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Introduction:
The
purpose
of
this
paper
is
to
give
a
review
of
the
second
volume
in
the
Variourum
Collected
Studies
series
of
articles:
The
Popes
and
Church
Reform
in
the
11th
Century.
This
volume
is
preparatory
to
and
illustrative
of
the
authors
book
Pope
Gregory
VII,
1073-1085
(Oxford,
1998).
The
principal
conclusion
he
had
hoped
to
establish
in
this
book
was
that
Gregory
was
a
pope
of
deeper
spirituality
whereas
his
major
concern
was
the
moralization
of
the
western
church
and
society,
both
those
in
central
Italy
as
well
as
those
of
the
periphery
of
Latin
Christendom,
such
as
Anglo-Norman
lands
and
Scandinavia.
The
author
provides
us
with
articles,
and
thanks
to
various
contributors,
in
which
there
are
discussed
detailed
examples
of
Pope
Gregorys
attempts
to
promote
the
reform
of
the
church
which
provoked
mixed
reactions
of
other
archbishops,
clergy
in
general
and
other
local
kings.
One
of
the
most
important
sources
used
for
further
study
of
Pope
Gregory,
which
are
constantly
mentioned
throughout
the
articles
as
a
very
significant
evidence
of
current
affairs,
are
his
well-preserved
letters
and
his
correspondence
with
other
major
figures
to
whom
he
was
contemporary.
These
letters
tell
us
about
Gregory
as
a
person
,
his
ideas
and
thought
processes,
as
well
as
about
the
situation
in
the
priesthood
in
11th
century.
This
particular
volume
edition
is
in
hardcover
and
consists
of
vii
+
310
pages.
It
comprehends
of
eleven
chapters
in
the
form
of
different
articles.
The
articles
in
this
volume
have
not
been
given
a
new,
continuous
pagination.
Instead,
in
order
to
avoid
confusion
and
facilitate
use
of
these
articles
where
these
same
studies
have
been
referred
to
elsewhere,
the
publisher
decided
to
maintain
the
original
pagination
wherever
possible.
Each
article
has
been
given
a
Roman
number
in
order
of
appearance.
This
number
is
repeated
on
each
page
and
is
quoted
in
the
index
entries
located
at
the
end
of
the
book
(1-3).
Grateful
acknowledgement
is
made
to
many
contributors,
publishers,
journals
and
editors
for
their
permission
to
reproduce
the
10
articles
included
in
this
volume
worth
mentioning:
Dr
W.
Kos,
on
behalf
of
Adolf
M.
Hakkert
(1);
Dr
James
Hogg
and
Analecta
Cartusiana
(II);
Dr
Richard
Barber,
on
behalf
of
The
Boydell
Press
(IV,XI);
Dr
Stefano
Miccichie
on
behalf
of
Rubbettino
Editore
(V);
Dr
Oswald
Schnberg,
on
behalf
of
Herzog August
Bibliothek
Wolfenbuttel
and
Verlag
Harrassowitz
(VI);
Dr
Giuseppe
Zucchelli,
on
behalf
of
Pontificio
Ateneo
Salesiano
(VII);
Prof.
Claudio
Leonardi,
on
behalf
of
Studi
Medievali
(VIII):
Dr
W.
Setz,
on
behalf
of
Monumenta
Germaniae
Historica
(IX);
Prof.
Rigon,
on
behalf
of
Herder
Editrice
e
Libreria
(X).
Chapters
overview:
Name
of
the
first
article
of
the
volume
is
Eleventh-Century
Reformers
Views
of
Constantine
(I)
p.
63-91.
In
this
article
the
main
idea
is
how
figure
of
Constantine
influenced
development
of
the
church
in
11th
century
in
terms
of
being
ideological
leader
thus,
he
is
described
as
vir
religiossimus
Constantinus
primus
and
his
age
was
epitomized
as
the
pii
Constantini
tempora
and
those
times
were
considered
as
golden
ages
of
an
early
church.
In
this
chapter
two
things
are
presented:
1)
Account
of
the
image
of
Constantine
which
was
transmitted
from
his
own
age
to
that
of
popes
like
Gregory
VIII
and
Urban
II
and
their
supporters,
and
2)
Consideration
how
as
a
consequence
the
later
eleventh
century
reformers
presented
an
emperor
who
seemed
to
meet
their
standard
of
what
an
emperor
should
be
and
do.
Constantine
was
being
depicted
in
art
quite
often
in
middle
ages,
but
no
work
of
art
better
sums
up
the
perception
of
Constantine
then
the
Stavelot
Tryptich
in
the
Pierpont
Morgan
Library,
New
York.
In
the
Pope
Leo
IXs
days
at
Rome
is
different
revised
version
of
Constitutum
Constantini
began
to
be
used
according
to
which
Constantinopole
was
relegated
as
forth
city
bellow
Alexandria,
Antioch,
Jerusalem.
Most
importanat
document
from
that
period
was
Libellus
(1053-1054)
from
where
the
idea
of
the
supreme
earthly
power
was
derived
from
Constitutum
Constantini. 1
Anyhow,
I
would
like
to
stress
the
fact
that
the
Libellus
was
concerned
to
establish
the
duality
of
the
powers
of
pope
and
the
emperor
and
to
vindicate
the
superiority
of
the
pope.
Perception
of
Constantine
after
mid-1080s
started
to
decline
from
the
reasons
which
are
far
from
clear.
The
essential
conclusion
that
readers
should
derive
from
this
chapter
would
definitely
be
that
the
perception
of
Constantine
has
been
changing
in
accordance
with
the
requirements
of
the
church
and
the
peoples
from
the
end
of
the
11th
century.
Second
article
in
the
volume
is
named
The
spirituality
of
pope
Gregory
VII
(II),
p.
1-22.
In
the
introduction
of
an
article,
author
decided
to
kindly
present
pope
Gregory
VII
as
a
figure
of
profound
religious
conviction
and
awareness
and
as
an
outstanding
calibre
among
medieval
popes
and
how
he
plays
epoch-making
part
in
political
life
of
his
time.
Later
he
provides
us
with
evidence
of
his
personality
and
ideas
which
lay
in
the
letters
of
his.
From
these
letters,
two
main
themes
have
been
developed:
1)
Seeking
to
imitate
the
love
of
Christ
by
being
prepared
to
lay
down
ones
life
for
ones
friends.
This
subject
was
developed
in
1073.
2)
Second
theme
lays
in
his
reflective
and
often
use
of
holy
scripture
from
which
we
find
out
that
he
repeatedly
quoted
biblical
citation
and
phrases.
Also,
from
his
lettering,
article
author
was
able
to
understand
the
affinity
in
Gregory
VIIs
devotion
to
the
Virgin,
which
author
drew
parallel
with
is
Gregorys
kind
writing
to
noble
woman
(to
queen
Adelaide
of
Hungary,
which
was
given
as
an
example).
He
wrote
to
them
advising
them
to
despise
all
the
temporary
and
transitional
and
seek
heavenly
and
eternal.
1
H.E.J. Cowdrey, Popes and Church Reform in the 11th Century, 2000 (Eleventh-Century
Reformers' Views of Constantine, I, pp. 81)
Spirituality
od
pope
Gregory
is
also
reflecting
in
the
fact
that
he
advises
frequent
communication
to
some
(to
Pietro
Damiani
for
example)
as
a
part
of
daily
communication
as
a
form
of
abstinence
from
lust
and
the
wills
of
the
devil.
This
article
also
contains
a
description
of
his
attempts
to
change
and
to
deepen
the
general
understanding
of
penance.
The
next
article
is
called
Pope
Gregory
VII
and
the
Chastity
of
the
Clergy
(III),
p.
269-302.
The
main
aim
behind
this
article
is
to
present
how
11th
century
church
reformers
from
all
backgrounds
agreed
with
Gregory
VII
to
fight
against
two
heresies
of
that
time:
simony
and
clerical
unchastity
-
active
sexual
relationships
as
engaged
by
those
in
major
orders
including
bishops,
deacons,
sub
deacons
One
of
the
man
who
was
outstanding
in
these
moral
fights
was
Pietro
Damiani.
He
was
strick
to
orders
in
Italy
(popes,
bishops,
etc.).
As
for
the
woman
of
the
clergy,
they
could
have
not
been
legally
married
because
if
they
had,
they
would
have
been
considered
concubines.
Considering
this,
article
author
also
mentions
Damianis
biblical
arguments
for
this
thought
process:
Because
Christs
natural
body
was
formed
in
the
temple
of
Virgins
womb.
About
Gregorys
own
opinion
on
this
matter,
again,
author
draws
from
his
letters
to
both,
Italian
bishop
Albert
of
Aqui
and
bishop
William
of
Pavia.
In
brief,
he
forbid
priests,
deacons
and
all
the
clerks
to
have
wives
or
to
live
with
a
woman.
Impact
that
pope
Gregory
VII
made
after
his
death
is
reflected
trough
the
pope
Inocent
II
in
1139.
who
sought
to
consolidate
his
work,
so
in
the
Second
Lateran
Council
he
forbade
anyone
to
hear
masses
of
those
whom
he
knew
to
have
wives
or
concubines.
The
main
aim
of
the
fourth
article
Simon
Magnus
in
South
Italy
(IV),
p.
77-90.
is
to
ask
weather,
despite
the
range
and
complexity
of
the
evidence
for
the
perception
of
Simon
Magnus
by
the
11th
and
12th
century
Rome
and
Italy
in
general
may
have
played
a
special
part
in
shaping
and
disseminating
ideas
about
him.
The
first
part
of
the
article
is
dedicated
to
discussion
of
perception
of
Simon
Magnus
in
art
through
the
centuries
and
the
changes
in
the
ways
in
which
he
was
being
presented.
In
one
moment
he
was
considered
to
be
founder
of
Gnostic
heresy
and
the
first
father
of
all
4
the
heretics.
Most
of
the
evidences
of
this,
author
drew
from
poems
by
Amatus
written
in
Montecassino
in
1077-79.
which
suggest
that
Simon
Magnus
was
magician
and
life-long
opponent
of
St.
Peter.
Simony
in
his
work
is
described
as
plague
of
Simon.
Also
his
figure
appears
in
Latin
hymns,
especially
in
hymns
of
honor
of
St.
Peter.
To
conclude,
I
would
state
that
the
character
of
Simon
Magnus
was
enforced
as
a
campaign
against
simony
which
was
quite
wide-spread
in
the
circles
of
clergy
in
11th
and
12th
century.
The
Gregorian
Papacy
and
Eremitical
Monasticism
(V),
p.
33-54.
is
the
name
of
fifth
chapter
in
the
volume.
As
for
the
summary
of
this
article,
it
is
about
the
monastic
popes
of
the
last
quarter
of
the
11th
century
who
came
in
contact
with
variety
of
strict
monastic
and
eremitical
movements
and
persons.
In
the
shaping
of
the
ideals
and
practices
of
these
movements
and
persons,
popes
and
their
predecessors
had
very
little
if
any
direct
part.
They
had
to
accept
them
and
use
them
as
they
presented
themselves.
The
popes
sometime
reacted
with
enthusiasm,
and
usually
with
benevolent
pragmatism.
For
example,
author
mentioned
Gregory
how
he
showed
himself
well
disposed
towards
individuals
who
adopted
strict
or
eremitical
forms
of
the
religious
life.
Most
of
the
parts
this
chapter
are
dedicated
to
life
and
work
of
Bruno,
one
of
the
most
important
figures
who
had
influence
in
this
matter.
He
was
born
at
Cologne
a
little
before
1030. 2
Bruno
established
eremitical
community
at
la
Grande-Chartreuse.
After
many
years
situation
has
changed.
Pope
Urban
II
wrote
to
Abbot
Seguin
of
la
Chaise-Dieu
charging
him
to
restore
community
ti
its
lands
and
to
return
Brunos
act
of
retrocession.
From
that
author
of
the
article
concluded
and
wants
to
stress,
that
there
can
be
no
doubt
about
Urban
IIs
cardial
approval
of
eremitical
life
as
Bruno
established
at
la
Grande-Chartreuse.
Title
of
the
succeeding
article
is
The
Papacy
and
Berengarian
Controversy
(VI),
p.
109-138.
Before
I
start
to
briefly
summarize
it,
I
would
like
to
mention
that
this
2
H.E.J. Cowdrey, Popes and Church Reform in the 11th Century, 2000 (The Gregorian Papacy
and Eremitical Monasticism, V, pp. 44)
chapter
begins
with
word
of
an
author
who
gratefully
thanks
to
members
of
the
Colloquium
for
the
valuable
points
that
were
raised
during
the
discussion
of
this
paper.
Also,
throughout
the
whole
article
there
are
numerous
abbreviations
used
in
the
footnotes.
Moreover
on
the
subject
matter,
the
discussion
in
the
article
is
about
the
role
in
the
Berengarian
controversy
of
the
popes
who
were
actively
involved:
Leo
IX,
Victor
II,
Nicholas
II,
Alexander
II
and
Gregory
VII
and
the
reform
of
the
papacy
that
they
ruled.
I
would
define
Berengarian
controversy
as
an
opinion
of
Berengar
and
bishop
Eusebius-Bruno
of
Angers
that
the
consecrated
bread
of
the
eucharis
was
not
the
body
of
the
Christ
but
only
its
shadow
and
figure.
For
example
Berengar
testified
to
Leos
consistently
anti-Berengarian
position
throughout
his
pontificate.
Important
event
mentioned
in
the
chapter
is
that,
at
Vercelli,
Leo
has
denounced
him
in
sacrilegiously
as
a
heretic.
In
year
of
1050,
as
a
response,
Berengar
wrote
to
Leo:
By
no
means
holy
and
by
no
means
a
lion
from
the
tribe
of
Judah
which
testifies
anger
toward
him.
Under
the
pope
Alexander
II
(1061-1073),
both
at
Rome
and
Anjou,
circumstances
have
changed
(in
comparison
to
the
situation
before
-
under
pontificates
of
Victor
II
and
Nicolas
II)
so
far
as
Berengar
and
his
cause
was
concerned.
In
Rome
most
determined
advertisers
of
Berengarian
movement
were
removed
from
the
scene.
But
from
the
letters
of
Berengar
it
is
suggested
that
Alexander
presented
a
friendly
face
to
the
idea.
But
generally,
accept
that
between
1061.
and
1073.
,
Berengars
teachings
were
formally
accepted
in
Rome.
As
a
reference
to
the
letters
in
Alexanders
name
suggests
that
his
compositions
were
sometimes
written,
not
for
dispatch,
but
as
a
local
anti-
committal
propaganda.
Gregory
VII
manifestly
adopted
more
complex
approach
which
was
more
tentative
and
even
sympathetic
than
did
his
predecessors
from
Leo
IX
to
Alexander
II:
dispassionate
orderliness
and
moderation.
The
Gregorian
reform
in
the
Anglo-Norman
lands
and
in
Scandinavia
(VII),
p.
321-
352.
This
comprehensive
article
was
published
in
Rome
in
1989.
Brief
summary
of
the
seventh
chapter
will
be
the
following:
The
Norman
province
of
Roven
belonged
to
the
French
church.
It
was
proclaimed
by
pope
Gregory
the
Great
(who
understood
that
papal
mission
was
to
teach
the
way
of
God
to
all
peoples)
that
in
6
remote
lands
the
key
figures
were
and
should
be
the
kings.
Pope
Gregory
VII
took
a
similar
view.
The
Gregorian
papacy,
therefore
dealt
with
Anglo-Norman
lands
and
with
Scandinavia
from
motives
that
were
once
pastoral
and
political.
The
objectives
of
Gregorian
reform
in
those
lands
is
the
best
defined
through
letters
of
pope
Gregory
VII
to
the
kings
and
their
families.
Article
author
draw
an
apparent
conclusion
that
four
objectives
exist:
that
the
king
was
instructed
by
God
with
an
office
of
kingship,
and
that
He
was
supposed
to
exercise
a
stewardship
and
was
an
instrumentalist
in
Gods
hands.
Second
objective
would
be
that
kingdoms
should
be
brought
to
follow
the
admonitions
of
the
apostolic
see
and
should
be
serviceable
to
it.
The
main
idea
is
contained
in
the
line:
Kings
should
cleave
to
the
Roman
church
like
sons
to
their
mother3
And
that
was
the
way
the
church
argumented
their
authority
over
distant
kings.
Third
point
is
that
Gregory
sought
to
promote
communication
by
all
practicable
means
between
the
apostolic
see
and
distant
kingdoms.
Kings
should
keep
him
informed
about
their
realms
by
sending
regular
letters
and
such
messengers
as
might
be
useful.
he
required
them
to
permit
archbishops
and
bishops
to
pay
visits.
Forth
point
was
that
kings
should
protect
poor
and
vulnerable
and
that
they
should
secure
and
moral
discipline
of
the
clergy.
There
is
also
a
given
example
of
that:
The
Swedish
kings
were
to
seek
respect
and
obedience
towards
priests
and
especially
bishops;
Harold
of
Norway
was
first
to
see
that
churches
were
protected
and
then
to
ensure
reverence
for
the
priestly
order.
Gregory
also
wanted
the
kings
help
in
building
up
liturgical
and
pastoral
zeal
and
promoting
Roman
standards
and
usages.
In
the
article
there
is
mentioning
of
letters
to
Harold
IX
of
Denmark,
duke
William
of
Normandy,
king
Swein
II
of
Denmark,
St.
Cnut
of
Denmark
and
authors
commentary
of
them.
Gregory
in
letters
regarded
him
as
redoubtable
foe
of
simony.
My
own
opinion
and
conclusion
of
this
chapter
would
be
that
the
higher
ecclesial
organization
of
Scandinavia
slowly
developed
as
Gregory
and
Danish
kings
had
intended
ecclesial
unity
which
provided
a
basis
of
political
unity,
and,
by
protecting
the
church,
the
king
argumented
their
authority.
3
H.E.J. Cowdrey, Popes and Church Reform in the 11th Century, 2000 (The Gregorian Reform
in the Anglo-Norman lands and in Scandinavia, VII, pp. 324)
8th
chapter
in
the
volume
is
Pope
Gregory
VII
and
the
Bishoprics
of
Central
Italy
(VIII),
pp.
51-64.
This
particular
paper
was
read
at
the
meeting
in
Spoleto
of
a
European
Congress
of
Medieval
Studies
and
it
was
appropriate
to
present
it
on
light
that
can
be
shed
upon
the
pontificate
of
Pope
Gregory
VII
by
what
is
known
of
how
he
dealt
with
the
bishoprics
of
Central
Italy
which
were
in
direct
subjection
to
the
jurisdiction
of
the
pope
as
bishop
of
Rome.
Those
bishoprics
were
at
least
64
small
ones
situated
between
the
provinces
of
Ravena
and
Milan
to
the
north
of
Capua
and
Benevento
to
the
south
and
it
was
collectively
referred
as
Roman
ecclesial
province.
Most
of
the
data
in
this
article
are
concerned
with
those
bishoprics
which
certainly
or
probably
existed
as
such
in
the
second
half
of
the
eleventh
century.
They
are
based
upon
G.
Schwartz,
Die
Besetzung
der
Bistmer
Reichsitaliend
unter
den
schischen
und
salischen
Kaisern
mit
den
Listen
der
Bischfe,
951-1122,
together
with
Italia
Pontificia,
ed.
P.
F.
Kehr
in
10
volumes.
In
the
eight
paragraph
of
the
paper
it
is
exemplified
how
Gregorys
letters
show
that
he
regularly
required
that
candidates
for
bishoprics
should
be
known
to
him,
and
that
this
was
a
means
by
which
he
secured
his
authority
over
bishops.
At
times,
Gregory
was
much
concerned
to
expand
and
to
intensify
his
authority,
and
upon
occasion
he
used
bishops
to
further
his
plans.
And
besides
mainland
bishoprics,
he
wished
to
extend
the
effective
rule
of
the
apostolic
see
from
the
mainland
to
the
islands
which
lay
in
the
west
as
well.
Such
as
Sardinia
and
Corsica.
Whereas
Sardinia
was
only
one
of
the
three
destinations
which,
in
1080,
Gregory
threatened
with
sanctions
both
spiritual
and
military.
The
following
article
is
Death-bed
Testaments
(IX),
pp.
703-724.
Historians
havent
devoted
enough
attention
to
the
death-bed
testaments
by
which
leading
figures
in
the
period
of
reform
of
papacy
made
pronouncements,
admonitions,
and
dispositions
which
their
followers
and
contemporaries
recorded
and
circulated.
Their
principal
importance
in
connection
with
medieval
forgery
is
that
they
offer
insight
into
the
mental
outlook
that
made
modern
observer
might
deem
to
be
falsifications
-
described
as
the
pious
modification
of
events
or
documents
in
the
eyes
of
contemporaries
unfortunately
morally
acceptable.
In
authors
opinion,
a
death-bed
is
what
is
most
likely
to
be
found
in
only
the
material
prepared
at
a
8
distance
from
persons
with
hostile
purposes.
In
this
article
there
are
presented
the
testament
studies.
They
have
mutually
been
compared
and
contrasted,
and
facts
supported
by
authors
such
as
A.
Ronconi,
H.
Fuhrmann,
P.
W.
Edbury
and
many
others.
Those
studies
are:
of
three
popes,
Leo
IX,
Gregory
VII
and
Victor
III,
two
monastic
superiors,
St
Bruno
and
abbot
Hugh
of
Cluny,
and
two
English
kings,
Edward
the
Confessor
and
William
the
Conqueror.
In
order
to
summarize
the
chapter
I
will
quote
the
fragment
of
authors
penultimate
paragraph
in
the
paper:
The
evidence
that
has
been
considered
illustrates
the
variety
of
material
to
be
found
in
11th
century
and
12th
century
accounts
of
the
death-bed
testaments
of
the
great.
Behind
them
lay
a
centuries-long
tradition
of
what
was
appropriate
in
them;
it
guided
the
dying
in
what
they
said
and
also
those
who
immediately
or
subsequently
recorded
it.4
The
greatest
value
to
the
historian
of
death-bed
testaments
is
that
they
illustrate
how,
in
the
interests
of
upholding
and
underlying
and
permanent
moral
order,
a
death-bead
testament
might
be
adapted
in
its
substance
or
in
its
circumstances.
The
brief
review
of
penultimate
and
final
chapter,
I
decided
to
compound
in
one
single
passage,
primarily
due
to
their
common
central
themes
and
its
main
figure
-
Archbishop
Lanfranc,
the
celebrated
Italian
jurist
who
renounced
his
career
to
become
a
Benedictine
monk
at
Bec
in
Normandy.
So
the
10th
chapters
name
is
Lanfranc,
the
Papacy,
and
the
See
of
Canterbury
(X),
pp.
439-500.
Whereas
the
next
one
is
The
Enigma
of
Archbishop
Lanfranc
(XI),
pp.
129-152.
The
purpose
of
the
first
mentioned
study
is
to
examine
Lanfrancs
relations
with
popes
of
his
time
with
whom
he
is
known
to
have
dealings
or
who
had
dealings
with
him
-
Leo
IX,
Nicholas
II,
Alexander
II,
Gregory
VII,
Urban
II
and
the
antipope
Clement
III.
These
events
cove
the
period
from
the
year
1030
(when
Lanfranc
left
Italy
to
establish
himself
as
a
teacher
at
Avranches)
to
the
year
of
1089
-
the
time
of
his
death.
This
paper
is
slightly
longer
in
volume
in
comparison
to
other
articles
of
the
volume
edition
and
in
addition
to
it,
appended
notes
are
provided
for
the
readers
to
gain
better
4
H.E.J. Cowdrey, Popes and Church Reform in the 11th Century, 2000 (Death-bed Testaments,
IX, pp. 722)
Conclusion:
H.E.J.
Cowdreys
main
points
are
presented,
explained,
and
supported
through
series
of
articles
of
which
the
main
influential
figure
is
Pope
Gregory
VII
in
particular
given
time
and
area.
In
these
articles,
I
could
notice
that,
in
every
single
one
of
them,
Gregory
and
his
work
was
depicted
in
positive
connotation.
All
the
articles
are
associated,
in
a
sense,
by
outlining
principles
and
connections
in
the
circles
of
the
clergy
in
11th
century.
By
providing
us
with
evidence,
authors
main
goal
is
that
the
reader
should
gain
deeper
understanding
of
events
and
phenomenons
of
that
time.
As
for
those
evidence,
the
main
emphasis
is
on
letters
and
correspondence,
which
is,
in
my
modest
opinion,
most
important
because
it
gives
us
a
direct
insight
into
many
events
and
they
help
us
understand
them
thoroughly.
All
the
connections
between
the
claims
and
evidence
are
made
clearly
and
logically.
From
the
technical
organization
perspective,
chapters
lack
continuous
pagination
and
chronological
order.
Chapters
are
not
really
related
in
any
way
besides
the
main
theme
and
focus
of
the
volume
edition
which
is
already
contained
in
its
title.
The
conciliar
approach
to
implementing
papal
reform
took
on
an
added
momentum
during
Gregorys
pontificate.
The
short
way
I
would
interpret
this
is
to
conclude
that
the
reform
of
the
Church,
both
within
it,
and
in
relation
to
the
Holy
Roman
Emperor
and
the
other
lay
rulers
of
Europe,
was
Gregory
VII's
life
work.
It
was
based
on
his
conviction
that
the
Church
was
founded
by
God
and
entrusted
with
the
task
of
embracing
all
mankind
in
a
single
society
in
which
divine
will
is
the
only
law;
that,
in
his
capacity
as
a
divine
institution,
he
is
supreme
over
all
human
10
structures,
especially
the
secular
state;
and
that
the
pope,
in
his
role
as
head
of
the
Church
under
the
patrone
commission,
is
the
vice-regent
of
God
on
earth,
so
that
disobedience
to
him
implies
disobedience
to
God:
or,
in
other
words,
a
defection
from
Christianity.
11