Bloomfield, Morton-Joachim of Flora A Critical Survey of His Canon, Teachings, Sourcesm Biography and Influence

JOACHIM OF FLORA: A Critical Survey of his Canon, Teachings, Sources, Biography and
Influence
Author(s): MORTON W. BLOOMFIELD
Source: Traditio, Vol. 13 (1957), pp. 249-311
Published by: Fordham University
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27830347
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JOACHIM OF FLORA
A Critical
of his Canon,
Survey
and
Biography
By MORTON W.
Sources,
Teachings,
Influence
BLOOMFIELD1
4
significant and influential figures of the renaissance of
'
the twelfth century, though not mentioned by Charles Haskins
in his monu
mental work of that title (Cambridge 1927), was the Calabrian Joachim of
Flora, a man who contributed nothing directly to the revival of science, to
One
of the most
a knowledge of Greek or Latin antiquity, or to the rise of a secular attitude.

of Haskins'
work, however, since
Long before the date of the appearance
and
in fact, Joachim's name was associated with the Renaissance,
Michelet
in the early years of this century this link was emphasized by Burdach and his
followers. He is supposed to have done more to orient men's minds towards,
and to have aroused expectations of, a coming new age in the later Middle
1 The
Club
text of this article
of New
York
published
Le moyen
on
Joachim:
?ge
58
von Fiore
(M?nstersche
these,
whose
is based
in March,
(1952)
1956.
Jeanne
145-61
Recently
excellent
'Travaux
Neue
Grundmann,
ed. J. Trier
to the Medieval
by the author
oeuvres de synth?se have been
sur Joachim
de Flore,'
r?cents
and H.
Forschungen
The
517-29;
G. E.
A Critical
Survey,'
I do not think I am either reduplicat
Although
I am indebted
to these three works.
contributions,
Southern
15 (1874)
Magazine
'A Forerunner
Troutbeck,
393-404
and
of St. Francis
and After 52 (1902)

140-52; Anon.
Goodrich?),
(A.T.S.
of Floris and the Eternal
The Church Quarterly
Gospel/
article
of several
ed. L. Elliott
and Henry
Bett,
books);
London
Binns;
1931) provide
a very
important
chapter
in History:
The Theological
devoted
Meaning
Joachim
be added.
their important
ing or superseding
to our Abbot
The
before
in English
literature
devoted
exclusively
E. Reeves,
Dr. Marjorie
is not extensive.
Frederick
Holmes,
George
Flora,'
?ber
To
1950).
Marburg
7 (1932) 257-82,
Speculum
Grundmann;
of Flora:
'Joachim
should
delivered
two
Bignami-Odier,
and Herbert
Forschungen
La Piana,
George
title I have echoed,
on an address
Joachim
'Joachim
of Assisi,'
and
the
recent
the Joachites,'
The Nineteenth
of Calabria:
Prophet
17-48
Review
65 (1907-08)
'The
of Flora
Medieval
of
work
of
Abbot
'Joachim
ibid.
Century
Joachim
(a review
Churchmen,
(Great
Karl L?with
has recently
the major
examples.
in his
to Joachim
inaccuraries
however)
(with minor
the
of History
(Chicago
1949)
Philosophy
of
Implication
145-59.
in this paper: AFH
abbreviations
will be used
(Archivum
francis
special
et litt?raire du moyen ?ge), ALKG
doctrinale
AHDL
d'histoire
historicum),
(Archives
storico per
des Mittelalters),
und Kirchengeschichte
ASCL
(Archivio
(Archiv f?r Litterature la Lucania),
zur Geschichte
und Theologie
des
der Philosophie
la Calabria
BGPT
(Beitr?ge
des
Instituts
MF
?ster
MIOG
f?r
(Mitteilungen
francescana),
Mittelalters),
(Miscellanea
The
following
canum
de
des religions),
RHR
RTAM
(Recherches
(Revue d'histoire
Geschichtsforschung),
ZKG
Summa
ancienne
et m?di?vale),
ST (St. Thomas
(Zeit
theologica),
Aquinas,
ZWT
ZKT
Theologie),
(Zeitschrift
f?r katholische
(Zeitschrift
schrift f?r Kirchengeschichte),
?
additional
The symbol ** at the end of a footnote indicates
f?r wissenschaftliche
Theologie).
came to my attention
in the course of proofreading
information which
an4
bibliographical
reichische
th?ologie
which
is assembled
below,
pp.
309-10,
250
TRADITIO
one wishes to go as far as Burdach went2

than anyone else. Whether
I
do
not
wish
to do so), it is at least true that his works
(and myself certainly
and the works associated with his name helped to create the ferment that
was eventually, in a few centuries, to make men feel that they were in a new
era of rebirth and that a period of darkness lay behind them.
Ages
The problems connected with Joachim ofFlora are numerous and involved
and have generated much heat and even fire. Today, after some hundred
years of scholarly investigation, we are still far from having answered many
fundamental questions about this influential figure. The facts or at least
the basic
facts must
be known before we can assess Joachim's
role in intellec
tual history, and until they are established as far as is possible, much of our
work must be in the dark. Of the five basic factual questions which can be
are his intellectual antecedents,
asked of any writer or thinker in history?what
who is he, what did he write, what did he say or mean, whom did he affect
(questions of background, biography, canon and text, intellectual position,
and influence)?only
the last has been answered of Joachim with any thor
and
confidence. We do know a great deal about Joachim's influence
oughness
on the world, his relations to the
and the prophetic
Spiritual Franciscans,
But on
and apocalyptic
literature of the late Middle Ages and Renaissance.
the other questions, we find conflicting answers among the authorities and
even violent disagreements?and
many blanks, some inevitable and some not.
These five basic questions cannot be ultimately separated from each other,
for often our answer to one turns upon what the answer is to another. For
of presentation, however, we can try to keep them apart. My
here
is not to answer these questions, which at present would be
purpose
convenience
impossible anyway, but to summarize briefly our state of knowledge on each

of them?or at least the first four?, to raise what seem to me pertinent sub
questions that lead towards more exact answers, and to make some suggestions
as to possible answers. Finally I hope to make some tentative generalizations
about
Joachim's
significance on the basis
of this summing-up.
I
Although the question of sources comes first in time, perhaps I may be for
given if I break the order I have established, to deal firstbriefly with Joachim's
2
et les milieux
de Flore
courtois
Joachim
1931) 12ff.
Anitchkof,
(Rome/Paris
Eug?ne
as a precursor
H. Grundmann,
attacks
of the Renaissance.
Burdach's
theory of Joachim
und der
von Floris:
zur Kulturgeschichte
des Mittelalters
Studien
?ber Joachim
Beitr?ge
Renaissance
(Leipzig
of the Renaissance;
Karl
sance
and Berlin
see
also
the role of Joachim as a forerunner

1927) 5 n. 6 also questions
in
of Joachism
views
of Burdach's
the measured
criticism
I: Der Streit um der Renais

Die Weltwiedergeburtsidee
in den neueren Zeiten,
Borinski,
und die Entstehungsgeschichte
der historischen
und
Renaissance
Beziehungsbegriffe
Mittelalter (SB Akad. Munich 1919,Heft 1) 15ff,
OF
JOACHIM
251
FLORA
third andfourthgeneral subjects?so that we may then more

the matter of sources, biography and influence. What
forward
profitably bring
did Joachim write and what did he say ? To these let us first turn our attention.
All authorities are agreed that the Concordia novi et veteris Testamenti*
in Apocalypsim5 and the Psalterium decem chordarum are Joa
the Expositio
chim's basic works. They are also agreed that two very influential works
canon3 and views?the
to him in the past and sometimes still spoken of as his are

at least thirty years after his death (in 1202)?the
apocryphal
in Isaiam.1 These two may have
inHieremiam* and the Expositio
Expositio
often attributed
and written
on Jeremiah
had
and
Isaiah
of the Commentaries
nature
the unauthentic
on Joachim's
canon
in the century
earlier
(see note 6), the pioneer work
recognized
'
zu Anagni,'
aeternum
und die Commission
Das Evangelium
was done by Heinrich
Denifle,
6. For recent
in Kirchenlexicon
article on Joachim
1 (1885) 90ff. See also F. Ehrle's
ALKG
'
Joachim de Flore,' DThC
8.1429ff.; Emil Donckel,
works on Joachim's
canon, see E. Jordan,
'
'
AFH
von Cosenza,
O.F.M.
des Fr. Telesforus
?ber die Prophezeiung
(1365-1386),
Studien
du
sur
de
la
manuscrits
deux
'Notes
Jeanne
26 (1933)
Biblioth?que
50ff.;
Bignami-Odier,
'
et d'his
de Flore,
des trait?s in?dits de Joachim
contenant
d'arch?ologie
Vatican
M?langes
Although
been
toire (?cole
joachitische
and
fran?aise
Literatur
unreliable
book;
de Rome)
(Freiburg
see the
von Floris
und die
Joachim
J. C. Huck,
211-41;
(1937)
190ff.
127ff.
and
im Breisgau
organized
(a poorly
1938)
64
in Theologische
review
Literaturzeitung
by Grundmann
?
de praescientia
the Dialogi
minor works
two of Joachim's
54
has printed
[1939] 176-8. Huck
electorum
et praedestinatione
Dei
[pp. 278-87]
from MSS
in Apocalypsim
Paris,
Enchiridion
from MS
B.N.
lat.
Padua
2142
Bibl.
and
Anton.
Vatican
322, and the

lat. 132
Reg.
are apparently
Both texts
exists in another version.
however,
[pp. 287ff.]. The Enchiridion,
Gioacchino
'Gli inediti dell'abate
'Gli inediti'
inaccurate
3-4]); L. Tondelli,
[see Tondelli,
F.
Russo,
Grundmann
Herbert
15-31;
Bibliografia
12
ASCL
(note 1)
da Fiore,'
1-12;
(1942)
of an
Florence
di bibliografia
(A modernization
italiana;
1954).
(Biblioteca
gioachimita
a
of
covers
wider
course,
It
6 [1936].
in ASCL
range,
which
earlier bibliography
appeared
canon and is the most useful extant guide to writings
by and on Joachim
than Joachim's
work
and canonical
A definitive
bibliographical
in spite of its errors and
impr?cisions.)
to the
It is an absolute
cries out to be done.
preliminary
on Joachita
and ps.-Joachita
edition of all his works.**
for definitive
long hoped
4
seu Breviloquium
super concordia novi
of this work, called Summula
is a summary
There
in Russo's
of which
(p. 20) should be added
Bibliography
et veteris testamenti, to the MSS
or
of a 14th-century
the work
It is probably
1150.
Spanish
MS Egerton
British Museum
a
Minorite.
Sicilian
Joachite,
possibly
6A
in E. B. Elliott, Horae
in English
is available
long summary of parts of the Expositio
London
ed.
4
on
the
1862) 384-422.**
or a Commentary
(5th
Apocalypse...
Apocalypticae:
in Venice
6 Printed
Benalius
Bernardinus
1525;
in Venice
1516;
Soardis
de
by
Lazarus
by
three
work was
that this pseudo-Joachite
printed
It is noteworthy
1577.
and in Cologne
three
of
of
Joachim's
each
a
as
to
single printing
times in the sixteenth
compared
century
in
both
and
for
the
Psalterium,
1527
and
Concordia
the
Expositio
for
works
(1519
major
fols. 125r-v.
Concordia
is probably
5.107,
the
Jeremiah
root
of
The
Commentary
Venice).
'
kri
is D. Baur,
Friederich's
and Isaiah Commentaries
The classic article on the Jeremiah
zu
Commentare
von
Floris
Abt
Joachim
dem
zugeschriebenen
der
tische Untersuchung
of their
a history
Friederich
449-514.
2 (1859)
gives
349-63;
ZWT
und
Jeremias,'
Jesajas
for the first time that they
and showed
of their contents,
good summaries
interpretations,
of Joachim.
could not be genuine works
7 Printed
by Lazarus
de Soardis
in 1517
in Venice,
252
TRADITIO
been written by disciples or followers of Joachim in southern Italy between

1240 and 1266, although a possible Franciscan
authorship cannot be com
on
out.
It
ruled
The
Jeremiah was especially popular.
pletely
Commentary
is obviously directed against Frederick II. It praises and criticizes the Cis
tercians under symbols such as the Pharisees and speaks of new orders sym
by the raven and the dove which Noah had released from the Ark
true
(the
Church).8 This supposed prediction was taken by the Dominicans
and Franciscans
to refer to themselves,9 but it is of course post eventum. It
is based on the idea, in genuine Joachite writings, of the new orders of spiri
tual men which were to dominate the new age. It attacks Constantine's Do
bolized
nation and the evils of the Church much more openly and violently than Joa
chim ever does. The Jeremiah Commentary was extremely popular and helped
to make Joachim's reputation as a successful prophet.
The Dominicans
and especially the Franciscans pushed these supposed pro

Joachim
in
of
phecies
regard to their Orders10 as a means of raising their prestige
and overcoming the charge of novelty frequently levelled against them. Yet
if Joachim's name helped the friars, they in turn, whom he had apparently
predicted, helped his reputation. This mutual benefit along with the general
hostility of the Church to Frederick II11 helps to explain the great popularity
of the Commentary on Jeremiah.
Among the more extensive minor works, the De articulis fidei, the Tractatus
and the Adversus Judaeos are universally accepted
super quatuor Evangelia,
as genuine. The first two have been
and
satisfactorily edited by Buonaiuti
are
in
the
In
two
fact
these
works
handsomely printed
past thirty years.12
8 I am
of the Jeremiah
given by Marjorie
following the recent interpretation
Commentary
19 (1951) 360ff.
'The Abbot
and the Cistercian
Joachim's
Reeves,
Order,'
Disciples
Sophia
sees in it a work of the radical Franciscans
The older interpretation
and its criticism mainly
directed
their conservative
brethren.
too early for
The date c. 1240 seems however
against
it to have
the work,
from Franciscan
emanated
as
of the raven
issuing
and the dove,
Dr.
Reeves'
in the south
commentary
also
are strong.
She sees
arguments
of Italy. Besides
the symbolism
uses the pairs Esau
and Jacob,
Joachim was thought, on the basis largely

Ages and early Renaissance
the rise of the Austin
also predicted
friars; see A. Possevini,
Apparatus
in 1660, goes much
de Lauro,
further in his Magni
1606) 102. Gregorio
to have
2 (Venice
sacri...
the Jeremiah
order
etc.
and Benjamin,
Joseph
9 In
the late Middle
of this work,
circles.
from the Florensian
bead Ioannis
Ioachim...
and in a reductio ad absurdum
proves
divinique
prophetae
(Naples),
Austin
that the Abbot
the advent
of the Dominicans,
Carmelites,
Franciscans,
predicted
!
as well as the subsequent
Theatin es, and Jesuits
Friars,
history of the Cistercians
10
is even supposed
to have done the mosaics
of St. Francis
Joachim
and St. Dominic
in St. Mark's,
II Gioa
Venice.
See Jordan,
8.1440
DThC
and F. Campolongo,
'Joachim,'
chinismo
11And
nella
his
12 Tractatus
Fonti
per
'
storia
seed,
super
la storia
'
e nelVarte
as with
quatuor
d'Italia
1930)
(Naples
Peter John Olivi
Evangelia
67; Rome
20-1.
in the last decades
di Gioacchino
1930)
and De
da Fiore
Articulis
of the thirteenth
century.
storico
(Istituto
fidei di Gioacchino
da Fiore
italiano,
OF
JOACHIM
253
FLORA
accessible of all of Joachim's writings. For his three major works,

are still forced to rely on early sixteenth-century books presented in a
most unattractive and hard to read format.13 In fact one of the pressing needs
the most
we
of Joachite
studies at present is a scholarly modern edition of these basic

It is hard to know when we may expect them, although Grundmann
has been reported for a long time to be working on this task.
works.
there are a large number of small works on which varying attitudes

have been taken and whose authenticity is difficult to establish beyond ques
Then
in Apocalypsim
tion. The Expositio
one of which
has several appendages,
is a 'testament' in form of an introductory letter.14 In it, Joachim (if he wrote
it, as seems likely)15 submits all his work to the correction of the Holy See.16
Even if the testament is not genuine, I think no one can question the genuine
(ibid. 78; Rome
Antoniano
XIV,
See
1936).
322,
the critical
il testo
reviews
Tractatus
dei
by Ezio
'
Franceschini,
super quatuor Evangelia

in Archivio
di filosofia
9 (1935) 481-92 and G. Ottaviano

Aevum
Fiore,'
13 Dr. Reeves
Studies
in the Reputation
and
in her dissertation,
Joachim
of Fiore,
(University
chiefly in the 15th and 16th centuries
Il codice
di
padovano
Gioacchino
1 (1931)
Influence
of London
da
73-82.
of the Abbot
1932) 93ff.
a center of Joachim
shown why Venice
interest in the
(see above note 6) was especially
It was there that a bitter quarrel
centered
the
between
late 15th and early 16th centuries.
has
called upon as an authority.

The mosaics
ambitions
mot to speak of Venetian
political
cum expositione
The edition of the Oraculum
abbatis
could use prophecies.
which
Cyrilli
in Venice
work
in 1516, fols. 51v-54v,
a pseudo-Joachite
printed
Joachim,
by de Soardis
to have been found in Mestre
which were
small prophecies
several
contains
supposed
just
of Venice.
outside
14Also found in the
in the printed version
of the Concordia.
Inasmuch
prefatory material
I am not sure, but following Russo's
the MSS,
as I have not been able to examine
biblio
Augustinian
in St. Mark's
friars and
were
and
canons,
no doubt
Joachim
a further
was
stimulus,
seu Introductorius
I think there are a Praefatio
own knowledge,
de
Donnino's
Introductorius
to
be
confused
with
Gerardo
San
Borgo
(not
calypse
in Apocalypsim,both
see below p. 295) and an Enchiridion
of which
nal Gospel;
of the Apocalypse.
MSS
of the
chim's theories and his interpretation
However,
graphy
be masquerading
and two works may
differences,
surprising
is partially
of the Enchiridion
printed by Huck
(see above,
is apparently
itself which
to the Expositio
introductory
epistle
some
show
One
and my
version
is an
Testament.
as genuine, and
If it can be accepted
own attitude
us a picture
of Joachim's
for giving
blems of his canon.
See Tondelli,
Da
Gioacchino
I think
to the Apo
to the Eter
sum up Joa
Enchiridion
under
note
3).
that
Then
Joachim's
title.
there
so called
it can,
it is very valuable
not only
the Church but for deciding
towards
pro
e contrasti
a Dante, Nuovi
studi ?
Consensi
of the Vatican
in his catalogue
sage comments,
Reginenses,
(Turin 1944)
on MS Reg.
lat. 132, fols. 49v-95v.
16
in his article
'Gioacchino
da Fiore,'
Italiana
Questioned
Enciclopedia
by Mario Niccoli
others.
17.148
and
regards Joachim with disapproval.)
(Niccoli
(Treccani)
16 Joachim
aware
of the possible
in his interpretation
was
well
and
dangers
probably
we do not hear
submitted
to papal
and no doubt
method
judgment.
Although
sincerely
62-63
and Wilmart's
before
of papal
disapproval
is possible
that in his attack
became
aware
of strong
in fact the contrary

Council,
(see below
which may be an early production,
Lombard,
to his views and his skirting of heresy.
the Lateran
on Peter
opposition
p. 292), it
Joachim
254
TRADITIO
ness of this attitude, which

Lateran Council.17
after his death was
Fourth
expressly mentioned
by the
rule attributed to Joachim has

Recently a commentary on the Benedictine
been published, and the editors offer strong reasons for assuming its authen
ticity.18 This interesting opusculum has had an important role in one of the
quarrels which has raged around Joachim inmodern times, for in it there is an
overt slighting remark about Peter Lombard, and it was precisely in defense
of the latter that the Fourth Lateran
Council, held by Pope Innocent III
in 1215, condemned certain views said to be contained in a work of Joachim's
on the Trinity.19 Now, Foberti believes that Joachim never attacked Peter
at all, but that the Trinitarian writing attributed to him was a for
gery by disgruntled Cistercians who wished to blacken the name of one of
their sons who left the Order and established a new one.20 Consequently,
in
Lombard
Foberti's
rule is not genuine.

view, the commentary on the Benedictine
us
to
the
work
lost
Foberti
is wrong), the De
Joachim
brings
by
(if
essentia seu unitate Trinitatis21 inwhich the Lateran Council says he attacked
This
17 ' ...idem
sua nobis
Sedis judicio
mandaverit
apostolicae
in qua
manu
cui
approbanda,
corrigendp;
epistolam
propria
subscripsit,
se illam fidem teuere, quam
fi
firmiter confitetur
romana
cunctorum
tenet Ecclesia,
quae
'
est et magistra,
mater
22.981-2
IV Lateran
Council c. 2 inMansi
deJium, dispor erte Domino,
=
1.1.2.
IX, Decretals
Gregory
18
inedito de Joaquin
de Fiore: De vita sancti Benedicti
'Un tratado
Baraut,
Cipriano
omnia
Joachim
scripta
seu etiam
et de officio divino
F.
secundum
Gioacchino
Foberti,
assignari
dictans
eius doctrinam,'
studi
Nuovi
da Fiore:
sacra
Analecta
critici
tarraconensia
sulla mistica
24 (1951) 3,3-122.
in Calabria
e la religiosit?
its authenticity,
while J. C. Huck,
9; Florence
1934) 98 ff. denies
it.
(note 3) 6-7, 18ff. and 169ff. defends
see Mansi
the text of the condemnation,
loc. cit. Many
scholars
and the Decretals
?
see in this condemnation
a very important
in the history of Western
landmark
thought
Sansoni
storica
(Biblioteca
von Floris
Joachim
19 For
a sign of papal
for the kind of thinking exemplified
which was to flower
in Lombard
approval
Le mouvement
See J. de Ghellinck,
scholasticism.
in 13th and 14th-century
th?ologique du
'
xii* si?cle (Paris 1914) 160ff., esp. p. 163; 2nd ed. (1948) 263ff., 266; M. D. Chenu,
Le dernier
en occident
au xiiie
Pelzer...
de la th?ologie
orientale
si?cle,' M?langes
Auguste
de Louvain,
et de philologie8
de travaux
Recueil
d'histoire
26; Louvain
(Universit?
1947)
'
der Analogie
Die Reichweite
Grund
als katholischer
177-81; and above all, Erich Przywara,
15 (1940) 339-62;
between
508-32
and
Joachim
form,' Scholastik
(who does not distinguish
?
sees pantheism
the Joachites
a judgment
I find hard to support).
and who
in Joachim
20
in
in various
articles
and notes,
but most
argued
Vigorously
presented
completely
e il Gioacchinismo
da Fiore
Gioacchino
da Fiore, Nuovi
studi (Florence
1934) and Gioacchino
avatar
(Padua
has
pointed
the Southern
argument.
Cistercians'
21
Matthew
first work
suggests
As
1942).
acutely
Italian
far as
I know,
out,
op. cit.
Joachite
Foberti
the De
essentia
no
one,
but,
as Jeanne
Bignami-Odier
recent work
(note 8) on
some support to Foberti's
of the
seventeenth-century
suspicions
(see note 23).**
it under the year 1179, which would make
it an early if not the
in ZWT
See below p. 263 on its date. Friedrich,
(note 6) 350 n. 3
was
but this is most
the first book of the Psalterium,
unlikely
op. cit.
Bignami-Odier,
role in the condemnation
Paris puts
of Joachim's.
converted
(note 1) 153 and 161, Dr. Reeves'

movement
after his death has given
159
also
notes
of Joachim
JOACHIM
Peter Lombard.
OF
255
FLORA
There was
certainly a copy of the work in the papal library

at Avignon.22
It seems to have disappeared
completely. No one, as far as I
rather preposterous
know, has supported Foberti's
charge of a Cistercian
forgery, and per se it is hard to believe, although we do have some evidence

from the 1190's of Cistercian antagonism to Joachim.23 Ottaviano
especially
has shown that there is very early evidence shortly after the holding of the
Lateran Council that Joachim's followers were upset by the Lateran condem
nation.24 But
they did not (as they certainly would have, if they had thought
the charge was a falsehood) repudiate the condemned views as falsely attri
buted to their master.25 However,
references
except for some ambiguous
The
contra Lombardum
Liber
Ottaviano
Carmelo
even
its editor
at all.
Joachim
(Reale
from Oxford
MS
Accademia
Balliol
Studi
d'Italia,
he does not carry his
admits, although
It may be a Joachite
attack
296, noted by Denifle,

e documenti
3; Rome
scepticism
on the Lombardian
to be carefully
studied
in the
22 See
La
Maurice
Faucon,
fran?aises
28 The
1934)
to the title page ?
edited
is?
by
as
not by
it needs
although
position,
of the 12th century.
light of the Trinitarian

disputes
librairie des papes
I (Biblioth?ques
d'Avignon...
et de Rome
125 (No. 361).
43; Paris,
1886)
d'Ath?nes
and
des
?coles
to Joachim
as the cause
is old
idea of Cistercian
of his condemnation
hostility
da Fiore
Gioacchino
Vabate
(see Giacinto
florense e le nuove ri
[? Archicenobio
d'lppolito,
cerche storiche sulla vita del grande Calabrese],
storico [Cosenza
Saggio
1928] 155). Manrique,
see his Cister
of the Cistercians,
this antagonism;
historian
seventeenth-century
recognizes
seu verius ecclesiasticorum

annalium...
the year
1188 (III.
iv
(Lyons 1649) under
is of course the threat of censure
and Brother Ray
There
issued to Joachim
11, p. 211).
in 1192.
See below p. 293.
of the Order
nerius by the Chapter
24 'Un nuovo documento
intorno alia condanna
di Gioacchino
da Fiore nel 1215,' Sophia
'
3 (1935) 476-82 and the later Un documento
di Gioacchino
da Fiore
ciensium
n.
e Filosofia
semestrale
d?lia Facolt?
di Lettere
Rassegna
Gymnasium:
'
answer to Ottaviano
di Catania
2 (1949) 291-94.
See Foberti's
N.S.
in Nuo
di Gioacchino
va illustrazione
da Fiore
nel 1215,'
del documento
'
5 (1937) 46-52, and Ottaviano's
ibid. 53-58,
Just recently, however,
Postilla'
Sophia
reply,
'
I discovered
P. Francesco
Un documento
after this paper was written,
sulla condanna
Russo,
di Gioacchino
20 (1951) 69-73, which very successfully
da Fiore nel 1215,' ASCL
impugns
nel
1215,'
delV
Siculorum
Universit?
document
the genuineness
of Ottaviano's
in which
Peter
Casan.
(from MS Rome
1411),
as a devil.
For one thing the document
is dated April
the
Lombard
1215, whereas
appears
its deliberations
of that year.
until November
There
are
Lateran
Council
did not begin
other
but all this does not make

non-existent
and difficulties,
Foberti's
a
reality.
forgery
the Joachites,
as it reflected
on the
bothered
of Trinitarian
accusation
heresy
of the Abbot's
in
and his theory of history, which were the only elements
prophecies
inconsistencies
Cistercian
25 The
truth
even if it is later than 1215,

his teachings which
interested them. The Ottaviano
document,
As Dr. B. Hirsch-Reich
still provides
for this point.
has pointed
evidence
out, the aggressive
'
'
to Vespers
errore procul haeretico
in the Antiphon
in honor of
sung in Calabria
phrase
on this point. William
of St. Amour
in his De Antichristo
further evidence
Joachim provides
uses
pect.
the Lateran
Miss
Lucy
as
condemnation
Allen
Paton,
evidence
Les
Prophecies
2 (The Modern
th?que Municipale
of Rennes
York
Series 1; New
and London
1927)
189-90
be sus
Joachim
everything
argued must
de Merlin,
edited from M.S.
593 in the Biblio
that
Language
points
Association
out that
of America,
Monograph
the author of the Merlin Pro
256
TRADITIO
in his other works, especially the Psalterium,

and the brief allusion in the
on
we
the
Benedictine
not
do
rule,
Commentary
possess the substance of
Joachim's views, and it will therefore always be possible to question them.
In any event, St. Thomas26 took Joachim's views seriously enough to discuss
them and to say that Joachim did not understand Peter Lombard. This inter
pretation is quite possible, as Joachim was by no means a systematic thinker
nor at all scholastic-minded.27 In part at least, I think, Foberti was motivated,
as others at other times have been,
by the desire to clear Joachim of the sus
picion of heresy. A number of scholars have considered him a heretic, although

his Trinitarian views alone have been
formally condemned by the whole
Church and his other teachings only by a provincial synod at Aries in 1263.
Fourth Lateran
Council stressed his profession of assent to the faith
of the Roman
Church;27a Innocent
III,28 Honorius
III,29 and Gregory
The
as a covert
1250 and 1279) emphasizes
the orthodoxy
of Merlin
phecies
(written between
of Joachite
criticism
prophecies.
26 On St.
see Ernst Benz,
of Joachim,
III: Thomas
criticism
Thomas'
'Joachim-Studien
von Aquin
de Fiore, Die katholische
und Joachim
Antwort
auf die spiritualistische
Kirche
'
53 (1934) 52-116.
und Geschichtsanschauung,
ZKG
St. Thomas
to his biographer
according
of Tocco
I 667) took
(AS, March
his errors in the text he was
enough to read him carefully

seriously
Trinitarian
attack on Joachim's
using. Aquinas'
4
essen
is that Joachim
views may be read in ST 1 q. 39 a.5 (the core of his objection
confused
nouns
nouns
of
God.
stated
that
with
when
Joachim
tial'
speaking
apparently
'personal'
essence
essence
in
to
stress
his
the
of
the
of
three-ness
the
endeavor
begot
unity.
reality
William
and underline
See
below,
ST
2.1 q.
on his
p. 264);
106-108,
esp.
q.
idea
Joachim
of a third age
106 a.4
and
in De
(although
potentia,
he does
q.5.
not mention
his name),
in
9 ('Non
enim legi evange
on whether
the date of the
a.6 ad
and
ad perfectum
succedit,
quae
adduxit');
can be predicted,
in ST 3 suppl. q. 77 a.2 (on this last point see below, notes
'
as a prophet,
wrote
233 and 234).
St. Thomas
On Joachim
Joachim
qui per tales conjec
vera praedixit
et in aliquibus
turas de futuris aliqua
In
lib. IV sent. dist.
fuit,'
deceptus
licae
status
alius
end of the world
43 q.l
which
a.3.
See
is devoted
his Expositio
to a discussion
also
in decretalem
of Joachim's
secundam
Trinitarian
(Parma
ed.
theory
and
16, Opusculum
20)
a defense
of Peter
It gives us some knowledge

of Joachim's
and should be studied
arguments
he was
to some extent
also
St. Bonaventure,
influenced
although
by Joachim,
carefully.
his views on the Trinity, In lib. I sent. dist. 5 a.2.q.2,
dub. 4 (Quaracchi
ed. 1.121).
attacks
in Hexaemeron
See also below note 83. Grundmann
views Bonaventure's
whole Collationes
Lombard.
on Joachim,
on Genesis
and
as an attack
mentary
Paradiso
27 See
is to some
the Concordia,
Book V, which
especially
of the Creation
the account
und Joachim
('Dante
14 [1932] 232ff.)
Deutsches
Dante-Jahrbuch
extent
von
a com
Fiore,
zu
X-XII,'
to the Expositio
are by chapter
and verse of
9.Iff. (f. 130v) (references
Expositio
of Gratian
and folio). Joachim also was suspicious
law.
the Apocalypse
when possible,
andCanon
27a See note
17.
28 ' In
nullo tarnen per hoc Florensi monasterio,
extitit institutor, vo
cujus
ipse Joachim
'
c. 2 in Mansi
lumus derogari.
IV Lateran
Council
22.981-2.
29 See
von Floris
Joachim
III even defends Joachim's
J. C. Huck,
(note 3) 267-8. Honorius
to
the
of Bisignano
in
of
the Bishop
letters
and
Cosenza
general
orthodoxy
Archbishop
(see Charles
VII
101-02;
du Plessis
and
Collectio
I [Paris 1728-1736]
121); AS, May
d'Argentr?,
judiciorum
dei romani ponte/ici
in Domenico
Taccone-T.
Gallucci,
Regesti
apparently
OF
JOACHIM
257
FLORA
founded,
respect to the order?the Florensians?Joachim
it
In
from
it
case,
any reproach.
any
may be said
exempted
IX30 all showed much

and
specifically
that none of Joachim's
extant works has
the Church.
In 1346 apparently
to open canonization
ever been
formally condemned by
by some of Joachim's
an attempt was made
partisans
proceedings.
There are a number of other minor works, including two interesting poems31
on the next world which may have influenced Dante and which may be ge
nuine, but I shall not discuss them here.
The last work to be mentioned
is in some ways the most exciting ?
the
in his autobiography33 ?
Liber figurarum.32 Salimbene
which, incidentally,
is full of references to the Abbot and which shows his great impact on the
Franciscans ?
alludes to a book of drawings or figures by Joachim/4 The
genuine works and the Jeremiah and Isaiah commentaries are also frequently
illustrated by tables and figures in the manuscripts
and printed editions.
One of the manuscripts, Dresden A.121,is
notable
for its illustrative
especially
came
a
it
as
But
and
made the whole
drawings.
totally unexpected surprise,
of illustrations35 fall into place, when Monsignor
problem
chiese di Calabria
alle
review
of Niccoli's
7 (1937)
ciscans, ASGL
80 A most
ardent patron
AFH
20
esp.
(1927)
221-22
Anagni
(Rome
1940),
in Venice
a number
printing
in 1516
the Pope's
celesti and De
and
F.
not been
Italiana
of the Florensians.
presso
obtained
81 De
I have
1902) 133, which

in the Enciclopedia
88-89.
(Rome
articles
21
RTAM
De
septem
(1954)
231-32
sigillis
should
which
and
Gallebaut,
'
Le
17 monastero
73 and
and notes
the authors
argue
75.
The
See Russo's
the Spiritual
Joachimite
Fran
works
at the end
in 1517
(see above
of the
1527 Venice
'
Beno?t,
delta
florense di S. Maria
?
202.
Lazarus
de Soardis,
See also below note

passim.
of Joachite
and ps.-Joachite
to do so.
approval
gloria paradisi,
patria
printed
For these two poems
of the Expositio
and Psalterium.
a Giovanni
see Francesco
'L'Abate
Gioacchino,
Mango,
Most
them
19.2
241ff.
scholars
accept
logna)
(1886)
'
The Seven Seals
in M. Reeves
and B. Hirsch-Reich,
to consult.
on Joachim
See Andr?
Caraffa,
able
in 1937
Tondelli
Gloria
before
note
7),
edition
their possible
influence on Dante,
II Propugnatore
Mestica...,'
(of Bo
as genuine.
See also B. Hirsch-Reich
and
in the Writings
latter
convincingly
article
also
is genuine.
of Joachim
of Fiore,
prints the opusculum

To their list of MSS
be added the version

in the Pierpont Morgan
Library MS 631, ff. 47r-48r.**
'
a Gioacchino
II libro delle figure attribuito
long review article by F. Russo,
sees the influence of the Jeremiah
MF 41 (1941) 326-44.
Russo
on
Commentary
its early authenticity.
Both may owe their similarities,
and hence tends to doubt
source in Joachite
to a common
circles. He
also raises some troubling
objections,
(pp. 231ff.)
82 See the
da Fiore,'
the Liber
however,
as for instance
been
the
characteristic
written.
88 On
Salimbene's
anti-German
of Joachim
in some figures, which

does not
the Liber
is supposed
later years, when
element
in his
see Ephraim
Review
8 (1915)
Joachism,
Emerton,
'
Fra
Salimbene
and
seem
to have
to have
been
the Franciscan
480-503
From
St. Francis
and G. G. Coulton,
Ideal,' Harvard
Theological
to Dante
150-66.
(2nd ed. London
1907)
84 The Protocol
of Anagni
to a book of figures; see Denifle
also alludes
(note 3) 122.
36 For
excellent
with Joachim's
clarifying articles on the various
figures associated
works,
'
258
TRADITIO
the discovery in Reggio Emilia of a complete manuscript of Joa

chite drawings which, following Salimbene, he named the Liber figurarum.
Although there had before been much discussion of Joachim's possible influence
announced
on Dante, this announcement and the subsequent publication of the work in

194037 aroused much further speculation and excitement among Dante scholars.
One of the symbols for the clergy in the new age was found to be a dog (canis).
Immediately it looked as if the age-old mystery of the veltro had been solved.38
Crcles representing the Trinity (although this symbol occurs in some manu
sicripts of Joachim's other works and was well known)39 and various other
points of resemblance to Dante were called to scholars' attention by Tondelli

In the midst of war, this publication
in his not well-organized
introduction.
did not get much attention outside Italy. In 1944, however, Fritz Saxl an
nounced the discovery of a second copy of the Liber figuramm in the Library
of Corpus Christi College, Oxford. This manuscript
(225A) proved to be an
even better and older copy of the work, coming probably from South Italy.40
Just a few years ago, before Tondelli's
death, a revised edition of the Liber
was
issued with the help of two Oxford scholars, Dr. Marjorie Reeves
figuramm
and Renais
of Fiore,' Mediaeval
of Joachim
s?e Marjorie
'The Liber Figuramm
E. Reeves,
'
of Joachim of Fiore,
The Figurae
and Hirsch-Reich,
sance Studies 2 (1951) 57-81 and Reeves
Minio
Lorenzo
however
Note
170-99.
ibid. 3 (1954)
Genuine
and Spurious
Collections,'
on
first
the
comments
his
2
and
Studies
and
Renaissance
Mediaeval
of
review
Paluello's
article
storica
in Rivista
italiana
63 (1951)
Bibl.
255-57.
To
the various
illustrated
MSS
mentioned
358 should be added.

Soppr.
is
Joachim
that
of the Liber
for the genuineness
A strong argument
frequently
figuramm
refers to, and uses, figures to clarify his argument.
works
in his authentic
38
67 (1900) 459n and G. Bondatti
des questions
in Revue
historiques
Fournier,
Actually
Maria
nal
e
1924) had earlier sug
in Giaocchinismo
degli Angeli
dugento (S.
francescanesimo
a copy of the Liber figuramm.
was
121
A.
MS
the
Dresden
that
gested
37 t/W0
Turin.
volumes,
38 In
195 suggested Joachism
and The Mystics
Dante
G. Gardner,
(London)
1913, Edmund
York
vivo [trans. New
in 1933 (see his Dante
1935]
as the explanation
of this figure. Papini
in these
two articles,
MS
Florence,
Laurenziana,
Conv.
the Joachite
of the Liber
origin of veltro and urged
before the discovery
suggested
280-97)
are many difficulties
There
EL
eTeRnO
the Vang
its name might conceal
(see below, p. 304).
or any Joachite
not the
Ghost
concept,
of the veltro with the Holy
in any identification
restricted
is the fact that the veltro is to be the saviour of Italy, a somewhat
least of which
task
nationalistic
158ff. and
for a Person
F. Russo,
of the Trinity.
See
Foberti's
in MF
criticism of Papini
*
70. On
38 (1938)
MF
39
the
gioacchimito-dantesca,
'Rassegna
(1939)
see below pp. 303ff.
influence on Dante,
of Joachite
whole
subject
?
Dante
89 See G.
S. Francesco
da Fiore ?
e contemplazione:
Gioacchino
Poesia
Manacorda,
In
circles.
for the Dantean
model
a
Joachite
denies
who
Caterina
?S.
1946/7),
(Florence
than
case for the circles being of Joachite
a
better
origin
much
is
there
however,
general,
cited below, note 121
See the article by B. Hirsch-Reich,
identification.
for the preceding
40
see Minio-Paluello
as
its
been
also
has
provenance;
France
southern
suggested
Although
(above,
not?
35).
JOACHIM
OF
259
FLORA
Hirsch-Reich,41 which included the wealth of the Oxford

at last we have a full edition of these very interesting drawings
and
from all the manuscripts
the previously known material
and Dr. Beatrice

Now
material.
together with
editions properly related. The Liber itself includes many drawings never
known before, and most of the tables and drawings in the other works du
plicate those in the Liber.

The problem of authenticity here is difficult. The drawings in general agree
with Joachim's views as expressed in his authentic works, but there are ad
ditions and a few contradictions, although Joachim is not always consistent
in any case.
Hirsch-Reich
The view which Monsignor Tondelli42 and Doctors Reeves

and
hold is probably sound : that it is a genuine attempt to illustrate
the Abbot's
views, prepared before or shortly after his death by disciples
fully cognizant of his ideas, including some perhaps he had not put in writing.
The book makes many of his concepts clearer, and with his rather murky
style and method, with his contradictions, these visual aids are most useful.
They give us a number of details, for instance, about the coming third age,
not known before, and also show that Joachim did perhaps not emphasize
the future43 as much as some enthusiastic scholars have thought, although a
close perusal of his writings might have revealed this earlier.

Foberti44 and Russo45 denied the validity of the Liber as representative of
It contains a brief reference to Lombard46 and per
Joachim's genuine views.
haps gives more details about the third age than Foberti would like. Although
I don't think its authenticity is established as well as that of the Commentary
41 Turin
1953.
See
also B. Hirsch-Reich's
discussion
of the edition
and
a defence
of the
von Fiore,'
21 (1954)
144-47.
RTAM
in 'Das Figurenbuch
Joachims
work's
authenticity
42 See
delle Figure di Gioacchino
da
del Libro
d?lia
'Nuove
prove
genuinit?
Tondelli,
a
Dante:
Nuovi
Gioacchino
in
Da
La
scuola
cattolica
(April 1942) 3-23, reprinted
Fiore,'
?
e contrasti
consensi
studi
(Turin
1944) 34-63.
48 E.
164 makes
von Floris,'
ZKG
23 (1902)
des Abtes
Joachim
'Die Gedanken
Schott,
Miss Reeves
is more
in the past than even the present.
interested
the point that Joachim
the Old
of a double
the importance
has been
(between
parallelism
recently
emphasizing
Mrs.
age and the present
age) rather than a triple one in Joachim.
that
Dr.
Le
58
Reeves'
out
moyen ?ge
r?cents,'
[1952] 158)
('Travaux
points
of thought agrees with Grundmann's
double
rather than triple mode
on Joachim's
Testament
Odier
his
?ber
Studien
Reeves,
87, where
'The
Joachim
Penetration
the point
is made
von Fiore
of Joachism
that
1927)
(Leipzig
into Northern
it is after all
rather
72ff.
See,
Europe,'
difficult
Bignami
emphasis
in
view
Bloomfield
however,
29
Speculum
to be detailed
(1954)
about
and
793 n.
a third
not yet entered upon.

44 See
e il gioacchinismo
da Fiore
Gioacchino
1942) 227ff.
(Padua
e.g. Foberti,
46 Russo
Mrs.
on the point.
note
32 for Russo's
See above
is less dogmatic
opinion.
de Chartes
103
de V?cole
in Biblioth?que
in her review of Tondelli's
edition
Bignami-Odier,
see
For
Russo.
Tondelli's
the
of
Foberti
and
defence,
discusses
250-51,
objections
(1942)
age
42.
note
above
4e Liber
figurarum,
first edition,
II 61
(reproduced
from the Dresden
MS).
260
TRADITIO
on the Benedictine
Rule, where we have verbal stylistic evidence, it is not

to accept as probably sound the estimate of the scholars who
gave us the latest edition, referred to above. The Liber is certainly an inter
pretation of Joachim's thought by someone close to him or his circle and is of
inestimable value in understanding the history of Joachism. The only doubt
?
and this is what I mean by its authenticity ?
is whether it was composed
or
someone
Joachim
himself
under
his
control, or by a later and less re
by
unreasonable
liable
follower.47
II
is not an easy question to answer.
Joachim is for the most part not a systematic thinker, often his style ismurky
and his method rhetorical rather than logical.48 Practically all of his writings
in brief did Joachim
What
are
This
teach?
on established, usually Biblical

texts, and
or apparent contradictions between his works and
indeed in different parts of the same work. One is frequently not quite sure
what he means. When he speaks of Rome as Babylon, the context frequently
in the form of commentaries
one can find contradictions
is to contemporary Rome or not. He says

at one point that he is a farmer.49 Buonaiuti50 used this statement to argue
that he was of humble birth. But Foberti51 says this remark refers to his
Cistercian connections or even to being a loyal son of the Church, for are we
does not tell us whether the allusion
in the vineyard?52 When Joachim speaks of having visited

does
this refer to a spiritual or an actual journey? Questions of
Jerusalem,53
not all laborers
47 ' Il me
joachimite,
ann?es de
pour
vrai
imbu des id?es de son ma?tre,
d'un disciple
s'agit plut?t
qu'il
et qui, dans les derni?res
sens
sens
mot
et
du
non
le
dans
dans
p?joratif,
ce r?sum?
?labora
ou dans les vingt-cinq
ann?es qui suivirent,
la vie du penseur,
semblerait
le bon
illustrer
drawings,
les
of course,
uvres
de
found
note
review
(above,
Bignami-Odier's
editions of the genuine works, undoubtedly
son ma?tre,'
in MSS
and
note 35.
See above,
chim's own.
48 ' ...non una costruzione
teologica, ma una grandiosa
has
corda (note 39) 40. This is a point which Buonaiuti
on Fournier's
naiuti's
view,
of Joachim's
interpretation
da Fiore:
see his Gioacchino
visione
poetico-religiosa,
Some
45).
are Joa
'
G. Mana
in his attack
especially
emphasized
For Buo
100
notes
and
101).
below,
thought
(see
?
?
II messagio
La vita
I tempi
1931)
(Rome
184, 195, 208 etc.

49 'Sum homo
14.14ff. (fol. 175r).
a juventute mea,'
Expositio
agricola
50
italiana
48 (1931)
storica
in Rivista
Buonaiuti
(note 48) 129 n. 1. See the summary
305-23.
51
3 (1933) 224ff.
ASCL
la condizione
la nascita,
sociale,'
casato,
gioachimiti:
'Appunti
da
studi...
da Fiore, Nuovi
in Gioacchino
1934] 21ff.) and Gioacchino
[Florence
(reprinted
di Sambucina:
La Badia
e il gioacchinismo...
Fiore
Marchese,
Giuseppe
(Padua
1942) 99-100.
Saggio
storico
sul movimento
cistercense
be
that the statement
cannot
argues
62 See
e.g. 1 Cor. 3.9.
53
'Sicut
Hierosolymis...,
ipsi vidimus
nel mezzogiorno
d'Italia
(Lecce
1932)
158-59,
also
literal.
'
Super
quatuor
Evangelia
(ed.
Buonaiuti)
93.
JOACHIM
OF
261
FLORA
this sort arise again and again. Sometimes he speaks of seven ages, sometimes
of a pattern of five and seven,54 sometimes of the three states (his most famous
idea); sometimes he seems to be paralleling only Old Testament history with
history, sometimes he speaks in triples, bringing in a third

attitude to many subjects, for instance the Greek Church, seems to
known Christian
His
age.
be compounded
Part of the problem is to enter Joachim's

of contradictions.
a lyrical, not a systematic thinker. To put together his views
in an orderly fashion does much violence to the reality of his vivid and incon
sistent thought.55 Some of these contradictions may vanish if we could be
mind.
He was
sure of the chronology of his writings, but this goal is difficult to achieve, for
there is much evidence that Joachim worked on his writings simultaneously
of
and changed them frequently.56 But a closer comparative
examination
his texts and the manuscripts

some of these problems. Yet
in which they are enshrined may yet clear up

ifwe are to talk of him at all, we must make
some attempt to present his ideas in a systematic form.

First of all, itmust be said that Joachim is not a mystic in the true or exact
sense of the term. Or to put it another way ?
in his writings he is not a mystic
unless we wish to use the word very loosely. He was concerned with the king
in history57 and, except indirectly, not with the union of the in

soul with God. He may be called an eschatological or an apocalyptic
thinker, but a mystic only by those who imagine the word has the meaning
dom of God
dividual
and
See
various
illuminative
e.g.
mystical
experiences.
Yet
as I read
these
fol. 227r-v.
preface to the Psalterium,
it seems obvious
in Jerusalem),
in their context
words
(e.g. the reference to the Armenians
are to be taken literally.
that here at least the words
54 See Reeves
(note 35) 77ff.
56 See E.
da Fiore/
Ricerche
alia storia di Gioacchino
Buonaiuti,
religiose
'Prolegomeni
did
apparently
1.10 (fol. 39r-v)
Joachim
Expositio
4 (1928)
we may
404.
As a good
at Concordia
have
and
of Joachim's
inattention
example
he says
2 tr. 1 c. 4, fol. 8r, where
to detail
the
and
contradictions,
of the present
sive ab O?ia
'est ab Helyseo
rege iuda' and then further in the same
[Uzziah]
propheta
sub quo vocatus
est Helyseus
ab Helya
sive a diebus Asa,
ab O?ia
'initiatio
pro
passage
'
as most
com
of
the
?
We
second
the
initiator
is
Who
have,
age
really)
(precursor
pheta.
so denominated.
taken Uzziah
mentators,
(see below, p. 268), as it is he who ismost frequently
look
'initiatio'
age
This would
seem to us to be a most
as elsewhere,
vague.
is here,
important point in his system, and yet Joachim
are therefore wrong
to an absolutely
clear-cut
in pressing Joachim
it important.
for he did not think in that fashion nor consider
scheme,
We
and unambiguous
58 See
de Flore,'
and Reeves
DThC
8.1429
'Joachim
Jordan,
(note 13) 11 n.
57 Cf. the
'En annon?ant
la bonne nouvelle,
of ?tienne
Gilson,
l'?vangile
sage words
il leur avait
n'avait
individuelle,
pas seulement
promis aux justes une sorte de b?atitude
dans une soci?t? de justes, unis par les
annonc?
l'entr?e dans un Royaume,
c'est-?-dire,
de
de la philosophie
m?di?vale
liens de leur commune
(2nd ed. ?tudes
b?atitude,'
L9Esprit
m?di?vale
philosophie
und
einer Sehnsucht
of the
'Reich'
33; Paris
1944)
einer Entt?uschung
concept
in Joachim's
367-68.
Walter
(Erlenbach/Zuri?h
Nigg,
Das
1944)
ewige
169
Reich:
stresses
Geschichte
the ?entrality
thinking.
262
TRADITIO
or prophetical.
If one wishes to violate language, he could per
or
a
be
called
social
historical
haps
mystic. He regarded himself as an exe
58 or commentator
the
gete
gift of intelligence59 and not as a pro
inspired by
or
no
is
There
union with God in his writings or any
for
phet
mystic.
longing
so characteristic of the Cistercians.
of the Song-of-Songs mysticism
This
of mysterious
last fact indeed is a strong argument against the Buonaiuti

theory that intel
was
Joachim
in
nourished
the
Cistercian
movement.60
lectually
In general, Joachim's teachings were on two basic subjects ?
the nature
of the Trinity and the meaning of history. That these two notions are related
is clear, although Fournier,61 whose lucid work on Joachim's probable Trini
tarian theories is excellent, makes him too systematic a thinker by claiming
58 On
sous la pluie de feu (Enfer,

see Andr? P?zard,
Dante
method,
exegetical
de philosophie
m?di?vale
40; Paris
1950) 390-92 and 265-66 (comparison
(?tudes
La Piana
(note 1) 265; and below, note 92.
est et acuminis
tantae
in quibus
claritatis
scilicet donum
intellectus,
donum,
Joachim's
Chant XV)
With Dante);
69 ' Istud
ut valde
dam,
nonnulli
fuisse in abbate
crediderunt
spiritui prophetiae,
qualem
sed
[dixit?], quia non erat ei datus
spiritus prophetiae
seipso dixisse
libros
Si quis autem
quos
super
ejus,
inspexerit
scripsit
Apocalypsim
mirabitur
intellectus
duorum
donum
in eo,' William
testamentorum,
assimiletur
et ipsemet
Joachim,
de
Spiritus intelligentiae.
et super concordiam
De
virtutibus
of Auvergne,
1 (Paris
of
in Opera
Joachim
1674) 152.
(after 1217)
speaks
allowed
to
the
literal
nouissimi'
grace
by
meaning
being
penetrate
qui
so as to go 'de claritate
of the Bible
Concordia
in claritatem,'
2.1, fol. 6r. In his preface to
he said his work is a new kind of exegesis. Traditionally
the gift of intelligence
the Concordia,
essemus
cum
'nos
is associated
the Holy
Ghost
quern
intellectus,'
('ad
specialiter
pertinet misticus
in turn is the essence
fol. 7V) and with
This
of
Scripture.
interpreting
'
Est
of Thierry,
etiam prophetia
See Guillaume
et
discretio
spirituum,
religious prophecy.
'
sensuum
in Epist.
ad Rom.
7 (PL 180.673)
in Scripturis
and
occultorum,
Expos,
cognitio
id est gratia
id est exponendi
verba divina,'
Abelard,
Expos,
interpretandi,
'[Prophetia],
Concordia
in Epist.
cognized
to
had
with
2.2.2,
re
Pauli
ad Rom.
4 (PL 178.939).
was
Of course
secular
and pagan
prophecy
as possible
The Sibyls, not to speak of others,
ST 2.2 q. 174, last article).
(Aquinas,
und Geschichtstheologie
be accounted
for. See W.
Kamiah,
Apokalypse
(Berlin
1935) 108.
The
orthodox
to the
and
truth
cf. his De
of Christian
view
Genesi
ad
is that
prophecy
the revelations
faith
not
must
De
unitate
ecclesiae
(see Augustine,
litteram 12 [PL 34.453 ff.]) and that the function
of the Catholic
be
contrary
19
[PL 43.428-32]
of the true prophet
the secrets in Scripture.

Peter Damian,
De sancta
by the spirit of intelligence
one renounces
4.5 (PL
that the act of humility whereby
argues
145.698-99)
simplicitate
for by the gift of mystical
is compensated
into the deepest meanings
penetration
learning
This thought would
not be at all alien to Joachim.
See the references
of Holy
Scripture.
'
in P. Alphand?ry,
de
De
des
sectes
faits
dans
latines ant?rieures
proph?tisme
quelques
au Joachimisme,'
52 (1905) 207ff.
RHR
80
See below,
p. 283.
61 ?tudes
sur Joachim
evo
de Flore
et ses doctrines
nel medio
(Paris 1909). Tocco, Veresia
is to interpret
(Florence
theories,
?ber
Fiore,'
1884) 326 denies

as does Buonaiuti,
Joachim
Humanitas
any connection
Gioacchino
between
(Rome
8 and Crocco,
1927)
(Leipzig
9 (1954) 729-30 agree that
Joachim's
Trinitarian
and
historical
Studien
Grundmann,
1931) 208. However,
in Gioacchino
'L'et?dello
Santo
da
Spirito
there is at least some connection,
JOACHIM
OF
263
FLORA
that his theory of history grew out of his theory of the Trinity. Although the gen
eral outline is clear, what this relationship was exactly can only be guessed at.62
On his Trinitarian theory, our information is scanty. As mentioned above,
these views were condemned
by the Fourth Lateran Council. Joachim says a

deal
the
about
his Psalterium along with attacks on the Arians
in
good
Trinity
and Sabellians, who, though ancient heretics, may well clothe contemporary
These terms were much thrown around in twelfth-century Trini
opponents.
tarian polemic. But the difficulty here is that his views in the Psalterium63
seem perfectly orthodox and do not correspond to the statement of his views
as expressed in the articles of the Lateran Council. Some have gone over the
Psalterium very carefully and have culled out a few suspicious statements,64
it must
position in that work cannot have

been that condemned in 1215. Certainly in all his extant works, he admits
the unity as well as the threeness of God. We must assume then that the lost
De essentia, probably an early work, contained the false doctrines.
These
we
are
us
them
must
reconstruct
to
what interests
most, and
rely
early views
but
be admitted
that Joachim's
on inference and the statement
of his condemnation.
lost tractate was
The
probably written around the time of the Third Lateran Council in 1179 when
and especially
Trinitarian
there was much discussion of Peter Lombard's
views.65
Christological
It is believed
Arianism,
62 Joachim
calypse.
He
that Joachim
in his Enchiridion
saw
that
the
accused
of Sabellianism
Peter Lombard
the unity of God at the expense of His
of overemphasizing
tells us his
concordance
system arose
(historical)
the Old Testament
between
and
threeness
from reading the Apo

its head,
and
Jesus
see Tondelli,
II libro delle
to His
would
also apply
(the Church);
body
(New Testament),
I (Turin 1940) 145ff. See below, quotation
in note 105.
da Fiore
figure delV abate Gioacchino
63 Josef
vom
des
Mittelalters
Die
christologischen
Standpunkte
Bach,
Dogmengeschichte
II (Vienna
vom achten bis sechzehnten Jahrhundert
oder die mittelalterliche
1875)
Christologie
he
could not have been the condemned
that the Psalterium
734 recognizes
work,
although
finds a few anti-Lombardian
statements
in it. The
Protocol
of Anagni
of the Commission
in the
tried to find tritheism
to investigate
the Eternal
Evangel
(see below, n.207)
appointed
Psalterium.**
64 Besides
see C. Ottaviano,
5
in the preceding
the references
'Postilla,'
note,
Sophia
on fol. 229v in the
occurs
in the Psalterium
statement
The most
55-56.
suspicious
(1937)
that
where
Joachim
argues
quod hiis nequius...,'
the
note
traditional
above
the
in
using
26),
persons
(see
essence)
in MS Vat.
lat. 5732
comments
the marginal
sun, its fire, rays, and heat. Note
fol. 2r etc. which point to parts of the work
of the Psalterium,
(one of which
passage
quod
85
beginning
also
must
hiis...'
Matthew
passage)
Paris
'Item
be
which
discusses
seem
to be
to the annotator
Joachim's
'contra
Peter
substance
image
(or
of the
(XVth
is the
cent.)
'
Item
Lombardum.'
heresy under this date,

time of the Council
of Tours
Trinitarian
of it. The
ought not to be made
haps too much
and Trinitarian
with Christological
was
it
too
a possible
concerned
for
date,
In Concordia
on the whole
1163 seems too early.
5.92, fol. 121v, Joachim
errors in his time,
and Christological
Trinitarian
pre sence of numerous
although
(1163)
problems,
speaks
per
is also
but
of the
264
TRADITIO
a quaternity of persons by separating the

too distinctly from the persons. Lombard
denied
that essence could beget essence, thereby separating the essence (or substance)
of God as unity from God as persons. Joachim wished to regard the persons
to such an extent
so as to make
deitas or essentia of God
as more than relations and to possess substance. This, according to St. Thomas
(see above note 26), is a logical and terminological confusion. We shall discuss
this concept somewhat below in dealing with Joachim's possible sources.66
general historical theory of Joachim67 is well known. Arguing on the

and the period of the New
basis of analogies between the Old Testament
texts like
Testament down to his own time, and on certain New Testament
The
13.10, he assumed a coming new period in the future.68

of
would
ages
'trinity'
correspond to the divine Trinity and would satisfy
a desire for order and rationality in history. Concordance
is the key-word for
Joachim's method.
The period of the Old Testament was primarily the age
Eph.
This
4.13 and 1 Cor.
of the Father, the period from the time of Jesus down to roughly Joachim's
time was that of the Son, and the third age, which is a naturally completing
period, would be that of the Holy Ghost, under whose aegis the Saracens and
certain general predictions could

be made.
Each subsequent age follows the pattern of the first age, yet suffi
ciently loosely to satisfy prophetic zeal. The Old Testament, then, is the key
to the meaning of history.69 Joachim estimated that each age lasted for forty
Jews would
be converted and about which
66 In his lost
de th?ologie positive
?tudes
early work, Joachim may have, as Th. de R?gnon,
but on the
a
crude
II (Paris
255ff.
la Sainte
Trinit?
tritheism,
urges,
taught
1892-98)
to em
basis of our present
evidence
that seems to be going too far. He
certainly wished
sur
In general
to tritheism.
the threeness and persons of God, but that is not equivalent
phasize
or unfortunate
he may have used some unhappy
it seems most unlikely that he did, although
For
or similes to suggest collectivity,
which
gave rise to the misapprehension.
metaphors
the Trinity, he speaks of the
even in the Psalterium,
dist. 1, fol. 232v, discussing
instance
?
The text of the Lateran
as one people.
three tribes of Judah ?
and Levi
Judah, Benjamin
verses
to support his position:
that Joachim
used the following Biblical
Council
indicates
Acts
1 Cor.
4.32;
and should
67 See E.
Joachims,'
68 There
not
3.8;
have
Benz,
1 Kings
22.4;
John
17.21ff.;
1 John
plete as
various
kinds
Joachim
was
no dialectician
the
Geschichtsdeutung
50
24-111.
(1931)
is some small evidence
that the replacement
has very complex
that of the first. Joachim
ZKG
5.7.
Peter Lombard.
lists against
der religi?sen
I: Die Kategorien
'Joachim-Studien
entered
of ages;
he was
intoxicated
with
the
of the second
theories
idea. The
age will
about
three-fold
not be as com
the various
division
ages
and
is, however,
The concept of pattern, as the illustrations

the best known and most common
in his writings.
and figures show, is a fundamental
trait of his thought.
69 Its
bore
is of a special kind.
The people whose
story it treated, the Israelites,
history
'
'
?
?
that
was
a
to use Hugo
status
of St. Victor's
excellentior.
theory
Hugo's
phrase
of their age and are di
or persons
certain peoples
at times become
the true representative
vinely
ordered
translatio
regni
to move
forward.
history
(or in some cases, studii)
This
is the philosophical
conception
so gripped medieval
man,
idea which
root
of the
See W,
A,
JOACHIM
OF
265
FLORA
generations70 and had a precursor or germinator as well as an initiator or a

fructifier. Hence, around 1260, we would enter on the final age, which would
presumably last for about forty generations before the last Judgment. The
birth throes of each age are violent and give rise to antichrists.71 Each age,
however, is an advance over the preceding one, explains it, and gives a rationale
to its pattern. History
is more than a collection of exempla ; in fact, it is
the progressive assimilation of society to the mystical body of Christ. The
human race progressively receives a fuller revelation of the meaning of time
and historical existence and progressively becomes more perfect. King Uz
ziah (Ozias)72 was the precursor of the second age, which was initiated by
the father of John the Baptist.

St. Benedict73 was the precursor
Zechariah,
of the coming age, which would be a 'spiritual' age. Yet from another point
of view, various Biblical
and historical figures can spiritually represent the
various ages or moments
in them, as Moses and Joshua, for instance, repre
sent the second
warn
should
repectively. These examples

Joachim's scheme.
over-systematizing
and
us against
third ages
again
von St. Victor

Bei
bei Hugo
und Geschichtsphilosophie
Geschichte
(M?nstersche
Schneider,
i.W. 1933) 54, 56, 92ff. and 105.
53; M?nster
tr?ge zur Geschichtsforschung
70
fol. 134r and
See e.g. Concordia
is very generation-minded.
Joachim
5.118,
?.l.llff.;
Psalterium
71 Some
fols.
2,
see e.g.
christs;
that
believed
etc.
272-77,
in the New
passages
be
there would
of several anti
admit the possibility
apparently
it was widely
In the latter part of the Middle Ages,
two ar tichrists, the ultimus, magnus,
verus, personolis
Testament
and 2 John
1 John 2.18
at least
7.
or purus who would

and the mys
last coming and Judgement
Christ's
precede
immediately
On the latter, see
to mixtus).
ticus (in the sense of foreshadowing)
corrupted
(sometimes
of Civilizantio;
Records
trans. C. C. Mierow
The Two Cities,
of Freising,
Otto
(Columbia
ultimo.
This
St. John of Crpistraro
(d. 1456) wrote a De antichristo
1928) 457.
of Anagni,
a curious problem,
of the Commission
for one of the accusations
appointed
that Joachim
in 1256 to look into the Eternal
taught
Evangel
(see note 207), was
dispute
'Der Streit der
the two see ?lso Moriz Ritter,
two antichrists.
On the distinction
between
New
York
creates
?ber
Franciscaner
'Profetismo
sini,
e XV,'
secoli XIV
72
Often
das
Literaturblatt
die Armuth,'
Theologisches
e profezie
ritmiche
italiane
d'ispirazione
MF
37 (1937) 41-42.
erroneously
des heiligen
Reich
to be Hosea.
said
Geistes
Joachim's
writing with
73 Concordia
5.48. As
See
(Munich/Planegg
e.g. Alfons
1955)
26
123 and Angelo
12 (1877)
Mes
nei
gioachimito-francescana
(a German
von Fiore,
Joachim
Rosenberg,
of parts
translation
of
an
introduction).
had been
Joshua
fols. 31v-32r),
of the Jews
to the leadership
death
before Moses'
appointed
was the leader of the monastic
so St. Benedict
3.1.14,
(Concordia
In a sense there are two initiators
initiated.
(or precursors)
spiritual age before it is actually
See
of St. Benedict.
of the third age, for Elisha
in the Old Testament
is also a precursor
Conv. Soppr. 358, fols.
in the Biblioteca
the rubrics in the MS of the Concordia
Laurenziana,
10r-llv.
ordinis
se?unda
With
Uzziah
clericorum
initiatio
and
Isaiah
and with Asa

ordinis
we
are
and Elisha,
informed
initiatio
by the rubric
that
ordinis monachorum
these
are
the
and with
mona?liorum,
initiatio
Benedict,
266
TRADITIO
first age was dominated by the Law, the second by Grace and the third
to be under dominance of the Spirit and Love.74 It would be characterized
by 'viri spirituales' living a monastic form of life,75 just as the preceding age
had been characterized by the clergy and the first by married men.76 The
The
was
Church would
continue to exist, but the sacraments would be spiritualized.

role of the papacy in the new age is somewhat dubious, but probably the
Church would continue to be presided over by a purified Bishop of Rome.77
This doctrine, then, gave an explanation of their tribulations to those men of
The
Im
Ages who cared to listen and provided them with a hope.
found
II
of
the
Frederick
after
Joachim's
of
enemies
death, many
mediately
consolation and strength in these teachings, and down on to the Renaissance
the Middle
there were always some groups who drank hope at the fountain of the Cala
brian Abbot.
In short, Joachism by its very nature was bound to have a
could be used by both optimists and pessimists.78
political significance?and
74 Joachim
law,
has
cross,
rest;
day; winter,
old men,
friends;
children,
wisdom,
intelligence;
perfect
112'-*.
to characterize
series of triplets
suffering,
dawn,
starlight,
fol.
75 But
a whole
work,
spring,
summer;
grass,
children
youths,
married
(or
laity),
these
ages
such as:
fear, faith, love;
blood,
spirit;
Peter,
corn, wheat;
water,
wine,
flesh,
contemplation;
(and
in the
clerics,
opposite
etc.
monks,
Paul,
oil;
order);
See
John,
servants,
knowledge;
Concordia
5.84,
continue to marry and live, though under monastic

would
apparently
one. Joachim's
tremendous
age does not cancel out entirely the preceding
articulis
seen
be
and
48 and De
5.14
Concordia
for monasticism
in
fidei
may
ordinary
Each
supervision.
admiration
man
of the future age, see E.

religiose 4 (1928) 509ff. and A.
of Joachim but based on texts).
Crocco
(a very conservative
interpretation
(note 61) 728-42
'
ordinis
novi
is
the
of
the
future
for
view
Joachim's
age
figure, Dispositio
Very
revealing
ad tercium
statum ad instar superne Jerusalem*
12, Liber figurarum, ed.
(Tavola
pertinens
(ed. Buonaiuti)
Buonaiuti,
'II
55ff. See
testamento
also
below
p.
di Gioacchino
280ff. On
da Fiore,'
characteristics
Ricerche
at length and reproduced

in Grundmann
discussed
Tondelli),
about the future age
is that the figure is much more detailed
(note
than
1) 85ff. The trouble here

known
any of Joachim's
out a good case for the figure as representative

are. Grundmann,
however, makes
writings
On future
5.23.
in general with Concordia
of Joachim's
view and shows how it corresponds
orders see Expositio
11.3-6 (fol. 145vff.) and 14.4-5 (172r-v) and 17.5 (195r-v) (on filii Jeru
etc.**
salem as opposed
to the filii Babylonis)
76 Three
are discussed
orders
clerics, and monks
[or contemplatives])
(lay [or married],
on Rule
in Expositio,
fol. 5r-v and 1.8, fol. 37v; Concordia
Introductorius
5.48ff.; Commentary
These
etc.
of St. Benedict
C.
91,
45;
Buonaiuti)
quatuor
Evangelia
(ed.
Baraut)
Super
(ed.
are traditional
three grades or orders of chastity
and may be found in Je
(and perfection)
as widows
and virgins.
etc. The last two are grades usually
Bede
rome, Ambrose,
presented
77 For
see Concordia,
attitude
towards the papacy,
Joachim's
5.65, fol. 95v (where Joachim
of Peter
the Church
to be warmed
needs
like the old David
by a virgin;
says the pope
4.39.
of Christ, etc.) and Concordia
In Concordia
5.92, fols. 121v-122v, Mordecai
in his comments
is
it
a
future
seems,
ambiguous
Joachim,
pope.
deliberately
great
prefigures
von Floris
on the papacy.
J. C. Huck,
Joachim
(note 3) 236 says the Church of the third age
over by a pope.
will be presided
is the throne
78 Joachim
predicts
then both
a new
a time of troubles.
age and
Pessimists
were,
as might
JOACHIM
267
FLORA
OF
Just exactly what Joachim means by spiritualization of the sacraments79

has been the subject of much dispute.
It is obviously a crucial point in de
it has seemed
termining his orthodoxy.80 To some (e.g. Foberti and Huck)
no more than a belief in the
purification of the Church Militant and itsministers,
or in a millenium not of this world.81 To others, some of whom wish to see
Joachim as a Reformer manqu?, this spiritualization of the sacraments means
much more.
It seems to me that no matter how much it ismodified, Joachim's

position does imply that the New Testament is not the final revelation of God,
or at least not
now. But Joachim is hesitant over, and
fully understandable
chary of, details about his third age and its implications. Both St. Thomas82
and St. Bonaventure83
expressly assert the finality of the present age in op
position to Joachim or at least ardent Joachites. At the least, these views
could give aid and comfort to heretics and schismatics against the Roman See.
Joachim, as mentioned
above, himself submitted all his extant works to the
furor over his
for approval, perhaps stimulated by the presumable
popes
work against Peter Lombard, protested his loyalty to the Church, and attacked
in Italy. It need not, however,
bitterly the current heresy of the Patarenes
us
most radical of the Spiritual
the
to
find
claimed
his
by
surprise
support
was
that after his death he
Franciscans.
For it
among these Franciscans
St.
found his chief, though not exclusive, support. Many of them equaled
(and a few misguided,
Francis
ones, even Peter
unlearned
John Olivi) with
be
for whatever
common.
of all types welcomed
Joachim
Millenarianists
expected, more
and the
of the coming of an Antichrist
support they could find in him for their predictions
last Judgment.
Those who
fewer and are to be found
looked
forward to a new age were
Franciscans.
(note 71) 41.
mainly
among the 'spiritual'
(See below p. 299f.). See A. Messini
79 See K.
in History
151.
L?with, Meaning
(Chicago
1949)
80 On his
see Russo
In general, Dempf,
Grundmann,
Benz,
orthodoxy,
(note 32) 333ff.
and
while
even more
Huck,
as Protestant
disapproving
so Buonaiuti,
the non-orthodox
side of Joachim's
tend to emphasize
thought,
The line cannot be drawn,
stress the orthodox.
and Tondelli
Foberti,
though,
or anti-clerical
vs. Catholic
for some Catholics
take a very
interpretations,
a non-Catholic
defends his ortho
towards his faith, and occasionally
attitude
scholars
doxy. Nineteenth-century
and proto-Protestant
than modern
Mystik
81 See
im Mittelalter
e.g. H.
Delacroix,
si?cle
(Leipzig
Essai
44, where
in general
ones.
See
tended
to see Joachim
e.g. Wilhelm
Preger,
as more
Geschichte
revolutionary
der deutschen
196-207.
1874)
sur le mysticisme
au quatorzi?me
en Allemagne
sp?culatif
the third age exists only in germ in Joachim's
is hard to maintain
of this world
at all. This position
he argues
that
(Paris
1900)
and is not really
genuine writings
if one reads Joachim
carefully, and is even more difficult if one takes as sound the evidence
Liber
afforded
the
by
figurarum.
82 '
esse perfectior
status novae
...nullus autem status praesentis
vitae potest
legis...
quam
in finem ultimum
ST 2.1 q. 106 a.4; cf. De potentia
immediate
q. 5. a.6
introducit,'
quod
ad
note 26).
9 (see above
83 'Post
novum
testamentum
trahi
potest,
(Quaracchi
quia
ed.
illud
non
testamentum
erit aliud,
aeternum
nec
novae
sacramentum
legis sub
aliquod
in Hexaemeron
16,2
Collationes
est/
5.403).
268
TRADITIO
Jesus (or Zechariah)

and Moses, as the initiator (fructifier) of the new age.
This idea, reinforced by the Saint's stigmata,84 was to prove extremely influential.
In assessing Joachim's attitude to his own age I think little or no attention
has been paid to the figure of King Uzziah
(or Azariah)
precursor of the second age. The choice of St. Benedict
conceived
the third age in terms of monasticism.

He was the King of Judea who was
associated?85
who
is chosen as the
tells us that Joachim
With
what was Uzziah
leprosy for
on
a
his
it
is
hand
I think
clear from this
laying
priest and the altar of God.
figure that Joachim thought that the second age was characterized by the
interference of the secular power with the spiritual power as seen in this Judean
stricken with
king. This inference, if sound, helps to explain the root of Joachim's dissatis
faction with his own time and also, paradoxically,
his high concept of the
84 The
to Christ and helped

of St. Francis
the similarity
to many
confirmed
stigmata
the
the angel of the sixth seal
7.2 (dealing with
to establish
the gloss on Apoc.
'having
was here being referred to. This
seal of the living God')
that St. Francis
interpretation
?
as the pope or
the angel traditionally
is not Joachim's
he usually
of course
interprets
?
yet it soon came
Christ, but at one point (see below note 239) likens him to the novus dux
and Dante.
like Bonaventure
(in his Legenda maior)
by non-spirituals
of Pisa's
of Francis'
likeness to Christ is summed up in Bartholomew
in 1399. This sense of paral
ad vitam Domini
Iesu Christi
De conformitate vitae B. Francisci
lelism goes back even to St. Francis'
lifetime, although many details are later developments.
'
sur S. Fran?ois
"l'autre
See Ferdinand
M. Delorme,
?l?vations
ange au signe
th?ologiques
10 [21] (1924)
Studi francescani N.S.
du Dieu vivant"
in?dit du xiiie si?cle: c.1282),'
(Trait?
'
sexti sigilli?
fuitne ang?lus
S. Franciscus,
233-61
and P. Stephanus
7,2)'
(Apoc.
Bihel,
to be
The
even
accepted
conservative
Antonianum
85His
Uzziah
view
be
officium
pavit
Concordia
found
sacerdotii
fol. 134v.
5.118,
below
note
217.
26 and 2 Kings
(4 Kings)
and Azariah
in Kings.
in Chronicles
in 2 Chronicles
is his name
Ozias)
(Vulgate:
See
59-90.
(1927)
story may
elephantino
In Concordia
morbo
4.2,
de
percussus
fol. 43r, Joachim
domo
works
14.21
'
O?ias
and
quia
15.1ff.
usur
Domini
est,'
expulsus
out some kind of parallel
Both were
first ages respectively.
it
of
for instance,
may not be of
Although
pride.
presence
expelled,
in his hymns,
the
that
St.
be
noted
draws,
it
should
Syrian
Ephraim
any significance,
see Edmund
this very same comparison
between Adam
and Uzziah;
Hymnen
Beck, Ephraems
und Kommentar
?ber das Paradies,
26; Rome
1951) 28,
(Studia Anselmiana
?bersetzung
between
and Adam,
Uzziah
precursors
of the second
130 and
priestly
teste's Letters
No.
and was
124
(ed. E. W. Williamson)
for interfering
warning
Bibel
Streit
und mittelalterlicher
zwischen
of the king who tried to usurp

frequently held up as an example
See e.g. Grosse
stricken with leprosy by God as a punishment.
14
of Clare, Letters No.
R. S.) 348-51 and Osbert
(ed. H. R. Luard,
a Biblical
and
for
81. He was used as Biblical
support
'papalists'
was
160ff. Uzziah
functions
and
because
from God's
Kaisertum
laymen
in the eleventh
Reichsgedanke:
und Papstthum
and
Studien
zur Zeit
see Max Hackelsperger,

centuries;
im
zum Gebrauch
der Bibel
und Beitr?ge
der Salier
Munich;
Bottrop
(Dissertation
twelfth
of Nonantula
of Placidus
given to the works
in his commentary
in the ninth century
Maurus
Rabanus
Augustodunensis.
on 4 Kings
and in his commentary
on 2 Kings
5 says Uzziah
signifies the devil (PL 109.246)
latter is pro
The
a good man who went wrong
26 that he was
(PL
109.511).
originally
i.W.
1934)
39
and
60, where
references
are
and Honorius
bably
Joachim's
view,
JOACHIM
OF
269
FLORA
ideal role of the Church. His ideal was clearly theocratic, yet he must have felt
that both the powers of the world who encroached on the Church, and worldly
or who were implicated in that movement were
churchmen who welcomed
to be condemned.86 Perhaps that iswhy he speaks of Antichrist as being alive
in his time in Rome, unless here his language is metaphorical.87
like Adam, as Joachim himself points out,87a committed an
Also, Uzziah,
extremely grave sin and was severely punished by God. These precursors
It is
of the first and second ages are both, then, sinners and imperfect men.
only fitting that an imperfect age have an imperfect precursor. How different
is
is St. Benedict, the precursor of the coming age ! In the figure of Uzziah
thus concealed a very strong condemnation of the second age and Joachim's
own time. Uzziah is the Adam of our age and perhaps the second age is better
than the first by only so much as the sin of Uzziah is less than the sin of Adam.
The basic historical idea of Joachim, then, is very simple but also extra
has termed a logical con
It carried to what Buonaiuti
ordinarily brilliant.
of
in
a
terms
of
the
basic
idea
triune
clusion,88
God,
typology, which saw in
a foreshadowing of the glory to come. It combines the

idea of cycle and pattern with the special concept of the unique and linear,
which is characteristically historical.
In a sense, if certain premises are adopted
it is hard to deny the 'logical' validity of Joachim's ideas. The orthodox
the Old Testament
to certain of these premises. Perhaps what seems to

me a curious lack of strength, for instance, in St. Thomas'
refutation of Joa
chim's idea of a new age,89 may be due to this apparent similarity of method
are somewhat
attuned
new typology and the traditional one. Joachim of course

that the New Testament was to lose its validity, any more than
the Old Testament had after the time of Jesus,89a but he did leave open the
way for a new revelation, a road which was seized by more than one heretic
in the later Middle Ages. After all if God abrogated his law once, they could
between
Joachim's
did not mean
argue He might do it again.

Thus we find one of the ironies of history. A man who was essentially
the chief impetus for a
became
and even backward-looking
conservative
radical movement in the laterMiddle Ages.90 Here was a man who disapproved
86 Cf. Concordia
as
and Uriah
Bathsheba
takes the story of David,
Joachim
5.63, where
of orders.
a
is
It
in
world.
confusion
the
themselves
monks
a warning
immersing
against
87 See
below,
p. 290.
87a See
85.
note
above,
88
194.
Gioacchino
Buonaiuti,
89 ST 2.1.
See above note 26.
q. 106 a.4.
89a See also
p. 276 and note 208 below.
90 'Die Neuheit
seiner Gedankeng?nge
sind ihm
und das Revolution?re
seiner Ans?tze
'
'
von
Joachim
Karl August
immer ganz klar geworden,
nicht
wohl
Fink,
selbst
[Joachim]
'
ed.
Grosse Geschichtsdenker,
des mittelalterlichen
und die Krise
Fiore
Geschichtsdenkens,
Rudolf
Stadelmann
(T?bingen
and
Stuttgart
1949)
100.
270
TRADITIO
strongly, who felt the truth lay hidden in the Bible and only
to
who
those
open
possessed the spirit or gift of intelligence, who set up an
more
than the world has ever known;91 yet
ideal of
complete monasticism
his influence was largely exercised through men who were violently anxious
of scholasticism
to initiate a new age, although not always, itmust be admitted, of a secular

'
k
type. His whole method of allegory was in this very century being under
Joachim carried it to
mined by Hugo and especially Andrew of St. Victor.
is
its final fruition. As an exegete, Joachim, especially on the Apocalypse,
an important figure in reorienting the interpretation of the Bible away from
moral view to an historical, concrete view. He
the Tychonian-Augustinian
as
has
Kamlah
goes back,
(d. 303) tradition
pointed out,92 to the Victorinus
to contemporary history. The Apocalypse was
of applying the Apocalypse
no longer a book of instruction but became again a book of prophecy.93 Joa

chim concretized the allegorical interpretation of the Bible by carrying this
method further than anyone had ever done and in so doing helped to drive
men back to the literal meaning of the text, although other forces were tending
that way too. By the principle of opposites passing into each other, the ex
treme application of the allegorical and symbolic method gives rise to the
idea that
literal and the old to the new. Joachim accepted the medieval
tradition.
only tradition could justify change to overthrow unconsciously
He used the medieval
suspicion of novelty to make novelty possible. The
Old Testament as a key to history is both a justification of the past and a
spur to action for the future.94By overemphasizing the past, he made theoret
its transcendence.
ically possible
91 'Cosi
la sua
stata
sia
che mai
92Wilhelm
teoria veniva
ad
[Joachim's]
Crocco
fatta del monachismo,'
assumere
(note
il carattere
61)
della
piu
alta
apoteosi
733.
For
role in the history of the exegesis
Joachim's
(note 59 above).
Die Offenbarung Johannis
see also Wilhelm
Bousset,
(Kritisch-exegetischer
von H. A. W. Meyer;
das Neue
Testament,
G?ttingen
1906)
begr?ndet
Kamiah
of the Apocalypse
?ber
Kommentar
Paris
Saint Jeant VApocalypse
1933) ccxlviii
(3rd ed. ?tudes
Bibliques;
'
?
des
Minoriten
Alexan
Die weltgeschichtliche
Auslegung
Apocalypse
to his
24 (1937)
Studien
and the introduction
Franziskanische
338-56;
der von Bremen,'
zur Geistesgeschichte
des
in Apocalypsim
edition of Alexander's
(MGH, Quellen
Expositio
73ff.; P. E.-B.
Allo,
ccci; Alois Wachtel,
is rather suspicious
and his orthodoxy.
of Joachim
1955) (Wachtel
on the Apocalypse
an early German
was
commentary
Expositio
In his prologue
he accepts
and the Jeremiah
influenced by Joachim
Commentary
[c. 1250].
a
is
of
the
of
of
the
Church
the
that
the Joachite
history
prophecy
Apocalypse
principle
'
De
in ordine Fratrum
studio Sacrae
Christ on earth); P. Arduinus
Kleinhans,
Scripturae
Mittelalters
Alexander
1 ;Weimar
of Bremen's
See also above,

note 58.
7 (1932) 413-40,
Antonianum
saeculo XIII,'
Minorum
esp. 430.
93 *Thus
of history
into a
from a revelation
the Apocalypse
transformed
St. Augustine
Lee
of the City of God,'
members
Ernest
for the spiritually
book of consolation
besieged
in the Background
A Study
and Utopia:
Millenium
of the Idea of Progress
(Berke
Tuveson,
1949) 17. See also Kamlah
ley and Los Angeles
94 'Secundus
et manet
status fuit sub evangelio,
(note
usque
59)
126.
nunc,
in libertate
quidem
respcctu
OF
JOACHIM
271
FLORA
was
common, but Joachim, by pressing it to its uttermost,95

with
the feeling that the Holy Ghost had not been given
together possibly
His proper due, gave it a new turn altogether, which led to movements of which
The method
I am sure the initiator had hardly dreamed. He was also, as a careful reading
of his works shows, inspired strongly by a sense of justice and a desire for a
better world which he conceived, of course, in religious terms.
In detail, I suspect his exegesis had a strong influence on later medieval
art96 and possibly literature. The Joachite element
exegesis and on medieval
art has really not yet
in the iconography of late medieval
and Renaissance
been
studied
; I suspect
it is considerable.
Ill
The problem of Joachim's sources is also complex. Various solutions have
been proposed, and it is necessary to make a distinction between his Trini
tarian and historical theories. In general, ithas been observed, Eastern theo
rather the Trinity of the divine Persons, and the

logians always emphasized
the
after
West,
unity of the divine nature. The Greeks started
Augustine,
from the Persons who have the one divine essence, not from the essence as
also speculated
The Byzantines
on and emphasized the role of the Holy Ghost a great deal.97 In these attitudes,
Joachim may well be Byzantine, yet there are signs that the Trinitarian dis
in the twelfth century, especially those connected with
putes in the West
revealed
relations.
in their inner Trinitarian
Gilbert de la Porr?e, and an emphasis on the influence of the Holy Ghost found
in the German exegetes and writers98 in the same period may also have tended
to foster more
in theWest.
intense speculation on the threeness of the divine Persons

de St. Thierry,99 friend of St. Bernard, meditated with
Guillaume
sed non
preterit!,
cimus et ex parte
95 '
Considerata
in libertate
respectu
futuri.
enim
Nunc
apostolus:
fol. 5r.
Introductorius,
Dicit
ex parte
cognos
Expositio,
prophetamus...,'
? pertanto
di Gioacchino
sul terreno d?lia metodica
esegetica,
l'originalit?
in the preface to his edition of Super quatuor Evangelia,
Buonaiuti
puramente
quantitativa,'
'
war
im Mittalter
das Schriftwort
Sein
Drang,
richtig zu verstehen,
p. xlvii.
[Joachim's]
nichts Neues, wohl aber war die Intensit?t, mit der er seiner Bibelbesch?ftigung
oblag, nicht
Walter
(note 57) 161.
Nigg
allt?glich,'
96 See F.
nella
storia e nelVarte
// gioacchinismo
1930) esp. 21ff.**
(Naples
Gampolongo,
97 See V.
de
sur
d'orient
la
Essai
(Paris
1944).
th?ologie
mystique
l'?glise
Lossky,
98 Not unknown
for the first, and see
in France
Abaelard
and England.
springs to mind
see Gilbert
For the second
Cris
[note 69] 110).
in
Gilbert
J.
still
cf.
Robinson,
toto,
Armitage
unprinted
Spiritu
(d. 1117)
pin's
70ff.
to Westminster
and Documents
3; Cambridge
1911)
Abbey
Relating
(Notes
Crispin
99 On
et son oeuvre (Biblio
de Saint-Thierry
see J. M. D?chanet,
Guillaume
Guillaume,
also Hugo
of St. Victor
De
(W. A.
Schneider
Sancto,
and Paris
1; Bruges
m?di?vale,
pr?scolastiques
Spirituels
th?que
to be for contemplation,
on the Trinity, which
he considered
views
trait? de la vie solitaire: Epis to la ad fratres de monte Dei de Guillaume
89ff. for
1942)
(pp.
not speculation);
Un
de Saint-Thierry,
ed.
272
TRADITIO
predilection on the Holy Ghost in his anti-scholastic views and mysticism.

As a Cistercian he may well have influenced Joachim in this matter.
Yet he
is Christocentric in a way that the Calabrian is not, and he is not as historical
minded as are his fellow Cistercians, Otto of Freising and Ralph of Coggeshall.
We
been
But
still know little of Gilbert's views, although recently much light has
thrown on them,100 and the authorities disagree as to what he taught.
even reading him
superficially, I find it hard to credit him with any real
M. M.
(2 vols.
Davy
uvres
Paris
Andr?
1940-46);
Lyon; Bourg
1923) esp.
der scholastischen Methode
(Th?se
Geschichte
Guillaume
Adam,
63ff.
(on his
hatred
de Saint-Thierry:
of dialectic);
Martin
Sa
vie et ses
Grabmann,
II (Freiburg
im Breisgau
1911) 274ff.; Otto Baltzer
zur Geschichte des christologischen Dogmas
in 11. und 12. Jahrhundert
1898)
(Leipzig
Beitr?ge
see V. Lossky, Essai
39ff. For Greek
influence on Guillaume
(note 97) 63 n. 2, and D?chanet,
Die
'Aux sources de la doctrine

de Guillaume
de Saint-Thierry:
I, Saint Gr?goire?de
spirituelle
187-98 and 262-78.
Collectanea
ordinis cisterciensium
Ivanka,
reformatorum 5 (1938)
Nysse,'
'
im zisterziensischen-bern
und hellenische
Byzantinische
Philosophumena
Theologumena
von Clairvaux,
Internationaler
und Mystiker:
in Bernhard
hardinischen
M?nch
Denken,'
f?r europ?ische
1953
des
Instituts
(ed. J. Lortz, Ver?ffentlich,
that Guillaume's
any documentation,
1955) 168-75 states, without
is at the basis of the Joachite movement ?
the linking of the spiritual
psychology
especially
seems
to
the
soul
the
of
it
with
On
Ghost.
the
me, this kind of psycho
contrary,
aspect
Holy
is very alien to Joachim's
of thought.
mode
logizing
100The
basic book on Gilbert's
influence on Joachim,
through the Porretanian
especially
is Paul
MS 290),
Liber de vera philosophia
of
from
Grenoble
twelfth
(last quarter
century,
Mainz
Bernhard-kongress
6; Wiesbaden
Geschichte
retani,
see M. H.
de Flore
'Les
Vicaire,
et th?ologiques
philosophiques
influence of the Porretani
Le movement
the divine unity above
all); J. de Ghellinck,
ed. Bruges,
Brussels
175
and Paris
(and bibliographical
1948)
zu Boethius
von Arras
De
Der Kommentar
des Clarenbaldus
emphasized
si?cle (2nd
W.
and the Por

et ses doctrines
(Paris 1909). On Gilbert
des ^sciences
Revue
et l'avicennisme
avant
1215,'
porr?tains
449-82
does
not
26
p. 450, the
deny,
(1937)
(Vicaire
on Joachim, yet he makes
and his followers
the point that Gilbert
sur Joachim
?tudes
Fournier,
aus
Jansen,
der Schule
ed.
F. X.
von Chartres
Seppelt
threatened
im 12. Jahrhundert
8; Breslau
1926)
(Clarenbaldus
of the Trinity);
Die
the unity
felt he
der gilbertschen
ed. B. Geyer
Schule,
(BGPT
'
zu den Eigenlehren
Gilberts
Untersuchungen
The Teaching
E. Williams,
of Gilbert Porreta
facultatis
7.2-3;
M?nster
la Porr?e,'
on
Theologie,
he
because
apparently
ein Sentenzenbuch
divinitatist
Gilbert
Landgraf,
1909); Artur
54 (1930) 180-213; Michael
Series
Gregoriana,
(Analecta
i.W.
ZKT
the Trinity
Sofia Vanni
1951) (to be used with caution);
del Centro di studi medievali,
Miscellanea
Sectio B [n.23] 56: Rome

theologicae,
'La filosofia di Gilberto
Porretano,'
Rovighi,
Serie prima
opposed
Sententiae
de
zur historischen
Studien
(Breslauer
th?ologique du xii*
footnote p. 177);
ein Werk
Trinitate,
del S. Cuore, N.S.

dell' Universit?
cattolica
58; Milan
1956)
(Pubblicazioni
des Gilbert Porreta
Gottheit und Trinit?t nach dem Kommentar
Anton
Schmidt,
De Trinitate
der schweizerischen
Jahrbuch
philosophi
(Studia
Philosophica;
1-64; Martin
zu Boethius
schen Gesellschaft,
Suppl.
7; Basel
1956);
and
the very
important
articles
and
texts printed
byHaring in Traditio 9 (1953) 177-211,Mediaeval Studies 13 (1951) 1-40, 15 (1953) 243-89,

and AHDL
although
is certain,
29
he
(1954) 241-357. Haring

admits
that some of his
has
been
followers
of Gilbert's
orthodoxy,
It
in this matter.
transgressed
see, e.g.,
open to misinterpretation;
St. 13.19) etc.
se una'
(Haring, Med.
an ardent
may
at least left himself

that Gilbert
however,
statement
est per
'Omnis persona
[of the Trinity]
on a close study
bases his comments
however,
Haring,
his
defender
have
of the texts.
JOACHIM
OF
273
FLORA
influence on Joachim.101 He was violently opposed by a man Joachim admired

?
St. Bernard102 ?
and his method of reasoning is highly organized
highly
a
in difficult scholastic style, with a heavy reliance on grammatical and logical
arguments. To me it seems unlikely that a man of Joachim's stripe would
have been able to understand him, let alone follow and support him. Of course
a watered down Porretanianism
is possible as a source,103but I think it unlikely.
it is very doubtful whether Joachim's views are actually similar to

Gilbert's. Gilbert does seem to stress the importance of the persons, although
his views seem to support, if they are being misread as Haring104 affirms, a
quaternity rather than a trinity. Imyself cannot unravel the tangled labyrinth
Besides
of twelfth-century Trinitarian speculation. Byzantine

spirituality and Trini
more
a
source
tarianism seem, however,
for Joachim.
Yet this as
likely
sumption also creates problems as we shall shortly see. Joachim was much
and other works reveal, to the negative and dia

opposed, as his Psalterium
lectical conception of the Trinity which had begun to appear in the West
in
the twelfth century,105 as were also St. Bernard, Guillaume
de St. Thierry,
of Reichersberg, but his criticism was his own.

The accusation of teaching a quaternity was also made against Peter Lom
bard in roughly the same period by that violent Gautier (Walter) of St. Victor,
whose Contra quatuor labyrinthos (1177 or 1178) has recently been edited.106
and Gerhoh
101 See
102 See
(note 48) 208-09.

Concordia
4.38, fol. 59r and Expositio
3.8, fol. 87v. On the twelfth-century
see Baltzer
of the new dialectic,
See below, note 107.
(note 99) 28-44.
suspicion
'
'
108M.
structure
du
latin
La
de
d'histoire
litt?raire
?tudes
personne,
Bergeron,
concept
et doctrinale
du xiiie
si?cle* 2 (Publications
de l'Institut
d'?tudes
m?di?vales
d'Ottawa;
Paris
Buonaiuti
e.g.
and Ottawa
(Brussels
154 and J. de Ghellinck,

1946) 90 both take Joachim
1932)
and Paris
Vessor
de la litt?rature
as a pure Porretan,
latine au xihsi?cle
as
is still the generally

of
criticism
of Bergeron's
understanding
'
di Gioac
La formazione
dottrinale
Grocco,
See Haring's
since Fournier.
opinion
18 n. 62. Antonio
inMed.
St. 13 (1951)
sua teologia
23 (1955)
192-96 denies cate
chino da Fiore e le fonti d?lia
trinitaria,'
Sophia
on Joachim
in the matter
of the Trinity.
influence
Gilbert's
gorically
104 See references
in note 100 above.
to Haring's
works
105 ' In
nascente
ai suoi
dal
dialettismo
che minacciava,
ammaliata
scolastico,
un'epoca
di
un
il
mistero
ridurre
del
ad
Gristianesimo
occhi,
para
augusto
piu
semplice
[Joachim's]
e lontane di cui era estremamente
nesso con
arduo cogliere Tintimo
digma di verit? astratte
accepted
Gilbert
come il prototipo
trascendente ed
la Trinit?
le esigenze della vita e d?lia storia, egli consid?ra
il centro supremo di convergenze di lutta la storia umana,'
Crocco
(note 61) 729.
106
27 (1952)
in AHDL
in op. cit. 3.4
187-335.
The accusation
is made
By P. Glorieux,
the
of
the
force
is
and ill
but
for
in
tendentious
this
Walter
weakened,
parallel
(p. 252),
finds a
tempered work
'
ever, in the Additamenta
'quaternity'
posteriora'(p.
is not here used)
How
two Sons in the Lombard's
teaching.
containing
(although
310) he comes closer to Joachim's
position
or
of separating
the essences
Lombard
by accusing
the term quaternity

of God from the three Persons.
substance
of abuse
in the Trinitarian
parently
used
it against
was a common
and term
counter-word
Quaternity
of the period.
St. Bernard
and Geoffrey of Auxerre
ap
disputes
13 and 21;
13 (1951)
Gilbert
Studies
Mediaeval
(I), see Haring,
274
TRADITIO
until we know more about these doctrinal quarrels of the twelfth

in
the West?and
until
much is now being done in that field?and
century
the Trinitarian are clearly separated from the Christological disputes of the
time, we cannot be sure; and above all we do not have Joachim's main con
tribution to the subject. Joachim had no special Christological theory, but
However,
he did attack the Lombardian
view of the Trinity.

It may well be that in his
resentment (a resentment shared with St. Bernard)
against early scholasti
?
the Lombard's
cism,107 he seized on what he thought was a good point
?
one
who knows
to
Trinitarian
attack
whole
the
movement.
For
theory
his mind
somewhat, itwould not be surprising if, as St. Thomas

did not understand what Peter was talking about.
said, Joachim
As
to the sources of his historical theories, we have no exact predecessor

in a way an embarrassment of riches. A favorite and very old view108
is to take Joachim's insistence on the coming revelation of the Holy Ghost
as a revival or influence of the Montanist heresy. This third-century move
but
ment,109 to the blandishments of which Tertullian110 himself succumbed,

the importance of individual inspiration by the Holy Ghost
phasized
of St. Victor,
Peter
like Gautier
also attacked
however,
apparently
see Jean Chatillon,
et les controverses
'Achard de Saint Victor
Achard
the same term;
Cauallera...
(Toulouse
offerts au R. P. Ferdinand
as Joachim
did
on the other hand,
Gilbert,
du xiie
si?cle,' M?langes
of Reichersberg
accused
Lombard
em
and
with
christologiques
1948) 332. Gerhoh
of
Peter Lombard,
tem
of his three-ness
the unity of God at the expense
(Liber de nou. hujus
overemphasizing
matter.
poris
13). All this gives some idea of the difficulty of arriving at the truth in this
107 See
or
scholasticism
dialectic
note
resentment
102.
Joachim's
early
above,
against
of St. Bernard's
3.8 (fol. 86v ff; esp. 87v). A recent statement
may be seen e.g. in Expositio
attitude
towards
'Wissen,
M?nch
108
Wissenschaft,
und Mystiker
See e.g. Johann
is to be found in Erich Kleineidam,

and theology
von Clairvaux,
Bernhard
von Clairvaux,'
bei Bernhard
science,
knowledge,
Theologie
(note
99)
128-67.
Schneider,
Nepomuk
zur christlichen
Glaubenslehre
(Schaffhausen
An
and 47-48;
John S. Carroll,
In Patria:
York
and Toronto
1911
[?]) 229
Anitchkof
and more
E.
f?ussi gioachimitici
109
See Jaroslav
su Dante
recently,
in the Basilian
monasteries
25 (1956)
99-109
Pelikan,
(he makes
the Montanists).
among
no por
views
Tertullian's
n.3;
chiliastische
Die
224ff.;
1859)
Exposition
Tocco, Veresia
Doctrin
A.T.S.
of Dante's
nel medio
(note 2) 72, who has a fanciful

See
in Calabria.
of Mount Mercurion
e iFideli
d'Amore,'
'Montanism
the point
and
II Giornale
its Trinitarian
that there was
possibly
und
ihr Verh?ltniss
Goodrich(?)
(note
Paradiso
(London,
1) 19ff.
New
evo (Florence
1884) 406ff.
of
neo-Montanists
theory
'
In
also Alfonso Ricolfi,
3 (1932) 182.
33, N.S.
Church History
Significance,'
theories
a variety of Trinitarian
Dantesco
cas
see his De exhortatione
the reign of the Holy
Ghost,
De
and
and
21
jejunio
11-12
2.1053-54;
1077-80)
(PL
(PL 2.968-69),
pudicitia
de hinc
metuens:
natura Deum
12 (PL 2.1020-23).
'Justitia...
primo fuit in rudimentis,
in
efferbuit
hinc
juven
et
de
in infantiam:
per Evangelium
per Legem
prophetas
promovit
'
1 (LP
velandis
De
in
nunc per Paracletum
tutem:
maturitatem,
virginibus
componitur
'
abstulerit
cur non et Paracletus
Si enim Christus abstulit quod Moyses
2.938).
praecepit...
titatis 4
quod
Paulus
about
De
induisit,'
De
monogamia
14 (PL
2.1000).
JOACHIM
OF
275
FLORA
New revelations were granted to

denied the finality of the New Testament.
the elect, who could change the regular customs and beliefs of the Church.
It also spoke af a new age when all men would be inspired by the Holy Ghost,
It offered a strong challenge to
who was so to speak the divine pedagogue.
the early Church and stimulated a strong reaction which eventually suppressed
the movement.
It was, however, oriented individually and morally rather
and
than socially
historically.111 It did not claim, as Joachim did, to have
any objective criteria for the determination of truth. It was not rooted in
The ideal of Montanism was

history and the paradigm of the Old Testament.
a primitivism and its method was ecstasy.112 The absence of direct links
between the Montanists
and Joachim makes a theory of direct influence diffi
cult to maintain.
Origen's cyclic view of history has also been called upon to explain Joachim's
characteristic
idea.113 He too was an important exegete and theoretically
a
allowed for
further revelation.114 It is possible that he may have exercised
a minor
as he was
of the East.
never forgotten in either the West
of the problem of determining Joachim's sources in this matter is to

St. Paul speaks of, or implies, three
determine what Joachim actually means.
?
ante legem, sub lege and sub gratia ?
although he believed he was
ages115
Part
111
had set in was advanced
the idea that a new age, the Age of the Paraclete,
'Apparently
and not to
to explain
the prophetic
[Montanism]
gifts of the leaders of the new movement
'
Ideas
and
Related
in
Primitivism
a new theory of history,
elaborate
Essays
George Boas,
de
faits
'De
P.
in theMiddle
See
also
208.
quelques
Alphand?ry,
Ages
1948)
(Baltimore
between
differences
out
he
177
RHR
52
where
n.l,
significant
points
(1905)
proph?tisme...'
stream
in the history of Chris
There
Joachism
and Montanism.
is, of course, a Montanist
in it; but I am con
themselves
immersed
no
some
doubt
of
Joachim's
tianity, and
disciples
See David
influences.
direct
cerned with Joachim
himself and with historically
possible,
Journal
American
Heretics?'
the Spiritual
Montanist
Saville Muzzey,
'Were
Franciscans
of Theology 12 (1908) 392-421 and 588-608 (His answer is no.)
118 '...la r?v?lation

elle est calcul?e
est le contraire
de la proph?tie
spontan?e;
joachimite
200.
et raisonneuse...,'
P. Alphand?ry
note)
(preceding
14? See C. Ottaviano
contra Lombardum
of the Liber
(Rome
to his edition
in the preface
or through Eri
monks
Basilian
54ff.
He
claims
Joachim
reached
through
Origenism
1934)
?ternel (Paris
de V?vangile
1861) 59-60
Histoire
Earlier
Xavier
gena or both.
Rousselot,
also made
the same
it is doubtful
claim.
whether
he
Przywara
is thinking
(note 19) 347 also links Origen and

link. H. de Lubac,
of an historical
Joachim,
Histoire
although
et esprit:
between
connection
d'apr?s Orig?ne (Paris 1950) 220-21 denies any
orthodoxy.
with
he is concerned
extent because
the two, possibly
defending Origen's
114 For some texts of
see De princ. 4.25; In Joan. 1.9.10;
Origen which bear on this subject,
In Rom.
1.4.11.54
13.2.
and In Lev. Horn.
115On the whole
and classical
speculation),
subject of world ages (resting on Old Testament
und
ihrem
in
see Ernst
auf Politik
Mittelalterliche
Einfluss
Bemheim,
Zeitanschauungen
I: Die Zeitanschauungen
1918); Schnei
(T?bingen
(only part published)
Geschichtsschreibung,
de l'?criture
L'intelligence
to some
der
(note
69)
102-15;
Heinrich
Scholz,
Glaube
und
Unglaube
in der Weltgeschichte
(Leipzig
276
TRADITIO
in the last. The new age of Joachim may just be the thousand years of peace
after the coming of the ultimate Antichrist, which would be one possible inter
pretation of the Apocalypse (20.2ff.). It is of course true that any religion which
rests, or claims to rest, upon a special historical revelation, or revelations, must
have a theory of history to give a rationale to that revelation, ifGod's creation
and His actions are to be explained at all. Implicit in the whole Judeo-Christian
?
?
is a theory of history
and the same holds for Islam
religious tradition
in all
and progression,
indeed a dynamic concept of history, although
these religions there have been movements and denominations which attempted
to deny this dynamism or at least check it.
it seems
But
to me
that Joachim was
doing something fundamentally

specifically linked a new age to the Holy Ghost and particu
larized the nature of the expected progress. Progress in the Catholic tradition
when emphasized was always conceived of within terms of the present Chris
tian dispensation, but Joachim thought of progress on a new level and in a
new dispensation for which, however one may look at it, there could in the
different. He
last analysis be no room in the orthodox tradition of the Church. His new
age was not a mere prelude to the Day of Doom
(although in a sense it was
a
but
in
man's
forward
great
just that),
religious education and awareness
step
of God in the framework of a new status or economy. His concept of per
at least partially a historical solution. And above all, it

could to some extent be predicted. Man is thus raised above the necessity
of history. In effect, Joachim,
although he himself played down this aspect,
denied the finality of the New Testament as a guide toman's spiritual experience
and destiny. I don't think he would have denied its general validity any more
fection demanded
than the Old Testament,

154ff.;
1911)
J. Dani?lou,
mundi,
'La
Christianae
Vigiliae
primitif,'
'Aetates
'dated'
typologie
2 (1948)
is now denied, but he would
Testament,
de
mill?nariste
1-16
Die Weltalter
als Gliederungsprinzip
?res mondiales,'
premi?res
la semaine
on
(especially
Irenaeus);
der Geschichte,'
dans
le Christianisme
Roderich
ZKG
Schmidt,
67
(1955-56)
10 (1952)
byzantines
9ff. Augustine
F. Hipler,
Die
christliche
93-108;
(Cologne
1884)
Geschichts-Auffassung
for the Middle
the seven days of creation
gave currency to the idea of seven ages paralleling
V.
288-317;
Grumel,
'Les
De Genesi contra Manich.

above):
De diver, quaest.
83.58.2
(PL
37.1182);
to generations
references
here may
have directly
For
and De Trin. 4.7 (PL 42.892).
(PL 40.338);
Ages
92.1
des ?tudes
Revue
(see Scholz
1.23, 35-41
(PL
40.43-44)
influenced
(PL
34.180-93);
Ennar.
in Ps.
and
metaphors
(the biological
De
catech. rud. 39
Joachim);
on Daniel,
idea based
the four-kingdoms
27 (1892) 321-44; H. H. Rowley,
Hermes
'Die Idee der vier Weltreiche,'
Trieber,
A Historical
Darius
theMede
in the Book
and the Four World Empires
Study
of Daniel:
De Theorie van de
J.
J.
Edmund
Theories
of Contemporary
Kocken,
(Cardiff 1935) esp. 61ff;
see Conrad
vier wereldrijken
en van de overdracht
mische
Proefschrift,
Nijmegen
1935);
under the Roman
Opposition
History
are
concerned
source
primarily
of this notion,
with
along,
the
der wereldheerschappij
J. W.
'The
Swain,
early
of course,
tot op Innocentius
of the Four
Theory
III
(Acade
Monarchies,
1-21. These
35 (1940)
Classical
Philology
the chief
St. Jerome was
history of the concept.
for the Middle
with the book of Daniel,
Ages.**
Empire,'
JOACHIM
OF
277
FLORA
have to admit, he would be forced to admit if he listened to logic at all, that

the New Testament
need not ultimately be absolutely binding for all time.
St. Augustine
is no doubt a major
influence on Joachim.116 He quotes
him extensively and ismuch indebted to his general approach.
I do not think,
however, that much that is uniquely Joachite can be attributed to his influence.
Yet
his thought is pervaded by St. Augustine's

and method.
conclusions
is not so psychologically oriented as Augustine was, and, as we have
seen, his whole concept of the Bible as a historical blueprint for the future
Joachim
is definitely non-Augustinian.117
The Catharist theory, actively urged by Tocco118 and Anitchkof,119 can be
dismissed.
Not only does Joachim attack the Patarenes?the
Italian Ca
con
tharists ?
is
but
there
in
Joachim's
and
consistently
nothing
strongly,120
cepts to indicate any similarity with the Catharist condemnation of the flesh,
their dualism, their probable
repudiation
concept of the elect, and so forth.121
116Like
Paolo
all
Brezzi
evo e Archivio
seminal
thinkers,
St. Augustine
Bullettino
of history, their ritualism,
is hard
delV
'
La
151ff. and
di Frisinga,'
('Ottone
54 [1939]
muratoriano
their
to categorize
To
some, like
simply.
Istituto
storico
italiano
per il medio
concezione
d?lia Gitt? di
agostiniana
storica
Rivista
Serie 5.3 fasc. 4
medioevali,'
italiana,
[Dec.
interpretazioni
If accepted,
this view
view of secular history.
had a progressive
1938] 62-94), Augustine
are
two articles
than is usually
assumed.
would
closer to Augustine
Brezzi's
put Joachim
on medieval
of the utmost
for understanding
historical
influence
Augustine's
importance
e le sue
Dio
and twelfth-century
See also Theodor
of Freising
historiography.
Idea of Progress,'
and the Christian
Journal
'St. Augustine
of the History
von Loewenich,
und das christliche Geschichts
12 (1951)
and W.
346-74
of Ideas
Augustin
see Super quatuor Evan
denken
On St. Augustine's
(Munich
1947).
and
thinking
E. Mommsen,
for Otto
ed. Buonaiuti,
gelia,
pp. xlvi-xlviii,
n.l;
G. G.
Coulton,
From
St. Francis
to Dante
London 1907) 151; Heinrich Scholtz (note 115) 183.

117 John
ed.
as a source for Joachim's

has been suggested
historical
theories,
Erigena
and Heretics
in Italy at the End
E.
283ff.
and
397;
Gebhart, Mystics
(note 2)
(note 111) 208-09
(London
1922) 75ff.; George Boas
Ages, trans. E. M. Hulme
Scotus
see Anitchkof
of theMiddle
(2nd
Die
christliche Geschichts-Auffassung
F. Hipler,
38-9; C. Otta
1884)
(Cologne
di filosofia
Archivio
di Gioacchino
da Fiore,'
'Il Tractatus
super quatuor Evangelia
in general seems to follow his master,
the Pseudo-Dionysius,
1 (1931) 77. However,
Erigena
'
'
'
'
of the Law,
in making
the
of the
the
the historical
sacerdotium
sacerdotium
pattern
'
see Comm.
in s. evangelium
secundum
of heaven,
New Testament,
and the third
sacerdotium'
and
201-03;
viano,
Joannem
(PL
122.308).
118
evo (Florence
nel medio
Veresia
1884) 402ff.
119
de Flore
56ff.
Joachim
1931)
(Paris/Rome
120
see De articulis
64.
the Waldensians
He
attacks
also;
fidei (ed. Buonaiuti)
'
121There
even today an old theory that Joachim was a gnostic.
The doctrine
persists
a non-descript
for
for its father and Maximilla
was
with Marcion
monster,
[of Joachim]
The British
in the Thirteenth
H.
'Antichrist
Century,'
[Algernon Herbert?],
in Eric Voegelin,
and Monthly
16 (1839) 493. We
find this charge again
Register
as the
An Introduction
Science
of Politics:
(Chicago
1952) HOff., who sees Joachim
to see how Joachim
can be
use of language
in any normal
of history.
It is hard
his mother,'
Magazine
The New
villain
278
TRADITIO
In recent years, Grundmann122 and Dempf123 have been emphasizing the paral
lels between what might be called the German historical and exegetical or
This conservative
symbolical school of the twelfth century and Joachim.
includes Otto of Freising,124

group, going back to Carolingian developments,
a fellow Cistercian, Anselm of
Havelberg,125 Rupert of Deutz,126 Gerhoh of
of Gnosticism.
of the 'villain
of history* raises another
issue which
of my comments
below,
pp. 307ff. Alfons Rosenberg
a gnostic, but he says.he
is using the term in a special sense.
(note 72) 12 also calls Joachim
What
this sense is I have not been
For possible
Jewish
influence
on
able to discover.
see G. G. Scholem, Major
in Jewish Mysticism
York
Trends
Joachim,
1946)
(2nd ed. New
accused
The
problem
See some
cannot
be
178-80
out parallels
(who points
of the Torah
in Jewish
Meaning
F. Beck,
discussed
here.
but
says
Mysticism
II,'
influence
Diogenes
not
is probably
15 (1956)
68,
and
direct)
86,
92-3.
See
'The
also
(? 12),' Zeitschrift
f?r romanische
are doubtful);
47 (1927)
Bett, Joachim
Philologie
1-27, esp. 7-8 (his conclusions
of
Henry
*
Flora
Die Quelle
der Trini
article,
(London
1931) 59ff.; and B. Hirsch-Reich's
important
von Joachim
von Fiore und Dante,'
t?tskreise
22 (1954) 170-78 (who shows that the
Sophia
source
'Die
r?tselhaften
of Joachim's
a converted
of God
Worte
the
Jew.
in Dante's
Vita Nova
God
circles representing
probably
Dante's]
in view of Joachim's
be significant
emphasis
[and
It may
is Petrus
on the
Alphonsus,
'threeness'
the three smaller circles).

unifying circle around
of the world,
to the subject of the duration
devoted
?
2000 of
of the school of Elijah
that the world will last 6000 years
reports the opinion
in
Tohu
the
of
Messiah
of
2000
and
2000
Abodah,
Torah,
(also repeated
(no positive
law),
in the six days
is prefigured
this passage
Zarah,
9a). Rashi
by saying this pattern
glosses
The
that he
leaves
Sanh?drin
Talmud,
out Peter's
overall
97a, in a section
1000 years).
Cf. also the old Jewish
followed by the Sabbath
(of another
'
'
Das dritte Geschlecht,
idea of the tertium genus hominum
13.8ff.); see Leo Baeck,
(Zechariah
Jewish Studies
ed. Baron
and Marx
inMemory
(New York
1874-1933,
of George A. Kohut
?
in Medieval
Studies
G. G. Coulton,
Five Centuries
1935) 40-46.
of Religion
(Cambridge
an Islamic
Life
and Thought
116 n. 2 and p. 120 suggests vaguely
2; Cambridge
1927)
of the Creation
source
for Joachim's
characteristic
theory.
122H.
?ber Joachim
Studien
1927) 90ff.
Grundmann,
(Leipzig
123Alois
A. Rosenberg
Sacrum
1929) 268 et passim,
Dempf,
Imperium
(Munich and Berlin
sees
28
as
of
the
medieval
Joachim
(note 72)
apogee
symbolism.
124 On
'Die Philo
see Brezzi
Otto,
(note 116); F. Hipler
(note 117) 41ff.; J. Schmidlin,
von Freising,'
18 (1905)
409-23;
Jahrbuch
312-23;
156-75;
sophie Ottos
Philosophisches
Johannes
hochmittelalterlicher
1935)
Geschichtsanschauung
(Munich
Grundformen
of God.
isHeilsgeschichte,
and we can realize on earth the Kingdom
history
'
des
see Sp?rl
Pr?monstratenserkultur
Anselm,
(note 124) 18ff.; Georg Schreiber,
?ber
'Studien
and
et
12. Jahrhunderts,'
91ff.
Analecta
Praemonstratensia
16 (1940)
passim,
Sp?rl,
32ff. To
125 On
Anselm
au
xii*
Otto,
von Havelberg,'
et xiii* si?cles
ibid.
(?tudes
for his view
62ff.
des Pr?montr?s
spiritualit?
la spiritualit?
10; Paris
1947)
W. Kamlah
of progress);
(note 59)
18 (1942) 5-90; Fran?ois

Petit,
de
et d'histoire
de th?ologie
La
of the Holy
and
Ghost
(especially
da Fiore, Nuovi
Gioacchino
Studi
66ff.; Foberti,
1934) 64ff.
(Florence
126 See
? propos
W. Kamlah
'La Vie apostolique
(note 59) 75ff. and A. Moureaux,
de
et
21
264-76;
Revue
125-41,
71-78,
Rupert
Deutz,'
liturgique
monastique
(1935-36)
Beumer,
Zeitschrift
of history
'Rupert
4 (1953)
but
von
Deutz
255-70.
the third age
und
seine
"Vermittlungstheologie",'
De Trinitate
et operibus eins
Rupert's
is not in the future.
M?nchener
has
de
J.
theologische
a Trinitarian
concept
JOACHIM
OF
279
FLORA
Reichersberg,127 Honorius Augustodunensis,128 and perhaps Hugo of St. Vic

tor.129 There is in general a number of similarities in attitudes and even ideas130
between these figures and Joachim, but yet when all is said and done his uni
queness still shines out. It is not generally recognized that at least some of
In general,
these similarities may be due to a common source inByzantium.130a
and me
static
to
be
tends
rather
of
division
the
German
however,
history
Anselm
had
and
Otto
scheme.
of
Joachim's
the
chanical and lacks
dynamism
a strong historical consciousness and applied in their own ways the idea of
the four kingdoms of Daniel, or the seven ages of the Church or of the world
oriented and even
Both were somewhat eschatologically
from Augustine.
more interested in the meaning of contemporary history. Both felt that a
new age of some sort was possible. Rupert of Deutz helped to give authority
to the philosophy of monasticism, had a concept of recapitulation, and believed
that the Holy Ghost renews creation. He, like Joachim, reflects an older
tradition of Benedictine piety and mysticism. Gerhoh, a rather cantankerous
and antischolastic, often writes with Biblical parallels inmind and

of St. Victor felt
continually reminds us of the coming of Antichrist. Hugo
that the clue to the progress of history was a gradual healing of the damage
of the Fall and a long story of the reparation of its evil results.131 The spread
of knowledge is a step in that renovation. There are three dispensations cor
not successively.
responding to the Trinity, but these work simultaneously,
complainer
127 For
a good example
letter (1155-56)
Adrian
IV,'
concerning
see his
of Gerhoh's
to Pope
symbolic writing and his rather strident voice,

'Studies
in Oliver
IV printed
Joseph Thatcher,
the Departments
Economy,
of Political
Representing
Biblical
Adrian
Investigations
and Anthropology
Sociology
History,
First Series 4; 1903) 184-238.
of Chicago,
Political
Science,
University
128
Especially
(The
Decennial
Publications,
The
he refers to
See Schneider
Ecclesiae.
(note 69) 111, where
Speculum
five
were
if
there
of
and
is
center
ages before
the
if
Christ
that
Honorius'
history
argument
Him
be
after
five
must
there
of
(those
the
of
the
basis
Him
seven-ages
theory
Augustine),
(on
He
and Antichrist).
Monks
significantly
of the Apostles,
thought,
Teachers,
Martyrs,
his
that his own

enough,
129Xavier
Rousselot
lifetime
fell
in the
age
of the monks.
Joachim's
between
similarities
certain
suggested
(note 113)
Die
Franz Kampers,
of St. Victor
and Richard
of Hugh
(and Abaelard).
Joa
as
Victorines
the
71
und
in
deutsche Kaiseridee
1896)
proposed
Sage
(Munich
Proph?tie
see below, note 131.
on Hugo
source.
For further material
chim's main
130For a
of these figures and the rise of a sense of history in the twelfth
general treatment
au xnie
et th?ologie
si?cle,' AHDL
de l'histoire
see M.-D.
'Conscience
Chenu,
century,
115.
note
See
is
most
above,
The dispensatio
29 (1954)
107-33.
important.
concept
130a See
282ff.
below,
'
131 ' Sex diebus
et sex etatibus
reparatio,
est rerum conditio,
perficitur hominum
perfecta
M. Green, Spe
circumstantiis
tribus maximis
De
of St. Victor,
gestorum, ed. William
Hugo
ideas
culum
276ff.;
esp,
and
those
18 (1943)
P. Brezzi,
115;
43-44
see Grabmann
On Hugo's
(note
theory of history,
'Ottone di Frisinga'
(note 116) 169-70; W. A. Schneider
491.
F. Hipler
(note
115)
99)
II 272ff.,
esp*
(note 69) passim,
40-41,
280
TRADITIO
To him, also, Christ is the center of the universe and of history;132 but not
to Joachim.
It is hard to know whether these ideas are only part and parcel of the Zeit
geist inwhich Joachim even in Calabria to some extent shared, or whether he
actually read these writers. He may have, and even to think of these figures
in connection with him enriches and broadens our insight into his thought.
Like his contemporaries, he was interested in the meaning of history and in
the nature of the Trinity. There is no hint in them of the Old Testament as
a key to all of history (although, as with all medieval men, parallels to sacred
history are often sought, especially in sermons), nor of a new age of the Holy
Ghost to repeat the primal pattern on a new level. At the most, like the
in general, they thought the mission of the Holy Ghost was to develop
and spread the teachings of Christ, not to complete them. Some sense of Joa
chim's thought, however, does come through a perusal of their works.
Fathers
was
Although Joachim left the Cistercian order, there is no doubt that he
monastic
the
renewal
ideals.133
As
Professor
Cistercian
of
influenced
by
strongly
has so ably pointed
Ladner
has always
out,134 the idea of monasticism
been
183
er beherrscht
des Systems von Hugo;
Gedanke
'Der christologische
gilt als Zentralidee
'
und zwar in ihrem tiefsten Sinn,
auch die Geschichte,
Schneider
(note 69) 26.
133
Buonaiuti
strongly urged this point in recent years.
(note 48) pp. xi and 97ff. has most
see above,
My own feeling is that he went too far and ignored some important differences;
see La Piana
in
(note 1) 258. Ottaviano
p. 262 and below, p. 282. For Buonaiuti's
position,
the preface to his edition of the Liber contra Lombardum
(Rome 1934) 49 criticizes B.'s thesis
in
did find it necessary
to leave his order. Mario Niccoli,
and asks why Joachim
however,
'
'
Italiana
influence
17.148-49 denies all German
and Greek
Gioacchino
da Fiore,
Enciclopedia
on Joachim
in Latin monasticism
and Cistercianism.
and finds the origin of his thought
See
also
as a way
for Cistercianism
tation Munich;
mann,
and
Religi?se
und
Bewegungen
bibliographical
Archiv
ihre Stellung
in the twelfth
'Ottone'
(note
century, Brezzi,
Jahrbuch 50 (1930) 338ff.; Max
zum mittelalterlichen
(Disser
Reichsgedanken
Historisches
with Hohenstaufen
politics); H. Grund
(Berlin 1935) 5; also his excellent
supplementary
im
zur Geschichte
'Neue Beitr?ge
der religi?sen Bewegungen
article,
of 'religious move
38 (1955)
129-82, on a variety
f?r Kulturgeschichte
1934)
Salzburg
Mittelalter,'
of thought
und das Neue,'
Alte
'Das
174ff.; J. Sp?rl,
Zisterzienser
Die
Dietrich,
116)
(primarily
imMittelalter
ments'
in the later Middle
Ages.
134 See his
'Die
article,
important
concerned
Reform-Idee
mittelalterliche
und
ihr Verh?ltnis
zur
the relation
31-59, esp. 48ff. On p. 57, he discusses
'
?
See also Georg Schreiber,
Vorfranziskanisches
to the Cistercian
of Joachim
movement.
ZKG
und Forschungsaufgaben:
Baurisse
Byzantinische
Genossenschaftswesen,
Beziehungen,'
des
in
his
Recht
und
62 (1943-44)
35-71
Mittelalters,
Verfassung,
Gemeinschaften
(reprinted
Idee
Kult
436,
und
65
der Renaissance,'
und Fr?mmigkeit,
the whole
of which
Gesammelte
der
Johannes
(1941)
ganization
Rose
60 (1952)
MIOG
Kult
1-31.
and
Graham,
des
hl.
Abhandlungen
See
also be studied).
should
Schreiber
argues
life of the Cluniac,

'The
Relation
I [Regensburg
also Schreiber's
Evangelist:
Quellgr?nde
for a strong Byzantine
and
Premonstratensian
of Cluny
to Some
Other
and M?nster
1948] 397
'
Die Pr?monstratenser
mittelalterlicher
in the
Cistercian
movements.
Movements
ZKT
Mystik,'
influence
or
foundation,
of Monastic
See
also
Reform,'
281
FLORA
OF
JOACHIM
associated in Christianity with the idea of reform and rebirth, an idea which
may be seen in St. Augustine and the Benedictine rule itself. It is an attempt
to seize, with the help of God, perfection, a step in the 'divinization' ofman,135
as a counterpart to the 'humanization'
of God, a concept which has been very
influential especially in the Greek Church. One might say that Joachim his
toricized the Greek and monastic
tion. Rupert
and increase in perfec

the old idea of the cloister as the
idea of 'deification'
anew
of Deutz
emphasized
counterpart of heaven on earth, and there are others in this century, like
Anselm of Havelberg
and Odo of Canterbury, who saw the meaning ofmonas
ticism inmystical and even historical terms.136 To reach perfection, as far as
is possible to a creature, one must be a monk.137 The Cistercians gave a new
impetus to this conception and helped to create a new type of piety in the
twelfth century; and they no doubt influenced Joachim a great deal. Yet
Joachim's thought is not Christocentric, nor is there any Song-of-Songs mys
ticism in him as in the early Cistercians, although St. Bernard138 was his modern
ideal along with
Journal
of Theological
in the West,
exegesis
Mediaeval
Studies
135 See Concordia
l'?glise
8-55;
(1933)
historique
vinization
minarii
Fritz
of the new age,
fol. 9V, where

?
The root
Joachim
of the
says mankind
of Man
sanctae
and
important
According
Mariae
to Saint
ad Lacum,
facultas
of Poitiers
(Pontificia
ad Lauream
21; Mundelein,
Hilary
Dissertationes
theologica
Illinois,
Se
1950);
61 (1942)
Ladner
im Altertum,'
3-26.
des Menschen
ZKG
'Zur Vergottung
the concept
37ff. discusses
of Nyssa
in Gregory
and Augustine.
especially
on earth is in the Pseudo-Dionysius,
as heaven
root of the idea of the cloister
Taeger,
(note 134)
136The
of
of the heavenly
On Anselm
the pattern
hierarchy
hierarchy.
'
see Sp?rl, Grundformen
geschichts
(note 124) 27 (monks as the
see the quotation
in La Piana
For Odo,
See also Hugh
(note 1) 257.
Faktor').
de Fouilloi's
De claustro animae, which
the material,
the spiritual
treats of three cloisters,
de di
est paradisus,'
Sermones
writes
St. Bernard
'vere claustrum
(the soul) and heaven.
who
saw
in the monastic
view
Havelberg's
bildender
of monks,
versis (Xenia Bernardina

B X 300-01.**
Gf. Piers Plowman
1.3; Vienna
1891) 906.
137
storia
See E. Benz,
di San Benedetto,
alia filosofia della
'La messianit?
Contributo
di Gioacchino
on the role of the philosophy
da Fiore,'
7 (1931)
336-53
Ricerche
religiose
of monasticism
and others; and D. Ursmer Berli?re,
b?n?dictine des ori
in Joachim
L'asc?se
gines ? la fin du xii* si?cle: Essai
138 '
Bernhards
Der Reformeifer
(note
3)
5.
On Bernard's
Bernhards
schauungen
in terms
chim discusses
and
in Table
historique
gl?hte
eschatology,
von Clairvaux...
(Collection
auch
Pax
in Joachims
see Fritz W.
H.
'
to pass through the Tri

is perhaps
to be found in
and St. Irenaeus.
See, on the
has
idea
'deification'
in Philo
it is certainly present
'
de la d?ification
La doctrine
article by M. Lot-Borodine,
107
xie si?cle,' RHR
106 (1932)
105 (1932)
525-74;
grecque
5-43;
jusqu'au
Jules Gross, La divinisation
du chr?tien d'apr?s
les p?res grecs: Contribution
la doctrine de la gr?ce (Th?se
The Di
Paris
Strasbourg;
1938); Philip T. Wild,
the
concept,
dans
prototypes
?
of monastic
Studies
15 (1914)
179-95.
On the tradition
scriptural
'
see J. Leclercq,
sur la Bible
aux xie-xiiie
?crits monastiques
si?cles,
15 (1953)
95-106.
2.1.8,
nity to attain
perfection.
Theaeletus
Plato's
176a-c,
whole
These men were
St. Benedict.
1; Paris
Seele
Radcke,
von
Die
1927).
Jugend
an,
eschatologischen
'
Huck,
An
Joa
Greifswald;
1915).
(Dissertation
Langensalza
of various
the Cistercians
in Concordia
4.36-39
inter alia,
parallels
23 of the Liber fignrarmn.
See below, note
14L
282
TRADITIO
and Joachim always speaks highly of them. Even the early Cistercian approach
to the Bible,
'on which they meditated
day and night/ is quite different
from that of Joachim, in whom we find no Biblical
lyricism and who was not
a mystic
nor a psychologist. His thought was centered on the Bible, but his
was
'scientific' and sober. He may have used some of the expressions
approach
of his fellow-Cistercians but he understood them differently.139
The
second
age is characterized by the interference of the secular powers

with the true Church, as Uzziah
its prototype shows. But in the third age,
a monastic Church is to embrace all mankind.140 Even the author of the pseudo
Joachite Commentary on Jeremiah, although he probably castigates those

Cistercians who persecuted Joachim as Pharisees, praises the order as a whole
and felt they were destined to bear the chief duties of the new age. Although
is not very open about
until
1931, when Buonaiuti
Up
the general view which Renan,143
kof147 had fostered was that the
it,141I think he felt the same.

published his important book on Joachim,142
Tocco,144 Gebhart,145 Founder146 and Anitch
Joachim
zantine.
Southern
thought were By
for a long time in the Byzantine
orbit,148
chief sources of Joachim's
Italy had been
139 See P.
et la Bible
Saint Bernard
1953) esp. 84ff.
Dumontier,
(Paris
140 '
et
est a sanctis patribus
instituta
est
nisi
vita
autem
ilia
firmitas
Christi,
Que
que
tradita nobis in eisdem libellis ? Quos non omnes fid?les eo modo
legunt
quo deuoti monachi
et reverentur,
Concordia
5.74, fol. 102v.
quia de sola in eis agitur prefectione monachorum,'
141 See Concordia
note
above
138.
fol.
and
llv,
2.1.13,
142Gioacchino
in
earlier by Buonaiuti
same view was presented
da Fiore
(note 48). The
Even
385-419.
4
Ricerche religiose
da Fiore,'
alia storia di Gioacchino
(1928)
'Prolegomeni
Zeit
Historische
in Byzanz,'
earlier August Heisenberg
in 'Das Problem
der Renaissance
lOlff. et
on Joachim.
Huck
405 denied Byzantine
influence
(note 3)
schrift 133 (1926)
dot
'La formazione
influence.
Greek
passim,
Very recently, Crocco,
strongly repudiates
Trinitarianism,
for Joachim's
23 (1955)
192-96 also denies,
except
Sophia
or
reference
makes
He points out that Joachim
influence.
quotes
rarely
bearers
were
or easte.n
of Calabria
monks
Fathers
and that the Latin
any By
trinale,'
zantine
tine
It may
traditions.
be
said,
however,
that
Joachim
rarely
refers to any
to Byzan
of Latin
authority
except
the Bible.
143Leaders
M. Thompson
trans. Wm.
and Antichristian
(London
Thought,
of Christian
64 [1866] 94-142).
1891 [?]) 129-205 esp. 189-90
in Revue des deux mondes
original
(French
144Studii
3;
storia ed arte, ed. F. Torraca
della letteratura,
biblioteca
(Nuova
francescani
evo (Florence
nel medio
esp. 387ff.
1884) 261-409,
Naples
1909) 191-222 and Veresia
145
and Heretics
in Italy at theEnd of theMiddle
1922) 70-93.
Mystics
Ages, trans. (London
146 ?tudes
16.
sur Joachim
de Flore
et ses doctrines
14,
4ff.,
(Paris 1909)
?
147Joachim
but very
a stimulating
de Flore
et les milieux
courtois (Paris/Rome
1931)
unsound
148On
et Vempire
(867-1071)
qu?te
book.
southern
byzantin
(Paris
normande,'
lenization
of Sicily
m?ridionale
see Jules Gay,L'Italie
and its relations with Byzantium,
la prise de Bari par les Normands
Ier jusqu'?
de Basile
depuis Vav?nement
arabe ? la con
sur l'hell?nisme
'Notes
sicilien, de l'occupation
1904) and
of the Hel
the
1
Peter
'On
Question
Charanis,
(1924) 215-28;
Byzantion
Italy
and
Southern
Italy
during
the Middle
Ages,'
American
Historical
Re*
OF
JOACHIM
283
FLORA
and
it seemed only natural to assume that the Greek Church nurtured Joa
chim's thought. Buonaiuti
violently attacked this view; he pointed out that
Joachim came from a part of Calabria which was very much under Norman
and anti-Greek influence, and denied the Byzantine
basis of his thought.
The Normans
supported the Cistercians to counteract the Basilians and Greek

influence. At about the same time as Buonaiuti was arguing thus, Grundmann
and Dempf had been showing the general parallels between German thinkers
of the twelfth century149 and Joachim. I believe, however, the reaction has
gone too far. Even assuming that Joachim did come from a part of Calabria
where Norman
influence was strong, it does not follow that he could not have
influenced by Greek modes of thought. Even in France, we now know,
there was at this time a strong Byzantine influence in art and ideas.150 Schreiber
has emphasized Byzantine
reform move
influences on Western monastic
ments.151 Although Joachim openly based his ideas on Western
thinkers, and
been
at least partially is in theWestern

line, we cannot a priori rule out Greek and
influence. A closer study of this element in the south of Italy may
Eastern
view
52
(1946-7)
Comn?ne
Sicile
Ferdinand
74-86;
(1143-1180)
(Paris
1912)
Chalandon,
Jean
and Histoire
de
II
Comn?ne
la domination
(1118-1143)
normande
et Manuel
en Italie
et en
2nd ed.
Science,
ofMediaeval
Diane
Baronne
mainly);
Sicily
(on
Cambridge
1927)
de Guldencrone,
sur le haut moyen-?ge
n?e de Gobineau,
?tude
L'Italie
(Paris
byzantine,
normanna
e bizantinismo
nella Sicila
Bizantini
1950?);
1914); Francesco
(Palermo
Giunta,
19 (1950)
Silvano
ASCL
'La bizantinizzazione
del mezzogiorno
d'Italia,'
Borsari,
religiosa
20 (1951)
P. Francesco
209-25;
5-20 (mostly
with
the early medieval
concerned
period);
Bollettino
nel medioevo,'
'Relazioni
e l'Oriente bizantino
Russo,
tra la Calabria
culturali
(Paris
(Harvard
della
1907);
Historical
Badia
unreliable).
149
Who,
especially
150
See
Pelzer...
'Byzanz
Greca
as
Studies
di
M.-D.
(Louvain
in theHistory
141-93
Grottaferrata,
165-66;
das Abendland
griffes und der Staatsideologie,'

Kaiserund Reichsidee
nach
N.S.
above,
suggested
the days of Otto
II.
'Le dernier
Chenu,
1947)
Studies
Haskins,
27;
I have
since
und
H.
Charles
(1953)
have
may
49-64
been
(somewhat
influenced
over-enthusiastic
themselves
and
by Byzantium,
de la th?ologie
Auguste
M?langes
orientale,'
Werner
Ohnsorge,
148) 194ff. et passim;
(note
des Kaiserbe
Zur Entwicklung
10. Jahrhundert:
avatar
Haskins
im 9. und
Die ostr?mische
Saeculum
5 (1954) 194-220; Otto Treitinger,
im h?fischen Zeremoniell
ihrer Gestaltung
(Jena 1938); Bernard
et des Gr?co
? la fin du xi* si?cle: Rapports
religieux des Latins
et Byzance
Rome, Kiev
de
sous
le pontificat
J. Gay,
II
'L'abbaye
d'Urbain
1944);
(Paris
(1088-1099)
et Byzance
39 (1931)
au d?but du xii* si?cle,'
d'Orient
84-90; Charles Diehl,
?chos
Cluny
La
soci?t?
faites ? Bucarest
des Comn?nes,
1929)
? l'?poque
Conferences
(avril
byzantine
faites a la
et
Conf?rences
entre
(Paris
l'Orient
Relations
l'Occident,
1929) 75-90; N.
Iorga,
Leib,
Russes
Sorbonne
Paris
du sud-est;
roumain
de l'Europe
1923) esp. 121-39;
(Institut
pour l'?tude
?
In art there
67-134.
27 (1952)
AHDL
et L?on Toscan,'
?th?rien
Dondaine,
'Hugues
is much
of Landsberg's
Hortus,
in Herrad
of the Trinity
see, e.g. the representation
evidence,
fol. 8r, and in MS Vat.
or twelfth century, containing
gr. 1162, fol. 113* of the late eleventh
A.
illustrations
to the homilies
Miss Rosalie
of the
B/Green
* * See
note
134 above.
of Jacobus
Index
Coccinobaphos
of Christian Art
(I am
indebted
at Princeton
for this
reference
University).
to
284
TRADITIO
sources. Of course, one must be careful in this whole matter

There is, for instance, a long tradition of Biblical
reveal some actual
of influences and sources.
of South Italy;152 yet one must hesitate to

study in the Greek monasteries
trait
in
the
ascribe this
Joachim to
Greeks, for Biblical study was everywhere
a major occupation of monks.153 Yet some particular emphasis may be found
some day to show Greek influence here.154
I do not think Joachim was
For
influenced to any extent by Greek theologians,

in his Orationes
instance, St. Gregory Nazianzen
except perhaps Origen.

theologicae 5.26 (PG 36.161) writes of the gradual revelation to man of the Holy
This passage has
Ghost, which he calls obscure even in the New Testament.
been used as an example of Greek influence on Joachim. But here St. Gregory
is not thinking of a third age under the special patronage of the Holy Ghost
but merely speaking of what is a well-known fact?
that the threeness of
152For
Italo-Greek
in South
teries
in the Basilian
monachismo
the Bible
the study
1925) 273-328
(pp. 277ff. deal with
L. Raschella,
of the south); Domenico
in Calabria
its exegesis
and
Rome
3.3.13;
monasteries
italo-greco
and
'
The Greek Monas
Sicily, see K. Lake,
5 (1904) 22-41,
4 (1903) 345-68;517-42;
Studies
Studi
letterari e bibliografia
Italia m?ridionale,
in Calabria
of Theological
Grecia nelV
La
Vaccari,
Christiana
(Orientalia
ture
Journal
Italy,'
Alberto
189-202;
monasticism
(Messina
who
1925),
Basilian
in Calabrian
discusses,
monasteries.
Saggio
46ff.,
pp.
of Scrip
storico sul
study of
i monaci
the
S. Scritture
'Delia
e specialmente
di tutti
greci rivelano
perfetta
[Bible and eastern Fathers]
cognizione...
di dis
del Nazanzieno
le quali
formano poi argomento
fanno d?lie esposizioni
esegetiche,
'
?
see
south
in
the
ibid.
For
49.
the
monasteries
also
93.
Latin
Hans-Walter
Cf.
cussioni,
p.
im normannisch-sizilischen
des Cistercienserordens
'Die Anf?nge
Klewitz,
K?nigreich,'
Studien
(1934)
zur
und Mitteilungen
236-51;
Academy
domination
Lynn
of America
Townsend
des
Geschichte
White,
seiner
in Norman
Monasticism
Mass.
13; Cambridge,
esp. II 708ff. et passim.
Monograph
und
Benediktiner-Ordens
Jr., Latin
1938);
?
For
Chalandon,
52
Zweige
Sicily
(Mediaeval
de la
Histoire
interest in Scrip
St. Nilus'
normande
(Paris 1907),
of Armenti
St. Luke
ture, see PG 120.145A.
given,
(d. 993) (AS Oct. VI 332ff.) was much
as was
on and interpreting
the 'profunda mysteria'
to meditating
Joachim,
(338) of the
words
of the Bible.
in these by St. Elias
He was
instructed
(d. c. 960). Luke
Spelaeotes
also had the spirit of prophecy
the
about the Sara
moved
and prophesied,
Holy Ghost,
by
cens.
See
also
Simeon
Capitula
practica
153 See
Leclercq
teries.
154
is also
There
around
moderne
Emperor
60
Oratio
the New,
(PG
(note
120.
134 above)
a Byzantine
the Wise;
19
(PG
120.401ff.),
Oratio
15
(PG
120.385)
and
633-34).
and Berli?re
(note
137)
169ff on
of prophecy
centered
see e.g. Ch. Gidel, Nouvelles
tradition
Leo
de l'Orient
litt?ratures
'
? Byzance,
Commentarii
Eos,
(Les
3; Paris
1878)
303-12;
'lectio
especially,
?tudes sur
Rodolphe
Polonorum
divin a'
in monas
but not exclusively,

la litt?rature
Guillaud,
grecque
droit
'Le
42 (1947)
divin
societatis
160ff.; P.
philologae
that the
faits de proph?tisme,'
52 (1905) 206 n.l
RHR
'De quelques
(argues
Alphand?ry,
See
monks
Michael
Basilian
of Southern
cultivated
Psellus,
Italy especially
prophecy).
and Science,
The Chronographia
of Philosophy
(trans. E. R. A. Sewter, Rare Masterpieces
?
influence on
ed. W.
Direct
Stark; New Haven
150-52, 201 and 204.
1953) 95, 138-39,
on
is possible
but
the
Greek
Joachim
later
Joachite
debatable;
although
prophecies
prophecy
definitely
did
exercise
a notable
influence,
OF
JOACHIM
285
FLORA
was only gradually revealed to man, although this is used

to strengthen the idea of the possibility of spiritual progress.155 St. Epiphanius,
to take another example, said the divine unity was first proclamied by Moses,
the divine duality (Father and Son) by the Prophets, and the Trinity in the
the one Godhead
Yet this too is hardly Joachite in spite of its implication of pro

St.
Gregory of Nyssa has a very dynamic conception of history which
gress.156
bears some general similarity to that of Joachim, but we need not call upon
his direct influence to explain it.157
Gospels.
If we
search Joachim's works for possible Greek influence, we must be im

?
the rarity of any reference to a Greek theologian and
pressed by two facts
the ambiguity of Joachim's attitude towards the Greek Church.158 In the
those who wished
past,
sympathetic
to play down Greek influence quoted

remarks and neglected his favorable ones.159 And
165 See Theodor

146ff.
156 See
Jules
416.
1939)
Schermann,
Lebreton,
History
the Fathers,
Among
des heiligen
Gottheit
Die
Geistes
(Freiburg
Joachim's
un
in recent years
im Breisgau
1901)
of the Dogma
perhaps
at least
I (trans. A. Thorold;
London
of the Trinity
most
of whose writings
are, however,
Hippolytus,
in his view that the whole

of the Church
history
from the events of the pre-Christian
life of Christ) can be predicted
times,
In his Contra
On this point see Hipler
the lives of the patriarchs.
(note 115) 16.
especially
seems to speak of a progressive
14 (PG 10.821-22),
revelation
haeresin Noeti
Hippolytus
comes
lost,
to Joachim,
closest
the
(not merely
common
A much more
of the Trinity.
but less Joachite^view
is to
by each of the Persons
see Leo
in the life of Jesus;
see the history
of the Church
the Great,
e.g. Sermo
38(37). 1
?
23.1
Some heresies
like Sabellianism
and Gregory, Moralia
76.251).
(PL
(PL
54.260)
in some form of Trinitarian
Contra Arianos
4.13-14
ages; see Athanasius,
may have believed
and 25, and Epiphanius,
157 See Jean
Dani?lou,
Adversus
'
Akolouthia
27 (1953) 219-49.
158
haereses
62 (PG 41.1051ff.)
chez Gr?goire
de Nysse,'
Revue
des sciences
religieuses
evo (Florence
nel medio
F. Tocco, Veresia
(note 142 above),
1884)
to
his
edition
of
Joachim's
p. xxv, where
401;
Super quatuor Evangelia,
preface
a revival in the Greek Church does not prove a friendly
he says the fact that Joachim
expected
he also expected
a revival and conversion
of Israel.
But Joa
the Greeks;
towards
attitude
See,
besides
Crocco
Buonaiuti's
chim
to
of the Greeks
than a mere
of a return
expectation
speak at times more warmly
see note
For Buonaiuti's
142
warrant.
fold would
elsewhere,
opinions
expressed
'
di Gioacchino
da Fiore/
Ricerche
II testamento
and see
religiose 4 (1928) 506 n. 3
the Greek Church which
of the antipathy
towards
he speaks
all his writ
pervades
does
the
above;
(where
ings).
mismus,
159He
See
'
also
ZKG
H.
Grundmann,
Studien
9-10
and H.
Haupt,
'Zur Geschichte
des
Joachi
390-91.
(1885)
the Greeks
in Concordia
fol. 17v; 2.2.4, fol. 20v; 4.8. fol. 47v; 5.47,

2.1.27,
praises
'
fol. 82r and 5.48, fol. 83r; Expositio
1.20, fol. 49v and 11.1-2, fol. 143v. He writes,
...populus
in Concordia
indeed
2.2.4, high praise
Grecorum,
spiritus sancti'
qui electus est ad imaginem
to the Holy
Ghost.
Anti-Greek
views may
be found
for one who
felt the future belonged
11.1-2 (fol. 142v) and 15.7
70 (fols. 82', 83r, 85r, 98v) and Expositio
5.47, 48,50,
to the Greek Church,
In general he devotes much
its nature
space in his writings
(fol. 185v).
as the above
references
and destiny.
contains
both
show, the same section
Frequently,
for the Greeks.
See below, note 162.
and blame
praise
in Concordia
286
TRADITIO
But actually Joachim also

its theory of the procession
Israel
of the Holy Ghost160 and often gives it unfavorable prototypes?e.g.,
or Samaria is the Greek Church, Judea is Rome.161 However, he also puts the
is under Peter. John
Greeks under the special protection of John as theWest
this in general has been the dominant
praises the Greek Church highly. He
attitude.
attacks
is the symbol of contemplation and the highest form of Christian life which
is to be the pattern for the third age. He refers often favorably to the Greek
162 and even
to the
implies that on their return
penchant for monasticism
Roman Church they may take precedence over Peter. One particular quo
?
Joachim says that even now the
tation strikes me as of special interest
Greek church is persecuting those who walk under the protection of the Holy
Ghost.163 These words may indicate that Joachim has some sympathy for
and they
in twelfth-century Byzantium,
the various heretical movements
rule out a true
may explain his ambivalent attitude, although we must not
of Joachim's works when
ambiguity of attitude, or the continual revision
he may well have had different feelings on this issue at different times.
sources for some of Joachim's
1 wish to suggest two possible Byzantine
ideasC (I am not sufficiently at home inByzantine studies and indeed lack the
The
these as possibilities.)
linguistic equipment to do more than suggest
the
and
Bible
on
the
based
and
individual
revival of monastic
mysticism,
Ste
Nicetas
his
and
pupil
liturgy, associated with Simeon the New (d. 1022)
thatos164 (d.c. 1055) in the eleventh century, may well have influenced Joachim
160 '...sicut
ecclesia
sanctum
negat
spiritum
quae
fol. 7* and 9r.
Cf. Concordia
2.1.2,
Graecorum,
11.1-2
proeedere
a Filio
Dei/
Expositio
(fol. 142v).
139
161
See also Super
(ed. Buonaiuti)
11.1-2
quatuor Evangelia
(foL 142v).
Expositio
fol. 17v.
and 278 and Concordia
2.1.27,
'
suo
162The Greeks
monachorum
ilia antiqua
are rebels
qui gloriantur de perfectione
on
the
the
Greeks;
on the whole
2.1.27.
This chapter has much
subject of
rum,' Concordia
erroribus
in
finem
in
them as 'ambulantes
he describes
usque
same folio side, however,
Churches
of the Greek and Roman
In Concordia
suis.'
2.1.7, fol. 9*, he says the separation
of the Holy
Ghost.
is the work
163 '
eos qui ambulant
[Greci]... persequuntur
Concordia
5.50,
5.57, fol. 89r. Cf. Concordia
164On these
figures, see Ir?n?e Hausherr,
le nouveau
par Nic?tas
th?ologien (946-1022)
secundum
spiritum
usque
in presentem
diem,
fol. 85r.
Vie de Sym?on
byzantin:
grand mystique
avec intro
in?dit
publi?
St?thatosf Texte grec
see M. Lot
but
Rome
12
study;
duction...
Christiana
(a good
1928)
[No. 45];
(Orientalia
is lost; Hausherr
107 [1933] 14n). The long life by Nicetas
criticism of it in RHR
Borodine's
see
Ghost
on
the
Holy
For Simeon's
version by the author.
emphasis
prints the abridged
de
la
philosophie
La
See also Basile
(Histoire
188-89.
byzantine
Tatakis,
philosophie
pp.
For some works of Simeon
141-51.
ed. E. Br?hier, Fascicule
2; Paris
1949)
suppl?mentaire
trans. Kilian
vom
Licht:
Licht
Hymnen
der Theologe,
see PG
and Nicetas,
120; Symeon
ed. Marie
textes...
autres
et
Paradis
Le
Kirchhoff
spirituel
Stethatos,
1951); Nicetas
(Munich
?
In Capitula
prac
above.
and
and
Paris
Hausherr,
Chalendard
1945);
Lyons
(Th?se Paris;
See
from the Bible.
known
tica 60 (PG 120.633-34),
Simeon
grants that the future may be
also
references
to Simeon
in note
Un
152 above.
'
JOACHIM
OF
287
FLORA
influence
the Studion, had much
directly or indirectly. Their monastery,
in Calabria.165
In the picture of the different monastic
orders in the third
age in the Liber figurarum, Table 12, we find a spiritual father or director at
the head of each order.166 This is a special feature of Byzantine monasticism,
first urged by John Climacus, and is especially characteristic of Simeon's
on the spiritual life. Reading Simeon also makes one think

is the same intensity, the same reliance on Biblical texts,
even some stylistic similarities. Both Simeon and Nicetas
are opposed
recommendations
of Joachim.
and
There
to learning and put much emphasis on the Holy Ghost.167 The Holy Ghost
inspires the intelligence of the saint who should teach and prophesy. All this
is, however, vague enough and needs a thorough investigation by someone
linguistically competent inByzantine Greek.168 There are also of course obvious
differences
between
Simeon
and
Joachim.
Simeon
He
is not very historical
is a genuine mystic, while Joachim is not.

I have already suggested.
possibility
Uspenskij169 long ago
out
we find doctrinal
not
that
in
the
East
West
but
also
in
the
pointed
only
over
in
the
andTrinitarianism
twelfth
quarrels
century. Although
Christology
the heresy of Soterichos Panteugenios170 of 1157 was primarily Christological
minded.
The
second
165 See
'Relazioni
Russo,
culturali,
7 (1953) 53.
'
Bollettino
della
Badia
Greca
di Grottaferrata,
N.S.
166
Also
on a spiritual
an important
in Bonaventure's
This
point
emphasis
spirituality.
on Bonaventure.
be another
indirect
influence
of Joachim
guide or director may
187 See
reverence
for the Holy
Jean II (note 148) 54-55.
This
Ghost
Chalandon,
special
is very characteristic
of the Eastern
Churches.
de la
See M. Lot-Borodine,
'La doctrine
RHR
d?ification,'
sion du Saint-Esprit
fran?ais de Paris;
168There
is some
(1933) 35ff.; and V. Lossky

(note 97) 153ff. and 241ff. and La proces
dans
la doctrine
trinitaire orthodoxe (M?langes
orthodoxe
de l'Institut
Paris
1948).
107
for an
evidence
interest
in the idea of progressive

in the Trini
perfection
in S. Salaville,
(early twelfth century) views
of Nicaea's
of Eustratios
ty. See the discussion
'
ou
et
Philosophie
th?ologie
?pisodes
scolastiques
33 (1930) 153-54.
169 See
his
? Byzance
de
1059 ? 1117,'
?chos
d'Orient
in the Journal
Movement...'
Philosophical
published
for 1891 (see Salaville
Josef
[note 168] 132ff.). Earlier
'
II 725ff. made
this same point.
See also Louis
Documents
in?dits
Petit,
'
de 1166 et ses derniers adversaires,
Vizantiiski
Vremennik
(Bv^avr?va
Xgovix?)
article
of theMinistry
Bach
(note 63)
sur le Concile
in Russian,
of Public
'The
Instruction
11 (1904) 466ff.
17
see Lysimaque
dans l'empire
lOn Soterichos
conomos, La vie religieuse
Panteugenios,
et des Anges
Church
byzantin au temps des Comn?nes
(Th?se Paris;
1918) 30ff.; J. M. Hussey,
and Learning
in the Byzantine
867-1185
Johannes
Dr?seke,
99ff.;
(London
1937)
Empire
neu herausgegeben,'
'Der Dialog
des Soterichos
29 (1886)
ZWT
224-37;
Panteugenios,
Heinrich
347-74;
cat
Grumel,
Tatakis
par
Les
Recherches
byzantin,
bli?es
'Soterichos
Pachali,
J. V.
l'Institut
(note
164)
fran?ais
219-21;
Panteugenios
regestes des actes
und
Nikolaos
du Patriarcat
von
Methone,'
de Constantinople
ZWT
1.3
50
(1907)
(Le Patriar
de
et de g?ographie
d'histoire
pu
eccl?siastique,
diplomatique,
d'?tudes
Bucharest
and Paris
1932ff.) 105ff.; Basile
byzantines;
orientalium
Martin
Christianorum
Jugie, Theologia
dogmatica
288
TRADITIO
there were Trinitarian implications, and it is possible that

and Eucharistical,
the latter may have influenced Joachim.171 Then in 1166, in the case of Deme
trios Lampe,172 the very text 'My Father is greater than I' (John 14.28) that
condemnation of Joachim occupied an important
is quoted in the Lateran
role. All this too is vague, but itmay have some fruitful possibilities. A minor
dispute may have been the coming role of the Holy
point in the Panteugenios
It suggests a third age, and inRussia173 in later times we do find among
Ghost.
similar to Joachim's, which implies a

common source in Byzantium.
Perhaps itwas the persecution to which Pan
were
and
both
subjected which prompted Joachim's remark
Lampe
teugenios
that those who walk by the Holy Ghost are being persecuted by the Greek
sects174 a belief
some of the heretical
at the present time. Besides

there is some evidence that Joachim
was in the East, possibly in Constantinople,
in the very year (1157) of the
more
on
this last point shortly.
However,
controversy.
Panteugenios
Church
?
The synodica, which were read
III (Paris
dissidentium
1930) 317ff.
in
in 842 or 843, poured
established
first
of Orthodoxy
(the
Sunday
Lent),
are of the utmost
older versions,
on all heresies.
These
out anathema
synodica,
especially
an old
of various Byzantine
heresies.
the nature
in establishing
value
published
Uspenskii
Catholica
ab Ecclesia
on
the Feast
version,
possibly
from the time of Soterichos,

Universiteta
torskago novorossijskago
(See the attack
errors).
59
on Uspenskii's
zum Schisma
des XL
with
a Russian
(Odessa
1893)
text by Anton
in Zapiski
Impera
on Soterichos'
(pp. 428-33
und Kerullarios,
Humbert
translation
407-502
Michel,
aus
II [Quellen
und Forschungen
ed.
ihrem historischen
in Rom,
mit
Institut
in Verbindung
on the bibliography
of the synodicon).
See
G?rres-Gesellschaft;
Paderborn,
1930] 2 n.l,
'
'
au xiiie si?cle, ?chos
Le synodicon de l'?glise de Rhodes
d'Orient
also D. Norbert
Gappuyns,
see also the History
4.16ff.
these synodica,
of Cinnamus
33 (1934) 196-217, esp. 199. Besides
und Studien
Quellen
dem Gebiete
in PG
der Geschichte
133.517ff.
and
24 in PG
140.137ff.
Choniates
the Treasury
of Nicetas
10 [1844]).
Romanum
from Mai,
Spicilegium
Soterichos'
reprinted
dialogue
171 Gf. also the earlier
'case'
and
Christiana
172 See
465-93;
of John
see Pelopidas
Etienne
Analecta
134; Rome
1082;
conomos
A.
Jahrhunderts
(note
Dondaine,
170)
'Hugues
Italos, whose
Stephanou,
Jean
teachings
Italos,
were
philosophe
(preceded
by
in 1076-77
condemned
et humaniste
(Orientalia
1949).
HOff.;
50ff.; Hussey
Cappuyns
AHDL
et L?on Toscan,'
?th?rien
loc. cit.;
27
Petit
(1952)
(note
82-84;
F.
169)
Cha
des conciles d'apr?s

les documents
Histoire
II
(note 148) 643ff.; C.-J. Hefele,
?
returned
1045-1049.
from Ger
Paris
H.
2
911-13;
Lampe
Leclercq;
1913)
(tr.
originaux
of the Son (and presumably
the Holy
of the equality
1160 full of the problem
around
many
landon,
Jean
V
the Father.
with
Ghost)
173 It was
issue by
who raised the whole Panteugenios
of Russia,
Patriarch
Constantine,
reason from
He
have
had
from
on
the
a
for
may
good
Constantinople.
subject
ruling
asking
for so doing.
in his own patriarchy
the situation
174 See
Cambridge
Frederick
1921)
C.
165ff.
Conybeare,
(on some
Russian
bezpopovtsy
Dissenters
(Harvard
Theological
Studies
sects).**
10;
OF
JOACHIM
289
FLORA
IV
The major
Turning to Joachim's biography,175 we also find obscurities.
sources here, besides a few documents, are an early-thirteenth-century Life
by Luke of Cosenza,176 Joachim's secretary, who later became a Bishop, and
an early-seventeenth-century
(1612) biography by a Florensian?Jacobus
on the Tutini MS
in the Biblioteca Nazionale, Naples, and
Graecus?based
were
Both
local traditions.177
inspired to some extent by the desire to rehabi
litate his name and even to obtain his beatification.178 Joachim has frequently
been the subject of dispute, and the seventeenth century, like most of its pre
decessors and successors, was no exception. A seventeenth-century pro-Joa
'
see E. Schott,
der Abt von Floris,'
Joachim
22 (1901)
ZKG
biography,
E. Buonaiuti,
da Fiore
Gioacchino
Vita
dello
343-61;
Lafortuna,
(note 48) 123ff.; Nicola
e novatore del secolo XII
abate Gioacchino,
Tabellione
projeta
(2nd ed. Girgenti
1876) (some
what
romanticized
but not bad); H. Grundmann,
Neue Forschungen
(note 1) 3Iff. There
176
On
Joachim's
are
of romantic
of Joachim's
I of L'?vangile
reconstructions
life such as Vol.
any number
?ternel by Emmanuel
3 and 4; Paris 1928) which cannot
Aegerter
(Les textes du Christianisme
be trusted.
Vol.
II of L'?vangile
?ternel contains
translations
into French
of selected
of
sources of which
the
exact
Joachim's
for the book) are not given.
works,
passages
(except
The
for Joachim's
see below, note
early materials
biography
(the Tutini MS,
177) have
'
in part by C. Baraut,
Las
de Joaquin
de Fiore
recently been printed
antiguas
biografias
sacra
tarraconensia
26 (1953)
The Bollandists,
195-232.
y sus fuentes,' Analecta
AS, May
VII
some basic
source materials
(Paris and Rome
1867) 87-141
(for May
29) also printed
of Cosenza's
Life.
Ferdinando
Italia
including Luke
(note 176) thirteenth-century
Ughelli,
sacra sive de episcopis

et insularum
Italiae
9 (ed. 2, Venice
adjacentium
1721) under appro
cols. 195ff. reprints a number
on the life of Joachim
of basic documents
and
priate years,
that of his Order.
used
He
the Tutini MS.
also prints Luke's
Life
He,
too, apparently
is Ughelli's
valuable
relations with the various
(cols. 205-08).
report of Joachim's
Especially
of Cosenza
and the royal family.
archbishops
176 virtutum
beati Joachimi
synopsis.
177Printed
Cosenza
1612, and reedited with
On
the English
see below.
chroniclers,
omissions
in the AS.
The Tutini MS
(Naples,
of the late sixteenth
is copied
from earlier materials
at
I.F.2)
century
see J. Rousset,
in Fiore,
as reported
S. Giovanni
in the communication
of Ch. Diehl, Comptes
rendus Acad.
Inscr.
E. Jamison,
'The
Sicilian
Norman
177-78;
(Paris
1932)
Kingdom/
British
Acad.
24 (1938)
266 and 284 n. 79.
Proceedings
178A
was actually
for his canonization
in 1346 (printed
in AS, May VII
petition
presented
B.N.
Brancacciana
1111*), but
it apparently
never
got very
far.
notable
defense
de Lauro,
any new material,
may be found in Gregorius
presenting
Ioachim
abbatis sacri cisterciensis
beati Ioajinis
ordinis monasterii
of Joachim,
Magni
Floris
although
not
divinique prophetae
et Florensis
ordinis
institutoris...
the Tutini
allegedly
note 9).
the order,
He
and prophecies.
also used
1660),
dealing with his life, miracles
(Naples
As a Cistercian
a
with
of
fellow
there
is no.
great
writing
Cistercian,
pride
successful
which
he hesitates
to attribute
to his subject
prophecy
(see above,
Cistercian
in the same century may be seen in the historian
of
pride in Joachim
MS.
For
Angelo
Manrique,
further evidence
of the
MSS
of that
century
Ecclesiasticorum
interest
in the Biblioteca
of the
annalium...
seventeenth
Vallicelliana,
3 (Lyons
1649)
under
in Joachim,
century
1.33 and 0.89.
Rome,
see
1189
etc.
the
two
290
TRADITIO
chim 'boom' may be seen in the fact that Papebroch was sufficiently impressed
to include Joachim in a May volume of the Acta Sanctorum, printing there
the Luke and part of the Graecus biographies and some other source materials.379
Certain
were
letters purporting to come from Joachim and playing on his fame

forged in the seventeenth century to give glory to the Cala family of
Naples.180
The most
interesting report on Joachim's life,which gives us a vivid picture

of him, is, however, the section in Roger Hoveden's
History on Richard the
Lion-hearted's
visit to Messina on the Third Crusade in 1190-91.181 It exists
in two forms?
in the so-called Benedict
of Peterborough (really the first
redaction of Hoveden's
Chronicle) and in his Chronicle proper. He reports the
impression Joachim made upon the King and his attendants. He was called
for by the King as the most notable Calabrian celebrity and prophet, and a
number of questions were put to him which, as befits a prophet, he answered
in sufficiently clouded
form.182 One of his most
interesting answers is
that he thought Antichrist (i.e., not the finalAntichrist obviously) had perhaps
been born and was now alive and inRome.183 The implication is that the Pope
was or could be Antichrist. This answer, given Joachim's close relations with
the papacy, together with the general tone of the interview, has led some
like Buonaiuti
to doubt its accuracy. Even earlier the Bollandists of the seven
for Joachim's life, re
teenth century, when they came to collect materials
The recent tendency illustrated by Miss

and Coggeshall.
jected Hoveden
is to give full credence to the material
Jamison
and
Father
Ghellinck
de
Evelyn
Hoveden
presented.184
179Note
sacer... 2 (Venice 1606) 101-03

175. See also the Jesuit Ant. Possevmi,
Apparatus
the Lutheran
He
of
attacked
Joachim.
notice
not
and
interpre
long
unsympathetic
of
for Catholic
a problem
had
created
which
tation of Joachim's
supporters
prophecies,
centuries.
and seventeenth
in the sixteenth
Joachim
'
180
e un falso di Filippo
da Fiore
di Gioacehino
Stocchi,
'Un epistolario
See Tondelli,
for a
Sophia 19 (1951) 372-77.

181 See his Chronica
den
just
tractate
his
expressed
the possible
immediate
182One was
183 1 John
Tours
c. 380
Stubbs,
R.S.;
description
on the same
contemporaries.
with
concerned
4.3 makes
believed
1870)
Adso's
(sub anno
on Antichrist
75-79
work
authenticity
the defeat
of Saladin.
the point that the Antichrist

had been
that the Antichrist
of Hoveden's
Hor
another
and
with
has
born
of
been born.
St. Martin
already
So also
in his boyhood.
and was
Rainer
of Florence
(1071-1113).
Bishop
m Tne
the fact that Joachim makes
evidence
is, however,
crowning
133r:
fol.
his genuine Expositio
puto esse in mundo.'
9.11,
'presentem
the
1190).
has
to contrast
their views with those Joachim
subject,
of Joachism
this dramatic
Richard.
It was
aspect
?
interested
which most
of Antichrist
and other prophecies
in his discussion
prediction
London
with
of Joachim
this
follows
anonymous
3 (ed. Wm.
report
in his
edition
pp.
the
See
same
also
76-77.
point
Stubbs
in
on
JOACHIM
OF
291
FLORA
Ralph Coggeshall, another English chronicler, says Joachim in 1195 looked

about sixty.185 This would put his birth c.1135 and although others have sug
gested 1145, this year seems a reasonable guess. Part of our lack of knowl
edge about Joachim's
biography and the history of his Order is due, as
Mrs.
has pointed out, to the absence of official documents

Bignami-Odier
and the poor state of preservation of archives in southern Italy.186
We do know, however, the date of his death ? March 30, 1202?
although
for a while it too was questioned.187 There is, as I have noted, some doubt
as to Joachim's background ?
one tradition makes him a peasant, another
the son of a tabellio (a municipal notary).
I am inclined to favor the latter.
There would be a good reason for inventing the first but, as far as I can see,
none for the second. When
as Foberti
inasmuch
given rise
ideas with
speaks of himself as a farmer, we cannot,

has pointed out,188be sure that the statement can be taken literally,
as his whole style is allegorical in the extreme.
It may even have
to the false story. But even stronger is the association of Joachim's
poverty, especially the evangelical poverty of the Spiritual Fran
Joachim
ciscans, and a humble birth would fit in very well with the desires of that
movement.
There is on the other hand no good reason why anyone should
make up the story that he was the son of a tabellio.
early biographers and legends report a trip as a juvenculus, as Luke

?
?
where he ex
puts it, to the East
Syria and Palestine
Constantinople,
on
a
a
and
Mount
Thabor
conversion
vision.189
Some of
perienced
mystical
The
these sources say Joachim was a frivolous youth like St. Francis and in Con
in the presence of a plague suffered a conversion.
stantinople or the East
186 Chronicon
of Abbot
that
Adam
III would
Innocent
born,
is Rome.
Pp.
very much
subjected
186
'Travaux
traits,
317-24.
187Huck
did
(ed. Stevenson,
not
67-70
deal
'Il
so in Joachim
Vat.
Lat.
(or misread)
monastero
florense di S. Maria
aus Spanien,'
Text
phetischer
Ehrengaben
(Kolmar
pi?
Joachim
discipline.
?ge 58 (1952)
Le moyen
Rousset,
in MS
with
to Cistercian
r?cents,'
see Jean
London
1875) 69, reporting the testimony
R.S.;
to the Cistercian
told Adam
Joachim
According
Coggeshall,
have a successor
and that Babylon,
where Antichrist
is to be
Ang?icanum
of Perseigne.
antico
von F
loris
3822
and
della
Gloria
who,
149. ?
Joachim's
On
di Gioacchino
ritratto
87ff.
(1938)
urged
in general,
on
the date
(Rome
Kirchengeschichtliche
1944) 23 n.l, have
Coggeshall
da
the basis
was
ASCL
of a comment
1205.
However,
'
and ?liger,
Ein
that
(1933)
he
read
II
Caraffa,
pseudo-pro
Bihl>O.F.M.
the
not
and por
iconography
Fiore,'
1940) 3 n.5
Studien
P. Michael
both
says, was
traditional
als
date
dargeboten
proved
is correct.
188 Gioacchino
da Fiore
(Florence
(note 51) 158-59.
1934) 27ff.; G. Marchese
'
189On
see H.
some of the problems
this vision,
Kleine
connected
with
Grundmann,
151-52.
text of Joachim's
?ber Joachim
von Fiore,'
The
office
48 (1929)
ZKG
Beitr?ge
'
the phrase,
contains
Deus
tuam tribus apostolis
in monte Thabor manifestasti
qui gloriam
in Nicola
et in eodem
loco B. Joachim
veritatem
La
revelasti...,'
printed
scripturarum
fortuna
(note
175)
112 n.
292
TRADITIO
Then
he proceeded to Palestine and Mount Thabor whence he returned de

termined to devote his life to God.
If the trip is genuine190 (and, although the
with
is
St.
Francis
parallel
suspect, itmay well be so, as Grundmann writes)
it could have taken place in 1156-57 at the time of the Panteugenios
quarrel,
and indeed Joachim could have become personally acquainted with the issues.
Interestingly enough, researches into the history of epidemics191 reveal that
in 1157 there was a bad plague in the East, although the center was Arabia
and Syria rather than Constantinople.

Some confused memory of this real
plague may be embedded in this story. One cannot, however, make too much
of this point.
There is a story that Peter Lombard visited Calabria and died at the Cister
cian monastery of Sambucina192 in 1164. If this should be true, Joachim may
have met him there, for he entered the Cistercian order probably at Sambucina
shortly after his return from the East, presumably around 1159. In 1177
he is Abbot of the Cistercian monastery at Corazzo.
In 1182-83, he went to
and'worked on his writings there with the help of scriveners, including

a prophecy to Pope
his later biographer, Luke.
He probably expounded
Lucius
III at Veroli in 1184. In 1186 he visited Pope Urban III in Verona.
Casamari
years later, Pope Clement III ordered him to submit his writings for
the approval of the Curia. These relations with different popes are attested
to by various letters the authenticity of which has been questioned by Buo
naiuti, who in his Modernist interpretation193 of Joachim did not wish to see
him on good terms with the Church. Grundmann, however, accepts them
with good arguments as genuine.
In 1188 or 1189?the date is doubtful194?
Two
190 p# Foberti
la nascita,
il casato,
la condizione
in 'Appunti
sociale,'
gioacchimiti,
be a
would
3 (1933)
220 says that 1147-49,
Crusade,
during the time of the Second
'
'
This date seems too early to me.
date for his trip to the
suitable
luoghi santi.
'
'
191 See A. v.
nach arabischen
des Orients
Ueber
die grossen Seuchen
Quellen,
Kremer,
in the east in 1142 and 1163
Sb. Akad.
Vienna
(1880) 81 and 126-27 (there were also plagues
ASGL
aus
too late); Georg
one is too early and the other probably
Sticker, Abhandlungen
11 :Die Geschichte der Pest (Giessen 1908) 39 (for 1157).
der Seuchengeschichte
und Seuchenlehre
192
41-42.
Neue Forschungen
See Marchese
Grundmann,
(note 51 above);
193A
is to be found in
to the Buonaiuti
view of Joachim
introduction
in English
good
Se
The
of
the
Flora
and
Dutton
'Joachim
Vida
Friars,'
Privilege
of Age; Essays
Scudder,
but
from Christendom
193-210
1938).
(reprinted
1939)
as Abbot
of
refers to Joachim
of Hoveden)
(first version
see E. Jamison
Corazzo,
(This lecture gives a good picture of the interview
(note 177) 263.
and
de la litt?rature latine au xiie si?cle I (Brussels
L'essor
with Richard
I.) J. de Ghellinck,
cular and
m
yet
(New York
Spiritual
the Gesta
in 1190-1,
This is the year of

of the Order.
1192 as the date of the foundation
1946) 199 accepts
he
a fugitive.
to return or be considered
to Joachim
the Cistercian
command
Possibly
to break
later decided
left for the Sila in 1188 or 1189 and only a few years
definitively
'
'
abbot
with his original Order, or Hoveden
Ughelli
loosely.
may have been using the title
1189
21 (1952) accept
da Fiore,' ASCL
di Gioacchino
'L'eredit?
(note 175) 195 and Russo,
Paris
as
the
correct
date.
JOACHIM
293
FLORA
OF
owing to dissatisfaction with the state of Cistercian piety and spiri

in
Calabria, he left his convent and retired to the Sila, that barren
tuality
and range where he founded a community of hermits,
Calabrian
plateau
probably
of his new Order.195 The Chapter General of the Cistercians in 1192

ordered him and another brother to return or be considered fugitives.196 We
do not know enough of the attitude of the Cistercians towards Joachim and
the base
in these early days. The command of 1192 implies censure,

is unknown.
Centuries
but whether Cistercian antagonism was widespread
later it was certainly assuaged, and the histories of the Order tended to take
Joachim on the other hand admired the Cis
a favorable view of the Abbot.
his new Order
tercians to the end. That this early conflict would lead to a forgery to blacken
his name, as Foberti suggested, seems unlikely.1968.
We know little of the history of the Order,197 although there are some docu
in Fiore was engaged
ments showing that the mother house at San Giovanni
in the late twelfth and
in quarrels with a neighboring Basilian monastery
as the meeting with King Richard
early thirteenth centuries.198 Joachim,
in his later years
and Hohenstaufens
and his contacts with the Normans
and his widow
show, was by now no doubt a well-known figure. Henry VI
Constance gave substantial support to San Giovanni. The extent of Joachim's
relations with Germans is not clear, but on the whole, in spite of some harsh
words in his writings, presumably written earlier, they were probably friendly.199
a century
about
of hermits which
tradition
a strong Calabrian
of Thiers to found, on returning to his
Stephan
impressed
sufficiently
apparently
See
the Order of Grammont
developed.
from which
c. 1080, a community
native France,
du xiiie
au milieu
des
son
et
cistercien
origines
Vordre
gouvernement
Jean-Berthold
Mahn,
195There
may
have
been
before had
In the 1090's,
lived as hermits.
1951) 28-29. Many Basilians
(2nd ed. Paris
(1098-1266)
in
hermits
of
houses
Calabria,
a few Carthusian
founded
St. Bruno
4 (Paris 1717) 1274 ? 12.
m printed
novus anecdotorum
Thesaurus
and Durand,
in Mart?ne
196a See Additional
Note,
p. 310 below.
si?cle
197 It ended
in 1633 when
apparently
so and some had
earlier done
the
last
houses
the
reentered
friars
the Dominican
Cistercian
Order.
are differences
(there
had
joined
On the history
of the Florensians).
of the final dissolution
on the date and mode
of opinion
22
ZKG
358ff.; Russo
von
der Abt
(1901)
Floris,'
see E. Schott,
'Joachim,
of the Order
Giacinto
20
219-22;
AFH
'Le
(1927)
Beno?t,'
Andr? Callebaut,
joachimite
(note 194 above);
be
who must
da Fiore
(a local historian
Gioacchino
1928)
(Cosenza
?Abate
d'lppolito,
'
22
39-54;
ASCL
del
II titolo dell' ordine
(1953)
Fiore,'
used with caution);
Biagio
Cappelli,
Some
Cesare
'Contributo
Minicucci,
agli
F. Caraffa
studi
187);
storici
florensi,'
C. Baraut,
'Per
17
Brutium
(Reggio
dei monasteri
la storia
Calabria
Florensi,'
92-93;
(note
77-79,
1938)
241-68
4 (1950)
Benedictina
(not seen).
Le dottrine
198Documents
See also F. Campolongo,
in Ughelli
(note 175) 198-201.
printed
n. and Lafortuna
22
ed.
(note
di
eresia
e
il
delitto
1929)
Naples
abate
Gioacchino
(2nd
dell'
175) 100-03.
199
See Franz
Gemahlin
gewidmet...
die heilige
(ed. B.
'
Ein
Joachims
Elogium
Liber
Floridus;
Kunigunde,'
Pelster,
Bischoff
and Suso
Brechter;
von Fiore
auf Kaiser
Mittellateinische
St. Ottilien
1950)
Heinrich
Studien,
Paul
329-54.
Pelster
II und
seine
Lehmann...
strangely
294
TRADITIO
In 1196200Pope Celestine III approved the Florensian rule, which we unfor

tunately no longer possess.201 If a copy were extant, we could get a clearer
picture of what Joachim objected to in the Cistercian rule and what he wished
a religious community to be like. It probably was a more stringent organi

It is doubtful whether after this date the Cistercians could actively
zation.
to
the new Order any longer. The history of the Florensians as far as
object
we
can reconstruct
conservative
it is disappointing.
The Order became very wealthy and
quickly and did little even to further the renown of its
very
founder after the first few decades.
history to recall Pope Gregory
IX's
It is strange when we regard its subsequent

admiration for it.202
V
The influence of Joachim has been extensively studied, probably because

of its dramatic element.203 The dispute over his views in the thirteenth century
came to head in 1255-56, a few years before the
supposed entry into the third
in the face of simple chronology
of all Joachim
scho
persists,
(not to speak of the opinion
the De
seminibus
note 236) as a
lars), in regarding
(or semine)
scripturarum
(see below,
of the Abbot
it was written
he admits
The work may
in 1204-05.
genuine work
although
be Joachite,
method
the future by the alphabet
is not;
its
main
of
although
determining
it was
200
associated
certainly
Goggeshall
(see note
Joachim was at the Curia
his new Order.
201
Buoraiuti,
For
with
Joachim's
name
from the
on the authority
185 above)
as Jordan
in 1195, probably,
Celestine's
bull,
see PL
late
of Adam
suggests,
thirteenth
century
de Perseigne
to get papal
on.
reports
that
approval
for
206.1183.
di Gioacchino
da Fiore,'
Ricerche
religiose 4 (1928) 507 n.
the of rule may be found ir. Concordia
autem
5.23, be ginning,'Bene
'
christiani
ad formam
F. Caraffa (note 187) 5ff. speculates
illam, si unaquaeque...
on the possible
of the rule. See also Grundmann
contents
(note 1) 85ff., who suggests that
suggests
redirent
'II
testamento
an outline
that
13 of the Liber
Table
novi ordinis pertinens ad tercium statum ad instar

figurarum
(Dispositio
us
clues.
The
crucial
here is how Joachim
his
Jerusalem)
gives
question
regarded
in terms of the third age ?
Order
was
it to be a pattern
for it? To some extent at least
he must have thought so, but it is obvious
that at least the picture
in Table
13 of the seventh
saperne
Oratorium
sancti
op. cit. 101-02).

ing of 5 houses
Order
could
monastery
of heavenly
(and
which
Ages,
ville
202
Abrae
Joachim
for conjugati
cannot
may, as Grundmann
have
been
suggests,
a feature
however,
(see Grundmann
an initial group
in the new age).
The
had
for two more

and clerici
(for conjugati
?
a kind of skeleton
ready to take over in the new age
third-age
so to speak.
The pattern
of various
on the conception
is no doubt based
houses
mansions
and reveals the Order's
as well as Joachim's
orientation
eschatological
with
have
the hope
of Fiore
have
been
the monastic)
as the closest
of heaven,
terrestrial
imitation
theory of the monastery
it prefigures
and of which
it is a foretaste.
On the heavenly
mansions
in the Middle
see Ray
C. Petry, Christian
and Social
and Nash
Eschatology
Thought
(New York
references.
1956) 337ff. with appropriate
St. Dominic,
In his bull canonizing
IX referred to the Dominicans,
Francis
Gregory
as the four pillars of the church.
and Florensians
cans, Cistercians,
See above, note 30.
203 For the
see Bloomfield
and Reeves,
(before 1250) of Joachim's
early years
influence,
'
'
The Penetration
of Joachism
into Northern
29
and Reeves,
772-93
Speculum
Europe,
(1954)
'The Abbot
Joachim's
Disciples
and
the Cistercian
Order,'
Sophia
19 (1951)
355-71.**
JOACHIM
OF
295
FLORA
the famous quarrel at the University of Paris over the Eternal

Evangel.204 There is a large bibliography on this dispute which involved St.
as well as a host of well-known names. On the
Thomas and St. Bonaventure
age, with
of St. Amour
level, it was a protest by the seculars led by William
in
life
and
of
the
friars
influence
the
University
probably
growing
against
elsewhere. On a theoretical level it involved many of the Joachite issues as
political
as the whole
subject of evangelical poverty and its role in the quest for

It also involved, as Schleyer has pointed out,205 the question of
perfection.
as
papal
against episcopal claims and possibly, from a long-range point of
well
view, the whole question of early Gallicanism.

It was sparked by the publication by a radical Franciscan, Gerardo de
4qui in Sicilia nutritus fuit in seculo,'206 of the Introduction
Borgo San Donnino,
to theEternel Gospel which, as reconstructed by Denifle,207 apparently contained
204 Chenu
(note
sees
173ff.
150)
the
condemnation
of
some
of Joachim's
Trinitarian
of the University
of Paris
in
by
implied
?
there.
For a bibliography
1241 of some ten propositions
held by some of their number
see Bloomfield
of this dispute,
and Reeves
(note 203) 772 n. 2 and F. X. Seppelt, Der Kampf
des 13. Jahrhunderts
Paris
in der Mitte
der Bettelorden, an der Universit?t
(Kirchengeschicht
at
views
least
in the condemnation
2 and
liche Abhandlungen
Universities
Oxford
Literatur
und
Studien
de
Codicille
Fran
und im Roman
de la Rose,'
bei Rutebeuf
'
Testament
im sogenannten
2 (1915) 63-109; 286-313,
and Die Bettelorden
und
Bettelorden
Max Bierbaum,
ibid. 3 (1916) 339-53;
Jehan de Meun,'
zum
literarischen
und Untersuchungen
an der Universit?t
Texte
Paris:
Weltgeistlichkeit
und Exemtionsstreit
ArmutsBeiheft
The
II 73-139; Hastings
I 197-241;
Rashdall,
1905-08)
I (new ed. by F. M. Powicke
and A. B. Emden;
Ages
in der franz?sischen
didaktischen
'Die Bettelorden
T. Denkinger,
344-97;
13. Jahrhunderts,
besonders
1936)
des
ziskanische
6; Breslau
in theMiddle
of Europe
the masters
2; M?nster
des
12. Jahrhunderts
i.W.
collection
1920)
(a valuable
Orden zu der Profanwissenschaften
(1255-1272)
of texts);
Studien,
(Franziskanische
Die
Koperska,
Apollonia
im 12. und 13. Jahrhundert
der religi?sen
(Frei
Stellung
135-77.
Switzerland
1914)
burg,
206
10 (1938) 279-93
sur les ?tats de perfection,'
RTAM
(Schleyer
scolastiques
'Disputes
but it is a valuable
of
the
issues
the
theoretical
and
quarrel,
dogmatic
under-emphasizes
des franz?
Der Widerstand
im 13. Jahrhundert;
des Gallikanismus
and Anf?nge
corrective)
gegen die Privilegierung
sischen Klerus
?
William
of St. Amour
claimed
der Bettelorden
and
that bishops,
through the Apostles
from Christ
thority immediately
206
II ed. F. Bernini
Cronica
Salimbene,
(Scrittori
tends to support Reeves'
southern
Italian background
(Historische
Studien
314; Berlin
parish priests, derived

and not from the pope.
hence
d'ltalia
thesis
1937).
au
their
187-188; Bari
1942) 132. This
of a Joachite
center in southern
in Cister
death, although not the thesis that it was
following Joachim's
Italy in the decades
a Franciscan.
was
for
Gerardo
cian and Florensian
houses,
207 See
1 (1885)
zu Anagni,'
ALKG
und die Commission
aeternum
'Das Evangelium
or extracts
from
on this work,
rather than the introduction
49-142.
glosses
Apparently
Eudes
From Cardinal
at Anagni.
by the Commission
we get in one of his sermons another
of the Anagni
Commission,
see P. Gratien,
Sermons
been
has generally
of this dispute which
francis
ignored;
picture
29 and
des ?tudes
de Ch?teauroux
Eudes
cains du Cardinal
franciscaines
(Extrait
(?. 1273)
?
Gerardo
Abraham,
30, Ann?e
1913; Paris and Couvin
1913) 35-39, Sermon 4.
paralleled
Joachim
himself,
de Ch?teauroux,
were
condemned
a member
296
TRADITIO
an
inflammatory introduction followed by long selections frojn Joachim's

It apparently claimed that itwas
writings with heretical or seditious glosses.
the new Evangel for the third age.208 A list of 31 propositions extracted from
the work of professors at the University of Paris examining the matter is
revealing,209 but it can be seen that many of them are not genuine Joa
of
chite ideas, although they may perhaps have grown out of these. William
St. Amour seized upon the book as an excellent example of the perfidy of
most
the friars and wrote his famous attack on the friars,De periculis nouissimorum
temporum. I shall not go into the ins and outs of this quarrel, which kept Paris
and Europe in an uproar for a good many years and created much bitterness.
It is discussed at length in Jean de Meun's part of the Roman de la Rose210
and in some poems of Rutebeuf,211 which gave it a wide currency among the
literati. It is a curious quarrel, in which the different elements are hard to
separate. Most curious of all I think is the fact that William's writings, full
of a sense of impending doom and references to Antichrist, seem almost as

Joachite, as Joachism was understood in those days, as those of his opponents.212
To him the activity of the friars was convincing proof of the imminence of
in fact they were his agents, and Joachim a heretic was their
Antichrist ?
inspiration.213 It is the strong condemnation of this work and of the Intro
see E.
and Francis;
Isaac and Jacob;
Dominic
and Joachim,
John, and Jesus;
Zechariah,
I' (note 67) 107.
'Joachim-Studien
Benz,
208 To
of
a new spiritual
the eternal Gospel
of Apoc.
14.6 means
Joachim,
interpretation
- 260r
the Old and New Testaments,
In Psalterium
and certainly not a book.
1, fols. 259v
he discusses
the concept, saying inter alia that it is 'illud quod procedit de evangelio
Christi,
littera enim occidit, spiritus autem vivificat.' ?
The third age is not to have a newer Testa
but to possess
ment
of the two already
a new enlightenment
into the meaning
given us.
See
James
formation
to the Re
Church from the Apostolic
Age
History
of the Christian
ed. London
In Super
(ed. Buonaiuti)
1874) 345.
quatuor Evangelia
'
eternum, nisi quia illud
says,
evangelium
evangelium
regni, vel a Iohanne
'
is
or in other words,
the eternal Gospel
est nobis a Christo vel apostolis...
C. Robertson,
V
86, Joachim
(revised
also
quod mandatum
the true commands
of Christ and his Apostles.
209Most
in ZKG
51 (1932) 415-55 along with general comments.
recently published
by Benz
'
romana
The fourth is the most controversial:
recessus
ab ecclesia
ecclesiae
grecorum
quod
but
fuit a Spiritu
a statement
to be found in Joachim's
Sancto';
genuine works,
actually
taken out of context;
see reference
in note 162 above.
210Who
and Paul must
give
says that Joachim
(the New Testament)
taught that Peter
to John (the third age). Cf. Psalterium
2.2.5, fols. 20v ff.
way
1, fol. 265v and Concordia
etc. on Peter
and John.
211 La
lines
Les Ordres de Paris,
de Constantinoble,
lines 37ff.; Du Pharisian;
Complainte
lines 37ff.
61ff.; De Sainte ?glise,
212
sumus in ultima
'Nos
aetate
et ilia aetas
aliis, quae
jam plus duravit
hujus mundi,
'
currunt per millenarium
8. Schleyer,
De periculis
annorum; quia ista duravit per 1255 annos,
fervor.
has true eschatological
that William
Anf?nge
(note 205) 32 n. 27 denies, however,
see H. Rashdall
For the criticism
218
has recently
Edmond
Faral
(note
edited
204)
386 n.
another
1 and Benz
work
of William
209) 449.
of St. Amour's;
(note
see his
JOACHIM
297
FLORA
OF
condemnation which has given

ductorius, I think, rather than the Lateran
rise to the general belief that Joachim's own historical views have been offi
cially judged as heretical.
A long list of names can be adduced to show the passage of Joachism into
the later Middle Ages.214 Many of the late medieval heresies or semi-heresies
show its influence, but the good Abbot also impressed many loyal sons of the
Church. The quarrel over the Eternal Evangel
and the appeal of Joachism
in general can be attributed to the growing sense of dissatisfaction with the

abuses which had crept into the Church and the strong desire for a return to
the simplicities of the Apostolic
and primitive Church.215 The profoundly
spiritual revolutionary implications of many Gospel passages were one of the

major roots of this dissatisfaction, a dissatisfaction visible in many sensitive
loyal sons of the Church such as Dante and Chaucer, who did not spare their
they did not go so far as some of their hot-headed
criticisms, although
'Les
The
de
Responsiones
Responsiones,
Guillaume
edited
poorly
de Saint-Amour,'
in the 1632 edition
is a further defense
quibus accusatus,
attenuated
arguments.
214
as this
Inasmuch
super
25
AHDL
of his position,
26
and
works
of William's
written
337-94.
(1950-51)
et articuli
as Casus
1256 with
after
con
somewhat
of my paper
last divisior
(see above, p. 250) has been more fully treated
over a
I am also passing
than the others, I shall cover the ground very rapidly.
explored
'
'
de
in
Joachim
his
best summed
of fringe
number
theories
such as those of Anitchkof,
up
other
and much
are behind the Grail Legend
Flore
and Joachim
(note 2), that the Gatharists
and
of the
literature
medio
twelfth
in Romania
Borodine
Riuista
evo,'
to various
Passing
attempts,
esoteric
of Beatrice:
needless
this should
However,
he must
around
be used with
with
patertly
Bohemia,'
his;
The
thirteenth
[1930] 526-57,
di sintesi letteraria
interpreters
A Study
criticism
by M. Lot
thorough
'
e
letteratura
nel
Settarismo
Viscardi,
in general has much
appeal
31ff.). Joachism
centuries
the
1 [1934]
See
of European
culture.
in the Heterodoxy
of Dante
and
say, are worthless
not be said of Anitchkof,
to
caution.
(see
and Antonio
See below,
note
devoid
who
?
256.
also,
e.g.,
Gertrude
The
Leigh,
of these
Most
1932).
(London
and genuine
of scholarship
even
often is very perceptive
Joachim's
name
insight.
though
was
thrown
frequently
are
which
prophecies
to many
in the Middle
and was attached
Ages
'A Joachimite
see e.g. Ruth Kestenberg-Gladstein,
Prophecy
34-55. The
34.82
and East
Review
Slavonic
(1955)
European
abandon
not
and
56
Concerning
thirteenth
at some length, with

of the subject was
studied
texts, by Holder
Italian
century
aspect
Joachim was
in Neues
Archiv
25 (1899),
30 (1905) and 33 (1908).
popular
especially
Egger
as a so-called
while his serious historical
herald
of Antichrist,
theory had less appeal.
215
later medieval
at the root of most
sees this desire, and not doctrinal
concerns,
Morghen
'
'
in the
nel medioevo
See his L'eresia
heresies
and religious protests.
(which first appeared
'
La
and
romana di Storia patria
67 [N.S. 10; 1944] 97-151)
Archivio
della R. Deputazione
in
1947
and
which
first
in
Ricerche
crisi della religiosit? m?di?vale'
religiose
(which
appeared
di cultura
cristiano
he sagely
both reprinted
in Medioevo
discusses
(Biblioteca
Joachim),
?
'Necesse
himself writes,
Joachim
moderna
quippe
491; Bari
1951) 212-86 and 287-303.
terrene
vera apostolice
in qua non acquirebatur
similitudo
possessio
est, ut succ?d?t
vite,
statum
'Reformari
fol.
59v
sed vendebatur
Concordia
4.25);
4.39,
(cf.
hereditatis,
potius...,'
'
Concordia
5.86
in eum gradum
in quo fuit tempore
ecclesie
et similitudinem,
apostolorum,
fol,
114r,
298
TRADITIO
Joachism, or a developed Joachism, gave many of these latter

temporaries.
the stick with which to beat the Church, and to more sober men, a philosophy
of reform and rebirth. The Franciscans with the history of their founder
inmind were especially impressionable. These spirits had a strong

perpetually
sense of the necessity to endure tribulation, as the early Christians and Christ
had endured it, out of which a purified world and Church would come.216
It is possible that Joachim influenced to some extent St. Francis himself,
although I must say the parallels so far-adduced are not completely convinc
the beginning of the thirteenth century in France, we have the

movement, which poses in relation to Joachism a problem at
unsolvable.218
Some of its beliefs, condemned as heretical by the Fourth
present
are
Lateran Council,
amazingly similar to Joachim's. The question is how Amau
ing.217 At
Amalrician
ry de B?ne could have encountered at this early date the thought of Joachim.
there is no longer any room for doubt.219 Many
With the early Franciscans,
of those who protested inwardly against Fra Elia's220 organization of the Order
216 'The
whole
thirteenth
Middle
New
Ages;
York
was
century
first century of the Christian

Frederick
Ernst Kantorowicz,
era,
the Second,
335.
1931)
and looked
by Joachism
His enemies agreed
and 506-07).
he too at times accepted
(pp.
217 On the whole
see
subject,
any influence); H.
(who denies
'
Deutsches
Dante-Jahrbuch
X-XII,
on Joachim
articles
by F. Russo
fluenced
the
intimate
of a most
kinship with
'
of Flora,
of Abbot
Joachim
by the prophecy
of the
trans. E. O. Lorimer
(Makers
1194-1250,
conscious
introduced
but
equated
also
in
(see
ibid. 395-96
him with Antichrist,
a position
as the bri iger of a new
this view
with
II was
Frederick
to Kantorowicz,
According
himself
upon
age
603ff.).
da Fiore,
Gioacchino
Foberti,
Grundmann
und
'Dante
studi
Nuovi
Joachim
von
1934)
(Florence
zu Paradiso
Fiore,
Italiana
226; the long review of the Enciclopedia
und
Die Bettelorden
7 (1937)
79-90; H. Hefele,
zur
Kultur
XIII.
im
Jahrhundert
Ober- und Mittelitaliens
das religi?seVolksieben
(Beitr?ge
and Berlin
ed. W. Goetz
und der Renaissance,
1910)
des Mittelalters
9; Leipzig
geschichte
on Francis
and finds little influence on popular
39 (who denies
any influence of Joachim
?
of direct
influence
has been the strongest
life in Italy anywhere).
Buonauiti
supporter
14 (1932)
in ASCL
was
'minorit?'
that the term
He
are too general.
even propos?s
'
418-19 n.l. Joachim
Ricerche
see
4(1928)
religiose
Joachim,
Prolegomeni...,'
by
order of the
the monastic
to characterize
in Concordia
5.18, fol. 69v uses the term parvuli
the
See
also
18.3.
of
Matt.
the
future.
by
is
Joachim
point made
parvuli
echoing
probably
?
For the common Fran
219.
n.
note
below
772
and
Bloomfield
and Reeves
3;
(note 203)
note 84.
7.2 see above,
ciscan
gloss on Apoc.
218
in Bloomfield
see the comments
and references
On Amaury
of B?ne and the Amalricians
his
although
parallels
suggested
Studien
and n. 47, and H. Grundmann,
(note 2) 163ff.
'
of St. Francis,
Considered
The Stigmata
H. Lyttle,
'
of a Paper
Abstract
of Celano,
in the Light of Possible
Influence upon Thomas
Joachimite
79-85
4
Church
the
American
(he ar
read Dec.
(1914)
History2
Society of
31, 1912, Papers
of
as were Fra
influenced
of Francis'
by Joachim,
gues that Celano's
stigmata was
picture
and Reeves
219 See
Elia's
(note
above,
on the
letter
to Celano
attributed
mum'
220
etc.
See
203) 782-83
note 84 and
Fra
the
Leo
subject,
and
was
interchange
Charles
the canonization
with
Gregory,
the source
between
bull
of Gregory
'novus
their phrases
IX,
and hymns
ordo,'
'caput
for his office
draconis
for Celano).
Fqberti
and
F.R.
(Russo)
in
'Gioacchino
da
Fiore,
ulti
S.
JOACHIM
OF
299
FLORA
were drawn to Joachim
; and Hugh of Digne,221 in the 1240's, as Salimbene

shows quite clearly, formed a Joachite cell in the Order in Provence.
John
of Parma,222 minister-general
of the Order 1247-1257, was definitely affected
by Joachism, and even St. Bonaventure was not untouched.223 Peter John
Olivi, that brilliant thinker (1247-97),224 gave a tremendous impetus to the
movement within the Order and may be considered the founder of the Spiri
tual or Fraticelli wing of Franciscanism.225 He lectured in Florence at Santa
Frate
Bonaventura,
Bonaventura
221 See Ren?
d'histoire
MF
Elia,'
Frate
Elia,'
de Nantes,
franciscaine
des spirituels
and Gouvin
1909)
'L'abbate
Russo,
Vordre de saint Fran?ois

181ff. and the text published
228
Stewart
C. Easton,
Recently
Roger Bacon
and
Reconsideration
his
Work...
of
Life
(Oxford
the Joachite
with
pathizer
left-wing Franciscans
his
(Biblioth?que
1952)
argued
as
known
later
Science:
Universal
a sym
was
that Bacon
the
i.W.
(M?nster
for a
Search
has
S.
by Florovsky,
im Franziskanerorden
and
Gioaechino
dans
des Armutsstreites
Geschichte
Balthasar,
1911) 136ff.
and
519-24,
(1938)
35 (1935)
277-80.
Histoire
1; Paris
AFH 5 (1912).
222 See Karl
38
ibid.
Easton
Spirituals.
if he had
one would
be right, although
have more
in his thesis
shown an
confidence
accurate
and his teachings.
of Joachim
See also Bondatti
(note 36) 45ff.
knowledge
224
on a par with Christ ?
is the center
of course, did not put St. Francis
Christ
Olivi,
of history, and the third age is the sixth and seventh ages of the Church ?
but to him St.
may
Francis
as
position
301.
1934)
spiritualis
(Stuttgart
on the Apocalypse
and not
mentary
besides
?ber
a unique
occupied
Ecclesia
see Bousset,
das Neue
La
tologismo medioevale
1955).
most
as
initiator
of the Joachite
Most
in his other
voluminous
of the
third
ideas
in Olivi
Until
on this commentary,
writings;
Dr.
storico
(Istituto
italiano
his
Manselli
per
edition
il Medio
Studi
Evo,
storici
(3 vols.
Johannis
'Pierre
II
1311-12,
ed. H.
Finke
(BGPT;
Quellen
12; M?nster
M?nster
und
thus
editions,
Olivi,
Jean
J. Koch,
45 (1933) 129-53; 277-98;
513-29;
franciscaines
von Vienne
Scholastik
Olivis
auf dem Konzil
und ihre Vorgeschichte,'
Aus
des Petrus
Bernhard
'Der Augustinismus
Johannis
Jansen,
Olivi,'
Seine
Rome
or D?llinger,
Bei
number
of Olivi's
1922-26).
Quaracchi
?tudes
Mittelalters
19-21;
his
on the Apocalypse,
from it published
in Baluze,
Postillae
of Olivi's
in secundum
librdm sententiarum
Quaestiones
by B. Jansen
'
see F. Ehrle,
For some general
Petrus
to Olivi
references
seine Schriften,'
3 (1887)
ALKG
Louis
Jarraux,
409-552;
doctrine,'
Benz,
in his com
are
Die
publishes
'
be content with the extracts
work, one must
spiritual
novo ordine digesta
Miscellanea
II (ed. Mansi;
Lucca
258-76,
1761-64)
A
des Mittelalters
II (Munich
526-85.
tr?ge zu Sektengeschichte
1890)
or in modern
are available
books
works
in early printed
philosophical
'
See
age.
Johannis
Kommentar
Offenbarung
(Kritisch-exegetischer
von
A.
W.
H.
Testament
and Raoul
78ff;
begr?ndet
G?ttingen
1906)
Meyer;
'
esca
di Pietro
di Giovanni
Lectura
Ricerche
Olivi:
sull'
super Apocalipsim'
Benz,
Manselli,
a human,
sein Leben
the
?
und
sa vie,
Olivi,
sa
'Die Verurteilung
5 (1930)
489-522;
des
der Geisteswelt
von Vienne
Das
Konzil
M?ller,
1935) 878-95; Ewald
Geschichte
Forschungen,
(Vorreformationsgeschichtliche
and the Effect
The Nature
L. Douie,
D?cima
1934) 236-386;
i.W.
seine
i.W.
Histoire
in his excellent
of the Heresy
of the Fraticelli
(Manchester
1932) 81ff. P. Gratien
au xiiie si?cle (Paris and Gem
et de l'?volution
de Vordre des Fr?res mineurs
de la fondation
bloux
to say on Olivi, pp. 380ff. et passim.
1928) has much
225 On the
see Jos? M. Pou y Marti,
and Fraticelli,
Visionarios,
beguinos y fra
Spirituals
Ibero-Americano
ticelos catalanes
from Archivio
1930)
(Siglos XII-XV)
(Vich
(reprinted
lift);
H.
Haupt,
'Zur
Geschichte
des
Joachimismus,'
ZKG
7 (1885)
372-425;
Bemardus
300
TRADITIO
Croce226 in 1287 and could have been heard by Dante. Ubertino da Casale227 and
Angelo Clareno228 were prominent Italian Fraticelli in the firstquarter of the four
teenth century. Olivi was taken as theirmaster, and a group of southern French
heretice pravitatis
5 (ed. G. Douais;
Paris
inquistionis
1886) 264ff.; Li
zur Geschichte
der Spiritualen,
und Clarener
in Mittel
Fratizellen
'Beitr?ge
'
e Francescanesimo,
45 (1927)
Francesco
Gioacchinismo
215-42;
Russo,
an den H?fen
van Heuckelum,
61-73; Mercedes
Spritualistische
Str?mungen
Practica
Guidonis,
varius
?liger,
'
ZKG
italien,
MF
41 (1941)
von Aragon
und Anjou
Geschichte
neueren
und
w?hrend
der H?he
'
zur mittleren
(Abhandlungen
F.
Studii
Tocco,
francescani
(Naples
1912);
secondo nuovi
delta povert? net secolo XIV,
des Armutsstreits
38; Berlin
and Leipzig
and La Quistione
406-546
311-38;
1909) 239-310;
documenti
'Die Geschichtstheologie
der Franziskanerspiritualen
(Naples
1910); Ernst Benz,
des 13. und 14. Jahrhunderts
nach neuen Quellen,'
52 (1933) 90-121;
ZKG
'Die Kategorien
des eschatologischen
zur Geschichtstheologie
Studien
der Franziskaner
Zeitbewusstseins,
'
Deutsche
11
und Geistesgeschichte
spiritualen,
Vierteljahreschrift
f?r Literaturwissenschaft
and Ecclesia
The
David
Saville
200-29;
(1933)
Spiritualis
Muzzey,
Spiritual
(note 224);
Franciscans
de Nantes,
and London
1914); Ren?
reprinted Washington
E. Buonaiuti,
ed Elia
da Cor
da Fiore
'Gioacchino
221);
'
'
'
e
Ricerche religiose 7(1931)
53-59 and
Il messagio
la
francescana,
tona,
religio
gioachimita
14 (1938) 86-109; Gratien
Religio
religiose)
(note 224 above).
(formerly Ricerche
'
226 See
Pier di Giovanni
di teologia
Francesco
Olivi e Ubertino
da Casale, Maestri
Sarri,
a Firenze
Studi
11
N.S.
88-125.
francescani
(Sec. XIII),'
(1925)
227 For
see J. C. Huck,
von Casale
Ein Beitrag
Ubertin
und dessen Ideenkreis:
Ubertino,
zum Zeitalter
Dantes
im Breisgau
da Casale,'
'Ubertino
Salter,
(Freiburg
1903); E. Gurney
Histoire
(New
des
Franciscan
Essays
1; Aberdeen
Series
York
1907,
(note
spirituels
Sabotier
by Paul
1912)
and Others
Balthasar
108-23;
(British
(note
id?es mystico-politiques
d'un
franciscain
spirituel,'
and L'id?alisme
693-727
franciscain
spirituel
483-504;
Casale
Ernst
des
de Louvain,
Recueil
(Universit?
von Casale:
Ubertino
Ein
Knoth,
13.
und
14. Jahrhunderts
lum Super
tribus sceleribus,'
Kategorien'
by Bonaventure's
Ubertino
in 1305 wrote
work
of Franciscan
au
xive
Extra
Studies,
'Les
Callaey,
11 (1910)
eccl?siastique
sur Ubertin de
si?cle: ?tude
F.
251ff.;
Paris
and Brussels
28; Louvain,
1911);
an der Wende
zur Geschichte der Franziskaner
travaux
Beitrag
(Marburg
1903);
AFH
10 (1917)
(note 225) 213; Douie
Stimulated
views,
de
Society
222) 151ff. and

Revue
d'histoire
Albinus
103-74
Heysse,
(his views
(note 224) 120ff.
'Ubertini
de Casali
on poverty);
E.
opuscu
Benz,
'Die
and his own passionate

vitae de mysterio passionis
Lignum
vite crucifixe
his masterpiece,
Arbor
Iesu, an important
as a long meditation
on,
piety and an influence on Dante,
in the history of modern

His
he emphasizes
in which
life of Jesus,
in five books,
of, the earthly
description
sub
to
the
current
Him.
discuss
of
He
and
poverty
necessity
imitating
frequently digresses
a commentary
on the Apocalypse
where his Joachism
and
jects. The last book is essentially
'
'
He
comes out strongly.
Olivism
between
Jesus and Francis.
He makes
many
parallels
Arbor
new
men
The
of
Caritas.
the
of
the
future
the
and
emphasizes
necessity
(' jesunculi')
and
vitae of the title

228 On
Angelo,
with
its excellent
in ALKG
dell'ordine
299-328;
sua/
AFH
comes
from Apoc.
22.2.
see his Expositio
ed. L. Oliger
1912)
(Quaracchi
regulae fratrum minorum
ed. partly by Ehrle
tribulationum
and his Historia
introduction,
septem
2 (1886)
and partly by F. Tocco
in 'Le prime due Tribolazioni
125-55;
256-327,
dei minori,'
Accad. LinceP
17 (Rome
Rendiconti
221-36;
1908) 3-32; 97-131;
Victorinus
34
(1946)
Doucet,'Angelus
63-200;
(Lausanne 1952); Douie
Lydia
Clarinus
von Auw,
ad Alvarum
Angelo
Clareno
pro vita
Pelagium,
Apologia
et les Spirituels
franciscains
(note 324) 49ff,
JOACHIM
OF
FLORA
301
also looked upon him as their guide. The Spirituals believed that
the spiritual primacy would pass to them as representatives of all mankind
from the Church, which had originally obtained it from the Synagogue ?
all
heretics
foreshadowed
Arnold
in David
replacing Saul.
the famous Catalan
of Villanova,
physician and alchemist, tried to

combine Joachism with his scientific theories.229 He argued that the purpose
of medicine
and alchemy was to rehabilitate the physical side of man and
matter in preparation for the new age. The third age had to rest its spirituality
upon the base of psychosomatically

perfect men joined together in love.230
function.231 Like other Joachites,
Medicine,
hence, has an eschatological
Arnold also speculated on the coming of Antichrist. Even a sober Dominican
like John Quidort of Paris, now recognized as an important political thinker,
was moved to
speculate in a Joachite framework (De antichristo et fine saeculi)
on the same
figure.232 Even the passing of the date, 1260, when the 'third
229
de
On Arnold
Aus
den
as theologian
and thinker, see M. Menendez
y Pelayo, Historia
Aires
Finke
(ed. F. F. Corso; Buenos
1945) 124-56; Heinrich
Funde
und Forschungen
VIII;
(Vorreformationsgeschichtliche
von Villanova
i.W. 1902) 191ff.; Paul Diepgen,
Arnald
als Politiker
of Villanova
los heterodoxos
Tagen
II
espanoles
Bonifaz
3; M?nster
Forschungen
und Laientheologe
zur mittleren
und neueren Geschichte
and Leip
9; Berlin
(Abhandlungen
Carreras
and Joaquin
Carreras
zig 1909); van Heukelum
(note 225) 6ff.; Tomas
y Artau
y
al XV
cristiana de los siglos XIII
de la filosofia espanola
Artau, Filosofia
(Historia
1; Madrid
199-230
Francesco
da Villanova
ed i Thomatiste:
and 641-47;
'Arnaldo
Con
1939)
Ehrle,
tributo
Marti
alla
storia
della
delV
'Arnaldo
da Villanova,
sec. XV,'
Humanitas
230 This
conception
to St. Paul
according
new
scuola
1 (1920)
Jos? M. Pou y
tomistica,'
475-501;
Gregorianum
'La religiosit?
da Villanova,'
Bullettino
d'Arnaldo
Manselli,
evo e Archivio muratoriano
63 (1951)
per il medio
1-100, and
e riformatore
aile soglie del
medico,
diplomatico,
teologo
religioso
(note 225) 34ff.; Raoul

storico italiano
Istituto
covenant
created
See
Ladner
G.
8 (1953) 268-70.
'
'
is developed
out of that of the new man
whom
Christ made
possible
The
(see e.g. Col. 3 and 2 Cor. 3.18) and the Gospel
(John 3.3-8).
a new man;
a third age must also so do (see Ubertino
da Casale,
note
Cf. also E. Benz,

'Die Ge
(note 134) 35-37
(on St. Paul's
views).
and 102ff. (on Arnold's
schichtstheologie'
(note 225) 95-96 (on Olivi's
views)
views).
231 So
does logic, apparently.
See the interesting
treatise on logic in MS Vat.
'Spiritual'
54, fols. 113v-127v
Borgh.
(cf. Borgh.
88, fols. 14r-55v).
232
the influence
of Joachim
on the Franciscans
has been widely
Although
recognized
227).
it has not in general been noted that the Dominicans

were by no means
unin
'
see Livarius
Besides
John of Paris,
Ein pseudopropheti
by the Calabrian.
?liger,
aus Spanien
?ber die heiligen
scher Text
Franziskus
und Dominikus
(13. Jahrhundert),'
Studien
P. Michael
Bihl
O.F.M...
Kirchengeschichtliche
13-28;
dargeboten
(Kolmar
1944)
and
studied,
fluenced
'Zur Geschichte
Haupt,
and theMystics:
A Study
with Some of its Mediaeval
H.
Eduardus
B.
Fratris
Arnoldi
ord. praed. De correctione
ecclesiae...
(Berlin
1865);
in theMiddle
J. Bignami
of the Bible
Ages
(2nd ed. Oxford
1952);
de Robert
O.P.
d'Uz?s
Archivum
25
(d.1296),'
fratrum praedicatorum
Winkelmann,
The Study
Smalley,
'Les
Odier,
(1955)
des Joachimismus,'
7 (1885) 401ff.; E. G. Gardner,
ZKG
Dante
Commedia
and its Relations
of theMystical
Aspect
of the Divina
Sources
191 n.2; E. Jordan
in DThC
(London
1913)
8.1438-39;
visions
258-310.
302
TRADITIO
to begin, did not spike Joachist guns but only stimulated more
spectacular and ingenious firing.
As an example of early fourteenth-century opposition, however, one may
mention Henry Harclay the Englishman, who devoted at least a quaestio(c. 1313)
and part of a sermon233 to an answer to those Joachites, semi-Joachites, and
others who all believed the time of the coming ofAntichrist could be predicted.234
Neither he nor anyone else however could stop this type of speculation or
Joachism in general.
In the mid-fourteenth century we find the Franciscan
under the domination of
alchemist and prophet, Jean de Roquetaillade235
?
both favo
Joachism as itwas then understood, and attracting the interest
rable and unfavorable ?
of a large number ofmen from cardinals to madmen.
age' was
Wyclif was well aware of him, as well as of Joachite speculation in general,

and although I think it doubtful that he read his works in the original, he refers
to the Abbot Joachim more than once. There were, however, manuscripts of
his works
available
in the fourteenth century.236 And
in England
so it can
?
of Joachim's
shows a very good knowledge
writings
61, fol. 145v.
Henry
is right on many
to him on this issue, he admits that Joachim
subjects.
and, although
opposed
to John Quidort
a secular, he is especially
Himself
(see note 234) and the Domini
opposed
cans.
'
234 See F.
Christi
?ber die zweite Ankunft
Heinrichs
von Harclay
Die Quaestio
Pelster,
233MS
Lambeth
Archivio
zu Anfang
des XIV.
Jahrhunderts,'
Weltendes
Fran
in Miscellanea
1 (1951) 25-82 (cf. its earlier version
and
criticizes
B. Hirsch-Reich
cesco Ehr le I [Studi e Testi 37; Vatican
City 1924] 307-56).
der
Polemik
von Harclay
Pelster
'Heinrichs
in her
gegen die Berechnung
supplements
over
debate
the
discusses
Pelster
20
144-49.
RTAM
general
zweiten Ankunft Christi,'
(1953)
?
with John Quidort,
and
in the late thirteenth
this question
century
early fourteenth
of Terrena
Guido
of Lyra, and the Carmelite
Nicholas
Peter d'Alverny,
of Villanova,
Arnold
one
of
to
Joachim's
he
refers
at
inaccurate
is
as participants
times; e.g.
curiously
(Pelster
could predict the
decem cordarum), ?St.Thomas
denied that anyone
works as the Concordia
some things
that Joachim did predict
he admitted
time of the coming of Antichrist,
although
und
des baldigen
die Erwartung
per la storia d?lia piet?
italiano
de Ch?teauroux,
See also Eudes
a.2).
those referred to by Pelster
besides
Christi contra Antichristum
(printed
correctly
(ST 3 suppl. q.77
In the fourteenth
century,
de victoria
castle, Tractatus
astronomer
the English
of Ashmole
393]
transcript
den,
and
predictions),
the subject.
John Wyclif,
On
Eshenden,
(note
289ff.;
225)
Rupescissa)
E. F. Jacob,
(1956-57)
Jeanne
1952)
(Paris
'John
75-96.
chemist.
288
Moreover,
a number
das
Prophetentum
in der
Jos? M.
1890) 535ff.;
Stuttgart
sur Jean de Roquetaillade
?tudes
Bignami-Odier,
on an earlier
(based
Bulletin
of Roquetaillade,'
Thorndike
surprisingly
und
192 [xvii cent,

of sucq
the validity
all show interest in
390-91),
and Experimental
of Magic
enough
4.40 (ed. Lechler,

pp.
Trialogus
A History
see Lynn Thorndike,
III
Science
1934) 325-46.
(New York
'
235 See
Der Weissagungsglaube
D?llinger,
(ed. F. H. Reusch;
Schriften
Zeit,' Kleinere
1470)
Ashmole
MS
(see Bodleian
of the mid-century
pp. lOlff.; he denies
(note 207) 35-38.

of New
233), Hugh
John Eshen
2.24-25;
Sermons
(note
(note
234)
347-69
of pseudo-Joachite
thesis
of 1925
at the ?cole
of the John Rylands

discusses
Roquetaillade
works
were
very
christlichen
Pou
y Marti
de
(Johannes
and
des Chartes);
Manchester
39
Library
as scientist
and
al
in England.
cu
popular
OF
JOACHIM
go on?Cola
and
da Rienzi,
303
FLORA
Ferrer, Nicholas
St. Vincent
of Cusa,
Savonarola
beyond.237
A word or two about Dante.238
The indefatigable Dante scholars have been

da
the possible influence of Joachim, Olivi, and Ubertino
Casale on the Divine Comedy for a long time, and the discovery of the Liber
I think all are agreed that, although the
figurarum stimulated this quest.
exact degree is subject to dispute, these figures did exercise some influence
on him. The concept of the dux, I think, certainly owes much to Joachim,
concerned with
who
gave Dux
(Zorobabel),239 the leader of the Jews back from

the Babylonian
captivity, an important role in the recurring pattern of reha
bilitation
in history. The Vulgate
calls him dux, and Joachim emphasized
rious
Zerubabbel
'Prophecie
and 1360's,
1350's
Ioachim
in maiori
is found
in a number
de
libro
'
the late
about
(sic), mostly
E. VII;
8 G IV, Cotton Vesp.
Peniarth
138, and apparently
concordanciis
of MSS
(B.M.
Royal
Christi
Ashmole
218; Cambridge
Bodley
Corpus
393,?Digby
Florence
688 and B.N.
Riccardiana
50; on the Continent:
fran?. 902
?
to be investigated.
The De semine Scripturarum,
written
probably
and needs
[in Latin])
in Germany
1204/5
to Arnold
of Villanova,
who put it on a par with the Bible
very much
(it appealed
!), had
a strong English
Chronicon
E.
Maunde
e.g.
Baker,
Thompson;
following
(see
Geoffrey
[ed.
Oxford
It attempts
Dublin
1889] 173 and The Last Age of the Church
[ed. J. H. Todd?;
1840]).
to predict
one century
the end of the world
for each
letter,
alphabet,
by using the Latin
use of it (or the Noticia
makes
in his Trialogus
starting with the founding of Rome.
Wyclif
as does the author of The Last Age of the Church.
On the De semine and the Noticia,
saeculi)
see Beatrix
in MIOG
Hirsch
38 (1920)
580ff. and 40 (1925)
317-35; Herbert
Grundmann,
die
'Uber
alters
Schriften
des Alexander
161ff.;
(1950)
zur Geschichte
Deutsches
von Roes,'
Franz
'Die
Wilhelm,
der Publizistik
Archiv
Schriften
des
des Mittel
f?r Erforschung
von Osnabr?ck:
Ein
Jordanus
19 (1898) 615-75
im 13. Jahrhundert,'
MIOG
(text
a recent edition
of the Noticia
is to be found in Die
des
pp. 661-75);
Schriften
von Roes, ed. Grundmann
Alexander
und Heimpel
Kritische
Studien
Mittelalter;
(Deutsches
4 [Weimar
texte der Monumenta
Historica
Germaniae
1949]).**
'
237 For
see Angeio
of the later Middle
Pro
Messini,
Ages,
pseudo-Joachite
prophecies
'
fetismo
37
39
Leone
Profezia
39-54;
109-30;
Tondelli,
(note 71) MF
(1939)
(1937)
'
e documenti
sec. XIII
Studi
del
delle regioni veneti,
d?lia R. Deputazione
gioacchimita
Beitrag
of Noticia,
di Storia
le provincie modenesi
4 (1940)
1-7; H.
de
in
Gelehrte
Merlin,
prophecies
G?ttingische
patria
Les
Paton's
238 For a
review
Grundmann's
per
of Lucy
A.
562-83.
Anzeigen
(1928)
see Appendix.
of the relations
Joachism
and Dante,
between
bibliography
238 It is not clear whether
the dux in Dante
is to be thought of as an ideal pope or an ideal
as a religio-secular
Zerubabbel
leader could be the prototype
of either or both.
emperor.
on Ze
most weighty
The same problem
arises with the veltro. ?
Joachim's
pronouncement
'
occurs
In ecclesia
rubabbel
in Concordia
4.31, fol. 56r:
42a, anno vel hora
incipiet generatio
qua
Deus
melius
nouit.
purgato
diligenter
scilicet
vniuersalis
ab
videlicet
vniuersis
generatione
zizaniis,
peracta
prius
tribulatione
dux
quasi
sancte matris
ascendet
generali
et
nouus
de Babylone,
'
He
ecclesie.
imme
noue Hierusalem,
hoc est
pontifex
'
on to relate this nouus dux to the angel
ab ortu solis' (Apoc. 7.2).
ascendentem
the ideal Roman
fol. 120v compares
who rebuilt Jerusalem.
Pontiff to Zerubabbel,
goes
diately
Expositio
See also
fol. 89v
to a
In qua
tritico
of the novus
the picture
(see
'novus
above,
note
Zorobabel'
4).
Zorobabel
Osbert
(c. 1138)
of Clare
in Letters
in the Breviloquium
in B.M. Egerton
MS
1150,
of Canterbury
Theobald
Archbishop
(ed. E. W. Williamson)
p. 124.
compares
No.
36
304
TRADITIO
his role in the return from Babylon, which along with Egypt is the classic
symbol for evil. Combined with other current ideas, this Joachite exegesis
in his idea of a reformer-pope or possibly saviour
certainly influenced Dante
The veltro is less clear, in spite of Papini's
emperor.
of
arguments, as an example
Joachism.240
Pope Celestine V, the hermit pope who resigned his office a short time
after assuming it, and the immediate predecessor of a pope of a very different
type, Boniface VIII, was the ideal ofmany of the later Joachites. His pontifi
cate and background helped to formulate the idea of the angelic pope,241 the
religious counterpart of the saviour-emperor,242 which

240 See
241 The
note
38.
above,
first overt reference
in Roger
be found
dam hactenus
tollet
de
studio
Bacon.
inedita; R.S.)
et ecclesia...
he does not use the term) is to

(although
studii philosophiae
in Opera quae
(ed. Brewer
of a 'beatissimus
papa qui omnes corruptiones
and links
et intret plenitudo
mundus
gentium../
to the angelic
In his Compendium
402-03, he speaks
et renovetur
so strongly impregnated
pope
ibid. p. 86)
tertium 24 (ed. Brewer
an optimus papa with an optimus princeps;
and in Opus
on Jeremiah
he speaks of a prophecy written
?)
forty years before (c. 1227; the Commentary
or
the Church
to which
and destroy
an ideal pope will arise who will cleanse
according
as for in
of this idea in Joachim,
are suggestions
There
convert
the Saracens
and Tatars.
see K. Loffler,
on Apoc.
7.2 (see above, note 239). On the angelic
pope,
'
Rund
Deutsche
des Mittelalters,
im Volksglauben
und in der Proph?tie
Die
1896)
59-66; Ernst Wadstein,
(Leipzig
eschatologische
Ideengruppe
stance Expositio
'
Der Engelpapst
190 (1922)
schau
Kleinere
'Der Weissagungsglaube,'
Schriften
175-83; Messini
(note 71) 50ff.; D?llinger,
Idee
Der Engelpapst,
Baethgen,
Stuttgart
1890) 509ff. and 541ff.; Friedrich
(ed. Reusch;
are
two
of
3
which
of
und Erscheinung
1943;
essays
reprints).
consisting
(Leipzig
242 The
is to be found in the Tiburtine
root idea of the saviour-emperor
Sibyl and the
Pseudo-Methodius,
and saviour are
based
linked
on memories
to the
idea
of Alexander
and
Constantius
of time and Antichrist,
of the end
pope
(both angelic
or at least to the be
Die
see Franz Kampers,
and dispensation).
On the saviour-emperor,
und
ed.
of
in
und
Kaisersagen
Kaiseridee
(2nd
Kaiserprophetien
Sage
Proph?tie
der abendl?ndischen
Vom Werdegange
im Mittelalter
(Leipzig
Kaisermystik
1896]);
[Munich
of a new
ginning
deutsche
age
'Die Geburtsurkunde
1924); and
Carl Erdmann,
36 (1915)
233-70;
51 (1932)
384-414
ZKG
Jahrhundert,'
and Berlin
der
Jahrbuch
11.
F. Baethgen
Deutsches
des
R?tsel
asiatique,
(Halle
(Berlin 1951); Ernst

Archiv
f?r Erforschung
Pseudomethodius,'
Onzi?me
1898);
(Marginalia
s?rie
Ernst H.
Miscellanea),'
abendl?ndischen
'Endkaiserglaube
and
Kantorowicz,
des Mittelalters
Forschungen
'Zu
Kaiseridee,'
Kreuzzugsgedanke
zur politischen
Ideenwelt
den Rechtsgrundlagen
115-50; Michael
13 (1957)
Historisches
und
im
ed.
der Kaisersage,'
'Das
Kmosko,
Journal
F. Nau,
6 (1931) 273-96;
'R?v?lations/
Texte und Forschungen
G. Sackur,
415-71;
Sibyllinische
'
des Hellenismus
II und das K?nigsbild
Friedrich
Kaiser
and
Reinhardt...
Karl
(M?nster
Variorum,
Festgabe
f?r
Byzantion
9 (1917)
Kantorowicz,
Varia
Jahr
Historisches
'Zur deutschen
Kaisersage,'
Grauert,
1952)
Cologne
Toward
The Norman
buch 13 (1892)
of 1100A.D.:
Anonymous
100-43; George H. Williams,
and Evaluation
Theological
the Identification
of York (Harvard
Anonymous
of the So-called
In the
of history.
has an interesting division
Studies
18; Cambridge
1951) (the Anonymous
169-93;
Hermann
all men will be kings, images

there will be no priests;
age after the second Advent,
Studien und Texte zur Geschichte
Rom und Renovatio:
of God); Percy Ernst Schramm, Kaiser,
bis zum Investitur
vom Ende
Reiches
des karolingisches
des r?mischen Erneuerungsgedankens
third
JOACHIM
OF
305
FLORA
the thinking of the later Middle Ages. He is, however, usually taken by Dante
commentators to be condemned by the master to hell as the one who made
the great renunciation

('gran rifiuto'). One hesitates to think that Dante
should have put Celestine in hell, and there is much to be said in favor of a
recent argument that in Inferno 3.58-60 he is rather referring to Pontius Pilate.243

Dante
also refers to Ubertino, still alive of course, in Paradiso
12.124-26,
but following another recent suggestion,244 I believe the usual interpretation of
la fugge, e altro la coarta' (the problem here is the reference
of the two pronouns) as containing an unfavorable judgment on his extremism
line 126 'Ch'uno
Dante was certainly influenced by his Arbor vitae crucifixi

In Purgatorio
and possibly by other views of this Fraticello.
32.148ff. the vision of the militant Church turning into a whore could well
be Olivian Joachism, and the tree of the Church (ibid. 37ff.) and the eagle
(109ff.) could well be inspired by the Liber figurarum. The Trinitarian circles
is not correct.
Jesu Christi
are probably Joachite.245

Most of these points have been made
possible
I wish
before.
influences which as far as I know have not. The
streit (Studien der Bibliothek

sur le messianisme
m?di?val
17; Leipzig
Warburg
latin
(xi-xiie
annuels
and Berlin
1929);
?cole
pratique
si?cles),'
1912 (Paris
1912) 1-29
to suggest two other

first is that the high
P. Alphand?ry,
des hautes ?tudes,
'Notes
Section
the ritual
sciences religieuses,
(he emphasizes
Rapports
evo (Turin 1923)
e nelle immaginazioni
del medio
element); Arturo Graf, Roma nella memoria
180-92 et passim;
(note 150 above).
Ohnsorge
248
70.
See also
38 (1938)
Miscellanea
see Russo,
francescana
'Rassegna,'
By Mignosi;
sous la direction
?tudes
de Dante
Le Christianisme
publi?es
(Th?ologie:
Valensin,
Auguste
?
fact that
The
S.J. de Lyon-Fourvi?re
30; Paris
de Th?ologie
de la Facult?
1954) lOlff.
there
with
identification
the
Pilate,
him
although
Dante
may
speak against
'recognized'
knew Celestine
that Dante
is no positive
evidence
by sight; but at least he could have.
his 'rifiuto,' he is also in a sense
in condemning
if he is referring to Celestine
Of course,
des
raised.
to the hopes he originally
tribute
paying
'
244
al movi
in rapporto
di Dante
una
del pensiero
storia
per
Donini,
Appunti
Ambrogio
'
Annual
and Forty-eighth
Society
of the Dante
Reports
mento
Forty-seventh
gioachimita,
39 (1939)
inMiscellanea
francescana
See Russo
(note 243) 75 and Foberti
1930).
(Cambridge
'the one who
and
that in line 126 'the one who fled' is Ubertino
169ff. Donini
suggests
was
if
he
be
could
The only flight Dante
doing so here,
is Aquasparta.
referring to,
tightens'
is right, Dante
If Donini
in 1317.
Order
to the Benedictine
puts
is the transfer of Ubertino
Ubertino
in a more
favorable
of Dante
indebtedness
245 See
above, notes
Joachite
language
light
to Ubertino
than
hitherto
thought.
cavil.
is beyond
for a further possible
39, 121, and,

9.142
(e.g. Paradiso
etc.) and
Joachite
difficult.
there
In
influence,
are many
Biblical
any
case
note
Joachite
and
31.
of
course,
There
attitudes
historical
the
is much
in the
parallels
exegesis
proof is most
of Dante's
a number
allusions,
e.g. the crucifixion
I am sure, in explaining
17.25-30
Concordia
to Joachim,
5.92, fol. 122^) in Purgatorio
of Haman
(type of Antichrist
of the
condemnation
The
this
for
strong
to Professor Edgar Wind
example).
(I am indebted
from the time of the
of Joachite
is very characteristic
of Constantine
writings
Donation
Tondelli
See Leone
Jeremiah
(note 14) 78ff.
Commentary.
poem,
will
although
be useful,
306
TRADITIO
position Joachim gave to St. Bernard could have stimulated Dante to choose
him as his highest and final guide before the vision of Mary and the Trinity.
The second is the fact that Dante frequently refers to paradise as the 'beato
25.127 and in Piccarda Donati's

chiostro,' as for instance in Paradiso
speech
inParadiso 3. It is so called also inPurgatorio 15.57 and above all inPurgatorio
'
26.127ff. where Guido Guinicelli says to Dante : Now if thou hast such ample
privilege that it is permitted thee to go to the cloister inwhich Christ is Abbot
of the brotherhood
(al chiostro nel quale ? Christo abate del collegio), do thou

a Paternoster forme, so far as is needful for us of this world where
say to Him
the power to sin is no longer ours' (Sinclair translation).
Neither of these points are uniquely Joachim's, yet I cannot but feel that
as the pattern
the emphasis Joachim gave to St. Bernard and to monasticism
of heaven
and perfection246 was at the back of the poets' mind.

In the circle of the sun in paradise, St. Thomas introduces and praises Siger
of Brabant, his great enemy and a heretic, and St. Bonaventure does the same
for Joachim, the Calabrian Abbot,

'di spirito profetico dotato' (Par. 12.141),
whom in life he contradicted and corrected. These words echo the antiphon
feast day in Calabria.
This parallel has been frequently
sung on Joachim's
and has given rise to much

dispute. Why did Dante favor and place
in the circle of divine learning and knowledge?
The problem is,
of course, more acute in connection with
Siger than with Joachim, but also
for the latter the fact remains at least
strange. I shall not attempt to solve
noted
these men
this problem, but whatever

certainly shows that Dante
else their presence may or may not indicate, it

thought highly of the subject of this paper.247
Joachim is a very influential figure in the later Middle
In fact, I
Ages.
think itmay be said that ever since his death he has been influential;
perhaps
one might even discover a Joachite echo in Mussolini as Duce and in the Third
Reich
of Hitler.
Although his ideal was not secular, he has, since his time,
or
directly
indirectly, stimulated much Utopian and eschatological thinking248
246
247
and
See
above,
Barbi,
'Veltro,
note
136.
in 'II gioacehinismo
franceseano
e fedeli d'amore,
gioacehinismo
e il veltro,
sbardamenti
'
Stadi
Danteschi
e abberrazioni
'
18 (1934) 209-11
5 of 'Nuovi
(part
della critica dantesca')

ibid. 22 (1938) 29-46, takes a strong position
Joa
problemi
against
'
chite and
Barbi makes
influence on Dante.
some good points although
his cen
Spiritual'
tral position
is very dubious.
Barbi would
have
that
his case if he revealed
strengthened
he knew what
Joachim
did say and teach.
actually
248 por a
of Joachim's
role inWestern
discussion
eschatological
thinking, see Jakob Taubes,
Abendl?ndische
zur Soziologie
und
ed. R. K?nig
Eschatologie
(Beitr?ge
Sozialphilosophie
3; Berne
85ff., who
his influence.
On pp. 90ff. he compares
Joachim
perhpps overrates
also Nicolas
The
and the Human,
Divine
trans. R. M. French
Berdyaev,
'
influence on Mazzini,
see Attilio
e Gioac
(London
1949) 183. For Joachim's
Mazzini
Pepe,
chino da Fiore,' ASGL
24 (1955) 489-92
is stronger in his knowledge
of Mazzini
than
(Pepe
of Joachim).**
with
1947)
Hegel.
See
JOACHIM
OF
307
FLORA
it must be admitted, bordering

?sometimes,
But this story is too long to go into.249
on the fantastic and
insane.
VI
of the problems of ecclesiology, ever since the belief in an imminent
return of Christ faded in the early Church, is the role of the Church militant.
One
solution is that Jesus is allowing His Church some time on earth to

convert the sinners and non-Christians, to lead men towards perfection and
their true felicity.250 In this view the pastoral and missionary activity of the
The usual
below
Church
one of its chief purposes.251 But Joachim proposed

that time itself and revelation must be further expanded be
Judgment can come. The generations after Christ are as impor
becomes
another answer ?
fore the Last
tant as those before Christ.252 The Kingdom

closer before we can enter on the Sabbath
distinction
on earth must
first come
age.
opposed to a
the realms of nature and grace which has been characte
between
ristic of much
of God
Joachim was
in theWest
since the thirteenth century.

Congar253 distinguishes the Old Testament
'prophetic
of forecast and occasional divine interventions in history from the new
Father
Yves
thought
logic'
'
apos
tolic logic' of communication of a gift made by Christ and continuing through

the Church. Traditional
theology has kept prophecy to the period before
in effect was reemphasizing the prophetic logic for the present

for a new, more perfect age or dispensation inwhich both logics
should be united. He repudiated the concept of prophetic logic being out
dated; he wished to reintroduce it into his view of the Church. He was not
Of course, these modern terms would be alien to Joachim's
Christocentric.
Jesus.
Joachim
in preparation
To him the Church,

way of thinking, but they explain well his endeavors.
as the body of Christ, must also be resurrected.254 God has ordained another
forward step for humanity, spiritually speaking, as He earlier ordained the
249 Local
influence,
Calabrian
most
son and his

on their native
articles
journals provide many
eulogizing
are of course worthless
A valuable
for scholarly
paper,
purposes.
of poets who have
referred to Joachim, was published
names
by P.
of which
some
provides
Francesco
'Gioacchino
Russo,
which
19
Calabria
nella
da Fiore
in Brutium
(Reggio
poesia,'
25-29.
1940)
280 See Mark
24.14.
13.10 and Matth.
261
The Idea
Idea of History
Erich Dinkier,
of History
in] Earliest
'[The
Christianity,'
in the Ancient Near East
Oriental
Series 38; New Haven
American
1955)
(ed. R. C. Dentan,
if occasionally
tender tious treatment
of the idea of history
171-214, who offers an excellent
'
'
in the New Testament,
The Vision
in the New Testament.
See also Theo Preiss,
of History
30 (1950)
157-70.
The Journal
of Religion
262K.
in History
L?with, Meaning
(Chicago
258 See
'The Prophet's
Role
Adrian Hastings,
view 74 (1956) 43.

?M L?with
(note
252)
246
n.
155.
1949)
in the Living
Church,'
The Downside
14.
Re
308
TRADITIO
sacrifice of His
Son and the rise of Christianity. Christian perfection is not

a
of
social, moral, and mystical, but also of a historical nature.255
merely
The true meaning of the present Christian age is to be found in the future,
and it prefigures the future as Old Testament history prefigured the present.
stimulating and heady idea has, in the minds of those who did not fully
understand it,256perhaps done as much harm as good in history, but it is there
and like all ideas must be taken account of. In Joachim it is not an imprac
This
tical Utopianism
but an attempted step towards understanding. Any theory
of progress can be open to misunderstanding
and can be misused, as Joa
chim's certainly was, but this debasement does not necessarily reflect upon
its author.
Although it has certainly been the most influential of his ideas, Joachim's
concept of a pattern in history and of a third age is perhaps not his greatest
claim for originality. After all, the basic idea here is not original with him;
it is only the execution with mechanical

consistency of a view of exegesis
and Heilsgeschichte which was well established before his time. I believe, how
ever, that the concept of the overlapping of the ages is original as far as I am
aware. The terms initium or initiatio, fructificatio or claritas, defectio and
terminus or finis are characteristic of this approach.257 Here we have a remark
of history,258 reminiscent of Hegel and of other

conception
nineteenth-century thinkers. Until Joachim the concept of history was either
cyclic or unilinear, but with the Calabrian Abbot we find a remarkable syn
ably
organic
265 Some
at
of St. Victor,
of Freising
like Otto
and Hugo
contemporaries,
of
the
of
God
an
historical
Jesus;
by
understanding
preached
Kingdom
implied
is the third and perfect stage.
thinkers only heaven
but to most medieval
256 I have not dealt here with various
to some extent by Joa
libertine groups influenced
chim,
of the
della
of Joachim's
such
least
like the sect

on the spirit of liberty and the Holy Ghost,
by his emphasis
especially
'
'
'
e alia natura
de
alle
Antonio
discussed
Intorno
of
origini
Stefano,
by
liberty
spirit
to its
in Archivum
11 (1927)
150-67.
romanicum
libertatis'
secta Spiritus
According
be
its members
a Franciscan
of the fourteenth
may
Alvarez
century,
Pelayo,
'
'
De
Stefano
et
libitum.
ad
fornicantes
ad
as
tries,
habentes
placitum
raptum
of the genuine
for this libertinism
in the writings
I think, to find some justification
in vain
The
Millenium
Wilhelm
the
which
dismiss
also
We
'Adamites,'
Franger,
'Spirituals.'
to
a
evokes
Outlines
Bosch:
New
1951)
Chicago
of
(trans.
Interpretation
of Hieronymus
Joa
were probably
are
but
Bosch's
partially
extremely
shadowy
They
symbolism.
explain
at least. See above,
heretical
later medieval
chite. Most
phrases
groups used some Joachite
opponent
described
note 214.
257
See,
for instance,
prietate misterii pertinet

in fecunditate
ad presens,
metaphors
258Noted
23
(1902)
?
'Ecclesia
que pro
figurarum
a
Johanne Baptista
fuit in sterilitate
ad Spiritum Sanctum
usque
'
'
'
Such
a presenti tempore usque ad finem
biological
(my italics).
the title of Table
20
of the Liber
common
works.
terms are quite
in Joachim's
des Abtes
in 'Die Gedanken
briefly by E. Schott
182-83 and more
'Joachim-Studien
fully in E. Benz,
and
Joachim
V
(note
von
67)
Floris,'
ZKG
30ff., 80ff. et
passim.**
JOACHIM
OF
309
FLORA
thesis into an organic view: history is an interwoven developing nexus which

can be comprehended by the human mind. He offers us a key to history which
we, of course, cannot today accept literally; but the organic and contextual
approach to history with which his name must always be associated, when we
get down to the kernel of his thought, will help us to understand the historical
process which depends on the past and evolves in a rational if complex way
from the present and the past. Although itmay not be predictable, or entirely
predictable, history is not merely the arbitrary, and context and a knowledge
of the past help us to explain it.
I have said above, this aspect of Joachim's thought has not been his most
influential, but I think it is his most remarkable and original contribution.
Joachim is one of the fathers of the philosophy of history which emphasizes
both an evolving pattern and the importance of the unique fact. He is the
As
ancestor of Vico, Hegel and Croce. Schelling was amazed after he had worked
out his philosophy of history to discover that he had been anticipated by this
I should say that his amazement was most justified;
mysterious Calabrian.259
at all and perhaps not terribly intelligenty,
extraordinary and gifted man of great spiritual intensit?
who by some accident or wild intuition discovered important ideas and gave
them currency, and through them affected history in many ways.**
and
in Joachim?no
we do have
The
philosopher
a most
Ohio State
University.
269 On
the similarity
see Erich
and Joachim,
of Schelling
Frank,
Truth (London, New York
and Toronto
standing and Religious
1945)
18 and 19; H. Bett,
Joachim
179.
1931)
of Flora
(London
Philosophical
153, 169-71
Under
and
notes
The
Note.
came
to my
information
attention
following
bibliographical
of proofreading;
it is arranged here in the order of the pertinent
footnotes above.
see the recent, important
3: On Russo's
article by B. Hirsch-Reich,
Bibliografia,
**Additional
in the course
Note
'Eine
?ber
Bibliographie
Joachim
von
Fiore
und
dessen
RTAM
Nachwirkung,'
24
(1957)
27-44.
Note
A
5: A
shorter version
121 and Vat.
1 above)
27.
Note
20: The
lat. 4860,
Bollandist
as to the authenticity
Note
31: For other
of the Expositio,
apparently
used
the Apocalypis
by Spiritual
nova,
also
Franciscans;
exists
in MSS
see Grundmann
Dresden
(note
Daniel
in the seventeenth
doubts
Papebroch
century expressed
essentia
on Joachim,
in his comments
AS May VII.
see B. Reich-Hirsch,
short works,
'Eine Bibliographic.'
(note 3,
of the De
29-30.
addition)
Note 63: For a recent
in the Psalterium,
see A.
Crocco,
'La
25
Crocco
argues
that
subtle,
Note
logical
75: For
von
Third
Fiore,'
Reich:
of Joachim's
as expressed
Trinitarianism
analysis
trinitaria
di
Gioacchino
da
teologia
Fiore,'
Sophia
at least part of the Psalterium
is a well-organized
and
(1957)
218-32.
theologically
argument.
'
the third are, see also E. Benz,
Creator Spiritus:
Die Geistlehre
des Joachim
25 (1956)
Eranos-Jahrbuch
and Ruth
'The
285-355,
Kestenburg-Gladstein,
A Fifteenth-Century
Polemic
and its Background/
Journal
Joachism,
against
310
TRADITIO
Bibliographical
The Relations
Between
Appendix
and Dante
the Joachites,
Joachim,
Friedrich Beck/ Die r?tselhaften Worte in Dante's Vita Nova (? 12),' Zeit
schrift f?r romanische Philologie 47 (1927) 1-27 (criticized by B. Hirsch-Reich, in
e contemplazione, Gioacchino da
Sophia 22 [1954] 174 n.2); Guido Manacorda,Poesia
Caterina
Fiore?S.Francesco?Dante?S.
H.
1946/7)
(Florence
e francescanesimo net dugento (S. Maria
Gioacchinismo
und
'Dante
Grundmann,
Joachim
von
Fiore,
45-55;
Guido
Bondatti,
degli Angeli 1924) passim;
zu Paradiso
Deutsches
X-XII,'
Dante-Jahrbuch 14 (1932) 210-56; Etienne Gilson, Dante et la philosophie (?tudes

Francesco Russo,
de philosophie m?di?vale
28; Paris 1939) 261ff. et passim;
'
'
Il Libro d?lie figure attribuito a Gioacchino da Fiore, MF 41 (1941) 340-44
'
and 'Rassegna gioachimito-dantesca,
ibid. 38 (1938) 65-83; Francesco Sarri,
'Pier di Giovanni Olivi e Ubertino da Casale, Maestri di teologia a Firenze (Sec.
Studi francescani N.S. 11 (1925) 88-125, esp. 115ff.; Ambrogio Donini,
XIII),'
'Appunti per una storia del pensiero di Dante in rapporto al movimento gioa
chimita,' Forty-Seventh and Forty-Eighth Annual Reports of theDante Society
(Cambridge 1930) 49-69; E. G. Gardner, Dante and theMystics, A Study of the
Mystical Aspect of the Divina Commedia and its Relations with Some of its
has
The author of this polemic
Institutes
18 (1955) 245-95.
and Courtauld
of the Warburg
be resurrected persons who would
a very curious view that the people of the third age would
nor eat.
not marry
'
Journal
of the
and the English
Joachism
96: See also R. Freyhan,
Note
Apocalypse/
211-44.
18
Institutes
and
Courtauld
(1955)
Warburg
Note
Een
115: On
ouerzicht
Note
the world
der
136: For Odo,
d'apr?s
Odon
1953)
124-40.
Note
Bloch,
Analecta
Freiheit
sees the Joachite
60-61
see also J.H. J. Van
der Pot, De
1951).
(The Hague
'
Profession
see also Jean Leclercq,
de Cantorb?ry/
Ernst
174:
ages,
der geschiedenis:
periodisering
theorie?n
monastica
und Ordnung:
in the history
2e
bapt?me
Anselmiana
monastique,
s?rie (Studia
Abriss
der Sozial-
of the Eastern,
esp.
et p?nitence
31; Rome
(New York
Utopien
the Russian
Church,
spirit
1946)
in the idea of 'unabgeschlossene
Offenbarung/
particularly
a prophet Joachim
Note
196a: The Cistercian
(d. after 1188) speaks of
Geoffrey of Auxerre
in MS Troyes
by J.
as of Jewish ancestry
506, fol. 126v, quoted
in a fragment preserved
mon.
Analecta
sur la vie cistercienne/
d
Auxerre
de
'Le
Geoffroy
t?moignage
Leclercq,'
this
that
doubt
I
Dom
passage
200f. In spite of
interpretation,
Leclercq's
(note 136, addition)
for this
If it does, it is our only evidence
can refer to our Abbot
at this early date in France.
to Joachim?
of Cistercian
Is it an example
fact.
hostility
'
the English
Apocalypse
R. Freyhan
Note
203: Recently,
argues that
(note 96, addition)
the
and tries to date
in
the
Joachist
was
conceived
heresy*
against
[miniatures]
protest
remarks have some validity,
Frey
on this premise.
his iconographical
miniatures
Although
han makes
some
serious
errors in his general statements,

see Bloomfield
Ioachim
Note
236:
On
the Prophecie
Note
248:
See
also Will-Erich
Peuckert,
Die
which
casts doubt
and Reeves
grosse Wende:
Das
burg-Gladstein
258:
Note
1948) 154ff., 185ff. and 640-41 (for Germany

in particular).
(for central Europe
(note 75, addition)
'Creator
See also the recent article by Benz,
Spiritus...'
285ff.,
344ff.
und Luther
esp.
(Hamburg
on his conclusions.
788.
above)
Saeculum
apokalyptische
and Kesten
in particular);
(note
203
(note
75, addition)
JOACHIM
OF
311
FLORA
Mediaeval Sources (London 1913) 184ff.; John S. Carroll, In Patria: An Exposition

(London, New York, Toronto 1911 [?]) 168-69, 217-35;
of Dante's Paradiso
'
Alfonso Ricolfi,
Influssi gioacchimitici su Dante e i Fedeli d'amore,' II Giornale
dantesche
dantesco 23 (N.S. 3; 1932) 169-87; Francesco Foberti,
'Questioni
'
e storia francescana (Veltro-Gioacchinismo-Ubertino
da Casale), MF 39 (1939)
153-71;
Umberto
Cosmo,
'Rassegna
'
dantesca,
Giornale
storico
delta
letteratura
decem chordarum
italiana 63 (1914) 342-92; Filippo Ermini,
'II Psalterium
di Gioacchino da Fiore e il simbolismo del Paradiso dantesco,' Miscellanea
per
nozze Crocioni-Ruscelloni: Miscellanea
di storia e filologia (Rome 1908) 191-99;
and (revised) inMedio evo latino: Studi e ricerche (Istituto di filologia romanza
della R. Universit? di Roma, Studi e testi; Modena 1938) 317-23; Luigi Alberto
'
Il gioacchimismo ed un luogo controverso del Canto XII del Paradiso
Ferrai,
(v. 115-126) di Dante,' Atti emem. Padova 299 (N.S. 14; 1898) 117-27; F. Tocco,
II canto XXXII
in Orsanmichele
del Purgatorio letto... nella Sala di Dante
come
E.
Dante
Florence
Dantis;
Buonaiuti,
(Lectura
prof eta (Collezione
1902);
Uomini e idee 5; Modena
1936); U. Cosmo, L'ultima ascesa: Introduzione alia
lettura del ?Paradiso ? (Biblioteca di cultura moderna; Bari 1936) 138ff. and
150ff.
and
'Le mistiche
nozze
di Frate
Francesco
con Madonna
Povert?,'
Gzor
nale dantesco 6 (1898) 49-82, 97-118; Domenico Guerri, 'Cinquecento dieci e cin
'
que: Purg. XXXIII,
43, Di alcuni versi dotti della Divina Commedia: Ricerche
sul sapere grammaticale di Dante (Collezione di opuscoli danteschi inediti o rari,
ed. G. L. Passerini; Citt? di Castello 1908) 115-76 (first published in Giornale
dantesco 13 [1905] and 15 [1907]); Leone Tondelli, Da Gioacchino a Dante:
Nuovi studi ?
consensi e contrasti (Turin 1944) (a collection of essays some
of which were printed earlier); R. Glynn Faithfull, 'The Esoteric Interpretation
of Dante,'
Italica 27 (1950) 82-87 esp. 85; Alfonso de Salvio, Dante and Heresy
(Boston 1936) 64ff.; Linus Urban L?cken, Antichrist and theProphets of Anti
christ in the Chester Cycle (Diss. Catholic University of America; Washington
'
du moyen ?ge et laMatelda
1940) passim;
' Auguste Jundt, L'apocalypse mystique
de Dante, Le?on d'ouverture, S?ance de rentr?e des cours de la Facult? de th?ologie
protestante de Paris, le 3 novembre 1886 (Paris 1886) 17-71; Francesco Mango,
'L'abate
Gioacchino,
a Giovanni
Mestica...,'
Il Propugnatore
19.2
(Bologna
1886)
217-82 esp. 241ff.; Andr? P?zard, Dante sous la pluie de feu (Enfer, Chant XV)
'Il
40; Paris 1950) 265-66; Mich?le Barbi,
(?tudes de philosophie m?di?vale
gioacchinismo francescano e il veltro,' Studi danteschi 18 (1934) 209-11 and
'Nuovi problemi della critica dantesca,' Part V, ibid. 23 (1938) 29-46; B. Hirsch
'Die Quelle der Trinit?tskreise von Joachim von Fiore und Dante,'
Reich,
Ideas,'
Sophia 22 (1954) 170-78; Barbara Barclay Carter, 'Dante's Political
The Review ofPolitics 5 (1943) 339-55; Leone Tondelli, 'Rassegna gioacchimito
dantesca' Sophia 19 (1951) 74-78; Bruno Nardi, Dante e la cultura m?di?vale,
Nuovi saggi di filosofia dantesca (Biblioteca di cultura moderna 368; Bari 1942)
Liber figura
258ff; Leone Tondelli, Marjorie Reeves, and Beatrice
Hirsch-Reich,
'
rum (2nd ed. Turin 1953) ; Antonio Crocco, Profilo storico del Gioacchinismo
a Cola di Rienzo,' Sophia 24 (1956) 201-11; Gaetano
dalF Anno delV Alleluja
Marcovaldi, Aspetti dello spirito di Dante (Rome 1955) 127-34.

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JOACHIM OF FLORA: A Critical Survey of his Canon, Teachings, Sources, Biography and

a knowledge of Greek or Latin antiquity, or to the rise of a secular attitude.

text of this article

and After 52 (1902)

one wishes to go as far as Burdach went2

be known before we can assess Joachim's

impossible anyway, but to summarize briefly our state of knowledge on each

significance on the basis

the role of Joachim as a forerunner

I: Der Streit um der Renais

Mittelalter (SB Akad. Munich 1919,Heft 1) 15ff,

third andfourthgeneral subjects?so that we may then more

to him in the past and sometimes still spoken of as his are

322, and the

been written by disciples or followers of Joachim in southern Italy between

and especially the Franciscans pushed these supposed pro

Joachim was thought, on the basis largely

from the Florensian

accessible of all of Joachim's writings. For his three major works,

studies at present is a scholarly modern edition of these basic

there are a large number of small works on which varying attitudes

super quatuor Evangelia

9 (1935) 481-92 and G. Ottaviano

called upon as an authority.

in fact the contrary

ness of this attitude, which

after his death was

rule attributed to Joachim has

rule is not genuine.

(note 1) 153 and 161, Dr. Reeves'

certainly a copy of the work in the papal library

forgery, and per se it is hard to believe, although we do have some evidence

296, noted by Denifle,

light of the Trinitarian

seu verius ecclesiasticorum

but all this does not make

even if it is later than 1215,

in his other works, especially the Psalterium,

picion of heresy. A number of scholars have considered him a heretic, although

enough to read him carefully

end of the world

It gives us some knowledge

IX30 all showed much

extant works has

an attempt was made

1902) 133, which

See also below note

prints the opusculum

be added the version

in some figures, which

the discovery in Reggio Emilia of a complete manuscript of Joa

on Dante, this announcement and the subsequent publication of the work in

points of resemblance to Dante were called to scholars' attention by Tondelli

358 should be added.

Hirsch-Reich,41 which included the wealth of the Oxford

and Dr. Beatrice

plicate those in the Liber.

The view which Monsignor Tondelli42 and Doctors Reeves

close perusal of his writings might have revealed this earlier.

not yet entered upon.

from the Dresden

Rule, where we have verbal stylistic evidence, it is not