NARRATIVES, ROUTES AND INTERSECTIONS IN PRE-MODERNASIA OECD TOnFrise South Asa edition 2017 Fe bled 2017 ‘by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Pak, Aingdon, Oxon OX144RN and by Rouldee 7111 Third Avene, New York NY 10017 Rouen inprine of he Tn Fant Gro an forma bases (© 2017 election and etl mater, Radka Sesh; ini chaps che eats ‘The sight of Radhika Seshan to be denied asthe author of he eiti ‘materi and ofthe authors fr thee nda capers ben sserted in accordance wth sections 7 and 78 of dhe Cy, Dosis ‘nd Patens Act 1988. 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Ie was not a home port, nor a final destination. It needed obviously an adminisrative set-up to ensure efficient and smooth running services, earning the confidence of all partes and making all fel safe and ac home. That is what Goa had been under various pre-Portuguese rulers. Under the Kadambas and Vijay- anagara, Gove is mentioned as che capital ofthe Banavasi and other neigh- bouring regions, including controlling political centres across Ghats in the Deccan. Under the Portuguese rule it gained in scale, such as was required by the administrative headquarters and colonial capital of the Estado da India, hat extended from East Africa till the Far Eat. ‘The Bhojas, Mauryas, Chalukyas, Rashtrakutas, Shilaharas, Kadambas, ‘Yadavas, Bahmanis,the Vijayanagar and the Bijapur dynasties ruled Goa of slifferent sizes at different times. Since ancient times, Goa maintained com- mercial connections with cultures of Mesopotamia and the Indus valley, as ‘well as with East Aftica. Goa's global trade and traffic increased manifold ‘when the Portuguese captured it from the Muslim rules in 1510. We have ‘a good survey of Gans coastal and overseas trade, from the earliest times to 1510, by V.T. Gune# Pius Malekandachil has recently updated our knowl- ‘edge of the maritime trade with the Islamised Arab and Sassanid Persian ‘merchants and the political economy of Goa under Silaharas and Kadam- ‘has, during 80015003TEOTONIO R. DE SOUZA How the city of Goa evolved into a major por of call and as a business station between Europe and the Eastin 1530 was analysed by KS. Mathew ‘in Goa through the Ages: An Economic History (pp. 137-45); M.N. Pearson. continued the analysis for Goa-based seaborne trade in the seventeenth eighteenth centuries (pp. 146-76), and Celsa Pinto treated Goa-based verses wid coastal trade during the eighuecvh and ninevecith ventuties {pp. 176-212). All these authors have made extensive use of archival docu- mentation and published studies. ‘There is no point in my repeating here the data that can be culled from. the authors and studies chat I have just cited. [can also refer those interested in the specifies of the Portuguese Goa-based seaborne trade around early seventeenth cenrury to an article | published in The Indian Economie and Social Histor Review. shall rather limi mysefto raising some issues about trade agents, trade organisations politics of trade, urban institutions that Goa acquired during the early modem period under the Poreuguese, who ‘made Goa an international nodal trade port. These issues may suggest new aspects that require attention of younger researchers. Looking for the role ofthe foreigners, spies, smugglers and shady polities can also be a welcome approach to perceiving the functioning of an international trade network | propose that we imagine Goa as an historic nest of foreigners attracted by its commercial opportunites. None of us gathered here willbe unfamiliar with the notorious Portuguese Inquisition in Goa. But while itis usually asso- ciated with religious fanaticism, i is rarely seen as an instrument of urban control. It assisted the Portuguese officials in gathering information about foreigners. wish to sugges the reading ofa study by J.A. Rodrigues da Silva TTavim about the Jews in Porgyquese India in the sixteenth century.’ The Jewish ability to handle various languages made them expert international informants, double agents and traders. S.D. Goitein revealed to us their trade activities in India using the documents of the Cairo genizaé Some of them proved to be strategic informants of Vasco da Gama, as commercial, diplomatic and military advisors to early Porcuguese empire builders.” However, fllowing the influx ofthe Dutch and the English in the Indian ‘Ocean, many suspected as foreign spies were packed off from Goa to Europe wih che help of the Goa Inquisition. One can also glean in the lists of those accused in the autos-da-fé many natives from within and beyond the Goa borders. It was a mechanism to ward off violence and ensure security for trade. My analysis presumes that colonial interests are incompatible in the long run with the native interests. Enlisting and exacting some partial collaboration permitted the colonial port cities to survive at long a8 they did. Politics of closk and dagger, or rather elimination by poisoning the ‘enemies and rivals, could cell better the story of Goa asa world mart 16GOA IN THE PRE-MODERN AGE While all foreigners are also strangers at an initial sage, Goa was also 1 kaown base for smugaling and clandestine operations, which necessar~ ily implied dealings between strangers and local inhabitants, or between ‘ocal inhabitants who were at home with undisclosed forsigners, and as such “strangers. Ar home may be understood as trendy, but also supposedly at ease to deal with, in accordance with the interests ofthe dominant elite or clits. ‘The foreigners, meaning other Europeans including the Dutch who had rebelled against Spain, but also the English and the French, were all under ‘watch and suspected of spying. Two well-known foreigners, namely ).H. van “Linschoten and Jacques Mocquet, in. Goa have left their travel accounts In the category of foreigners were alo included the Casiians, who accord- ing to the promise made by the Philips of Spain would not be appointed to seve in the administration of the Poreuguese territories overseas during the period of the unification of the two kingdoms. The Goa municipality ‘correspondence with the king has references to Antonio Giralte, whom the viceroy had removed from the ofice of Public Revenue Inspector of Goa, ‘replacing him with Vieencio de Brune, ‘pesoa estrangeira’ a foreigner oF :non-Portuguese national. There was a swift response frem the crown tothe ‘raunicipality, disapproving the action of the viceroy.? ‘Smuggling was a serious menace to the security and survival of the ports ‘of cll. There is yet another side, a tanatographie perspective about the strangers at home, We may yet have to investigate how many of those were buried in Gos, as gleaned from che epitaphs found in the forts, churches and cemeteries of Goa. Many of them survived fortunately due to efforts of J.H.da Cunha Rivara and Ricardo Micael Teles, who recorded them, Were they Portuguese nationals serving in Goa as officials or businessmen, or Portuguese of foreign missionaies serving under Padeado, or undisclosed {foreigners or strangers, who stayed for good in Goa by choice or other- wise? One could als find six epitaphs in the cemetery at Cabo, where lay some who were serving in the British garrison that occupied Goa during the Napoleonic wars.” ‘We know ehrough Duarte Barbosa, an early Portuguese chronicler, that the city of Goa captured by the Portuguese in 1510 fiom Adil Shah was inhabited by respectable moots and wealthy white foreign merchants, 2, well as by Hindus, both land cultivators and fighters. It was a land with much trade and had a good harbour that was visited by many ships com- ing from Mecca, Aden, Hormuz, Cambay and Malabar, bringing many homes that were sold for 200 to 400 cruzados each, providing 40 cn zados on each for the state treasury. In exchange for horses and pearls that came from Hormuz and were sold to the sultans of the Deccan and urTEOTONIO R. DE SOUZA ‘Vijayanagar, the ships took back sugar, pepper, ginger, variety of spices and sundry other goods. Entry into the island and the city was strictly guarded, and there were smagistrate, clerks and guards who would check the idenety and place of origin of every incomer, and noted down their distinguishing physical ‘marks, That was how the entry and exie from the city was regulated. The island was rich in land and sea revenues.” The capital city of Goa captured by the Portuguese was at Eli, where they developed cher capital that came to be known as Velha Goa. The Muslims preferred to conduct their trade from there, two miles away from the earlier Hind-clominated pare city. Tan Baruta, who took part in the capture of Gos for the nawab of Honawar, mentioned two cites, one Hindu and the other Muslim. ‘The grave situation created by the smugglers in che West Coast of India was presented by Anthony Disney atthe Indo-Portuguese History Seminar at Cochin in 1989." Despite all the apparatus of organisation Goa was a bose for large-scale clandestine activities chat successfully evaded state control and its customs, often with official connivance! Jacques de Couttre, the Flemish jewel merchant who lived in Goa and visited several regions of India and South East Asia, aeibuted to smugglers the loss of Horm an important port of call, Passadores smuggled goods in Goa up the River Mandovi and overland through the Ghat passes into Bijapur. Disney described one particulaely notorious pastaor residing inthe small island of Jus, strategically located in the Mandovi River, where consider- able quantities of lit goods were often stored for shipment in the main. land. We are told that two brothers were berween them, the owner and captain ofthat island, and helped their smuggle-lients, which included CCambay Banias and several prominent figures among the local Portuguese, some of them connected with lucrative China-Japan trade. Some of the devasss (judicial inquiries) revealed that items like spices, sold, silver reales and pearls were objects of smuggling, and the smuggling activity was so well organised tha it was backed by insurers from among the resident New Christians (converted jews), such as Francisco Meneses de ‘Crasto, The manchuas (small boats) owned by the viceroy and archbishop were often used by thet servants and friends for smuggling purposes. Many white settlers or casados, and even a vedor da fazenda, like Nuno Vaz Castelo Branco, had their quintas (holiday homes) along the banks of the River Mandovi, which served as landing places for goods taken from the ships ‘before they reached the customs in Pangim.? ‘Beside passadores there were pimenteirs (smugglers), who were more dif- ficule ro check in their smuggling of pepper in particular, but also achee high-value goods, including horses, pearl, slaves through ports all along usGOA IN THE PRE-MODERN AGE the West Coast of India, across the Red Sea, the Hadramaut coast and as far asthe Persian Gulf and Mozambique, and on the other coast along the Bengal ports, Malacca and Macao. They used the more swift and elusive carvessels and small gallits, and often bough cares (passes) from the local commanders as legal cover. They would find ways of bypassing ports of call and arrange rendezvous at sea with other smuggling vessels. They were also effectively armed to defend themselves if chased, and often had the backing from the native rulers who held share in the benefits, and as the viceroy Count of Redondo revealed in one of the devasas the major ity of fdalgos and casados of Goa were public robbers ofthe customs, but were skilful in covering their tracks by utilising the services of third partes. Mocquet arrived in Goa in May 1609 as a French tourist and spy, who ‘had managed to infiltrate the entourage ofthe viceroy designate Count of Feira. Ie was a case somewhat similar to the earlier succesful attempt of| the Dutchman Linschotten who joined the entourage of the archbishop designate D. Vicente da Fonseca. The viceroy had died during the journey, and he had embalmed his body as oficial apothecary. He was not impressed by the Portuguese Catholicism in Goa. He preferred the honest natives Co the arrogant fidalgos and their cruel creatment of slaves, He returned with the sip that brought back to Portugal the viceroy André Furtado de Mendonca, who was ill (suspected of poisoning) and accepted the medi- cal care of Mocquet who wanted to get back to Europe, An English pilot joined the voyage as co-pilot, but Pyrard was assigned to a different ship. ‘The governor died near Saint Helena, and he was the second govemor to bbe embalmed by Mocquet,asisted by a barber-surgeon. The ship N. Sra da Penka de Franga touched Cascais on 2 July 1610. Mocquet left a very tragic picture of the Indo-Portuguese society, far from harmonious." He mentions with gratitude the good reception he had in Goa from the French Jesuit priest based in Goa, Fr. Etienne de la Croix, who had earlier helped the other French traveller Pyrard de Laval with some cash and willingness to intervene before the viceroy to get him out of jail® Similarly, the two Englishmen caught in Hormuz and brought to Goa were helped by their esuie countryman, Thomas Steven. ‘Let me return to the issue of non-integraion of the complex and con- ficting interests in colonial Goa. That was precisely the central argument cof my doctoral dissertation entitled originally ‘Goa in the Seventeenth (Century: A Socio-economic History’ In several of my later studies !have extended the analysis right up to the end ofthe colonial rule Te cannot be forgotten thatthe life of a maritime trading ports vitally dependent upon the supply lines, not just by sea, bue also from the hin- terlund. Most of dhe studies of the colonial cles, nctuding Goa, either 9TEOTONIO R. DE SOUZA touch the issue ofthis latter dependence very superficially o ignore italto- gether as of litle consequence. Very litle serious attention has been paid, for instance, to various cases of local rebellions in Goa as expressions of the native discontent with the colonial policies. The murder of half a dozen. Jesuits in Cuncolim in 1583 was one such early and serious case. It has been presented generally as Hindu reaction to the Jesuit conversion drive in Saleete. As I pointed out in my research, Cuncolim was one of the rae villages that lived on more than agriculture for subsistence.” Ir had its own petty industry, including gun-manufacturing capacity. In the letters of Afonso dde Albuquerque one reads that guns of good quality were manufactured in ‘Cuncolim, and he finds them comparable to chose the Portuguese brought from Bohemie.!8 The anger of local clive chat suidered cle Jeuits was provoked by the destruction oftheir local remple that was located at erose- roads of trade routes that linked Goa with the hinterland hrough the Ghat passes.” The trade fairs held during the temple feasts were vital for thei economic activity Thave analysed elsewhere how the Portuguese had been sufficiently con- tent with their maritime trade during most of the sixteenth century, and consequently did not interfere with the agriculture-based economy of the local inhabitants. This situation started co change from the beginning of the seventeenth century. The threats posed by the arrival of the Dutch and the Englishmen led to the building of the new fortifications at the entrance of the Mandovi River, but resulted simultaneously in an increasingly fre- {quent investment by the casados (marred white secles) in the rural lands, violating the assurances given to the village communities in the Foral of ‘Afonso Mexia in 1526. During this process the religious parish priests posed themselves as protectors of the native interests against the intrusion of the hice casados, In reality the religious orders were themselves upset in their unrivalled white domination of the rural ateas until then. In addition to the violation of the exclusive land proprierory tights of| the Goan natives in their village communities, chere were complaints about coconuts being taken forcibly by the captains of the Aguada and Reis Magos forts that defended the bay entry to the capital city. The natives were paid only one-third of the market price. The native labour was also regularly recruited for digging trenches of the Tivy fortifications in the northern Barde: taluka of Goa, and to watch the coustline against any enemy intruders. The village communities were made to pay 36,000 -xerafins to cover the cost. A representation of the village communities of Salcete Province to the king in 1643 discloses how Viceroy Pero da Silva hhad ordered galleons to be built in Goa and the contractors were allowed 120GOA IN THE PRE-MODERN AGE to cut down jackfruit trees and other frlt-bearing tres for timber without ‘paying just compensation to the native owners. The note makes it point to suggest sabotage by stating that the gallecns caught fire and were burnt when they entered the bay.” ‘The preceding incident of sabotage should convince us that history can- not be written only on the bass of what documents say, but it is important also to analyse the circumstantial evidence to read what documents do not say or leave unsaid. It is important to read in the gaps, often left unex- plained by activities of financial corruption or political espionage. One such case was analysed by Sanjay Subrahmanyam in a study entitled ‘O {nimigo encoberto: a expanso mogul no Decdo e o Estado da fnia' (The hidden enemy: the Mughal expansion in the Deccan and the Portuguese State of India). Te is the Mughal policies of expansion in the Deccan that often kept the Portuguese on the West Coast on theit tes. The Portuguese relations with “Ahmadnagarat the time of Chand Bibi and the eve ofthe rise ofthe Marathas formed part of this tangle from the close ofthe sixteenth century. Bijapur had become at this time a great mast of European private traders, like Flemish Jacques de Couttre, a jewel trader. The correspondence of the Portuguese viceroy Count of Vidiguera suggests chat Prirce Murad was eliminated by ‘a foreign hand’ (his own). The Count is not likely to have made fale claim, because he proved capable of eliminating a renegade Portuguese recruited by Ibrahim Adil Shah in 1620 to manufacture eznnons for im. There is much to be read in between the lines and the silences in the Portuguese sources. My late guru, Professor A.R. Kulkarni, acknowledged this fact when he quoted me ro explain why the Portuguese, who kept a vigilant eye upon Shivaji’s growing power, have nothing to say about his snuch-publicised coronation in 1974. Pissuclencar’s argument about this case is far from convincing, namely that there isa gap in the Portuguese: documentation for the years 1669-77. Ics far ftom tue. AR. Kulkarni quoted me as ‘one young scholar from Goa’. He wrote: ‘Thesilence can be explained only as an intended black out. This is not difcul to believe. The religious faraticism of the Portuguese hhad always considered the Hindu elgious rites as devilish and any public celebration was banned within the limits of the Portguese jurisdiction. Hence the coronation ceremony performed by Hindu priests and attended by them in large numbers was surely regarded by the Portuguese as grand pagan act, which they could nether aprove [si] nor talk about without feeling guilty of blasphemy or fearing the stem hand of the Inqustir.* waTEOTONIO R. DE SOUZA ‘As a net result of the violent conversion drive, the arrests and punish ‘ments of the Inquisition and the repeated forced levies from the village ‘communities to cover the war costs against the neighbouring rules, a sze- able number of Goan inhabitants, both Hindus and Christians, had moved ‘outof Goa and settled down in various egions ofthe Konkan and beyond in the Indian sub-continent. It would be ulsimately their pressure that ‘would end the Portuguese colonial rule in Goa in 1961 ‘The Indian military intervention is generally invoked as the real cause, Ibutlet me point out to those who are unaware that Goa Liberation Council ‘rected in Bombay (present-day Mumbai) in 1954 was a civic organisa ‘ior representing nearly 100,000 Goan expatriates eking out their living in Bombay. The leadership ofthe Goa Liberation Council was largely with, the Catholics, including the Archbishop-Cardinal of Bombay; a Goan by ‘origin. More interesting sil isthe fact that the Operation Vijay asthe mil- itary action to occupy Goa, was under operational command of nine high- ranking Goan officers, including only one Hindu, All of hem were chosen ‘for heir familiarity with Porcuguese language, besides their acknowledged ‘miliary experience in various branches of India's armed forces. ‘Major General Pezarat Correia who led one of the expeditionary batal- lions that was sent from Portugal to Goa in 1954 at the height of ten- sior created by the saryagraha movement, and late served in Mozambique, ‘Angola and Guinea-Bissau before taking part in the Revolt of 25 April 1974, which ended Salazar regime in Portugal, wrote in a recent publica- tior ofthe Liga dos Combatentes no Uleramar:? ‘The citizens of Goa, Daman and Diu were not incorporated in, the Portuguese Armed Forces... There was just one company, of infanery in Panjim and that was meant for mere protocolar functions. Let us acknowledge honestly that Goans, and people of Daman and Diu, did nor in reality benefit fom the statute of Porcuguese nationals, with rights and duties of Porcuguese citizens, including the duty of performing military service. They were sub- jected to foreign occupation, and as such, the duty of defending ‘them militarily and che teritory belonged tothe occupying power. fchey were ornot Indian citizens, that was a different issue which, they had to decide. But Portugal, when it did not permit adifer ent solution that was not invasion, even that right of option was, denied to them. “To conclude, Gos's history asa node of international network of trade pre- -cedes and follows pre-modern cimes. Qoa's ruling elites can sill be suuied 12GOA IN THE PRE-MODERN AGE as ‘strangers at home and at home with strangers. In post-liberation Goa wwe witnessed a chief minister accused of gold smuggling along with his brothers. He continues to be popular in the promotion of feotball and poli- ties, was elected to represent Goa in the Parliament in 1996 and contin- ues to be active in local politics rill date. In the past decade some Goans ‘made hay in selling rom ore to the Chinese to build their Olympic stadia at immense profit, without caring for tragic consequences to the ecology of the territory. To give a culy surreal touch to Goan internationalism, the Goa government is now facing a delicate task of expelling two elected MLAs who have been denounced as holding Portuguese nationality in a country that does not permit dual nationality? Notes 1B Pissurlenenr, "Um Paso do Cronis Barros elucidado & Luz duma Inscrigio Sanscita,” O Orience Porugés, no. 18 (1937), pp. 35-48. Refers to three cop- per plates ised by Madhav Ment, governor of Govapura, serving Vijayanagat king Harare Il, in 1391, where we come across reference to ‘Cova sinhasare’ 1 capitel ofKonkan, He eapeured Goa from the Bahmani rulers in 1366, and ruled in Gos at leat ill 1387, Goa remained under Vijayanagar until 1470, ‘when it war etaken by Babmani sultan Muhamad Gawan, genera of Muha sad Shab IA copper plate of this year refers co lm as “Raid of Goa’ (king for ruler of Goa}; P. Pigsurlencar, “As primitivas capicais de Gea," © Oriente Porugufs, no. 1 (1931), pp. 1-20; K.G. Vasantamadhava, “Geve-Kamataka (Calera Contacts from 1000-1600 A.D," PP. Shisodkar, ed Goa: Curl ‘Trends (Pant Dicectorate of Archives, 1987), pp. 22-33; Pius Valekandachil, Martine Inda: Trade, Rligon end Foi the Indian Ocean (New Delhi: Primus Books, 2010). Chapter 2 dels with Maritime Tiade and Politieal Economy of Ga, 800-1500 (pp. 19-37). 2 Teoronio R de Sou, ed, Goa through che Ages, Il (New Delhi: Concept Pub- lishing Co, 1989), pp. 117-36 3 Malekandathi, Martine India, pp. 19-37. Cf. Chandrapura (Chandor) on the ‘bank of River Paroda (a tributary ofthe Zar) was the oldest known por of Gos ‘The discovey of Roman coin and amphorae sherds rom Pilar near Gopekapa- tana pore incates chat Roman ships called in ports of Goa during the Sara- vvahana period. The Shilaharas and Kadambas were maritime pewers and had trade contacts with Wese Asia and Ease Affican countries, The depiction of 2 ‘naval battle in the memorial stones (swelfth-thiteenth centuries) exhibited inthe Archaeological Museurn, Ol! Goa, eflects the maritime cxvity ofthis region "A rae inscription on copper plates belonging tothe reign of Kadamba Jay- kesh I was sent to Poctagal by the Goa government in 1727. Ie was published bby PSS. Pisuslencar along with several other pre-Porcugues inscriptions. of Gos, in ‘nscrigies Pr-Pornuguesss de Goa,” © Oriente Ponuguet, no. 22 (1936), pp. 381-460. This particular ieripuon date 1053 CE is wanscribed from ovina plats in Sanskrit and translated ino Portuguese in pp. 386-98. 13TEOTONIO R. DE SOUZA 4 TR de Sousa “Con-Based Portuguese Seaborne Trade in the Early Seventeenth Century The ndan Ezonomi and Sol Fistry Revew, 12, no. 4 (1973), bp. 33-42. Cf also TR. de Sowa, “Marine Inirance and Indo-Portaguese ‘rade Harry Na Aid to Marte Historiography.” The Indan Ecmarae and Social History Review, 14, 0.3 (1977), pp.377-88 5 LA. Rodiiges da Siva Tai, “Os fates e »expansto portugues na India rane ostcalo XVL O exemple de linac do Calo: expt lingua e =judeu de Cochim ce Cimas in Argus do Cento Calta Caloute Gulbenkian Vols. 1,32 (Pai 1984), pp. 137-260, 6 SD. Goiein,A Mederanean Sac): The eush Communities of th Arab Word 4 Porayedinche Dosen of he Cav Gunza, V1 (Beeley Los Angeles: Univesity of Calforia Pres, 1967). 7 Dejnirah Cour, Laspionnage preg dans lpirectoman ou XVle site, of print of La Lecouere, lz Portal et Iaropes ACs du Callous, Par, 26-28 May 1968, J: Aubin (Pats F Calosute Gulbenkian, Centre Calttel Poe cups, 190), 8 Mocqet emfalmed evo vceroys who died during his voyage Goa and resen from it Recently published corespondence of alge Jonge de Amaral e Vascon- celos (1649-1636) ed. Amandio) Moras Bos, Por: Arotament, 2011, ‘There was much demand it Cos or she besca tone, or ‘peda cord sold by the Gon feu, as anedat opotoning. 9 Archivo Pogue Oneal, Fas. Par 1 ed.) H. Ouaha Rivara (New Delhi: ‘AES Repring 1992), p. 116, Fase. LPane 2.42. The Goa municipality come Plains about the decision ofthe viceroy Mathias de Albuguerqse who had femoved Antonio Girt rm she oe of Voor da Fuser an given i 10a fereignes, Vienco de Brune, Cl. Arco Poruguey Ora, Fase, pp. S178: The king writs the viceroy and the munipalyexpresing his dspproval the ston ef the viceroy adores that al salaries aldo Vicenio de Brune should be replaced by the vieroy fom hie personal account, and Antonio Gale shoul be dly compensated for isles 10 Ricardo Mics Teles, *Forzalesas de Gone asus Legendas” O Oriente Port fs, no. 381937), pp. 7-34: AB. De Bragencs Pereira, “As captain da India Portaguts.”O Oren Porugias,no.1 (1931), pp. 124-70, A. Deldugue da Costa,“ tentatva de seconstrgio de GBa em 1777," O Onente Porupus, ro, (1931) pp 104-20 lewas decided in 1684 folowing the invasion of Goa by Sabha. 11 Duare Barbe, The Bok of Duane Babose, ed, Mansel Longworth Dames, Vol, 1 (London: Hakluye Society, 1908), pp 174-5. This isa travel account of che sistent century. We have followed the recent etal elon in Por ‘ues by Maia Augusa da Veiga e Sous, O Liv de Due Bebra, Vl. 2 {ss, 20) pp 20-7. 12 Anthony Disc "Smugglers and Smuggling inthe Western Half ofthe Estado da India in che Lave Sateen and Ey Seveneench Ceneue” Ina, 26, nos 1-2 (Marh-Sepeibe, 1989), pp. 37-75 13 Archivo Porque Oneal Fas. 3, pp. 323-4. The crown advises the viceroy Mathis de Albuquerqse against the requests ofthe Gos municipal tac sug srsted recalig all the New Chuisians as barnfl for che interes ofthe sate. ‘The king ses reason why they sbould not bave the right to tad jst ke 104GOA IN THE PRE-MODERN AGE anyone else. Only ic suggests keeping an eye on those who misbehave and send ing information that may enable taking proper action (p. 507). 14 Voyage & Mezambique @ Goa: La relation de Jean Mocqut (1607-1610), ed Xavier de Castro, Prefaced by Dejanirah Couto (Paris Ed. Chandeigne, 1996), pp. 7-21. Mocque was arrested in Mosimbique suspected of freien spy. because the island wes under Durch atack at that time: Macquet could recognise among. ‘hose who arested him some whom he had helped during the voyage. He has harsh words forthe Portuguese: ‘ces Portas la plupar race de jul sone de ce ‘naturel malin et méconaiseant (p61) 15 The Voyage of Francois Pyard of Laval, Vol. 2, eds, Albere Gray and H.C, Bell (New DethicAES Reprin, 2000), p. 22 16 Teotonio R. de Souza, Medieval Goa: A Socio-Econemic History (Pana, Goss 1556 & Broaiway Book Centre, 2008), pp i, 46 17 hrpsfrwegoacom.comjeultue/hstorycuncolim he 18 Camas de Ajinso de Albuquerque, Vo. 1, e. Bulho Pato (Lisoa, 1864), p 203. 19 TR. de Souzs, “Ghat Passes and Ghat Routes in South Konkan,” unpublished paper presenced atthe 3Olst Punyathithi Seminar on Shivaji, University of Poons, 9-10 February 1982. Ct. Shankar N.V. Joshi, Marat Rajat kak heenrg Cause Sanka (Pune: Bharat Isha Sesbodaka Mandal 1954). 20 de Sowa, Meieval Goa, pp. 44-7 21 Ibid, pp. 203-4 (App. A-ii: Mongtes 54 fs 85-57) 22 Ibid, pp. 193-8 (App. A-8: AHU, Casa da Ina. 15, doe. 110). 3 S. Subrahmanyan, “O inimigo encoberto’: a expansio mogol no Deco e 0 Estado da tnd,” in Powos e Cultwas: Portage eo Oriante ~ Pasado ¢ Present, Vol. 5 (Lisbos: CPCEP, 1996), pp. 115-68, 24 Ibid. p. 166. 25 AR. Kulkarri, Medieval Maratha Coury (New Delhi: Book & Books, 1996), p.120,2.3. 26 Valmiki Faleto, Pariotism in Action: Goans in Indl’ Defense Services (Panaji, Goa: 1556, 201). 27 Revistar Goa, Dano ¢ Diu (Lisbos: Liga dos Combatentes, 2010), pp. 215-16, 218. 28 hepsi ty L1e1Woa, 29 hcp /lgreryG.