Love' em and Leave' em ..

- US Navy Legacy
(see page 2)

This child, one of many like him, was fathered by a US Navy serviceman from Operation Deep
Freeze. His mum's appeals for help in the US have been met with silence. The US Navy and
government don't want to know. (NZ Herald Photo/John McCombe)

Please note: This is a double issue (19120) which includes articles compiled for the
final two issues of 1999. We apologise for the late publication of Peace Researcher.

In this issue:

Operation Deep Freeze - the US Navy's hidden legacy 2

A request to the US Embassy from the Unacknowledged American Children Group 3
Aziz Choudry wins case against SIS 5
Waihopai - Australian TV documentary takes a new !ook 10
Government refuses to abolish the GCSB 13
UK spies hit for a [MIJ 6 15
Philippines - Senate ratifies VFA with US Government 16
New Zealand keen to sell warplanes to Philippines 17
ABe pickets Clinton state dinner 18
Book Reviews 20
Obituaries 23
Donations from John Curnow Trust 29
CAFC/ABC Organiser Report 30
El1d Satellite SpYll1g" - ABC lettel to candidates 31
VVaihopai Spybase Protest, January 2000 32
 The US Navy has gone... but what about their hidden legacy?
Christchurch Central MP Tim Barnett
has been developing a campaign centred
around the children born to Christchurch
women, having been fathered by men from
Operation Deep Freeze through the past 40
years. His involvement started with a woman
experiencing personal problems obtaining child
support from a current member of US Antarctic
Base Personel. He outlines his campaign below:
Back at the end of 1 998 my Electorate Office was
contacted by a Christchurch woman who was
(supported by her mother) engaged in a hig h-level
battle of wills with the US Government Having
given birth to two children in a long-term relationship
with a US Serviceman. the woman suspected the
military were trying to get him back to the States and
so into legal territory. Sure enough. thiS happened -
In spite of assurances from the base and the US
Embassy In Wellington.
To tackle the Wider issues around this case I
decided to obtain some local publicity and se� if
others came forward. They certainly did - children
aged 36 years old to 3 months. During the period of
Operation Deep Freeze, a number of Chnstchurch
women had relationships with United States Navy
Personnel (No doubt it is going on under the new
regime therel). And so we have started to piece the
story together. Some of these women became
pregnant and gave birth. While some men married
the women involved, most were abandoned by
them These women have generally been unable to
obtain child su pport payments directly from the men
or via the United States Government The children
Involved have generally been defeated by the US
Government bureaucracy in attempting to obtain the
true Identity of their father - and In trying to claim the
US citizenship which they are entitled to This
situation mirrors the situation of local people In other
parts of the world, most notably the Philippines and
seems to be a common problem in any country with
a sizeable contingent of foreign troops
The women have been severely hampered by the
attitude of United States authorities and the lack of
any reciprocal United States-New Zealand child
support agreement This has been compounded by
a lack of co-operation from the United States Navy,
even on such basic matters as establishing proof of
paternity. One discovery we made was that the US
and Germany have agreed something with an
Peace Researcher -Issue 1 9120
unfortunate acronym of SOFA (Status of Forces
Agreement). Dating back to World War Two, this
commits the US Government to abandon their surly
neutrality in matters of parental responsibility and to
taking on the role of advocate on behalf of the
woman and child. No such agreement exists
between the US and New Zealand
The absence of any agreement leads to a near­
anarchic situation. In one case. the mother of one of
the children was warned against contacting the
Base on the grounds that the "issue was too big to
deal with". A common complaint by the mothers and
their children is that the US authorities do not want
to face up to anything that might sully the reputation
of the military. They prefer to offer minimum advice.
hoping the issue goes away. If they fail in their role,
and the woman succeeds in lodging legal action in
the States, the man is secure in the near-certain
knowledge that she will be defeated by massive
legal fees or the obscurities of the US legal system.
Although the cases uncovered to date have
primarily related to Operation Deep Freeze.
authorities that the women have had difficulties with
include: Coastguard, US Department of Defense,
Operation Deep Freeze, The Pentagon, and the U S
Pacific Fleet Headquarters. Even the U S Embassy
in Wellington has stonewalled the women. It is as if
the US authorities simply do not want to know.
I consider that the lack of cooperation from the US
Navy and other United States authorities is
extremely disappointing. When the United States
places servicemen in another country. their
government must take responsibility for their
actions. It is totally unacceptable to turn a blind eye
and protect United States servicemen from facing
up to the consequences of their behaviour.
Through my work on this issue, a group has started
to form United by their experience of having a US
serviceman father or former lover. an amazingly
diverse group -- varying in race and age - have got
together on a number of occasions and are
developing a strategy to tackle the difficulties of
dealing with the US authorities. This strategy has
included using the media to raise the issue,
including the recent story on Holmes just one week
after the arrival of President Clinton and, more
recently, the preparation of a submission to the US
Embassy.
- Page 2
We make this submission to the United States
Government out of friendship to the United
States and with conviction that its Government
has the potential to ameliorate the distress
which we have suffered.
This submission is made to the United States
Embassy in New Zealand in the confident
expectation that the Embassy will be co-operative in
helping children of US servicemen who are now
absent fathers to achieve their reasonable
ambitions.
Theses ambitions are not identical.
But our shared experience as
mothers and children is that
immense bureaucratic and legal
hurdles have appeared and have
defeated us. Pooling our individual
experiences, we have contacted
(and not been satisfied by):
+ Coastguard Locaters
+ Commissioner of Social Security, Maryland
+ Department of Health and Social Service
+ Department of Health and Rehabilitative
Services
+ Military Personnel Management, Department of
Defense, Washington
+ National Service Records Center, St Louis
+ New Zealand Red Cross
+ Operation Deep Freeze (Department of the
Navy), Christchurch
+ The Pentagon, Washington
+ Private locaters and detectives
+ Solicitors in the US and New Zealand
+ US Consulate, Auckland
+ US Embassy, Wellington
+ US military bases in the United States
+ US Pacific Fleet Headquarters, Hawaii
In this process, the US Government has seemed to
play a neutral role. The US military has generally
tried to protect its members and reputation. We are
convinced that the United States is capable of better
that this. In this sp'lflt we present this submission.
We accept that we will need to access private legal
help In both New Zealand and the USA if we are to
pursue aspects of some of our claims.
Access to US citizenship and passport for those
eligible by virtue of having an American father
The production of a comprehensive written
explanation of the route to be taken in the form of a
Peace Researcher - Issue 19120
pack including copies of all relevant documentation
to be completed
The provision of active co-operation to complete
such documentation, including direct liaison with key
United States agencies such as the Department of
Health and Rehabilitative Services
Access to support schemes provided for
dependents of those who served in the US
military
On the basis, of proof of paternity being provided.
access to such schemes (e.g
DEERS) to be provided.
Support to access United States
court procedures
Once correct documentation IS
obtained, the provision of full
information, advice and support concerning the
United States federal and state court systems, so
maximising the likelihood of obtaining correct
documentation and achieving payment of child
support.
Active help to make contact with the father if he
is still in the United States military
The Embassy to oversee a check to be undertaken
in all situations where the father could feasibly still be
serving In the military, to see if he is.
If he is, US Department of Defense to contact the
man to explain the situation. Then, the United States
military authorities to make every attempt (using
outstanding rights to military benefits as a lever) to
ensure that the Man accepts legal responsibility for
having fathered a child, and completes all relevant
paperwork. Then the authorities should co-operate
fully in ensuring that he pays child support If
required
Contact with father if no longer in the military
US military to Identify the social security number of
all men Involved, on the basis of Information supplied
by their children and information available in military
records
The US Commissioner of SOCial Security (at no fee
given the humanitarian nature of the mission) to
forward a package to the person, where pOSSible to
their home address. The package to contain a letter
(and enclosures. e.g. photographs) from the child
- Page 3
concerned, a separate request for the provision of
information on health issues in their family which
may provide a clue to inherited susceptibilities, and
paperwork for thern to complete in accordance with
the specific needs of the situation, The
Commissioner to report if the package was
delivered,
Other children in similar situations in New
Zealand
Given that some of the children in the group had
made contact with the US Embassy in the course
of their searches, the US Embassy to send details
of the group to all people who have made written
contact with them over the past xx years,
Similar arrangements to those proposed in x and x
above to be made available to all others who
subsequently come forward,
Future a r ra ngements for similar situations
Advocates for mothers involved in
equivalent situations to be identified in:
+ Operation Deep Freeze, Christchurch
+ US Consulate, Auckland
+ US Embassy, Wellington (to be
accessed if other arrangements break
down)
+ Combined with this, the role of the US
Military Judge Advocates to be
clarified,
The US authOrities to give an assurance that US
Servicemen who are alleged to have fathered
children in future will be taken back to the US with
Waihopai 2000
Januarv 21-23, Blenheim
Be there!!
Further details at the back of this Peace Researcher",
Peace Researcher - Issue 1 9120
the blessing of the military authorities only once an
established series of steps is taken to ensure that
the women has obtained appropriate
documentation and a paternity order, We would
expect the Embassy to respond with a proposed
process, to include completion of the affidavit of
parentage and physical presence, We believe that
the burden of proof should be on the man, i,e, if he
denies he is the father, he should challenge the
allegation through the paternity order process,
The US authorities to produce a user-friendly leaflet
laYing out the procedure to be taken,
Similar groups elsewhere in the world
It is not only in New Zealand that US Servicemen
have fathered children, Indeed, New Zealand
servicemen abroad have behaved similarlyl We
request that the US Embassy provide us with
details of other groups known to the U S
Government
A child s upport agreement between
the United States and New Zealand
governments
While men can escape into the U nited
States and avoid living up to their
responsibilities in New Zealand, any
system set up to address the needs of
children lathered by American
servicemen will have significant
limitations, We urge that the US Government state
their willingness to enter into negotiations with New
Zealand, (We will make similar representations to
the New Zealand Government),
- Page 4
 Out Of Court Settlement; Damages; Government Apology
- Murray Horion
Peace Researcher has been following this story since
it first started, back in 1 996, and we're pleased to
report that we have some good news, a rare victory in
fact Aziz Choudry has won his case. The
Government has settled it out of court; has paid him
damages (the amount of which, as part of the
settlement, remains confidential in perpetuity); paid
hiS legal costs, and, most significantly, begrudgingly
apologised to him.
To refresh your memories, let's recap the events. I n
July 1 996 Security Intelligence Service (SIS) agents
were caught breaking into the Christchurch home of
' other State agencies, such as the Land Transport
GATT Watchdog's Aziz Choudry, during activities to
counter the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation
(APEC) Trade Minister's Meeting. Aziz sued the
Crown for $300,000 and the first preliminary legal
queslions came before the Christchurch High Court in
1 998. It was at that point that the SIS admitted that it
was their agents, but claimed that the break-in was
legal, as they were authorised by an interception
warrant
In A u g u s t 1 99 8 , J u stice P a n c k h u rst r u l e d that he
was not prepared to accept a blanket defence of
"national security" as good enough reason to withhold
from Aziz a large number of documents (including the
interception warrant) needed to pursue his civil
damages claim against the Crown. Panckhurst had
specifically rejected a certificate signed by Jenny
Shipley, Minister in Charge of the SIS (it's always the
Prime Minister) asserting immunity from producing the
documents. Panckhurst ruled that he wanted to inspect
the documents for himself, at the SIS's Christchurch
office, before ruling on their release. The Crown
appealed. I n December 1 998, the Court of Appeal
ruled that S hipley be given until February 1 999 to
produce an amended certificate with more details on
why the documents should be withheld; then it would
rule on whether or not they should be released. The
judges were quite scathing in their opinion of the Crown
case. Justice Thomas said: "The Courts today are not
prepared to be awestruck by the 'mantra' of national
security". The amended certificate was duly produced,
along with 20 of the disputed 70 SIS documents
(released in full or part) and was the subject of a further
Court of Appeal hearing, in April 1 999. Once again,
decision was reserved.
( 1 GA TT: General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, now
called the World Trade Organisation, and headed by New
Zealand's very own Mike Maore),
Peace Researcher -Issue
Court of Appeal Backs Down
That decision was delivered in July 1 999 and it was a
major climbdown by the Court By a four to one
majority, it ruled that judges have no place in matters of
"national security", and that Shipley's certificate stating
the documents needed to be withheld for unspecified
reasons of "national security" must be respected, and
Shipley herself trusted. The Court accepted that there
is an unspecified "ongoing operation" that would be
jeopardised' (now, isn't that intriguing?) and that
allowing inspection of the documents would endanger
the SIS's operational relationship with the Police and
Safety Authority. The minority decision, by Justice
Thomas, was scathing:
"Like any citizen, Mr Choudry is entitled to access to
the Courts. He has a right to bring a claim based on
an alleged infringement of the law on the part of the
defendant. In exercising that right he has the same
expectation of receiving justice in a court of law as
any other litigant. But to the extent that he is not able
to achieve full and proper discovery he is
disadvantaged and his right of access to the Courts is
correspondingly impaired. He will not be able to obtain
the justice to which he is entitled and which other
litigants routinely receive. The public interest in the
fair and effective administration of justice is not,
therefore, a n empty slogan. It reflects the rights of
every citizen, including Mr Choudry . .
"The Prime Minister i s the Minister i n charge of, and
responsible for, the Service. She is not independent
of the Service in the sense that Parliament and the
Courts are independent of it. Further, as I have
previously observed, it is to be realistically
appreciated that the certificate is initially prepared by
senior officers of the Service who, by virtue of the very
nature of their work and their own conscientious
performance of their task, may be over-zealous in
their perception of the secrecy which is required. Nor,
by virtue of the secrecy which attaches to the
Service's advice, can the Minister in charge look
elsewhere for assistance or verification. The Minister
is very much dependent on the Service.
"It should not be overlooked that the Service is a
covert intelligence agency. It is by definition not an
open organisation accustomed to outside scrutiny. It
will not welcome that scrutiny. Its officers are by virtue
of their occupation practised in the art of deception
19120 - Page 5
The Service, as with any covert intelligence agency,
will strive under the cloak of secrecy to protect this
country from perceived subversive interests and
hostile forces. There is no reason to suspect that its
officers will not believe, perhaps passionately, in the
importance of their task or that they will be anything
other than assiduous in carrying it out Once It is
accepted that the trust necessary to accept the
certificate on its face is in reality a trust reposed in or
embracing the covert intelligence agency itself, the
manifestation of such abiding judicial trust seems
strangely out of place
"There is an apparent inconsistency between the
majority's deprecation of the competence of Judges
to assess the sensitivity of the documents and the
trust placed in the Minister in Charge of the Service to
do the same. Apparently, the nuances and intuitive
deductions which form part of the specialist capability
required for covert intelligence operations are beyond
Judges but will be quickly assimilated by the Minister
In Charge of the Service. Certainly, the Minister
working with the senior officers of the Service may
seek and obtain more advice and information relating
to particular documents, but it is advice and
information emanating from within the Service itself. It
is not difficult to perceive that in reality the Minister in
charge will be close to and heavily dependent on the
Service, and that thiS closeness and dependency w',1I
necessarily impair the objectivity which he or she can
bring to bear in assessing the sensitivity of particular
documents
"To illustrate this pOint reference may be
made to the p rosecution brought under
s1 of the Official Secrets Act 1 9 1 1 in the
United Kingdom in 1 977 known as "the
ABC case" [in this. case, ABC stood for
the three defendants - Aubrey,
Campbell. I was living in London at the
time and attended several sessions of the 1978 trial at
the Old Bailey It was verymuch the cause celebre of
its day ABC - the Anti-Bases Campaign - hosted
Duncan Campbell in NZ, in 1996/97. He is a world
expert on intelligence matters. MH.]. The Attorney­
General at the time was persuaded by MI5 (British
internal security and intelligence agency Ed.) to
authorise the prosecution against three defendants
NotWithstanding that it became known that the
security service had secretly vetted the jury, the trial
proceeded. I t became a farce [emphasis added. Ed].
Documents which security service witnesses claimed
would, if disclosed, be a danger to national security
were shown to be public knowledge, at times the
publication having been authorised by MI5 itself. The
prosecution u nder s1 was discontinued. Two
defendants were given conditional discharges and
one a suspended sentence in respect of the much
less serious offences under s2 of the Act Editorials
called for the Attorney-General to resign or, at least,
to explain why he had authorised an oppressive
prosecution. The terms of his explanation are telling
Peace Researcher - Issue
In thell relevance to the present pOint He said:
"I personally and critically questioned
those who made the damage
assessment How could any
responsible Attorney General
ignore the u n a nimous views
presented to me that evidence of
both the material collected by
Campbell [one of the defendants] and
the information imparted by Berry
[another defendant] could do damage
ranging from serious to exceptionally
grave to the national secu rity?"
( Emphasis added). (See Geoffrey
Robertson , The Justice Game
(Vintage -1 999) Chap. 5, pp 1 04-
1 34 ; the above quotation is at
p 1 33). .
"The casualty will be the administration of justice and
public confidence in the legal system to ensure that
public interest immunity is constrained by law Judicial
inspection may be an imperfect process but having
regard to the nature of a covert security service, it is the
only system available to hold the Service accountable
If the courts are not prepared to perform thiS
supervisory function, the decisions of the Service to
claim immunity will go unchecked. "
The implications of this decision are alarming The
APEC Monitoring Group, which organised the activities
to counter all the APEC meetings held In
New Zealand throughout 1 999, said:
"This judgement is particularly disturbing
coming as it does in the year New Zealand
hosts the APEC forum. The Government
has already shown its willingness to break
the law when it comes to opponents of
APEC and its free trade agenda Given
the extreme measures the Government has been
willing to employ to aVOid explaining the activities of the
SIS during,the 1 996 APEC Trade Ministers' Meeting.
any assurance given that opponents of APEC in 1 999
will have their right to dissent protected and respected
can only be treated with suspiCion and contempt If, as
this Judgement seems to suggest. Jenny Shipley and
the SIS are totally unaccountable to Parliament, the
Judiciary and the New Zealand public, then we should
be afraid. be very afraid" (press release, 6/7/99)
Even the New Zealand Herald editorially attacked the
Court's decision: "Times and circumstances are
changing, and with them the demand for greater
accountability of elected representatives. We iook to
the courts to help to ensure that the Executive knows it
is not immune from independent scrutiny. In deciding to
accept at face value - its own words - the Prime
Minister's latest security certificate , the Court of Appeal
has disappointed those expectations" (8/7/99; 'Court in
awe again"). The headline in a regular legal column in
the Herald said it all "Who will hold PM accountable if
Appeal Court will not?" (23/7/99; Passing Judgement
19120 - Page 6
Steven Price) The Independent also attacked it
editorIally: "Suppose this case had been heard III
Washington . not Wellington and the burglars had
been ex-CIA men. not SIS men, and the break-in had
occurred at the Watergate complex. not Choudry's
house What would our Judges have done with the
N,xon tapes? Who ordered the illegal break-In? Might
this Informalron be contained In the documents
Shlpley wants to keep secret? Anyone valUing our
civil liberties would sleep a lot better if J u stice
Thomas's dissenting view had prevailed' (14/7/99
.Appeal Court abdicates ItS role as democratic
watchdog", Warren Berryman)
Government Admits Blame; Settles Out Of Court
Despite the Court of Appeal setback, Aziz was keen
to continue the case But the legal reality was that.
without access to those Withheld documents, he could
not take It through to a full trial. Nor did he have the
$100.000 or so needed to appeal to the Privy Council.
In London. The Government had previously offered
an out of court settlement (a standard procedure in
SUitS of this kind) Aziz was amenable, so the only
remaining question was the amount of damages to be
paid After some haggling, a mutually satisfactory
(and su bstantial) sum was agreed upon. Another
standard feature in suits of this kind is that the amount
paid will remain confidential In perpetuity. as a part of
the settlement The damages were over and above
AZIz's legal costs - those were also paid by the
Govern ment Plus he got an apology - nothing
gracIous or heartfelt. simply a statement that the
Government apologised to him. ThiS was all publicly
announced In August 1999. just before the APEC
Leaders' Surnmlt in Auckland. The Government was
eager to get the matter out of the way before the VI Ps
and world media came to town.
AZIZ has no illusions 'This is a victory but I'm
unimpressed by the calibre of the apology The
Government is only really sorry that its SIS agents got
caught It has gone to great lengths to cover up its
dirty tricks. The case has put a lot of issues about the
SIS on the map and shown the Government to be not
much better than those countries it likes to point its
finger at" (Press, 27/8/99, "Activist gets Govt payout;
Victory claimed over SIS"). He also said that "despite
countless assurances to the contrary, the SIS had
taken unlawful action against people involved in lawful
dissent and protest" Supposed checks and balances
on the SIS did not work when they were put to the test
In his case. The 1999 legislative amendments had
expanded SIS powers, not restricted them .. " M r
Choudry s a i d h e could have continued to fight the
case but felt that he had to 'recognise the parameters
of the New Zealand legal system'. The money he had
received was 'small bikkles' compared to the $10.5
million spent on the SIS each year and the $18 million
APEC secunty was costing, he said" . (ibid)
He told the Dommion (27/8/99) ''I'm pleased to have
scored what I think IS a rare victory over the SIS, given
Peace Researcher - Issue
therr long history of being unaccountable to either the
public or the courts ... The break-in occurred when I
was Involved with organising an alternative
conference opposing the APEC Trade Ministers'
meeting. Ironically, the settlement comes as I ' m part
of a group organising an alternative conference and
rally opposed to the (September 1999) APEC
Leaders' Summl!" ... He had agreed to the out of court
settlement because "Unless you have $100,000 to
take a case to the Privy Council. then it's actually quite
d ifficult for an IndiVidual who has relied on the support
of people in the community" .
From the moment the Government admitted (as part
of ItS statement of defence) that it was Indeed SIS
agents who were caught breaking into Aziz's house,
an out of court settlement was a possibility. It became
Inevitable as soon as the Court of Appeal ruled that
the break-in was illegal.
J u stice Thomas, in h i s July 1999 Court of Appeal
dissenting opinion, said
" I consider that It should not be overlooked that the
entry and search of Mr Choudry's home which the
Service u n dertook on 13 J u ly 1996, and which is
central to his claim, was Illegal. This IS the effect of
the Court's previous judgment. Consequently, the
Service has every reason to be concerned that it will
be held liable for damages and that its image will be
seriously damaged".
The Government did not appeal that December 1998
deCISion, but rushed through new legislation
retrospectively legalising all such SIS break-Ins -
except for the one at Aziz's house. Thus, it clearly
telegraphed its intentions. In fact, it had no option but
to settle. Its one day in open court (the 1998
Christchurch High Court hearing. which was only
about legal questions) had been an unprecedented
and highly unsettling experience for the SIS - the
prospect of a full trial, with witnesses to be cross­
examined, etc. etc, had to be avoided. There is no
suggestion of Aziz having sold out - he was suing for
money; he won some money. It was not a case
seeking a Judicial review of the SIS or suchlike. It was
a claim for damages arising from a specific incident,
an incident that would have resulted in criminal
charges by the police if committed by anybody other
than covert agents of the State.
Of course, the case ends with none of us (including
Aziz) any the wiser about why the SIS was breaking
into his house That is why the Government settled
the case and paid up - to keep the SIS operation
shrouded in secrecy. There has been public
speculation that the break-in was aimed not at him but
at his 1996 Mexican guest, Dr Alejandro Villamar, a
speaker at the counter-APEC conference. Other
speculation IS that it was aimed at Maori activists Mike
Smith and A nnette Sykes, who were also at the
conference. But we'll never know, not officially
anyway
1 9/20 - Page 7

It is the end of Aziz's legal action, but not the end of
legal action arising from the incident David Small
was the person who actually caught the SIS agents
breaking into Aziz's house. It was he who took down
the vital clue of their numberplate (which led to the
SIS: the agents have never been named) and
reported It to the police - who waved the agents on
their way. In the most sinister feature of the whole
episode, the police raided the homes of both Aziz
and David Small, looking for "bombmaking
equipment", shortly after the foiled SIS break-in. A
hoax bomb had been left at the Christchurch City
Council building. This mysterious episode has never
been explained (a remarkably similar hoax bomb
disrupted Auckland Airport when it was inadvertently
left behind there during a security exercise prior to
the 1999 APEC Leaders' Summit COincidence,
surely?).
"Dr Small sa d the (Aziz) settlement gave him
immense sati:,;faction but it was not the end of the
matter as far as he was concerned. He was going
to court to ask for a Judicial review of a police
search of his house a week after the SIS break-in
of Mr Choudry's house. Police had a warrant to
look for bcmb-making equipment but the whole
episode smacked of SIS and police complicity after
his catching the SIS agents, he said. Dr Small
expected 'he police would have to own up to
conductioq the search on dodgy information
provided by the S I S . 'This case vind icates our
conclusir n that something fishy was going on', he
said" (Press, 27/8/99; "Activist gets Govt payout,
Victorylaimed overSIS',). I n October 1 999, David
Small filed his claim with the Ch ristchurch High
Court, suing the Crown for $300,000 damages,
alleging trespass and a breach of his rights under
the Bill of Rights.
So, what were these police raids all about? Simple
revenge on Aziz and David for having caught the
SIS'I the act? Or something more serious? Were
the' ,IS agents breaking into Aziz's house to plant
sorrathing there that would be "found" in a
sub',;equent police raid? "Bomb-making
eqLlpment", drugs, things to implicate him in
terrorist activities, Who planted the highly
Peace Researcher -Issue
sophisticated hoax bomb at the City Council
building? It was good enough to convince an
explosives expert, who had it blown up before
being able to pronounce it a fake. This whole thing
reeks of a dirty tricks operation, one to discredit
and criminalise opponents of the State ideology
(free trade and unrestricted foreign 'Investment).
The Sunday Star Times editorialised (29/8/99;
"Useful humiliation for our SIS spies") "They
botched the burglary of the anti-APEC protester's
home, again confirming their legendary
incompetence. They also confirmed the suspicion
their real job is spying on dissidents, not fighting
subversives ... The new law supposedly tightens the
definition of a security threat, saying it is 'foreign or
foreign-influenced'. This is meaningless and
dangerous. Every sentient being in the country is
foreign-influenced and none more so than our
leaders. These orthodox souls, who arguably and by
turn have variously damaged our economy, won't be
persecuted. The people at risk will be dissenters like
Choudrjl'.
For once, congratulations are due to the media. We
in the ABC know how hard it is to get any coverage
of "our" intelligence agency, the Government
Communications Security Bureau (GCSB), which is
much bigger than the SIS. Ever since Nicky Hager
published his seminal 1 996 book "Secret Power",
detailing what the GCSB does, specifically at the
Waihopai spybase, it's had much better coverage
overseas than in NZ (most recently, on Australian
TV. See elsewhere in this issue for detai/sEd. ). But
no such worries when it comes to the SIS, and
specifically the Choudry case. From Day One, it's
been a frontpage lead item in all the papers, plus a
major item on TV, and the subject of magazine
features. The media dug up a lot of the incriminating
dirt in this story. For three years, the bungling SIS
and Aziz himself have been a major media event He
became a household name, with his singularly
unflattering passport photo scowling from papers up
and down the country. Indeed it's only a matter of
time until it's made into a Hollywood movie - David
Small and Aziz can toss up between Arnold
Schwarzenegger and Danny De Vito as to who
plays them. Just remember, guys - it was I who put
1 9120 - Page 8
out the original press release that (correctly)
fingered the SIS. I suggest a cameo role, played by
Tom Cruise, would be in order.
More seriously, heartfelt thanks are due to all the
individuals and groups that donated the thousands
of dollars needed to mount a court case. Even at
mates' rates, lawyers are very expensive, and the
legal process is inherently weighted against the
poor. I freely confess that I was one of those who
doubted the wisdom of taking a court case,
considering it far too costly, very risky, a serious
drain on time and resources, with an unsatisfactory
result the most likely outcome. I was wrong and I'm
glad I was. It achieved much more than we could
have ever dreamed possible when we set about
tackling the secret State three years ago. The spies
and their political masters have had a most timely
boot up the arse.
New SIS Laws: I nto The Woods With
NewSIS Boss
In the wake of the Choudry case, the ,=====,c., "c,.
Government (with unanimous support
from Labour) has rushed through two
new laws amending the SIS legislation
(see PR 1 8 for details). The S I S
Amendment Act ( N o . 2 ) 1 999 came
into effect in September. One new
feature is the creation of a
Commissioner of Security Warrants,
who will jointly issue domestic
interception warrants with the Minister
in Charge of the SIS (who retains sole
responsibility for issuing "foreign"
warrants). The first Commissioner is Sir John
Jeffries, a retired High Court judge (the law work as soon as they were put to the test shortly
stipulates that they are the only people allowed to
hold the job) and former Police Complaints
Authority. For the first time in its 44 year history, the fiction. They remain non-existent.
SIS will have to provide an annual report to
Parliament (as opposed to its current 200 word
annual non-statement). Bruce Slane, the Privacy
Commissioner, welcomed the recommendations.
And the contentious section on "foreign-influenced"
organisations adversely affecting NZ's economic or house. Ed]. It took legal action to get an admiSSion
international wellbeing has been changed to specify
that such groups would need to be "clandestine or
deceptive".
But these minor changes are far from satisfactory.
Cath Wallace, of the umbrella group ECO
(Enviro n m ent and Conservation Organisations),
asked: "What about a Greenpeace protest unfurling
a banner on a building? .. It's very unclear what they
are trying to protect New Zealand against; it's
absurd to use covert agencies. They are trying to
catch people who are not doing anything illegal" (NZ
Herald, 27/7/99, "Changes fail to allay SIS fears").
Aziz Choudry is not impressed: "Having read the
latest version of the bill, it's clear the SIS has not
Peace Researcher· Issue 19120 • Page 9
been reined in by any of the recent legislative
amendments. Quite the opposite - these law
changes are designed to expand, not limit, the
powers of the SIS. Try as she might to reassure
people that critics of APEC will not be subject to
SIS snooping, Jenny Shipley cannot hide the fact
that both amendment bills have been rushed
through explicitly in order to legitimate further SIS
break-ins before September's Leaders Sum mit.
And it was the Prime Minister herself, and various
National, Labour, and ACT MPs who first linked
the perceived need to legalise S I S break-ins to
APEC in Parliamentary debates and in the media,
not me, GATT Watchdog, the APEC Monitoring
Group or our allies. When the APEC circus ends,
the law will remain - with the SIS above the law.
"The tweaking of the definition of 'secu rity' to
distinguish between perceived 'domestic' and
'foreign' or 'foreign-influenced' threats does
nothing to tighten up the controversial economic
and international wellbeing' wording which many
organisations have roundly condemned. Who
knows what or who Will be deemed to
fit this new category? And who will
oversee the SIS and its Minister, who
will retain sole authority for issuing
'foreign' warrants? Governments
have often J u stified secu rity
crackdowns against domestic
dissenters on the basis of spurious
claims of foreign control or influence.
Who will scrutinise the activities of
the SIS in this regard? The Minister
and the SIS repeatedly say 'trust us'
Why should we? The supposed
statutory checks and balances on the SIS did not
after their 1 996 revamp. Nothing in the legislative
amendments makes them work now. They are a
"The I nspector-General of I ntelligence and
Security was unwilling or unable even to admit the
involvement of the Service in his report on the
bungled 1 996 operation [the break-in at Aziz's
from the Crown that it was indeed the SIS - and
that the entry was illegal. That someone has to
take legal action against the SIS to get this far is
positive proof that the I nspector-General's office is
toothless and the oversight mechanisms
fundamentally flawed [the current Inspector­
General, retired High Court Judge, Laurie Greig.
has been reappointed to a further three y ear term.
Ed ] I think that Privacy Commissioner, Bruce
Slane , overstates the significance of the
suggested reporting requirements which. if
accepted would require fuller annual reports to be
tabled by the SIS. All things considered, this is a
very minor concession. Its value is more symbolic
than substantive- and doesn't apply to [foreign
warrants' In any case
"This revised bill does not address concerns about the SIS's role in surveilling people and organisations
engaged in lawful political activities, Along with its companion amendment, it is a further affront to basic civil
and political rights and another step down the road of criminalising dissent" (26/7/99, personal press release),

And the SIS has a new boss, Lieutenant-General Don Mclver is retiring, and being replaced by senior diplomat
Richard Woods. His background IS international trade and economics, with sensitive diplomatic postings having
Included Ambassador to Tehran during the 1 980s Iranllraq War; Ambassador to Paris in 1 995, during the crisis
generated by France's resumption of PacifiC nuclear testing; and 1 990s Ambassador to Moscow. He is the first
diplomat to head the SIS - of the four previous Directors, three were from the Army (Gilbert, Smith, Mclver), and
one was a Judge (Molineaux). "I had always thought the SIS had a very important role. Its traditional role of
protecting New Zealand from espionage and sabotage and terrorism is obviously important. But it has been
extended to include making a contribution to New Zealand's international and economic wellbeing. I have spent
a fair bit of my career concerned with that second area. I thought my experience might be relevant and that's
what's been decided" (Press, 1 7/7/99). There's also a change at the top of the GCSB - Warren Tucker becomes
the new Director, replacing Ray Parker [see elsewhere in this issue for details. Ed.]. The future direction of our
spies. and who they will be targeting, is fairly obvious by the appointment of a spyboss with a background in
trade. As the Sunday Star Times editorialised: "This (the new spymaster) is certainly an improvement on the
usual military hard-hats. But the SIS culture remains the same, and it is doubtful a retired bureaucrat can change
it - even if he wanted to" (29/8/99; " U seful h umiliation for our SIS spies").

Out With the old enemies and in with the new enemies! Once again though, the "enemy" seems to be us.

Australian TV Documentary Takes New Look At Global Spy Network

Once again, the overseas media has put the local
variety to shame by producing an indepth look at
Waihopai, a n d the global spy network of which it is
but a small part. The repercussions of Nicky Hager's
seminal 1 996 book "Secret Power" continue to
reverberate around the world, but not in NZ (what's
that old saying about being a prophet without honour
In hiS own land?). This rime it was Australian TV's
Channel Nine - its Sunday programme (23/5/99) was
entitled "Big B rother Is Listening". It was devoted to
the top secret UKUSA Agreement, the 50+ year old
signals a n d electronic intelligence gathering
agreement that divides up the world among the U S ,
U K , Canada, Australia and N e w Zealand. No New
Zealand government has ever admitted to its
existence. T h e Tangimoana and Waihopai
spybases, admin istered by "our" Government
Communications Security Bureau (GCSB) are New
Zealand's contributions to its global eavesdropping.
The 40 m i nute documentary made absolutely
faSCinating viewing. For the first time, one of the spy
agencies (Australia's Defence Signals Directorate)
admitted that the UKUSA Agreement actually exists.
The programme looked at the work of the DSD in
Australia (Geraldton, in Western Australia, is
Waihopai's sister spybase), and at the n etwork of
such spybases across the globe. It looked at (and
got ordered off) American facilities run by the biggest
Big Brother, the US National Security Agency ( N SA).
It talked to American experts, Australia's I nspector
General of I ntelligence and Security, and, most
Interestingly, to former US and Canadian spies. It
spelled out the increasing role these agencies are
playing in spying on trade negotiations and business
deals, in the interests of the big Powers and their
transnational corporations (which has major
implications for NZ farmers).
It spent plenty of time talking to N 'l cky Hager, the
world expert on UKUSA and its Echelon programme
(which automatically computer scans billions of
phone calls, faxes, e-mail, etc, for key words). N icky
shed light o n his research methods (it was,
comically, as simple as being able to read the
blacked out portions of GCSB documents); and the
programme went right inside Waihopai. But viewers
should note that it is old footage, taken from TV3's
1 996 20120 programme, where Nicky and reporter
John Campbell sneaked in and filmed right into the
main (deserted) computer room. So the Aussie
documentary's Waihopai footage still shows it with
only one dome - it's had two for quite a while now.
Sunday had additional features that put New
Zealand TV current affairs to shame - the reporter,
Ross Coulthart, was available for an hour after
broadcast to answer questions in its on-line chat
room. The programme's Website had a whole lot of
material not screened - copies of letters from the
DSD Director, Martin Brady; answers to a list of
Frequently Asked Questions about the DSD,
Echelon, UKUSA and spying; and, most usefully, a
complete transcript that could be downloaded.
The programme was a news item in itself - New
Zealand papers reported the written admission by
the DSD Director that the UKUSA Agreement
eXisted, and that New Zealand was part of it. But its
New Zealand content was heavily down played - for

Peace Researcher· Issue 19120 - Page 10

example, the Press carried the story on its World page
(25/5/99) , illustrated by a photo of Nicky, but with
absolutely no mention of its New Zealand content. For
the record, here is what Nicky said:
"The strongest personal impression on me was to look
into the operations room, this most secret of rooms
with bars on the windows and special codes for anyone
to be allowed in there. There were no staff there. Just
this huge room of cabinets and computers and
twinkling lights. And not a soul. The whole thing is
automated. This is spying on thousands of people a
minute and there's no one there. There's no one
needed for it. Because it's actually like a great import
of technology which has been plonked on the quiet
countryside in New Zealand and spies on its own ... "
The reporter describes Nicky's research methods: "By
combing job ads, Government gazettes and electoral
rolls, he found enough holes 'In security to get the
names of m a ny of (the GCSB's) staff. One day, in
censored documents released to him under freedom of
information laws, he realised he could actually read the
names through the blacked out deletions ... When
Hager approached many of these spies, they were
often prepared to talk about their secret work - he says
- because most had strong doubts that what they were
doing was, i n fact, in their country's best interests . .
And Hager discovered from the spies h e spoke to that
when Waihopai was approved, the government
bureaucrats had actually lied to the Prime Minister
(David Lange) about its real purpose . . . What the
spymasters kept from the Prime Minister was the fact
that the Echelon system automatically sends
intercepted communications directly to New Zealand's
overseas U KUSA partners. Each UKUSA alliance
intercept base, such as Waihopai, in New Zealand,
and Geraldto n , in Western Australia, is directed by
computers loaded with what are called dictionaries.
The dictionary lists any target sought - a name, a word,
a number - even, it's thought, a particular voice. As
everyone's phone or data messages pass through a
satellite these bases are sifting through that feed,
looking for matches to the targets listed in the
dictionary".
Nicky concluded: "Perhaps the most shocking
revelation was when I discovered there wasn't one list
in there in the NZ facilities, it wasn't the NZ list which
then went to Wellington and they shared the
intelligence. There were five lists there. And bigger than
the NZ list was the American list. And those were
American targets. They had nothing to do with NZ and
the intelligence which that dictionary computer chose,
the phone calls, all the e-mails, whatever it was that
were picked out by the American list went straight to
Washingto n . They weren't sent to N Z . . . The whole
principle of the Echelon system was to automate it. It
was the way the United States could use, not just
indirectly by 'please give us the intelligence you get',
but could actually use the foreign countries' facilities as
if they were its own. And so the intelligence which is
Peace Researcher -Issue
collected that the US wants from it goes straight back
to Washington no different than if it had an American
flag flapping outside and it was an American station. '
Mind you, New Zealand television has not entirely
ignored the issue. No, it has never actually screened
this excellent Australian documentary. But Mikey
Havoc and Newsboy did visit Waihopai, and the
Wellington headquarters of both the GCSB and SIS, as
part of their "Big Sellout Tour Of New Zealand" series
on TV2, which screened in June 1 999. It was, shall we
say, q uirky, although not totally excruciating (Nlcky
Hager starred in this one also, along with a dance
scene with spybase, alien mask and one unamused
spy).
You can hire "Big Brother Is Listening" from ABC for
$10 (including postage) for one week. Copies of the
transcript cost $5. If you've never seen the 199620120
programme on Waihopai, you can hire that from us
too ,
Blenheim Paper Changes Its Tune O n Waihopai;
GCSB Not Happy About I t
There i s one honourable exception to this N Z media
blackout on the whole subject - the Marlborough
Express. Now it's not too many years ago that the
Express coverage of ABC's Waihopai protests was
illustrated by a cartoon showing a poor cop having to
arrest a noisome, flyblown protester But the paper's
emphasis has dramatically changed - reporter Mike
White (who is now chief reporter) was so taken by the
Australian TV transcript that he did something very
unusual for a metropolitan, let alone a provincial, New
Zealand paper H e tracked down and telephone
interviewed Mike Frost, the retired Canadian
Communications Security Establishment (CSE,
Canada's equivalent of the GCSB, and its partner in
UKUSA) spy who features so prominently in the
documentary. Frost provided such good copy that the
Express devoted not one, but two features, on what he
had to say, running both on the same day ( 1 6 /7/99)
That same day the paper also editorialised on the
subject ("Bugging concerns"):
"Frost reports how on a phone call the US Ambassador
to Canada let slip his country was about to get a $5
billion wheat deal with China. Canadian spies
intercepted the call and their Government managed to
undercut the American s . New Zealand is currently
engaged in a battle over lamb tariffs with the United
States. Frost believes a lot of data collected under
Echelon is passed straight to the United States. without
New Zealand knowing what it is or what the information
will be used for Can we be certain that we are not
arming the United States with information that is to our
detriment? . . " Way ne Madsden, a former American
NSA spy, told the Sunday programme that economic
intelligence is top priority: " . . . if we find something that
could benefit a US company, we would have no
19120 - Page 11
 problem in passing it along. But they usually confine
that to Fortune 500 companies. We will only deal with
the big guys . . . " The Express said: " However, Mike
Frost says it would be extremely naive to believe
Information collected in New Zealand is not used for
purposes other than what might originally have been
stated. 'If you believe that then you guys are living in
la-la land over there' ... Echelon is Just such a hell of a
powerful tool Sure it was developed in the days of
the Cold War but if you look at the economic
possibilities of this damn thing, the implications are
horrendous.. "
This criticis m was all to much for the spies in the
Express' backyard GCSB Director, Ray Parker
(seen, most memorably, shoving 20/20's camera
aSide In the 1 996 programme) wrote to the editor
complaining that the Express had preferred the views
of Frost to those of NZ's own Inspector-General of
Intelligence and Security. " I respectfully suggest that
Ihese conclusions deserve more credence than the
unsu pported a l legations of a person who has no
direct knowledge of the operations of the GCSB"
(letter, 20/7/99). Pressed further by the Express,
Parker sent a second letter, attacking Frost's
credibility "Specifically I had in mind the strong
denials by the former British Prime Minister, John
Major, that the British government used allies to spy
on M i nisters of the Thatcher government (an
allegation which he described in Parliament as
'claptrap'). I am also aware that the Canadian
equivalent of our Inspector-General of Intelligence
and Security has periodically reaffirmed that the
Canadian CSE does not eavesdrop on the private
conversations of Canadian citizens, that its activities
are lawful and that it does not circumvent Canadian
laws by asking agencies of foreign governments to
target Canadian citizens" (letter, 4/8199). But Parker
didn't want to open a public debate: " I would be
grateful if you would note that this letter is not
Intended for publication"
Echelon Scandal Reverberates Around The
World
Nicky Hager set one very big global ball rolling with
' Secret Power" - the Australian TV documentary is
Just one tiny part of the ensuing chain reaction. It has
been a very big story in E u rope, where the French,
Italians, Germans and Scandinavians have been
none too crazy to discover that their old Anglo-Saxon
mates, the Americans and British, routinely spy on
them, This has manifested itself not only in the media
In those countries, but amongst the politicians, and
even governments. The E u ropean Parliament's
Scienllfic and Technological Options Assessment
Group released a 1 998 report entitled "An Appraisal
of Technologies of Political Control", which shocked
European government leaders. Commissioner
Martin Bangemann told the European Parliament, in
September 1 998 " I f this system were to exist, it
Peace Researcher - Issue
would be an intolerable attack against i n d ividual
liberties, competition and the security of the states"
( Ottawa Citizen, 22/5/99; "Canada a keysnooper in
huge spy network"; Jim Bronskill)
In 1 999, the same group approved as a working
document another report, entitled " Interception
Capabilities 2000", by Duncan Campbell, a long
standing world expert on electronic spying, It bore out
what the ex-spies had been saying:
'''There is wide-ranging evidence indicating that
major governments are routinely utilizing
communications intelligence to provide commercial
advantage to companies and trade', says Mr.
Campbell's report The findings come as no surprise
to Fred Stock, who says he was forced out of CSE in
1 993 after objecting to the agency's new emphasis
on economic intelligence and civilian targets, Mr,
Stock, who worked in CSE's Communications Centre
in Ottawa, recalls incoming message traffic on
dealings with Mexico, France, Germany, Japan and
South Korea. The i ntercepted information covered
negotiations on the North American Free Trade
Agreement, Chinese grain purchases, French arms
sales and Canada's boundary dispute with France
over the islands of St-Pierre-Miquelon off
Newfoundland's south coast 'To me, we shouldn't
have been doing that'.
"Mc. Stock also maintains the agency routinely
received intelligence about environmental protest
actions mounted by Greenpeace vessels on the high
seas. Other former CSE employees have told similar
stories of economic and political spying. As a matter
of policy, the agency refuses to discuss allegations
about operations. However, the federal government
acknowledges that CSE, supported by Canadian
Forces personnel, collects and analyzes foreign
communications. 'Signals intelligence provides
unique and timely information on the intentions,
capabilities and activities of foreign states,
organization or persons," says the defence
department 'This intelligence is used by policy
makers to resolve issues relating to the defence of
Canada, or the conduct of its foreign affairs and
trade'","( Ottawa Citizen, ibid).
And the spies have stirred up opposition in the
un likeliest of places - among extremely conservative
US Republicans, most notably Representative Bob
Barr, a member of the House Permanent Select
Committee on Intelligence. He was one of the
instigators of the Congressional move to impeach
President Clinton, so he's used to tackling big
opponents. In 1 999, Barr arranged for the panel to
demand information on Echelon from the NSA,
which, for the first time in its h istory, refused to turn
over documents, citing attorney-client privilege. Barr
won't have a bar of that and has scheduled hearings
into the subject This could prove to be the Achilles
heel of the NSA and its j unior partners, being
19120 - Page 12
(Continued from page 12)
investigated by the very people it thought it could
most count on (and as an aside, it's interesting to
note the growing number of mainstream
Hollywood movies that now feature the NSA as
the villain. "Mercury Rising' , with Bruce Willis and
Enemy of the State", with Will Smith, are two that
come to mind)
New GCSB Director: From Nosey Parker To
Doe Tucker
Elsewhere In this issue we detail the appointment
of Richard Woods, as the new Director of the
SIS. Press coverage of his appointment featured
smaller reports of the replacement of GCSB
Director, Ray Nosey Parker, after 1 1 years in the
Job by Dr. Warren Tucker (as of January 1 ,2000,
Just in time for ABC's Waihopai protest that
month). 'Secret Power" says this about Tucker:
"Tucker Joined the GCSB at only 31 years of age,
straight from being an Army major at Defence
Headquarters in Wellington. The GCSB selected
him because of his electronics expertise (he has
a doctorate in electrical engineering) and on 1
March 1 982 he became the GCSB's Assistant
Director (Engineering) , responsible for
Government lefu�e� 10 I�olis� l�e
You may recall that members of ABC and its
supporters presented a petition to abolish the
GCSB to Green MP Rod Donald on 14 November
1 998 We did so at the main gate of the
Wa'l hopal Spy Stat'l on near Blenheim. Not long
after, we were invited by the Intelligence and
Security Committee (ISC) to submit a document
in su pport of the petition to the committee at our
earliest convenience. Our submission was sent
on 1 6 February 1 999 and was printed in full in PR
no. 1 8 (May 1 999). Shortly after that issue was
distributed we got a response back from the ISC.
It was a copy of its report to the House on our
petition and submission.
The cover letter by PM Jenny Shipley, chair of the
ISC. repeated our basic concerns about the
GCSB and then proceeded to dismiss our petition
and su pporting submission out of hand. There
was n o point-by-point consideration of our
concerns. they were too timid to accede to our
req uest to appear before them to ask
embarrassing questions, the letter Just repeated
many of the lies and distortions that are designed
Peace Researcher- Issue 19120
communications security (COMSEC)
engineering. He was also involved in the
computer side of codebreaking operations. The
COMSEC engineering work meant trips to
Washington, Hawaii and Melbourne over the next
two to three years and also involved Tucker i n the
development of the Tangimoana station
Presumably part of his work was helping with the
introduction of UKUSA encryption equipment in
the new GCSB communications centres in the
new Freyberg Building headquarters (Wellington)
and at Tangimoana station when they both began
operating later in 1 982. He was later promoted to
Director for Policy and Plans , before being posted
to Washington in late 1 984 as the New Zealand
Liaison Officer in the NSA at Fort Meade. He
returned from Washington in September 1 989 to
become the D'lrector of Operations."
Currently Tucker is intelligence coordinator in the
Department of Prime M i n ister and Cabinet, which
shows how the GCSB has secured ascendancy
over the SIS in getting the ear of the intelligence
community's political "masters". There might be
new faces at the top but they're still the same old
spooks. It makes no difference that the GCSB is
now headed by Doc Tucker - we won't rest until
the whole outfit is dog tucker.
1111
....
• Bob Leonard
to reassure the general public and hide the truth.
Some samples.
"The Committee . noted that many of
the petitioner's concerns had been
addressed by the Inspector-General of
I ntelligence and Security in his reports to
the Prime Minister dated 27 and 28 April
1 999. These reports concluded, inter
alia, that New Zealand's signals
intelligence collection facilities are
managed and controlled by the GCSB
alone and that access by New Zealand's
intelligence partners to those facilities
and to the intelligence material collected
is at all times under the control and
supervision of the GCSB."
One has to marvel at the sheer gall of the P M and
her committee, which includes Helen Clark, to
make such statements about NZ control of a n
intelligence system that i s automated Billions of
bits of raw intelligence are sent directly to other
UKUSA countries without the slightest pOSSibility
- Page 13
of GCSB control or intervention. The Echelon system
operating at Waihopai (see article elsewhere in this
issue) was designed by American I ntelligence for
American I ntelligence The American National
Security Agency did not pressure NZ into building and
operating Waihopai in order to allow NZ to control the
all-American spying software and hardware as it sees
fit.
The letter reassured the House that the GCSB
collects only foreign intelligence and has rules and
regulations that fully protect the privacy of New
Zealanders. But both Shipley and the then director of
the GCSB, Ray Parker, refused to define foreign
intelligence when asked several times in recent
years. Why? Because an honest answer would
reveal that New Zealanders would be on one end
(perhaps both ends) of countless so-called foreign
communications (faxes, emails, telexes, phone calls)
with very little likelihood of their privacy being
protected.
Appended to the PM's letter were copies of 27 and 28
April reports of Laurie Greig, the I-G. Judge Greig
says, in the first report, that "The GCSB has no
authority or enabling power to intercept private
communications in NZ between NZ citizens". This is
a wonderful red herring since the GCSB cannot
physically intercept domestic communications in NZ
because they do not travel by satellite. The GCSB
intercepts only satellite signals at Waihopai and high
frequency radio communications (mostly between
ships at sea) at Tangimoana.
When it comes to the reporting rules and regulations
(mentioned above) Greig had q uite a lot to say in his
report. "The collection and reporting rules have two
overriding and u nderlying principles. The first is that
New Zealand citizens or New Zealand entities are not
to be deliberately targeted, that is to say
communications between New Zealand citizens are
not deliberately selected for collection, assessment
and consideration. " [emphasis added. E d . ] This
statement is at best grossly misleading since the
Echelon system operates with a Dictionary of key
words. If any of those words are detected by the
computer the relevant communications are targeted,
regardless of their origins. We repeat: the system is
automated. J udge Greig makes the intelligence
A FTER. VIEW I N G AN D H E A R I N G
TH E EvW E I<i CE . . . Bon-l S I DES Of
THE SToR'!.
Peace Researcher - Issue
gathering process sound like the New Zealand spies
are a bunch of boy scouts sifting dutifully through
billions of messages and cleansing them. " The
second principle is that where there is collection of
intelligence or material in which New Zealand entities
are identified their identification is suppressed in the
finished intelligence reports disseminated by the
GCSB " This is pure fantasy in light of how Waihopai
and its Echelon system really work. The bland
assurances of the I-G are breathtaking in their
narvete (or is it deviousness).
In his report of 28 April, Judge Greig sets out seven
propositions that address the "kernel of this inquiry
which is the control of the GCSB SIGINT collection
and reporting and the extent if any by which those
activities are d riven by its partners and their
governments [sic] needs and priorities for foreign
intelligence". The first proposition repeats the old
familiar theme
Proposition 1 . There IS no access to the collection
systems at Waihopai or Blenheim [?????I i l Ed ]
other than by authorised GCSB staff No one but
authorised GCSB staff access or activate the
systems.
But Greig contradicts his own proposition with this
statement on the preceding page: "It is I think plain
that unless intelligence gathering activities are
carried out in isolation there can be no absolute
national control. The essence of collaboration and
cooperation is to give up part of that absolute control
in the interests of the benefit flowing from the results
and products of that collaboration." [emphasis added,
Ed.]
It is ironic that this blatant contradiction is as close as
Greig ever gets to the real truth about Waihopai.
There is not and cannot be absolute control of the
SIGINT activities at Waihopai by the GCSB, the so­
called parliamentary oversight committee, the I-G, or
anybody else in NZ. That control lies outside N Z and
that should worry every New Zealander.
In the face of this disappointing but predictable brush
off of our petition, ABC is considering its options for
future moves to abolish the GCSB.
--," ///
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1 11 ALLOwED
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19120 - Page 14
PR has followed for some time the saga of Richard
Tomlinson. To recap briefly - Tomlinson is a New
Zealander with dual British citizenship. A Cambridge
graduate. he was recruited by MI6, British external
intelligence, in 1 992. That was a fateful move.
Posted to Moscow under diplomatic cover, his
former Job was to trace nuclear weapons from the
fomer Soviet arsenal. I n an unnamed Middle
Eastern country (probably I ran), his brief was to
disable equipment for chemical weapons. Bosnia
was the flash pOint - whilst there, to identify war
CrIminals, he became aware of claims by a dissident
Tory MP that Serb politicians were making
donations to the Conservative Party. Tomlinson
deCided to Investigate - the most likely reason why
M I6 decided not to employ him at the end of his
three year probation, citing his tendency "to go off on
hiS own froliCS' (Listener, 24/1/98, "The spy who
spooks MI6"; Gordon Campbell),
Tomlinson decided not to leave quietly. His girlfriend
had just died of cancer; he was depressed, and
plssed off at being dismissed. He wrote letters to his
superiors, threatening to contact a "hostile Power"
(ibid) I n February 1 997, MI6 did a deal with him,
They paid him money for unfair dismissal, in return
for him handing over any secrets in his possession
and a promise not to publish. But, in April 1 997, he
reneged, flying to Sydney and offering a book
synopsis to a publisher. Both MI6 and the police
Special Branch came after him - the publisher
handed over the synopsis, which has never been
made public
After hiS return to Britain, his house was burgled and
hiS computer stolen. In October 1 997, his house and
that of his parents were simultaneously raided, with
the seizure of more files and computers. He was
arrested, charged under the Official Secrets Act with
disclosing Information gathered during his MI6
employment. and remanded in custody. His
treatment was vind ictive - he was held in a high
security prison, authorities applied, unsuccessfully,
to have him handcuffed during court appearances,
Tomlinson was charged under the sweeping Official
Secrets Act passed by the Thatcher government in
Peace Researcher - Issue 1 9120 - Page 1 5
1 989, He descr'l bed it as so sweep'lng that "I would
have been guilty even if I had disclosed the colour of
the carpets in the office" (ibid), Tomlinson pleaded
guilty, to get a lighter sentence,and was duly gaoled
for 1 2 months. He became the first British agent
gaoled for secrecy violations since George Blake,
36 years earlier. After his release he bounced all
round the world, including New Zealand, in a very
high profile attempt to find a safe haven from
whence to berate British intelligence,The spooks
and their client governments, including New
Zealand, dogged his every step, slapping injunctions
on him, harassing and intimidating him. He became
one very well known ex-spy, eventually finding
temporary refuge in Switzerland.
British Spies Worldwide (Including NZ)
Outed In Cyberspace
Tomlinson repeatedly threatened to "out" his former
colleagues, and has proceeded to do so. In
December 1 998, a Labour MP repeated in the
House of Commons his claim that the editor of the
Tory paper, the SundayTelegraph, is an MI6 agent
(an allegation h otly denied by the editor). There was
a much more spectacular outing, in May 1 999, when
an American Internet Website attributed to
Tomlinson (he denied it) named 1 1 6 MI6 agents
around the world. The list was based o n a 1 995
internal directory, The British Government managed
to get the site shut down within hours (as they had
with two other such sites) and issued a very rare D­
n otice to muzzle the British media (D-notices are
invoked to protect "State security"), But the names
and details remained published, accessible from
countries such as New Zealand, proving that the
Internet is a tough cookie to crack even for
obsessively secret countries like Britain, with its
archaic Official Secrets Act and D-notices.
And this mass outing had repercussions in
Wellington, where the name of Roger Hargreaves,
the British High Commission's first secretary and
M16's man in NZ, was published in a rather more
public way - painted u p on several city walls,
including that of the High Commission, There's
nothing unusual about Britain having spies posted
(Continued from page 15)
here - all the embassies of our major allies would
include intelligence agents. It's Just that the NZ
public doesn't often get to find out who they are.
Nicky Hager, author of "Secret Power, said that in
the course of his research, he came across
eVidence that British intelligence officers here
also are involved in recruiting New Zealanders for
Britain's covert military operations worldwide,
most prominently in Northern Ireland.
Tomlinson continues to be a thorn in the side of
MI6 - he has claimed that it was involved in the
car crash death of Princess Diana; this year he
claimed that there was a 1 992 plot to assassinate
Serb leader, Slobodan Milosevic, either by a
faked car accident, a bomb (using the local
opposition) or the British Special Air Service
(SAS)
And M 1 6 ' s older crimes are still the subject of
official secrecy - the British Government is
holding, beyond the usual 30 year limit, papers
PNlMUMMIS
. iENATE RATIFIES VISITING FORCES AGREEMENT WITH U.S. G OVERNMENT
_ _ _ __ ___ _ _ _ _ _ __ ___
F lrseveral years, PR has followed the progress
0 , and the militant mass opposition to, the Visiting
Forces Agreement between the US and the
Philippines One of the world's most successful
anti-bases .;ampaigns forced out the century old
U ; bases iSubic, Clark and co) in 1 9 9 1 /92. But
th ' VFA allows the Pentagon in the back door,
wi hout any need to maintain permanent US
b8';es in the Philippines. Essentially the VFA
op ns up all of the Philippines to the US military -
thE next best thing to actual bases - with special
rigi ts at 22 ports and other facilities. It bestows
the equivalent of diplomatic immunity on US
mil :ary personnel in the Philippines, exempting
the'n from local law. It allows in up to 2,000 US
trol'pS at a time for joint exercises (in September
1 9( 3, the first such joint exercise was held since
1 % 5 ) . And it gives effect to the 1 951 US­
Phil,ppines Mutual Defense Treaty, which had
beEIl frozen since the 1 99 1 Senate vote to not
renew the bases treaty.
But . lat was a different Senate. I n May 1 999, the
Senate (urged on by President Estrada, who as a
1 99' Senator had voted to expel the bases) voted
1 8-5 :0 ratify the VFA The five who voted not to
ratify deserve to be recorded - Senators
GUIIl .. ona, Roco. Pimentel, Osmena and
Lega: ja Pimentel said: "The VFA would enhance
Peace Researcher -Issue 19120
which would detail the role of the Foreign Office
and MI6 in the 1 965 massacre that brought
Suharto to power in Indonesia. Britain (and New
Zealand) was then in "konfrontasi" with Indonesia
along the Malaysianllndonesian border i n
Borneo. Papers publicly available reveal that the
British Ambassador assured the Indonesians that
Britain would suspend offensive military
operations, so that the Indonesian military could
press on uninterrupted in its murderous task of
physically eliminating the Communist Party (PKI)
and supporters (one of the worst massacres of
the 20th century). Of course, British intelligence
was very much a junior partner in this -
declassified U S records show that the CIA
supplied the Indonesian mil!tary with a 5 ,000
name list of suspected PKI members, and was
kept fully informed of the murder of 500,000 -
1 ,000,000 people.
Intelligence agencies need more Tomlinsons, to
blow the whistle on their dirty little secrets.
_ __ _ __ _ _ ____ ___ ________ .c_ _ _ __ .__ ___ ___ __ �
_ _ _________
the attitude of mendicancy upon our leaders
toward our colonial masters of the past, not
independence of mind, in matters of our national
development and even in matters of military
preparedness". Roco said: "It will imprison the
Filipino spirit as it deprives the Filipino of equal
protection of the law in his own land". Legarda
concluded: "It is patently unconstitutional, grossly
flawed, ominously vague, decidedly one-sided
and onerous".
The American and Philippine governments were,
of course, delighted by the ratification, with the
Americans making promises of ships and planes
to help modernise the Philippine military. The
mass opposition continued up to and beyond the
Senate vote - there were militant protests outside
the Senate and US Embassy as the vote was
taken; various people's organisations filed court
actions in an attempt to overturn it. The opposition
was very broadbased, ranging from Muslims to
the CathOlic Bishops to the Communist-led
National Democratic Front (which scrapped
peace talks, aimed at ending the 30 year old civil
war, in protest at the vote). The case against the
VFA was made most succinctly in a . large
advertisement in the Philippine Daily Inquirer
(25/5/99; "Not Welcome"), sponsored by a huge
number of groups: "Pres. Estrada and pro-VFA
- Page 16
senators say that we need the VFA to modernise the Armed Forces of the Philippines and boost
national security. But why is it after 47 years of years of military alliance with the US lie since the
1951 Treaty Ed. ], the AFP remains backward, ill equipped and unable to protect our people? A
single agreement like the VFA cannot do what so many previous agreements have failed to do. The
VFA was made for the sole purpose of advanCing the US security agenda in the Asia-Pacific. It is
deceitful and erroneous to claim that the vested interests of the only remaining superpower in the
world today , the US, are identical to that of its former colony".

Be that as it may, coloniser and colonised are back in bed together. Based on 1 00 years of past
exper'l ence , It ''s un l'lkely to be a marr'lage made in Heaven

NEW ZEALAND KEEN TO S E LL WARPLANES TO P H I L I P P I N ES

I n the good old days of the Marcos dictatorship,
New Zealand had a military relationship with the
Phili ppines - ranging from conducting exercises
Within the former US bases, to training Filipino
officers here, to selling them small items of
military equipment But never anything like
offering to sell them warplanes, That represents
a quantum leap - backwards.
In a highly controversial 1 998 deCision,
the Government ruled out buying
another frigate, but decided instead to
pay $363 million to lease US F-16 fighter
Jets. This left it with the problem of
disposing of the Royal New Zealand Air
Force's own jet fighters, the 30 year old
Skyhawks (on which 'it had spent $ 1 40m on a
1 980s upgrade), Flogging them off to the
Philippines became an attractive option,
President Estrada came to Auckland for the
September 1 999 APEC Leaders' Summit -
Lieutenant General Willie Florendo, the
Philippines Air Force commander, was taken out
to Whenuapai Air Base and sent aloft on a test
flight Estrada also went to Whenuapai. The
Philippines Air Force is completely outgunned by
China in the festering dispute about the Spratly
Islands - despite being the Americans' most loyal
military ally, it boasts a total of only five short­
range F-5 fighters, which are even older than the
Skyhawks
There is no guarantee that the Philippines will
buy New Zealand's second hand Skyhawks - in
1 998 Estrada blocked a purchase of Kuwaiti
Skyhawks But it IS an alarming prospect, which
was immediately denounced by the Philippines
Solidarity Network of Aotearoa
"Reports that the Government is trying to sell
RNZAF Skyhawks to the Philippines shows that
it has learned nothing from the decades of New
Zealand's silent complicity with the butchers of
East Timor, the genocidal Indonesian military.
The stated reason for the possible purchase is to
assist the Philippines in its territorial dispute with
China over the S pratly Islands. I n fact, the only
Chinese who have trembled at the might of the
Philippines military have been some errant
fishermen
Peace Researcher -Issue
"No, if bought, these planes will be pressed into
service doing what the Filipino (and Indonesian)
military does best - repressing and terrorising its
own people, They will be used against Muslim
separatists on the southern island of Mindanao,
where aerial and artillery bombardments
regularly produce tens of thousands of civilian
refugees (most recently, in 1 998), They will also
1 ,
be used in the 30 year old war against
the Communist New Peoples Army,
right throughout the archipelago Britain
sold Indonesia warplanes - they weren't
used for external defence, but to bomb
and strafe East Timor.
"The Philippines military is the same huge and
brutal monster as 'its Indonesian counterpart. It
is responsible for countless h uman rights
atrocities - massacres, individual m u rd ers,
torture, disappearances, destruction of property,
etc, etc, It also uses the same sort of militias that
have wreaked such havoc in East Timor -
paramilitary death squads have been a d readed
feature of Philippines rural life for decades. The
only difference is that the Western media is no
longer paying any attention to the Philippines,
naively regarding it as a democracy, What
happened under Marcos continued unabated
under Presidents Aquino and Ramos, and
continues today under President Estrada, No
wonder the Indonesian military wants the UN
peacekeeping force to include Filipino u n its -
they would feel right at home with their
I ndonesian brothers, They speak the same
language - repression and terrorising of
defenceless civilians.
"New Zealand is just starting to extricate itself
from the foreign policy quagmire it created for
itself with Indonesia. let's not have to reinvent
the wheel all over again with the Philippines
(press release, 1 6/9/99; "New Zealand Must Not
Sell Skyhawks To Philippines"; Press, 1 7/9/99),
A very u nfortunate precedent would be set if
New Zealand sells these warplanes to the
Philippines, The best way New Zealand can
show practical solidarity with the people of the
Philippines is to have no ties with that country's
military, which is the cause of so much suffering
there,
19120 - Page 1 7
 ABC Pickets Outside CUnton's State Dinner
President Clinton's State visit was only the second
ever to New Zealand by a serving US President
(Johnson came In 1 966), and the first ever to the
South Island As soon as we knew that he was going
to be making a post-APEC Leaders Summit visit to
Chrrstchurch, we decided that we couldn't Ig nore the
Commander in Chief of the US military coming to the
only city in Australasia to host a US base, I
personally was n ' t prepared to wait another 33 years
to take my message to a US President I had cut my
- "The Anti-Bases Campaign has a simple message
political teeth on two Vice Presidents (Agnew, i n
Auckland, and Rockefeller, i n Sydney) but this might
be my only President
Ti, e Juggernaut duly rolled Into town, on September
1 5 , HIs entourage of 1 ,200 ensured that H arewood
got plenty of usage by US military aircraft, including
huge Galaxies (the incompetence of Presidential
securit" was eVidenced in Auckland, where a
ha pies; chicken farmer was bombarded with wrong
numbe ' faxes g iving top secret details of security
arrangements surrounding Clinton's arrival in the
cou ntry) The White House booked out a central
Ch rrstchurch hotel - and then Cllnton didn't stay the
night, flying back to the US Instead Entirely
predictably, the NZ government fell all over Itself to
host Chnton - not a mention of lamb tariffs or trade
barriersl And the media reverted to g rovelling of a
kind not seen since 1 950s Royal tours, Perhaps it
was no cOincidence that one of the President's golf
partners In Queenstown was Mike Fobson,
managing d i rector of the 1 N L media empire and
[, u pert Murdoch's man in NZ
flBC deCided not to picket Clinton's public speech at
the AntarctiC Centre (across the road from the US
base at C h ri stchurch Airport) opting not to
Peace Researcher � Issue 19120
antagonise the thousands of school kids and other
members of the public attending, We decided to
take our message to the political event, namely his
State dinner, which was held i n the strange venue of
Air Force World, the museum that nOw is one of the
few signs of life in the semi-derelict former RNZAF
Wigram airbase We spelled out our reasons in a
press release
for the Commander in Chief of the US m i l itary whilst
he is Visiting Christchurch - get the US Air Force out
of Christchurch Airportl" , New Zealand prides itself
on being nuclear free and out of,ANZUS - but there
is unfinished business concerning our m i l i tary
relationship with the US
"For over 40 years, Chrrstchurch's Harewood Airport
has hosted a med i u m level, m u lti-purpose U S
military base, under the guise o f providing logistic
support for peaceful scientific research in Antarctica,
In fact, the Harewood base plays a vital role In
servicing the Pentagon's top priority nuclear
warfighting intelligence bases in Australia These
bases - N u rrungar and Pine Gap - have played a
vital role in every recent American war, from I raq to
Kosovo, Harewood keeps us directly Involved i n the
American military machine,
"And we have a message for B i l l C l inton's host,
Jenny Shipley - close down the Waihopai and
Tangimoana spybases, cut the Intelligence links with
the US National Security Agency, get NZ out of the
UKUSA spying agreement l NZ is the j u n ior partner
In this top secret five nation intelligence gathering
agreement The Waihopai and Tangimoana
spybases, operated by the NZ Government
� Page 18
Com m unications Security Bureau, work as sub­
contractors for the US National Security Agency,
collecting electronic intelligence by satellite and
Signals Interception NZ is neither nuclear free
nor truly Independent until we have cut these
overt and covert links With the US military and
Intelligence agencies,
C l i nton I S In NZ because of APEC - there will be
a strong anti-APEC theme to the picket,
because the issues are linked, The world's sole
superpower blatantly uses its miltary and
Intelligence muscle to secure profitable
advantage for American Big Business, the
transnational corporations that dominate the
global economy APEC aims to throw open the
Asia/Pacific region to ( u n ) free trade and
unrestricted foreign investment The US military
is used as the main enforcer of this bankrupt
Ideology",
To give it credit, the Press (owned by 1 N L) did
actually run the guts of our statement The day
itself was cold, bleak and overcast We
assembled outside the main gate of Air Force
World (having inside knowledge of when the
dinner would start) and took our message to the
thousands of rush hour commuters on the Main
South Road (plus some pedestrians who had
come to catch a g l i m pse of Clinton), ABC had
one h u g e banner, reading "US Air Force Out Of
C h flstchurch Airport", which dominated the few
seco n d s of TV news coverage We were joined
by a n Alliance candidate, p l u s members and
supporters (who weren't overly happy that three
local A l l iance MPs attended the d i n ner); Green
co-leader, Rod Donald MP and a n u m ber of
Greens (who had the best placard, reading:"
Jenny - don't swallow Bill's (GE) seed); and
Peace Researcher · Issue
one fellow, resplendent i n costume and face
paint, who was there to protest 500 years of
oppression of Native Americans, A group of very
lively and vocal Otago U niversity students had
come up especially for the occasion (they had
the best chant: "Hey, Hey, William J, Take Your
Nuclear Base Away"), Most of the placards were
about APEC All u p there were about 30 of us,
I n itially the police tried to move us away from the
main entrance, but we wouldn't go, So they gave
up and left us alone, concluding that we
constituted no threat to Presidential life or limb,
Eventually the Presidential motorcade hove into
view (it was easy to predict, as all the other
traffic stopped and an unearthly h u s h
descended), a n d Clinton h urtled past us, Just a
few metres away, a strangely disembodied head
(the interior light was on in his limousine) The
overkill was ridiculous - Iimos, cop cars, official
cars, sinister looking Secret Service vehicles,
even an ambulance, It was all too much for the
usually mild mannered Dr Bob Leonard, who
started roaring "What a bloody waste of money",
at the top of his lungs, The cops surged forward
to within millimetres of us; we pumped u p the
volume dramatically, and in a flash Clinton and
all the imperial panoply were gone, In short
order, so were we - it was too bloody cold to
hang round, We were well satisfied - it was our
first protest about H arewood for a long time; and
in a wh'l rlwind of protest throughout the country
focusing on APEC, East Timor, or Tibet (China's
President Jiang Zemin was in Christchurch that
same day), we had organised the only action
that was targeted at Clinton and NZ's continuing
military/intelligence ties with the US, It was the
least we could do,
19120 . Page 19
 Nurrungar! What's that?
"America's Space Sentinels - DSP satellites and national security" by Jeffrey T. Richelson.
U niversity Press of Kansas, 1 999. Reviewed by Bob Leonard.
The American m i litary/intelligence base at Nurrungar
in South Australia has long been an issue for the NZ
Anti-Bases Campaign. Why you might ask? Because
it is one of the major bases, along with P i n e Gap,
served by US m i l itary flights through C h ristchurch
Airport Nurrungar and Pine Gap function mainly as
down links and control stations for a m ultitude of spy
satellites. C hristchurch and NZ are thus l i n ked to the
US nuclear early warning system.
Jeffrey Richelson is a h i g h ly respected American
researcher and author on intelligence
issues. He wrote the foreword to Nicky
Hager's book "Secret Power".
Richelson's new book is a meticulously
documented h istory of the Cold War
program that created Nurrungar (and
many other stations around the globe)
and the m ultitude of space-based
hardware that it has serviced over the years. DSP
stands for the Defense Support Program that began in
the early stages of American panic over Soviet nuclear
and missile capabilities in the 1 950s.
"Space Sentinels" is vastly detailed covering technical
information on such key devices as i nfrared ( h eat)
sensors and their capabilities. Detecting heat from
explosions (both conventional and nuclear), rocket
launches and even forest fires was the job of these
orbiting sensors as they evolved in sophistication and
sensitivity. Reading through this detail can be difficult
for the non-specialist But what keeps you ploughing
on is the underlying, absorbing theme of American
paranoia during the Cold War and beyond. Writing in
a dry and objective style Richelson tells the riveting
story of the interplay among the key players in the
development of DSP - the military, the politicians and
the corporations that stood to gain immense profits
from designing a n d building the hardware.
Nurrungar was to be a key ground station in the DSP
system, and being in Australia it created considerable
"foreign-base" complications for the Americans. The
story unfolds in Chapter 4. The first agreement
between the governments was reached in April 1 969,
and the secrecy surrounding the base began. "That
month the Air Force informed Aerospace Defense
Command that 'the Prime Minister of Australia will
announce the 949 installation i n Australia as a Joint
U nited States/Australian Defence Space
Comm u nications Facility.' That the facility was the
Overseas Ground Station (OGS) for the early warning
Peace Researcher - Issue
satellite program would not be disclosed."
Pine Gap and another h u g e American base at
Northwest Cape had already been established in a
similar atmosphere of secrecy and lies to the
Australian parliament and public about the true
functions of the bases. Nurrungar added to the
growing anxiety in Australia. "Over the ensUing years,
objections to the facilities would be based on a variety
of concerns: that Australian sovereignty was being
compromised, that the facilities would be n u c lear
targets in a US-Soviet war, and that the
bases facilitated objectionable foreign and
defense policies such as nuclear war
fighting."
An anti-bases movement developed In
Australia i n response to these widely-held
concerns about the American bases.
Demonstrations were held periodically at a l l three
bases despite the great d istances involved in traveling
to the remote sites, and often atrocious weather
conditions in the outback. Even Labor Prime Minister
Gough Whitlam became an activist over the secrecy
issue. And when his utterances and prying began to
"bite" the Americans. we all know what happened to
his political career.
Public demonstrations did not pass u nnoticed by the
Americans either. " I n 1 989 the Air Force Office of
Special Investigations (OSI) had prepared a study.
classified CONFIDENTIAL NOFORN (Not Releasable
to Foreign Nationals), entitled 'Australian Anti-base
Groups'. A 1 99 1 Air Force Space Command threat
assessment noted that ' i n peacetime, the primary
unconventional warfare threat would include terrorism,
vandals, dissidents, and protest groups. . . Activity at
this level woulcl most likely be intended to harass or
cause inconvenience. as opposed to destroying the
facility or haltin» operations'."
This revelation and several others by Richelson
relating American intelligence worries about Australian
demonstrators received extensive coverage In the
Australian media when the book was published
Australian academic Desmond Ball has also been a
serious burr under the American saddle from time to
time on the subject of bases. "N urrungar has detected
and recorded data on more than 6000 Soviet missile
and satellite launches. This data is stored on
magnetic tape and sent to AeroJet for atmospheric
19120 - Page 20
density, further processing and analysis. This
data includes information on the burn-tirnes , '
burn-rates and spectral intensities of the various
liquid and solid propellants used in Soviet
missile and satellite launch vehicles at various
altitudes and under all reasonable
meteorological conditions."
(Editor's note The magnetic tapes referred to
by B a l l a lmost certainly were carried ro.u tinely
back to the US via the regular Air Force Starlifter
flights through Christchurch Airport.)
Ball's stirring included allegations that
" Nurrungar made a n attractive nuclear target"
and that data from Nurrungar (as described
above) were given to the US Strategic Defense
I n itiative (Reagan's Star Wars program). All this
of course created intensive media and public
Interest and was not appreciated by the
Americans. American Space Command even
considered closing N u rrungar if the situation
worsened.
C hapter 1 0 is entitied Desert Storm. It is
perhaps the most fascinating section of the book
in that it details the role of the D S P and
N u rrungar in providing the U S military with
Information on the launch of Iraqi Scud missiles
during the 1 99 1 Gulf war. DSP's effectiveness
was praised by both American officials and
"EN EMIES WITHIN
Papua New Guinea, Australia, a n d the Sandline Crisis: The I nside Story".
Mary-Louise Q'Callaghan. Doubleday. 381 pp; $29.95; illustrated.
Reviewed by Murray Horton
The Pang una copper and gold mine on
Bougainville was one of the world's very biggest
mines Owned and operated by a subsidiary of
Rio Tinto of Britain, the world's biggest mining
transnational (it owns Comalco here), it had been
opened in 1 972, over the strenuous objections of
the Bougainvilleans. The traditional landowners
were appalled by the enormous environmental
devastation, and the virtually zero level of
royalties paid to them. Over the years they
protested and filed huge damages claims.
Finally, in the late 1 980s, they started sabotaging
the m i ne, Papua New Guinea's biggest revenue
earner. The PNG m i litary overrreacted and soon
became bogged down in a losing war for
Bougainvillean independence, its very own
Viet n a m . The mine has been closed for more
than a decade now. FranclS Ona. the leader of
the Bougainville Revolutionary Army, told Time
( 1 0/3/97) "We truly believe that all of
Bougalnville is under threat of destruction by
these foreign companies of mining '
Peace Researcher - Issue
Australia's Minister of Defence Robert Ray.
Nurrungar is finally to be closed accord ing to
Richelson within about four years as ground
stations are consolidated and relocated to serve
a new generation of early warning systems.
"The end of the American presence at
Nurrungar may please some of those who
converged on the site for yearly protests. many
of whose cars were probably adorned with the
Anti-Bases groups' ' Radomes Go Home'
bumper sticker while they sported ' Kick the
Base' or 'Cut the Lease' T-shirts."
Jeffrey Richelson is to be commended for his
unique h istory of America's eyes-in-the-sky
program - its program to give early warning of
the final nuclear exchange. We must hope
many of those in power in America read the
book for the lessons it describes, subtly but
clearly.
Ten years beyond the end of the Cold War the
US continues to i mprove its early warning
systems, to deploy thousands of nuclear
weapons ready for immediate launCh, and to
test new nuclear weapons by various devious
means. The US Senate has just failed to ratify
the nuclear test ban treaty. N u rrungar may
close, but it is nuclear business as usual in the
good old USA
By 1 996, the PNG government of Sir Julius Chan
had secretly decided that its own brutal and
undisciplined m i litary was incapable of
suppressing the rebell i o n , and contracted
Sandline International, a shadowy corporation of
African mercenaries commanded by British
officer hasbeens, to seize the mine and d efeat
the BRA I n March 1 997, the P N G m i litary,
headed by Brigadier General Jerry S i n girok,
demanded that the contract be cancelled. the
mercenaries expelled, and the Prime M i nister
and his colleagues resign. Instead, Chan sacked
Singirok. The troops rebelled, backing their
commander, and led a joint m i litary/civilian
blockade of Parliament which forced the
resignation of Chan and others (he was amongst
those defeated at the subsequent general
election). This book provides a n extremely
detailed account of those u nprecedented events
(as far as the regional media was concerned, it
was the "East Timor" story of 1 997) See "The
Dirty Dogs Of War. Privatised Killers.
19120 - Page 21
Mercenanes. Miners and Money", PR 13, August
1997. for an mdepth account of these events and
their global context. Ed
According to this book, the worst thing about the
detention of Sand line commander, Lieutenant
Colonel Tlm Spicer. by the PNG military, was that
he missed the Hong Kong Rugby Sevens. Bad
shaw l Mary-Louise O'Callaghan was a Journalist
who covered the crisIs, the worst since P N G
achieved i n dependence i n 1 975, from the inside
and her Impeccable sources have served her well
The book reads like a thriller - too much like one.
It's full of too much extraneo�s scene setting detail.
and It veers confusingly backwards and forwards.
It is Indisputably the inside story, but too much of
that also There's not enough of the outside story,
the context It IS descriptive not analytical. Don't
reac this book If you want to learn anything about
RIO r,nto, one )f the world's I :astiest transnational
corporations. Don't read it it you want to learn
abol>\ the African crimes of Sandline, particularly in
murjerously seizing and exploiting the mineral
richES of cou ntries such as Angola and Sierra
LeOl e. Don't read it if you want to learn about how
the rnaJor Pow'?rs, such as the U S and Bntain,
hav" aided and abetted the privatisation of war in
cQu ,tnes from ;frica to the Ball(3nS (it's all about
pro ts and "pia Jsible deniability"i Unfortunately, it
dOE 3 not give L 3 The Big Picture, to use the cliche
so oeloved of our "globalists". ' -his is the New
W( rid Order. Well spoken tr. ugs killing and
bo nbing for h re, with a nice lat cheque and
(liHally) a gold !nine as payment
This use of mercenaries by transnational
c rporatlo n s , particularly m i n i n g transnat l onals.
, ld their client governments, has become
, :Jmmon in Africa, and is the logical development
Jf corporate feudalism By the
1 990s, there we e over 90 private
armies active if Africa To give
one example - n January 1 993,
Canadian company Ranger Oil
spent $C30 m l lion financing a
' cleanup" operation in the
Angolan petrochemical city of
Soya by Executive Outcomes, a
South African rnercenary army
(" Executive I ncomes" might be a more appropriate
name) These products of apartheid operated on a
simple maxim throughout Atric;) - Harpers
(February 1 997) quotes the relevant crder in Sierra
Leone as being "Kill everyonel" According to a
' renowned strategist and war theoretician"
("Press", 2712/9 7 1 "Much of the day to day burden
of defending so�iety against the threat of low
Intensity conflict Villi be transferred to the booming
security bUSiness and indeed the ti,",e may come
Pe",;e Researcher - Issue 19120
when the organisations that comprise that
bUSiness will. like the condottieri of old (mercenary
armies led by military entrepreneurs) take over the
State".
The whole thfng was a textbook study in arrogance
by public schoolboy killers - from the childishly
machismo company name (ever since the G u l f
War, m ilitary wet dreamers have talked o f drawing
"a line in the sand" ) , to the mentality of the
mercenary commanders who must have watched
too many repeats of "Dad's Army" and had
obviously taken at face value Corporal Jones'
mantra: "The fuzzy wuzzies don't like cold steel,
they don't like it up 'em", One of the more comical
sequels to the whole squalid fiasco was to be
found amongst the inventory of Sand line's arsenal
seized by the Australians. It included several lawn
mowers - which gives a whole new dimension to
the long established British m i litary tradition of
mowing down the natives.To their great s u rprise, It
was the hired m u rderers who found their own lives
In danger (very much so in Spicer's case),
comprehensively surprised, routed and kicked out
by Operation Rausim Kwik, the m i l itary rebellion
headed by Jerry Singirok. To add insult to injury,
they were routed by the very same PNG m ilitary
which, had caused so much of the Bougainville
crisis i n the first place. Nor had these m i litary
geniuses thought through their plan - if they had
succeeded i n capturing and reopening the
Pang una mine, that would have been far from the
end of the matter but simply a return to Square
One, with militant landowners determined to close
'tt down aga'l n by any means, including war, N o r
h a d they considered t h e political ramifications - a s
i t was, the Sand l i n e crisis brought down the C h a n
government a n d l e d to t h e extraordinary situation
of the nation's POliticians being besieged in
Parliament
The region owes the people of
P N G a big vote of thanks - they
rose and physically chucked out
the mercenaries, forced the
Government to back down, and
voted out the politicians
(including the PM) who were
responsible The rnercenaries
fiasco provided the
breakthrough to the present peace settlement on
Bougainville. The people of one of the world's rnost
"primitive" countries defeated the world's biggest
mining company and its local agents. And they did
so with a minimum of bloodshed. Not one Cruise
missile or smart bomb was requ i red.
• Page 22
 "The Power of People"
(How N!!lson Province became nuclear-fr!!e) by W.J. Foot!!.
Reviewed by Greg Jones.

As will says ih the first chapter, 'The mouse that
roared': "The purpose of this extended essay is
simply to chart how Nelson Province became
nuclear-free and in doing so became part of the
most significant, the most life-affirming act in our
short history."
Essentially, Will describes the campaign frem the
visit of the US destroyer, Turner Joy, in October
1 980 through to 1 991 . Much research is in
evidence, as the hames of the committee
members of even the most humble peace group
is listed.

In what Will describes as his last book, he writes 'The Power of People' shows how dedicated,
with his usual wit and explains how the 'nuclear­ passionate and strong-willed 'ordinary Kiwis' were
free' movement started in people's homes able to change the attitudes of the law-makers in
moving upward and outward through this country, through a campaign based on the
neighbourhood, community and local political philosophy of 'act locally, think globally'.
groups to eventually arrive at the steps of
Parliament I'll leave Will with the final word

Here is a booklet that must be read, not only by "Nuclear weapons, conventional
everyone interested in the history of the 'peace' weapons, war itself must be
movement in Aotearoa/NZ, but by those keen to consigned to the dustbin of
be involved in grassroots/community-based history. There's only one thing
projects. that will do it - The Power of
People."

�- -----'"--""-'--"'--'-'"'��----- --
I
i Diana Ingram, Australian Peace, Anti-Bases and Human Rights Campaigner

DIANA INGRAM
October 8, 1 948 to June 3, 1 99 9
: The following is a Tribute to Diana from the Australians who knew her best.
i

The rainbow flag of the peace movement draped
Diana I ngramis coffin as her family and friends
farewelled this handsome, gallant woman who
had played such an influential role in Australia's
peace m ovement and later in care for ex­
prisoners and the homeless.
Born Diana Chapman, she was adopted with her
sisters Barbara and Alison by the Howlett family,
growing up in Granville.
Diana excelled at sport, particularly swimming,
and she was a pioneering woman surfer, owning
and riding a Malibu board in the early 1 960s.
She worked on the Randwick trams before
marrying an Englishman, Michael Ingram, when
she was 18 Together they had three children,
Paul and John born in England and Caroline in
Sydney.
By the mid-1 970s she had decided that the
English class system was not for her Children and
so the family returned to Australia.
Diana went back to university, studying arts/law at
Sydney University, taking baby Caroline with her
to the lectures when she couldn't afford a
babysitter. She never cornpleted her final year,
perhaps because she felt that becoming a lawyer
would mean working for people rather than with
them. Diana would never have wanted to be

Peace Researcher - Issue 19/20 - Page 23

separated from the mass of the people.
Involvement in student activism of the 1 970s led to
an awareness of the horrors of nuclear weaponry
and a passionate commitment to the peace
movement, particularly nuclear disarmament.
Even though deeply committed within the anti­
nuclear and peace movements, Diana celebrated
her love of the environment with her children and
extended family during camping holidays and
sailing trips. She engendered a love of the natural
world in them and all those who met her. Her love
of the sea and her commitment to change saw her
becoming an integral part of Greenpeace during its
Australian infancy and Di represented the
Australian office on the organisation's i nternational
board during this time.
After her time with Greenpeace, she helped found
The Sydney Peace Squadron. From confronting
nuclear warships on Sydney Harbour to keeping
the books, running the shop and other fund raising,
Dlana was there, a real backbone of the
organisati o n . S h e was a fearless media
spokesperson for The Squad"
" and often
organised legal aid for arrested protesters. Diana
was one of many in the group who dreamed of one
day buying a boat but she was the one who went
further, taking navigation and other courses.
In 1 988 she sailed to Mururoa as part of the
protests against French nuclear testing. She just
missed her goal, being blown back by huge gales.
Her love for the Pacific led her further to a respect
for and comm itment to the rights of the indigenous
people of the region, including Australia's
indigenous people.
In 1 990 she toured Aotearoa-New Zealand as part
of a delegation committed to the removal of US
nuclear war fighting and intelligence bases there
and in Australia. She was an activist in many of
the significant anti-nuclear campaigns in Australia:
she was at the Roxbury anti-uranium protests, the
action to close the US base at Nurrungar in the
South Australian desert in 1 989 and the huge Palm
Sunday and Hiroshima Day marches in Sydney in
the late 1 980s. She was the full-time organiser for
two of the H i roshima Day marches at this time.
Early in 1 99 1 she took a leading role in the
campaign to stop the US bombing of I raq and she
marched at the head of a 60,000 strong protest
rally through Sydney streets.
Towards the end of the same year she joined
thousands of others in Canberra in a campaign to
stop AIDEX, a n international arms bazaar. With
mass arrests taking place as peace activists
struggled for 24 hours a day for almost a week to
close down the merchants of death. Diana was
Immovable at the police centre, organising legal
Peace Researcher - Issue 19120 - Page 24
representation and giving much needed support to
the exhausted protesters in the cells.
Diana worked at the Breakout activist Centre as
their office co-ordinator for several years, moving
more into criminal justice issues. She worked on
the campaign to free Tim Anderson , later
becoming a Justice Action case worker. She
visited the worst sections of the toughest jails in
NSW bringing her sense of outrage into lonely
dark cells. Her gentle strength gave confidence to
prisoners while brutal governors quailed at her
entry. Prisoners would threaten them: "I'll ring Di
and sort you lot out!"
Whether in court or through vigorous discussions
with bureaucracy, Di selflessly a n d steadfastly
organised for "her men" from the Resamen office
in Trades Hall, speaking out for the homeless, for
alcoholics and ex-prisoners, men who otherwise
had so little support.
Eight years ago she discovered she had breast
cancer. She faced this with her usual courage and
determination, writing her famous action plans to
change the hospital system and her health. As
always with Di there was a cause. Diana worked
several days a week despite failing strength right
up until she admitted to hospital for the last time.
Many will remember her. Others who never met
her will benefit from her work for peace and justice.
• •
Bob Leonard sent the following message via
Zohl de Ishtar to the funeral for Diana.
Dear Zohl,
I'm writing for alf of us in the Christchurch Anti-Bases
Campaign. We remember Diana for her enthusiastic
participation in the 10-day Anti-Bases Tour of Aotearoa
in November 1990. We visited the four foreign bases in
the North and South Islands. That included an "assault"
on the US Navy nuclear missife targeting observatory in
a snowstorm, 4000 feet in the mountains of
Mar/borough. We had to climb all 4000 feet in the cold
and wet - Aussies, Kiwis and many Pacific Islanders. I
have a wonder photo of Diana and several other very
wet, cold activists on the descent from the base, The
pOlice thought we could all collapse of hypothermia,
We didn't know Diana for long in 1990 and we haven't
kept in contact, except through mutual friends and
activists. But we wiff miss her grealfy, as a friend,
supporter, and activist in very troubled times.
We send our sincere sympathy to alf of Diana's family '�"
and friends at this very sad time.
Yours in solidarity,
Bob Leonard, Melanie Thomson, Murray Horton, Moana
Co/e, Greg Jones, Becky Horton, Yani Johansen and
Warren Thomson
,
� --'

ULCIE STaCKER
1 92 1 -1 999
Dulcie Stocker - Peace and Social J u stice C a m paigner

A Tribute from M u rray Horton

Dulcie Stocker. who died In J u l y 1 999. aged 77, overcome by emotion at h e r funeral a n d h a d
was one of the unsung heroines of Chnstchurch difficulty finishing h i s speech). S h e w a s active i n
and of the broader New Zealand progressive t h e R e storative J u stice N etwork (Father J i m
movement I only knew her In the last decade or Consedine. its chief proponent officiated a t her
so of her life. but I'd known of the Stacker family funeral). "0 Stocker" was a very regular
as a vital part ot the local peace movement for at correspondent to the Press to quote from her
-

least 20 years Firstly, we knew them through obituary i n The View From Corso (September
their son, Scott, who was active In the campaign 1 999): "These letters were remarkable for their
to d e m i litarise H a rewood and the whole gamut of generosity of spirit and thell remarkable ability to
peace and anti-nuclear issues that so get straight to the pOint and stick to it" S h e never
transformed New Zealand In the 1 980s. ABC h a s actu ally belonged to ABC or subscribed to Peace
a wonderful b i g lami nated Press photo o f u s a l l in Researcher, being qUite happy to get our
full regalia for our 1 986 Spies Picnic at material via the Sumner Peace Group B u t s h e
Harewood, protesting the US Air Force flights was the most generous o f supporters - for years
through Christchurch to service the U S spybase she pledged $25 per month to the CAFCNABC
at Pine Gap, Austra l i a . Scott is in the front row. Organiser Account, which provides my income.
The family confronted the US m i l itary at She did this light u p until the month she d i e d ,
considerably hotter global flashpornts too - at despite having h a d several t h o u s a n d dollars
D u l c l e ' s funeral, It was recounted how they frozen i n the collapse of the Lyttelton Credit
visited North Korea in the early 1 980s and went Union Nor was she generous only with money
to the n o rthern side of the border. Apparently one time, she gave me a load of firewood.
young Scott shouted inSUlts at the US troops on
the southern side but Dulcie was in tears. The group that was Oulcie's greatest passion
because they were h u m a n beings too. and was Corso. S h e was a volunteer there for more
shou l d n ' t be treated like that Scott left than 40 years She and Peter worked hard on the
Christchurch ( h e ' s now a Nelson teacher) so house to house collections until they were
then we got to know his parents. F i rstly, his father discontinued, I n 1 989, for the last decade of her
Peter, who was by then a retired National life, s h e came Into Corso's C h ristchurch building
Airways COI-poration pilot He was into everyth ing (WhiCh, in age a n d temperature, could have been
in the local peace movement and. by dint of h i s used a s the original meat freezer) several times
bald h e ad surrounded by p u re white h a i r a n d a week to d o receipts. and other administrative
eyebrows, w a s impossible t o m i s s . Peter died Jobs T h i S is where I saw her most Her Corso
suddenly ill 1 990 - he was a great loss to hrs obituary described her as the "moral centre" of
family and the wider commu nity C h n stchurch Corso. The home m a d e bran
muffins she brought along to mariouts to share
We got to know Du!cle after Peter's de3th She with others were as legendary a s they were
was a com plete stalwart of the peace movement delicious. Dulele never wavered from Corso,
partic u l a rly of the S u m n e r Peace Group (she had despite a l l its internal and external upheavals of
belonged to it for decades). ThiS group deserves the last couple of decades S h e was rock solid
its own accolades - it remains one of the few And h w devotion to Corso permeated every
surViVing peace groups anywhere Ir1 N Z : It IS aspect of her life and death. S h e refused to
active; it puts Its money where its mouth IS. a n d . accept birthday presents from her kids. asking
on the s u bject of mouths, i t h a s provided s o m e of tilelfl to ma'.e a donation to Corso Instead. At her
the most mouth watenng d e sserts a n d other funeral, the request was for 110 flowers but a
treats for fundralsers and events that ABC h a s donation to Corso In stead
p u t on over t h e years. T h e S u m n e r Peace Group
has been one of our staunchest supporters Du!cie worked !n all sorts of other groups.
despite the ravages of age and deaths ( D u ! cie s ranging from the Alliance to her Union e h u rcl-, to
was only the most recent) She was a lynchi" 1I of rnvolvement In the fiercely contested battles to
the group preserve the character of Sumner and Redcliffs
Sr� w')!"ked tirelessly from hOG;? ringinq
S!v"� 'JIJrked with L arry Ros� C!::lj (:'10 net'ivo; k l [ y
', orgar' i s : r q , wntin9 lE'ti0fS,
Nu:::;jear ;-'ree Pedc!?rT'akmq Assoc:ati'Jn ( he 'N8S c;nj h a n d deil'/erinq ttl1"igS tJ ie>"0rboxp:: aii over

Peace Researcher � Issue 19120 - Page 25

Sumner and Redcliffs. She did all this, throughout
the 1 990s, despite her seriously deteriorating
health. She had heart trouble and had to travel to
Dunedin for surgery (as so many did before
Christchurch got its own heart unit). I n her last
years of life, I used to wince when I saw her - she
was so skinny and tiny, with such obviously bad
blood circulation and difficulty breathing. Yet she
continued to drag herself into Corso to work as a
volunteer, and to involve herself in all the issues
of the world, from the arms trade to anti­
colonialism.
In the midst of all this, Dulcie had a full and active
life. Born Dulcie Watson in Christchurch in 1 92 1 ,
she was ed ucated at Christchurch Girls High
School, from whence she acquired her lifelong
love of history and languages (in later years she
studied Latin, French, Spanish and Maori by
correspondence). I n 1 938, she began a nursing
career that lasted nearly 1 5 years. She was a
District N u rse, and her social conscience was
sharpened by working in the wop wops of the Far
North and East Cape, riding a horse or driving to
reach remote and impoverished Maori
communities in the 1 940s. To quote from Scat!:
"For a girl raised in 1 920s and 30s Christchurch,
who had h a rdly seen a brown face before, this
was a huge change. And she loved it". In 1 949,
she went overseas, travelling to England and
Europe, long before it was the done thing for
young, single New Zealand women - she
hitchhiked around Europe with long distance
truckies. Homesickness brought her back after 1 5
months, and she took u p her last District Nurse
post, at Takaka. It was there that she met Peter
Stacker (whose most famous courting manoeuvre
was to ring Dulcie and say "Nurse, nurse, come
quick, my baby has swallowed a kapok
mattress"). They married in 1 954, and settled in
I Dulcie Stocker
Peace Researcher - Issue
Christchurch, Dulcie giving up paid nursing. They
had everything in common except religion - Pete
was agnostic; Dulcie's Christian faith was central
to her life.
She was an internationalist to an extent most
unusual in a pakeha of her generation. She lived
in Brunei when Pete worked there. They regularly
visited Samoa and adopted several children of
d ifferent races and nationalities - there was a
strong Samoan presence at her funeral. When my
wife, Becky, first arrived from the Philippines eight
years ago, Christchurch was a strange and cold
place. She initially worked as a Corso volunteer -
she remembers Dulcie going out of her way to
make her feel welcome. To the end of her life,
Dulcie always insisted on me telling her how
Becky was.
Dulcie hated being the centre of attention, she
was extremely self effacing. Speaker after
speaker at her funeral made this point, and it
wouldn't have been possible to honour her in her
l ifetime. The greatest compliment that could be
paid her was that nobody had a bad word to say
about her. She was the sort of person who is
absolutely invaluable in any organisation -
cheerful, tireless, a dedicated worker, intelligent,
perceptive, and above all, warmly human. She will
be greatly missed by the movement We extend
our deepest sympathies to her children - Paul,
Jonathan, Julie and Scott Let Scat! have the last
word: "My mother was a loving, warm, wise
caring, funny and brave woman. She was
extraordinarily tenacious and a wonderful mum.
She leaves a huge hole in the lives of her family
and friends. However, she would hate us all to sit
around feeling sad and sorry, so to a l l of you
reading this keep up the good fight!".
- 1921 - 1999
I
19120 - Page 26
 Miss M . K. Steven - ABC/CAI=CA Benefactor
MISS M.K. STEVEN
1 99 1 2 - 1 999
By Murray Horton
Now you might think that the above is a pretty
impersonal heading for an obituary. Not at all, it's
exactly how its subject would have wished it. When
she first became a member, she was known to us
only as M . K. Steven, so we didn't even know what
gender s h e was. Eventually we did solve that
mystery and Bob Leonard and I actually got to meet
her at a seminar. We asked her how she wished to
be addressed - "Miss M.K. Steven" was the answer,
and she was adamant that she did not wish to be
called Ms. So that's as much as we ever found out
about her in her lifetime, despite the fact that she
lived in C hristchurch. So, when an August 1 999
Press obituary was published about a Marion Kerr
Steven, I was oblivious to its significance. I am
indebted to Bob for realising who it was about.
Miss Steven came to Peace Researcher and the
ABC from the Peacelink mailing list, in the early
90s. We i nherited some of its subscribers when it
ceased publication. She remained an ABC
member until her death , and a particularly generous
one. From December 1 994 until May 1 999, she
donated an extraordinary $ 1 ,950 to the
CAFCAIABC Organiser Account, which provides
my income. This was on top of donations to both
organisations. She also went on to become a
member of the Philippines Solidarity Network of
Aotearoa and was a generous donor to that.
So who was Marion Kerr Steven, 86 year old
mystery woman and benefactor par excellence?
She may have been unknown to us, but she was
extremely well known to others. I am indebted to her
Press obituary ( 1 918199; Michael Rentoul) and to a
lengthy obituary in the University of Canterbury
Chronicle (219199; Ms Alison Holcroft, Department
of Classics).
She was born in Stratford in 1 9 1 2 , one of the local
doctor's four children. He expected his children to
follow h i m into medicine and Marion obliged. After
being Dux of New Plymouth Girls' High School at
only 1 5, she went to Otago U niversity Medical
School, a n d was one of the youngest women in
New Zealand to qualify for medicine, aged 23, and
topping the class in her final year. She graduated in
the early 1 930s and won a scholarship to Middlesex
Hospital i n Britain. "When the medical patriarchy
found that she was a woman, they withdrew the
offer. A notable brush with controversy came at
Otago , when Ms (sic) Steven became involved with
a university supervisor. One friend says that when
Ms (sic) Steven was 'found out' she was forced to
give u p h e r chosen career. She later moved to
Peace Researcher · Issue 1 9/20 - Page
Christchurch where she spent the rest of her life"
(Press). However, one door shuts, another one
opens. Upon arrival in 1 938, she became a student
at Canterbury University College, working part time
in the Library and studying Greek and Classics.
From 1 942 until her retirement in 1 976, she taught
Classics, finishing as a Reader. Classics had
always been her first love, so the shift from
medicine wasn't too traumatic.
She was a much loved lecturer. As one former
student commented: "She was so passionate about
the Greek language and everything to do with the
Greeks and she wanted to share it with you. She
was just so alive and interesting, the most alive and
interesting woman I've ever met" (Chronicle). Her
particular passion was Greek art, particularly
pottery. I n 1 950, she married James Logie, the
University's registrar - they became known for their
dinner parties for visiting academics and their
appearances at the U nivel'sity Ball. He was the love
of her life, but he tragically died of cancer, after only
six years of marriage. They didn't have children,
and she didn't remarry. His death left her a wealthy
woman and she set up a memorial collection of
Greek vases, the world class Logie Collection,
which rernains in the Classics Department to this
day, is used in hands-on teaching and is open to the
public. She personally funded and participated in
archaeological digs in Cyprus, being particularly
delighted by a Taranaki newspaper headline that
read: "Taranaki Woman To Evacuate In Cyprus".
She had an eccentric side - she once told Alison
Holcroft, who knew her for 35 years: " Look normal
in a few ways and you can get away with anything
you like" (Press). She regularly opened her home to
students, professors and visiting scholars,
bestowing the fruits of her garden upon them as
well. "She is remembered for cycling around town
on her old fashioned black bicycle (I can definitely
relate to that. MH), on occasion even carrying a
Greek pot in a shoe box on the carrier. I n later years
she cycled everywhere. After the heart attack in
1 976 which forced her retirement, her doctor
recommended a little light exercise. Swimming and
cycling would be beneficial, she was told. One
wonders if the doctor was aware that Marion
interpreted this as rneaning she could happily cycle
. . . on occasions as far as the QE1 1 pool, swim 30
lengths and cycle home again" (Chronicle). She had
a very active retirement, for example, attending
every Court Theatre production , and compiling a
collection of several thousand detective novels,
including valuable first editions - this has been
27
bequeathed to the U niversity Library.

She sounds a fascinating woman, one I regret not having known or even really met. In many ways a
pioneering woman, one who suffered cruel discrimination from the patriarchy, but who went on to
stamp her indelible mark in her chosen field. All we can do is thank her for her great generosity, and
be grateful that she could fit us into her catholic range of interests, ranging from Homer to Hercule
Poirol.

Miss M.K. Steven - 1 9 1 2 - 1 999

OUT OF A JOB

Auckland Unemployed Workers Rights Centre C loses

1 983 - 1 999
By Murray Horton

1 999 has sadly seen the closure of the Auckland
Unemployed Workers Rights Centre (AUWRC).
AUWRC was always into action, of the most
direct k i n d - it built a well earned reputation for
being at the cutting edge of the radical Left. It
was heavily into practicality, being an integral
part of the superb central city Auckland People's
Centre, offering a huge range of services for the
unemployed and working poor AUWRC also
had its own publication, the much appreciated
Mean Times, which went free to the several
thousand members of the People's Centre, and
on an exchange basis with publications such as
Peace Researcher, It got straight to the point -
my favourite regular section was its "Maggot of
the Month",
Sadly, AUWRC hasn't closed because its work
is done. When it opened, i n 1 983,
unemployment stood at 1 00,000. Now it has
doubled, AUWRC closed because of dwindling
financial and human resources, an all too
common problem i n the Left The rest of us
should be thankful that it lasted 16 action
packed years. The People's Centres (there are
three of them in greater Auckland) are
continuing, and AUWRC's key people, including
Sue Bradford, have certainly not been lost to the
movement (Holmes Show obituaries
notwithstanding, reports of Sue's retirement are
greatly exaggerated). They were key organisers
in the campaign opposing the APEC Leaders
Summit, in Auckland; Sue herself is the Green
candidate for Rodney this election (the
Bradfords live near Wellsford).
AUWRC were the militants, who took a very in­
your-face approach to their targets, banging
their heads figuratively and literally against the
palaces of the mighty (in Sue's case, all too
often having her head banged against any
nearby solid object by the hired knucklemen of
the mighty). You name it, AUWRC had a full on
demo against it the unemployment
bureaucracy, Governments both Labour and
National, the Business Round Table, Jenny
Shipley, the Asian Development Bank, the
Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting,
the Beyond Dependency conference,
conferences to attract foreign investors, Their
demos were always accompanied by wonderful
songs and street theatre (in 1 997 they toured
the country with " proper" theatre and very good
it was too). They paid a fearsome price for this
militancy - police bashings (leading to serious
injury in some cases), innumerable arrests,

Peace Researcher - Issue 19120 - Page 28

court cases and Imprisonment. They never gave
up - on Holmes, Sue couldn't remember how
many times she'd been arrested and/or roughed
up by the cops The media always personified
AUWRC as Sue, but she was far from alone -
there was her husband Bill, their kids (so, no, not
all children of radicals grow up to be bank
managers), Caroline Hatt, Karen Davis, Ivan
Sowry, and many, many others too numerous to
mention.
ABC was proud to be their comrade In arms. They
never took the soup kitchen a pproach to
unemployment; they resolutely condemned the
charity model and welfarism in general. Both
AUWRC and the Peoples Centres demonstrated
how the poor and unemployed could proudly
stand on their own two feet (Shipley and co want
them to do that too, but only so that they can sell
off the chair from under them). AUWRC always
said that the root cause of the problem is our old
DONATIONS FROM JOHN CURNOW TRUST
ABC g ratefully acknowledges the generous
donation of $750 from the Father John Curnow
Memorial Trust An identical donation was made
to the CAFCNABC OrganiserAccount, which pays
M urray Horton to work for both organisations. The
Trust was wound up and its funds disbursed, after
eight years of funding various progressive causes.
Announcing its impending winding up, the Trust
called for applications for its funds. We were
amongst the lucky ones - quite a number missed
out altogether.
It is a p p ropriate that ABC should be one of the
recipients of Curnow funds. John, who died in
1 991 (aged 71), was an active supporter of ours
and our predecessor, Citizens for Demilitarisation
of Harewood. We worked together on the
international campaign to rid the Asia/Pacific
region of US bases - his speciality was the
Philippines. He was one of the founders of (the
former) Ploughshares, a Christchurch group of
Catholic clergy and laity that regularly held
protests at the American base at Harewood,
against NZ military spending, and against NZ's
involvement in the 1 991 Gulf War.
He was a driving force in the progressive wing of
the Catholic Church, his most prominent position
being executive secretary of the Commission for
Evangelisation, Justice and Development. He was
a leading figure in the Christchurch-based
Catholic Commission for Justice, Peace and
Development (since closed down by the Church
h ierarchy. See PR 2. Ed. ). He was instrumental in
securing Church funding for ABC's 1 990 Touching
The Bases Tour. He never aspired to high clerical
office, preferring to keep working at the grassroots
as a priest Of course, for his trouble, he attracted
Peace Researcher - Issue
mate - capitalism and sd about sticking it u p the
capitalists with guslO .
ABC a n d AUWRC hac a special relationship
(actually. in one case, a long distance personal
relationship). In the early 90s we had several
meetings of an informal radical activists' network
- in Nelson. Picton, Wellington, and at Whatipu, a
wildly beautiful spot at the entrance to Manukau
Harbour. These were to build links, to familiarise
ourselves with each others' issues and styles of
work, to break down the single issue approach.
We became good mates and comrades i n the
truest sense of the word. They were very valuable
meetings.
The Rights Centre and all it stood for will be sadly
missed. But thanks for everything you've done,
thanks for having the guts that so few others
exhibited, thanks for all the fun, and thanks for the
great memories.
great opprobrium from reactionaries, both inside
and outside the Church.
John was involved in all the big issues. Through
his Church connections, he networked with the
Maori nationalist movement. He fought the good
fight against apartheid, as did so many other
progressive Catholics. He personified
internationalisrn, travelling and working on every
continent. I n fact, he d'led 'I mmediately after getting
home from the Marshall Islands. It was Asia in
general, and the Philippines specifically, that was
his greatest love. He first visited that country in
1 9 7 1 , and went again many times. 1 00 people
attended a memorial Mass in his honour in Manila,
when he died in 1 99 1 . He was the inspiration
behind the 1 984 New Zealand Solidarity
Conference on the Philippines, in Wellington, the
first of its kind anywhere in the world. Essentially
he founded the Philippines Solidarity Network of
Aotearoa.
In a nutshell, John was our friend and colleague.
We are deeply grateful that we are able to benefit
from his posthumous generosity and will ensure
that the money is put to good use.
John C u rnow
1 9120 - Page 29
(The relevant extract from Murray's report to the September 1999 AGM of the Campaign Against
Foreign Control of A otearoa - CAFCA).

I am co-employed by the Anti-Bases Campaign, but it is no secret that CAFCA work takes u p the great
bulk of my time. My main contribution is as co-editor of Peace Researcher - Bob Leonard and I aim to get
out three issues a year Warren Thomson laid out one issue whilst home from Thailand, but is now back
teaching i n Bangkok indefinitely. PR is a much smaller undertaking than Watchdog, with a smaller mailing
list, and a d ifferent emphasis (in some areas we overlap, such as Aziz's court case against the SIS). ABC
has had its most active year for a while - in late 1 998, we held another national strategy session in Picton.
In a first, it was attended by two MPs - Labour's Tim Barnett and the Greens' Rod Donald. We ran a tour
of Waihopai (from the outside only), complete with vegetarian sausage sizzle, and got a respectable
number of Blenheim locals along. For the first time in years, courtesy of Rod, we were legally allowed u p
to the spybase's inner gate to present our petition to him. The petition had been open for a year, calling
for the abolition of the Government Communications Security Bureau and the closure of its Waihopai and
Tangimoana spybases. It was Bob's project and despite the fact that he was recovering from serious
surgery, he (almost literally) busted his guts to be there for the presentation It got good local media
coverage - the Mar/borough Express is considerably more sympathetic to us than it used to be. The
absence of Bob and Warren meant that the task of organising that Waihopai action fell on the rest of the
ABC committee - myself, Melanie Thomson, Greg Jones and Yani Johanson. Needless to say, the
I ntelligence and Security (non-Select) Committee rejected the petition . But we are undaunted, Bob is
back in the saddle and, in January 2000 (our Millen nium project?), we are organising our first full
Waihopai demo in three years - since Waihopai Warren went overseas, in fact

There have been other ABC activities this year Melanie and I attended the National Peace Workshops
at Riverside Community ( Motueka) and we both ran workshops. ABC was fully involved in the mass
campaign against the various SIS amendrnent acts arising from Aziz's court case. We put in submissions
on both, and I presented our first one by megaphone at a protest outside the SIS's Christchurch office.
That case has now been settled out of court, but ABC remains keen to keep going some sort of campaign
on intelligence agencies. We organised a video evening to screen an excellent Australian TV
documentary on the global electronic spy network, of which Waihopai is but one part (the Mar/borough
Express gave major coverage to that documentary's revelations, even interviewing an ex-spy from
Canada. The Press ignored the whole thing, choosing to leave Waihopai stories in its regional edition,
which is not included in the main paper). We invited all Christchurch election candidates from Labour, the
Alliance and Greens - only two of the latter attended. We have also written to all candidates from those
parties throughout the country giving information and urging them to break NZ's remaining military and
intelligence ties with the US. Most recently we were the only group to organise a protest action specifically
targeting President Clinton during his State visit - we picketed his State dinner in Christchurch. It was our
first action about the Harewood base for a long time - our banner said: "US Air Force Out Of Christchurch
Airport". We combined it with anti-APEC placards (earlier this year, the ABC committee joined an anti­
APEC picket at the airport, greeting delegates arriving for a Ministerial meeting. We clearly see the links
between these issues). It was a small picket, but included one MP (Rod again) and Dunedin students who
had especially come up for it So, ABC is alive and kicking.

CAFCAlABC ORGANISER ACCOUNT 1 998199

Opening statement balance ( 1 /4/98) $5,979

Closing balance ( 3 1 /3/99) 4,985
Net change in balance over the year -994
Balance at 22/9199 $6,262
Total Income for 1 998-99 $ 1 9,732
Total Expenses 20,726
Difference $994 excess of spending over income
24% of income one-off donations; 76% as pledges with just over 30 regular pledgers.

Murray Horton

Peace Researcher - Issue 1 9120 - Page 30

This is the letter ABC sent to aI/ Labour,
Alliance and Green candidates.
The Anti-Bases Campaign is
writing to e lectorate and list
candidates from Labour, the
Alliance and the Greens to urge
, an incoming Centre-Left
government to tackle head on the
issue of New Zealand's
continuing secret membership of
the UKUSA Agreement. Break
the remaining ties that bind us to
a global spying and war making
alliance. Let's be an independent and
honourable nation, not a Junior partner of the
U S , doing its dirty work in our little allocated
corner of the world. We think .it's time New
Zealand stopped spying on our neighbours, and
helping the major Powers spy on everyone
(including us)
existence. The Tangimoana and Waihopai
spybases, administered by "our" Government
Communications Security Bureau (GCSB) are
New Zealand's contributions to its
global eavesdropping. Waihopai
is part of the global Echelon
programme (which automatically
computer scans billions of phone
calls, faxes, e-mail, etc, for key
words). Increasingly these
agencies, headed by the U S
National Security Agency, are
spying on trade negotiations and
business deals, in the interests of
the big Powers and their transnational
corporations. There are major implications for
NZ farmers and businesses.
We also have a wealth of matarial on our very
own American military base, namely at
Christchurch Airport

New Zealand's most secret and binding pact is
the UKUSA Agreement, the 50+ year old signals
and e lectronic intelligence gathering agreement
that divides up the world between the US, UK,
Canada, Australia and New Zealand. No New
Zealand government has ever admitted to its
This is a very important issue, New Zealand is
neither nuclear free nor out of ANZUS until
these bases are dealt with. We want to see
Waihopai and Tangimoana closed; the GCSB
abolished; and Harewood demilitarised,

About Peace Reseatchet

Peace Researcher is published three times a year by the Anti-Bases Campaign,
Christchurch. The editors are Murray Horton and Bob Leonard (Warren Thomson is
currently on overseas leave). Our layout technician is Melanie Thomson. Our journal covers
a range of peace issues with emphasis on foreign military bases and intelligence topiCS.
Contributed articles will be considered for publication based on subject matter and space
requirements We are particularly interested in reports of original research on peace topics
i n Aotearoa and the wider region of Australasia and the Pacific. Our address is:

Peace Researcher
P.O. Box 2258
C hristchurch
Aotearoa/New Zealand
e-mail: catca@chch.planet.org.nz

Peace Researcher · Issue 1 9120 - Page 31

 ·. · .
21
The Waihopai electronic intelligence gathering base
is located i n the Waihopai Valley, near Blenheim.
First announced in 1 987, it is operated by New
Zealand's Government Communications Security
Bureau (GCSB) in the interests of the foreign
Powers grouped together in the super-secret
UKUSA Agreement (which shares global electronic
and signals intelligence between the intelligence
agencies of the US, UK, Canada, Australia and NZ).
%
..
�
�
prepared to camp out; be self sufficient We are
planning a range of activities. Don't be afraid of
being arrested (as has often been the case at past
Waihopai demos) - there will be plenty of non­
arrestable, non - confrontational activities.
We need people, money, and publicity.
• •

Its two satellite interception dishes (shielded from I want to take part in the weekend of protest!
public view by giant domes) intercept a huge
volume of telexes, faxes, electronic mail and
Name:
computer data c0mmunications. It gathers this data
from our Asia/Pacific neighbours, and forwards it on
Address:
to the major partners in the UKUSA Agreement,
specifically the US National Security Agency. Its
Phone/Fax/E-mail:
targets include international communications
involving New Zealanders. The second and newer
dish enables Waihopai to phonetap, including New I enclose $20 per person registration to cover
Zealanders' international calls. It spies on our costs: Yes/No
neighbours, people such as the Bougainvilleans
and Timorese. I want to make a donation to the Waihopai
campaign: _____

New Zealand is an integral, albeit junior, part of a

global spying network, a network that is ultimately
accountable only to its own constituent agencies,
not governments, and certainly not to citizens.
It does not operate in the interests of New
Zealand or o u r neighbours. To a l l intents a n d
purposes, it i s a foreign spybase. Waihopai is
not in the public interest, therefore it must be
closed.
We invite people from around the country to join us
at the weekend of protest at this spybase. Come
I can help with publicity in my area or network:
YeslNo
I want to join the Anti-Bases Campaign. Annual
membership is $20: Yes/No
CLOSE THE WAIHOPAI SPYBASE NOW!
Organised by the Anti-Bases Campaign,
Box 2258, Christc h u rch.
E-mail cafca@chch.planet.org.nz
Make all cheques to ABC.

Subscribe to Peace Researcher

Peace Researcher is the newsletter and journal of the Christchurch Anti-Bases Campaign. If you would
like to join ABC, please fill in the form below. All ABC members receive Peace Researcher.
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Peace Researcher - Issue 19120 - Page 32