderly and religious patrons. no entertainment 1 Neighborhood - mixed patrons, acces ‘sible to different users throughout the

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