الإله مونتو

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Werner, Edward Karl

THE GOD MONTU: FROM THE EARLIEST ATTESTATIONS TO THE END OF THE NEW KINGDOM
Yale University , Ph.D. 1985
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The God Montu:
From the Earliest Attestations to the End of the New Kingdom
A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate
School
of
Yale University in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of

Philosophy
by
Edward Karl Werner December 1985 Copyright bv Edvard Karl
Werner 1986 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
ABSTRACT THE GOD MONTU:
FROM THE EARLIEST ATTESTATIONS TO THE END OF THE NEW KINGDOM
Edward Karl Werner Yale University 1985
This study traces the divine career of Montu# a primordial
god of the Theban region of Upper Egypt# through the end of
the New Kingdom. The chronological scope was chosen in order
to concentrate on the formative stages of Montu's cult before
the momentum of syncretism and the proliferation of animal
worship in the later periods obscured his essential na ture.
The evidence indicates that Montu was first worshipped as a
local Upper Egyptian solar deity# and that he rose to
national prominence because of his patronage of the victory
of King Nebhepetre Mentuhotep II of Dynasty XI in his war to
reunify Egypt under Theban supremacy. Apparently as early as
Dynasty XII# Montu was assigned the role of war god based on
his participation in that victory# a role attributed to him
until the end of native Egyptian civilization.
The first five chapters present a chronological analysis of
Montu with reference to the inscriptions# inconogra- phy#
temple development at the four major cult centers (Tod#
Armant# Medamud and Karnak)/ and the priesthood which served
the cult at those sites. Among the special topics discussed

in the context of their periods are: Montu and the "falcon
ships" of Dynasty XVIII# Montu as a griffin in the New
Kingdom# the iconographic confusion between Montu and Khonsu
during the Ramesside Period# and the special relationship
between Montu and Ramesses II which was most dramatically
expressed in the cult statue# "Usermaatre Setepenre# Montu-
in-the-Two Lands#" which he erected in his Delta capital.
Chapter 6 explores the concept of Montu and Atum of
Heliopolis as a "divine pair" used iconographically to
represent Upper and Lower Egypt. Chapter 7 assesses Montu's
three consorts: Tjenenet of Tod# Armant and Medamud; Iunyt of
Armant; and Rettawy of Thebes# and Karnak in particular.
Appendices provide direct access to categorized Montu
references from Kitchen*s Ramesside Inscriptions# the
priesthood and other Montu temple staff prior to the
Ramesside Period# the priesthood and other temple staff
during the Ramesside Period# and the epithets of Montu as
attested in each period.

To my late father/ who first took me to the Metropolitan
Museum of Art to see the wonders of Ancient Egypt.
And most especially to my mother/ whose encouragement and
many sacrifices made possible the completion of my studies.
PREFACE
This study attempts to trace the divine career of Montu
from his earliest attestations to the end of the New Kingdom.
The chronological scope was chosen in order to concentrate on
the formative stages of Montu's cult before the momentum of
syncretism and the proliferation of animal worship in the
later periods obscured his essential nature. Due to the fact
that so much of the primary material is available only in the
reports of the excavators? I must rely on the accuracy of
those reports since in so many cases it was not feasible to
compare them to the actual material in situ. In the fall of
1981 I was able to visit the Montu temple sites at Karnak
North and Medamud? but it was not possible to see Tod and
Armant in person.
The first five chapters present a chronological analysis of
Montu with reference to the inscriptions? iconography? temple
development at the four major cult centers? and the
priesthood which served the cult at those sites. The two
concluding chapters assess Montu's relationships with Atum of
Heliopolis (Chapter 6) and seven goddesses? including his
three consorts: Tjenenet? Iunyt and Rettawy (Chapter 7). Five
appendices provide access to Montu references from Kitchen's
Ramesside Inscriptions? priesthood and other temple staff
during the Ramesside Period? priesthood and other temple
staff prior to the Ramesside Period? the epithets of Montu?
and objects from major museum col
6
VI
lections discussed in the text.
In attempting to thank all of those individuals who have
offered their invaluable assistance in the preparation of
this study? I must begin with my advisor? Professor William
Kelly Simpson? a scholar who carries on the comprehensive
tradition of James Henry Breasted? the founder of American
Egyptology.
My special gratitude also goes to Dr. Betsy Bryan who was
always ready to offer needed advice during the seemingly
endless months of preparation. I also thank Dr. Alan R.
Schulman for his useful comments and for granting me
permission to see and utilize his unpublished manuscript?
The Ubiquitous Senenmut?" Dr. Edward Brovarski for his
insightful suggestions? Dr. Marianne Eaton-Kraufi for sharing
her knowledge of the Karnak blocks of Tutankhamen? Prof6 B.
V. Bothroer for making available his encyclopedic knowledge of
Egyptian art? and Mrs. Diane Guzman? Librarian of the Wilbour
Library of Egyptology? for gladly providing or checking
references at a moments notice.
There is no way I can ever repay the support and
understanding provided by my colleagues at the Metropolitan
Museum of Art. First of all? I must thank Dr. Christine
Lilyquist? Curator of the Dept, of Egyptian Art? for giving
me access to objects for study during the hectic days of the
reinstallation and permission to use photographs from the MMA
Theban Expedition. I am indebted to Mr. Peter Dorman and Mr.

VI
John McDonald for their willingness to discuss and share
their views concerning the more grammatically obscure
passages in texts used in this study? and to Ann Russmann who
kindly provided relevant articles which she received as
offprints. I am grateful to Hr. William B. Walker? the Arthur
K. Watson Chief Librarian? for permitting me to arrange leave
when needed for writing or doing research? Mrs. Donya
Schimansky and Mrs. Ljuba Backovsky for their daily
encouragement? Mrs. Paula Frosch for her help in proofing
chapters as they were written? Dr. Dora- lynn Pines? Mr. John
Roggio and other staff members in the Thomas J. Watson
Library who helped me when help was needed.
Finally I should like to thank the following curators for
providing photographs of objects in their collections and
permission to use them: Dr. Jean Louis de Cenival and
Genevieve Pierrat of the Musfee du Louvre? Dr. T* G. H.
James of the British Museum? Dr. Francesco Nicosia of the
Soprintendenza archeologica della Toscana? and Mr.
James F. Romano of The Brooklyn Museum. The Oriental
Institute of the University of Chicago is also thanked for
granting permission to reproduce line drawings from its
publications? and Dr. Claude Traunecker for sending me a
photocopy of a decorated Karnak block discovered by the
Centre franco-gyptien d'fetude des temples de Karnak.

August 15? 1985
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface iv
List of Figures ix
List of Abbreviations xiv

Chapter Is From the Beginning to the End
of the Old Kingdom 1
Inscriptions 3
Iconography 8
Temples 9
Priesthood and Cult 12
Chapter 2s First Intermediate Period and
- Middle Kingdom 22
Montu as State God 24
The Rise of Amun 26
Temples 27
Other Inscriptions 40
Iconography 43
Montu as War God 54
Chapter 3s Second Intermediate Period 78
Temples 79
Iconography 90
Miscellaneous inscriptions 94
Chapter 4: New Kingdom: Dynasty XVIII 105
Inscriptions 105
Montu and Akhenaten 116
Montu and the Restoration 120
Iconography 122
Scarabs and Plagues 127
Montu and the "Falcon Ships" 129
Montu as a Griffin 136
Temples 139
Chapter 5: New Kingdom: Ramesside Period 182
Inscriptions 184 Osermaatre Setepenre?
Montu-in-the-Two-Lands 185
Montu and Other Martial Deities 188
Book of the Dead 190
Temples 199
Iconography 203
Montu and Khonsu 204
Khonsu in the Guise of Montu 208
Temple of Khonsu at Karnak 211
Montu and the Theban Triad 216
Chapter 6: Montu and Atum 236
Montu and Atum as a Divine Pair 237
Iconograpy of the Bs-nyswt 240
Montu and the Theban Ennead 252
Conclusions 255
Chapter 7; Consorts of Montu 265
Tod: Tjenenet 266
Medamud: Tjenenet 268
Armant: lunyt and Tjenenet 268
Thebes: Rettawy 273
Other Associated Goddesses 275
Concluding Remarks 278
Appendix A: Categorized Montu References from Royal Encomia
in Kitchen's
Ramesside Inscriptions 287
Appendix B: Priests and Other Staff of the Montu
Temples during the Ramesside Period 296
Appendix C: Priests and Other Staff of the Montu Temples
Prior to the Ramesside
Period 307
Appendix D: Epithets of Montu 310
Appendix E: Museum Objects Discussed in the Text 316
Bibliography 321
Figures 345
LIST OP FIGURES
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig*
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
Fig.
1. Hap of the Theban Region.
2. Dynasty II ink inscription [Lacau and Lauer? La Bytamifle 1
degLSs v? fig. 133].
3. Cylinder seal from the Piers collection [Newberry? Ancient
Egyptian Scarabs# p. 55? fig. 311.
4. Relief from the mortuary temple of Pepi II at Saqqara
[JSquier? Monument funferaire de Pepi II II? pi. 471.
5. Relief fragment from the pyramid causeway of Pepi
II at Saqqara [Jfequier? Monument III? pi. 27].
6. Plan of the Old Kingdom temple at Medamud.
7. Sed-festival lintel of Senwosret III from Hedamud [HSdaS!2ild
(1931) ? pi. I].
8. Interior left wall of the "porche" of Senwosret
III at Hedamud [Mfedamoud (1931)? pi. II].
9. Plan of the Temple of Senwosret I at Tod.
10. Fragmentary relief of Montu from Tod? Dynasty XI (Louvre
no. E 15110) [photo courtesy of the Musfee du Louvre]
11. Fragmentary relief from Tod? Dynasty XI (inv. 1542)
[Bisson de la Roque? T6d (1934 a 1936) ? pi.
XIX.2].
12. Jientuhotep II offers to Montu at Tod (JE 66329) [TOd
(1934 1 1936). pi. XX].
13. Mentuhotep II crowned by Montu and Tjenenet at Tod (JE
66330) [3$ (1934 A 1936)? pi. XVIII].
14. Montu in a relief from Tod? reign of Mentuhotep III
(Louvre no. E 15114) [photc courtesy of the Muse du Louvre].
15. Triumphal stela of Senwosret I from Wadi Haifa [Florence
no. 2540? photo courtesy of the Soprin- tendenza archeologica
della Toscana].
16. Montu gives life to Mentuhotep III at Tod (inv. 1523)
[T6d (1934 a 1936)? pi. XXIII.1].
Fig. 17. Lintel of Senwosret III from Hedamud in the
Louvre (no. E 13983) [photo courtesy of the Muse du Louvre].
Fig. 18. Detail of Hontu from Louvre no. E 13983 [photo
courtesy of the Husfie du Louvre].
Fig. 19. Lintel from the facade of Sobekhotep Il's porehe"
at Hedamud [Mfedamoud (1931) ? pi. V].
Fig. 20. Another lintel of Sobekhotep II at Hedamud
[MSflflfflP.ua 112211/ pl. VIII].
Fig. 21. Interior left wall of the porch of Sobekhotep II at
Hedamud [Hfedamoud (1931)? pl. VI].
Fig. 22. Damaged figures of Hontu and Shu? middle colonnade?
Temple of Hatshepsut? Deir el-Bahri.
Fig. 23. Karnak talatat with Akhenaten and fully armed rays
of the Aten [courtesy of Claude Traunecker].
Fig. 24. Thutmose III censing damaged figures of Hontu and
Atum? temple sanctuary? Deir el-Bahri [HHA photo no. T.
2234? courtesy of the Dept, of Egyptian Art? Metropolitan
Museum of Art].
Fig. 25. British Museum no. 12; Montu-Re (right)
accompanying Thutmose III [photo courtesy of the British
Museum].
Fig. 26. British Museum no. 12: Montu-Re (left)
accompanying Thutmose III [photo courtesy of the British
Museum].
Fig. 27. Exterior right side of the war chariot of
Thutmose IV [Carter and Newberry? Tomb of Thoutmftsis 12? pl.
X],
Fig. 28. Left interior of the war chariot of Thutmose IV
[Carter and Newberry? Tomb ThoutmSsis J2? pl. XII].
Fig. 29. MHA scarab no. 04.2.745: Head of Hontu-Re.
Fig. 30. HHA scarab no. 10.130.766: Head of Hontu.
Fig. 31. Warship depicted in the tomb of Huy [Davies and
Gardiner? Tomb of Huy? pl. XI] .
Fig. 32. Detail of the stern of Huy's warship [Davies and
Gardiner? Tomb of Huv? pl. XII].
Fig. 33. Hontu representations on the stern of model boat
CG 4944 from the tomb of Amenhotep II [Daressy# Fouilles & la
Vallfee Rois# pl. XLIX].
Fig. 34. MMA scarabs nos. 05.3.367 and 05.3.368.
Fig. 35. MMA scarab no. 30.8.535.
Fig. 36. Griffin on the ax of Ahmose I [Bissingr Ein
thsfeanissher Grabfund# pl. I].
Fig. 37. Representation of the Armant pylon of Thutmose
III in the tomb of Khonsu called Ta [Mond and Myers#
Teppl.es Arssntf pi. ix.3].
Fig. 38. Stela of Khepriemhat# Louvre E 15123 [photo courtesy
of the Musfee du Louvre].
Fig. 39. Montus of Thebes and Armant on the north face of
Hedinet Habu temple.
Fig. 40. Montu in the Court of Herihor in the Temple of
Khonsu at Karnak [Temple of Khonsu I# pl. 32; courtesy of The
Oriental Institute of The University of Chicago].
Fig. 41. Montu in the Theban tomb of Paser (no. 106) [MMA
photo no. T. 2954# courtesy of the Dept, of Egyptian Art#
Metropolitan Museum of Art].
Fig, 42= Khonsu in a relief from the mortuary temple of Pepi
II at Saqqara [JSquier# Monument III# pl. 211.
Fig. 43. Khonsu as a "mummiforin" prince [Medir.et Habu
VIII# pl. 596; courtesy of The Oriental Institute of The
University of Chicago].
Fig. 44. Hieracocephalic Khonsu with lunar disk and
crescent [Temple af Khonsu I# pl. 43; courtesy of The
Oriental Institute of The University of Chicago].
Fig. 45. Anthropomorphic Khonsu with lunar disk and
crescent [Temple Khonsu I# pl. 60; courtesy of The Oriental
Institute of The University of Chicago].
Fig. 46. Khonsu-in-Thebes Neferhotep on the doorway of Pylon
VIII at Karnak.
Fig. 47. Khonsu-in-Thebes Neferhotep# Horus Lord of Joy# in
the Temple of Khonsu at Karnak [Temple of Khonsu I# pl. 7;
courtesy of The Oriental Institute of The University of
Chicago].
Fig. 48. Khonsu-in-Thebes Neferhotep in the Temple of
Xll
Amun-Re-Horakhty at Karnak.
Fig. 49. Ramesses IV and Isis before Khonsu-in-Thebes
Neferhotep in the Temple of Khonsu at Karnak.
Fig. 50. Khonsu-in-Thebes Neferhotep in the Court of Heri-
hor in the Temple of Khonsu at Karnak [Temple of Khonsu I?
pl. 49; courtesy of The Oriental Institute of The
University of Chicago].
Fig. 51. Hontu between Amun and Khonsu on the south tower of
Pylon III at Karnak.
Fig. 52. Relief from the pyramid complex of Amenemhat I at
Lisht with Hontu and Atum [Gautier? Fouilles de Licht? p.
97? fig* 1081.
Fig. 53. Hontu and Atum on the bark shrine of Senwosret I at
Karnak [Lacau and Chevrier? Chapelle de SSsostris lI? pl.
28].
'3
:<3
Fig. 54. Bs-nvswt scene from the Great Eypostyie Hall -at
Karnak with Hontu and Atum [Nelson? Great Hvpostvle flail
at Karnak I~? pl. 78; courtesy of The Oriental Institute
of The University of Chicago].
Fig. 55. Second court of the Ramesseum.
Fig. 56. Second court in the Hedinet Habu temple [Hedinet
Habu v? pl. 290; courtesy of The Oriental Institute of
The University of Chicago].
Fig. 57. Lintel of the First Pylon at Hedinet Habu
[Hedinet flaba. V? pl. 251; courtesy of The Oriental
Fig. 58. Seated Ennead of Karnak in the Great Hypostyle Hall
[Nelson? Great Hvpostvle flail I1? pl. 201; courtesy of
The Oriental Institute of The University of Chicago].
Fig. 59. Great Karnak Ennead in the Temple of Khonsu
[Temple & Khonsu It pl. 71; courtesy of The Oriental
Fig. 60. Tjenenet and Iunyt behind Sobek in the Hypostyle
Hall at Karnak [Nelson? Great Hvpostvle Hall I1? pl. 140;
courtesy of The Oriental Institute of The University of
Chicago].
Fig. 61. Satet with Khnum and Thutmose III in her temple at
Elephantine.
Fig. 62. Iunyt at Armant (Brooklyn Museum no. 37.16E) [photo
courtesy of The Brooklyn Museum].
LIST OP ABBREVIATIONS
MQ Aisbiz lfi Orientforschung
MIA American Journal Archaeology
MSIi American Journal of Semitic Languages and
Lit.eiflt.ures
MS J. H. Breasted# Ancient Records of Egypt
ASAE Anoal.es du Service des antiquitfes de I'Egypte
ATP Akhenaten Temple Project
BD Book of the Dead
i
Xll
BE Bulletin Ql Egyptological Seminal

IA Bulletin tte Institute af Arshflgfltog BI Bulletin
fle Lllnstitut d'Egypte EIEAQ Bulletin fl lllnstitut
frangais d'archfeoloqie gien.taie flu caire
SiOJL Bibiiotheca orientalis
fiMA Brooklyn Museum Annual
BMMA Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art
ESEE Bulletin de la SociStfe francaise d'Sgyptologie
fl Cfeioniqae. d'Egypte
A23 The. Cambridge Ancient History/ 3rd ed.

EES Egypt Exploration Society (Fund)
FIFAO Fouilles de l'Institut franpais d'archologie
orientale du Caire
Grammar^ A. B. Gardiner# Egyptian Grammar# 3rd ed.
G&ttipqeE Miszellen
HAB Hildesheimer Agyptologische BeitrSge
JIAQS Journal of the American Oriental Society
i
VI
jiABCE Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt

IEA Journal Egyptian Archaeology
iIEES Journal of Hear Eastern Studies
EBI k. a. Kitchen/ BaiBessitie Inscriptions l. n, r.
Lepsius/ penkrcaeler. au flggyptsn und Aethiopien

Ld& Lexicon dL Agyptologie
MAS MQnchner Xgyptologische Studien
HI2AIK Mitteilungen d EfiatSfihgn ArchSologischen instituts
&bteilung Mira
MFA Museum of Fine Arts# Boston
MIFAO Mmoires publi&es par les membres de l'Institut
franpais d'archfeologie orientale du Caire
MMA Metropolitan Museum of Art
NftRCE Newsletter of the American Research Center in EflYP-t
OIP Oriental Institute Publications
QLZ. .QlientaliStich.e Literaturzeitung

PM Bw Porter and R. L. B. Moss/ Topographical Bibli-
sa.rap.to ancisn.t Egyptian Hieroglyphic Textsf Reliefs and
Paintings/ 1st ed.
EH2 B. Porter and R. L. B. Moss/ Topographical Bibli-
aaiaphy si. tonziLent Egyptian Hieroglyphic Textsr Reliefs and
Eaintings/ 2nd ed.
ESM Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archeology 1
Pyramid Texts; Pyramidentexte
EM A. H. Gardiner# Ramesside Administrative

nosuments
ME Revue dl fegvptolcgie
Ml Recueil de trayaux relatifs a la philologie et k
llarsfrfeolggie fegvptiennes et assvriennes
EM Studien m altSgyptischen sultur
16
HEk. IV PtkUIKlen dfiSL Sgyptischen Alter turns? Abt. 4:

flrfamflfiP 15^. Dynastie
Hfe. ffSlteibUgh d aeqyptischen Sprache
ZM Zeitschrift fQr agyptische Sprache und Alter-
tumskunde
Chapter
17
FROM THE BEGINNING TO THE END OF THE OLD KINGDOM
Before Amun-Re/ King of the Gods/ rose to the pinnacle
of power in Thebes and all of Egypt/ another deity reigned
in the fourth nome of Upper Egypt/ the god Montu. From as
early as Dynasty XI he was clearly regarded as lord of the
Theban nome since he is attested at that time and there-
after with the title: . During most periods
of dynastic Egypt cult centers with extensive temples were
maintained for the worship of Montu in four principal
sites within the Theban nome [Fig. I]:2 Armant? roughly 12
kilometers southwest of modern Luxor on the west bank of
the Nile; Medamud/ 9 kilometers to the northeast of Luxor
inland from the east bank; Tod/ 17 kilometers southwest of
Luxor on the east bank; and Karnak North/ only 4
kilometers to the north-northeast of Luxor and adjacent on
the north of the great temple complex of Amun.
While other Egyptian gods have been the subject of
lengthy studies by scholars over the past century and a
half/ Montu has to a large extent been neglected owing to
a comparative paucity of evidence and its regional
quality? most of it coming from the temples of the Theban
region.
The most significant attempts to assemble and assess the
data concerning Montu consist of two articles/ each
entitled "Notes sur le dieu Montouz" by the French
Egyptologists Georges Legrain and F. Bisson de la Roque
which
appeared in 1916 and 1941 respectively.^ The second work
is based on the findings of the French excavations carried
out at Tod and Hedamud between 1925 and 1936 and published
in .extensc in the FQUillfiS. 1!Institut francais
d'archfeologie orientale dll Caire.4 These are indeed
"notes?" but at least Bisson de la Rogue made some effort
to synthesize and present the material chronologically. He
states that the purpose of his article is to serve as "un
essai de corpus. Une monographie de Hontou serait
prmature."5 Subsequently Hontu has been discussed by
Sons Bonnet in his iteallesiKpn agyptischen
Religionsqeschichte?6 and most recently by J. F Borghouts
in his bibliographical essay on Hontu for the Lexikon dsx
Aavptologie.7
Since Bisson de la Roque's report of 1941 new evidence
has appeared? but the origin of Hontu is still cloaked in
mystery due to the less than definitive nature of that
evidence. In 1963 Peter Kaplonv published the first volume
of his study of inscriptions from the Archaic Period of
Ancient Egypt. Erik Hornung has observed that "the
material he has collected belongs to the period between
3000 and 2600 B.C.? and is thus from the earliest stage of
Egyptian religion which we can study. One can indeed say
that among sources now available Egyptian personal names
of the early dynastic period are the oldest of all written
evidence of human religiosity." Among the theophorous
names from this early time Kaplony tentatively includes
Wr- Hnt? "Hontu-is-Great."10 The earliest attestation of
this name found previously by H. Ranke was dated to
Dynasty
XII.^~ Kaplony's example is an ink inscription on a vase
fragment published by Lacau and Lauer in 1965 from the
Step
Chapter
19
Pyramid complex at Saqqara and dated to the Archaic Period
[Fig. 21.12 The main problem is the transcription of the
inscription. Lacau and Chevrier read the signs as
regarding the final sign as a quail chick (Gardiner G 43).
Clearly Kaplony reads this sign as the wr-swallow
(Gardiner
^t
G 36) and would transcribe the name thus: . He
does
accept the Lacau-Lauer reading of .A as the first sign and
their discussion of the in-formula for a gift presenta-
tion.-13 The presence of Montu's name as part of the ink
inscription seems very convincing and would be the
earliest attestation of this god's existence. Lacau and
Lauer mention three examples of this inscriptionr^4 but
Hornung cautions that this "Second Dynasty example ... is
very doubtful."15 Thus one must turn to the monuments of
the Old Kingdom to find the first uncontested textual and
iconographic attestations of Montu,

Inscriptions
Bisson de la Roque states that "les textes des Pyra-
mides sont le document primordial sur Montou & l'Ancien
Empire."1 The Pyramid Texts appear at the end of Dynasty
V in the pyramid of Wenis and subsequently in those of the
principal kings of Dynasty VI: Teti? Pepi I, Merenre and
Pepi II. These copies therefore date to approximately
2420-2260 B.C.17 However? as Breasted observed/ "it is
evident ... that they contain material much older than
this/ the age of the copies which have come down to us.
The five copies themselves refer to material then in
existence which has not survived. ... Such older material/

therefore/ existed/ whether we possess any of it or
not."1 Hontu is included in at least two spells from this
ancient religious corpus.
Utterance 503 S1081.1-* This ascension text is attested
in the pyramid of Pepi X and concludes with reference to
Montu: k3 Mnw k3.f hnc.f hip Mnfcw hip.[f] hnc.f/ "When
Montu is high/ he Ithe dead king] will be high with him;
when Hontu courses/ he will course with him."2 The king
passes into the heavens to join the Imperishable Stars. In
this context Sethe suggests that Hnfcw is the name of a
star.21 This is certainly plausible/ but Hontu as a
celestial hawk with stellar association whom the king
emulates in his ascent is not out of the question.
Utterance 555 1378b.22 The Montu passage is part of a
funerary text attested in the pyramids of Pepi I# Merenre
and Pepi II. In the Pepi I version the third person singu-
lar masculine suffix pronoun is used; in the later varia-
tions the name of the king is employed. The pronominal
version is presented here for simplicity: pr.n.f ir pt m
Hnt/ "It is as Montu that he has gone up to the sky."23
Once again it is a question of the king's ascension into
the heavens/ whether as a star or a celestial hawk. In the
Merenre and Pepi II versions Montu's name is followed by
the perched falcon determinative (Gardiner G 7). Bisson de
la Roque notes that this sign is common for all gods*24 but
Sethe questioned whether it might not in this case
indicate that the Mnfc of this text was a hawk as we know
the classical Montu to have been.25 Despite Sethe's
reservations/ it seems most likely that the Mnfcw of the
Pyramid Texts is indeed the god Montu of Upper Egypt.

Chapter
21
Bisson de la Roque/2** H. Kees/27 Bonnet/28 W. C. Hayesz2
and Bor- ghouts3 have all accepted this interpretation.
In addition to the two spells just discussedz Bisson de
la Roque included a third in his survey of Montu in the
Pyramid Texts: Utterance 412 724.31 This portion of a
resurrection text is preserved in the pyramids of both
Teti and Pepi II/ and in both copies Mnfcw is determined
by three grains (Gardiner N 33). Bisson de la Roque views
them as "parcelles astrales de Montou/" and translates the
phrase tpt Mnfcw as "chef des Montou astres."32 Sethe
correctly read this occurrence of Mntw as the name of the
tribal nomads who lived in the desert east of the Nile
Valley.33 Faulkner translates the passage as follows: "May
the terror of you come into being in the hearts of the
gods ... like the tress which is on the vertex of the
Mnfcw-tribesmen."34 This is clearly an allusion to the
fierce quality of desert warriors and not stars. The
twice-attested pural determinative would preclude Montu
despite his later identification as a war god.
Five references to Montu are preserved from Dynasty
VI. Two occur on a cylinder seal from the reign of Pepi I
in the Piers collection [Fig. 31.35 Col. Is nyswt-bity
(Ppyl mry Mnw? "King of Upper and Lower Egypt Pepi <U?
beloved of Montu." Col. 5 includes the titles of an un-
named priests smr wcty imy-r3 hmw-nfcr Mnw? "Unique
friend? overseer of the priests of Montu." The third
column features a falcon-topped serekh-frame enclosing the
Horus name of Pepi Is Mry-t3wy Mry-Rc. Kaplony asserts
that this black serpentine seal came originally from
Armant.3 The significance of the priestly title as-

sociated with Montu will be discussed later in this
chapter.
Two other references to Montu are found in the mortuary
temple of Pepi II at Saqqara. In a fragmentary relief from
the south wall of the antechamber is preserved a formulaic
text accompanying a representation of Montu [Fig. 4] s37
di.n. [ii n.k cnft fld w3s nb Mnfcw? "I give to you all
life? stability and dominion? Montu." The partially pre-
served figure of Montu is discussed below. From the north
wall of the extreme west end of the approach causeway a
relief fragment was recovered from the procession of royal
northern estates? each represented by a woman bearing
produce.3 One is named (Nfr-k3-Rc) mr [y] Mnfcw ///?
"Neferkare? Beloved of Montu?" or? if H. Jacquet-Gordon is
correct? mr Mnfcw (Nfr-k3-RcI? "Montu loves Neferkare"
[Fig. 51.39
The final Montu text from Dynasty VI is found in the
Theban tomb (no. 186) of the nomarch Ihy.4 In 1903 P. E.
Newberry published a text from the right-hand pillar of
the outer chambers41 im3hw hr Mnfcw nb Iwnlyl# "One revered
by Montut Lord of Armant." This attestation of Montu is
singularly significant inasmuch as it is the only example
from the Old Kingdom which includes a localizing epithet.
This verifies the existence of a Montu cult center at
Armant despite the lack of monumental remains from that
era.
Porter-Moss assigns the tomb to the First Intermediate
Period.42 W. S. Smith concurs/43 paraphrasing Scharff who
remarked that "the fact that Ihy ... bears the title
Nomarch of Thebes shows that the tomb must be earlier than

Chapter
23
the time when the Intef family came into control of the
Nome towards the beginning of Dynasty XI."44 H. G. Fischer
rejects Smith's dating based on stylistic grounds and
comments: "I would not/ on the other hand/ take ]hy of
Thebes as an exception; although the reliefs of his tomb
may seem extremely crude and provincial/ the inscriptions
clearly point to the Sixth Dynasty."45 In his original
publication/ Newberry concluded that Ihy's titles imy-ib
nyswt &nty idby.f and fary-tp nyswt indicate "that he
lived under a king/ presumably one of those who
immediately succeeded the last of the great rulers of the
Vlth Dynasty ..."46 K. Baer47 and B. LandstrSm4 agree with
Fischer and Newberry/ as does M. Saleh who published the
tomb of Ihy as one of
three Old Kingdom tombs at Thebes and includes a summary
of this dating debate in his study.49 The weight of
scholarly opinion favors a late Dynasty VI date and
appears to be most probable.
In summary/ Montu's name appears in these early texts
with two spellings which will be found in later periods as
well: the full form Mnfcw/5 and the shorter Mn/51 both
with or without the perched falcon determinative for divi-
nity. The only localizing epithet so far attested in the
Old Kingdom is nk Iwny/ "Lord of Armant."

Iconography
The only iconographic attestation of Montu prior to the
First Intermediate Period occurs in a fragmentary relief
from the south wall of the antechamber in the Dynasty VI
mortuary temple at the Saqqara pyramid of Pepi II [Fig.
4].32 Montu is partially preserved in third position in

what appears to have been a procession of Upper Egyptian
deities/ this being very appropriate for the south wall.
The first god remaining from what was probably a larger
procession is Seth/ styled here "Foremost of Su (or
Sessu)/" his Upper Egyptian cult center.53 He is repre-
sented in standing human form with the head of the Seth-
animal. Behind him stands Khnum with the title "Lord of
Hermopolis." He is depicted in criocephalic human form.
Montu is the least well preserved of the three figures/
but enough remains to clearly indicate that he was
represented here in completely human form. Of his head
only the jaw remains* but this includes a fully visible
divine beard which would only appear with a human head.
Fragmentary though it may be* this unique example is
highly significant* for* as Bisson de la Roque observed/
"cette representation fetablit que Montou est un dieu
courant & l'Ancien Empire et laisse l'espoir d'en
determiner la localisation pour cette poque."54 The well-
known hieracocephalic Montu is not attested before his
appearance in the monuments of Dynasty XI.

Temples
In this and the next four chapters the development of
the four principal temples of Montu at Armant/ Karnak/
Medamud and Tod will be traced as attested by the
available material from each period.
ARMANT. Little has changed since the Mond excavations
of the 1930s at Armant: "Potsherds and fragments of stone
vessels are the only evidence for the first three
dynasties and/ except for one half cartouche/ probably of
Khafre0/ no inscriptions before the Eleventh Dynasty have

Chapter
25
yet been found."55 It was also stated that no temple blocks
were found dating earlier than Dynasty XI and that
"remains of temples earlier than the Middle Kingdom may
perhaps be expected to lie under the old Moslem
cemetery."5 Such a discovery has yet to be made/57 but the
inscription already discussed from the tomb of Ihy dated
by most scholars to
Dynasty VI does refer to Mnfcw nb Iwnlyl / "Hontu/ Lord of
Armant."
KARNAK. The Hontu temple at Karnak North is not
attested before the end of the Old Kingdom.5
MEDAMUD. In his survey of Egyptian architecture in the
Old Kingdom# A. Badawy observes that "architectural
remains of three temples can be dated with certainty to
the Old Kingdom: the temple at Hedamud/ the temple of the
Sphinx at Giza and the sun-temple of king Neusserre0 at
Abu Gurab."59 In 1940 C. Robichon and A. Varille published
their preliminary report of the discovery of the remains
of an early temple structure at Hedamud/ however they
concluded that "un fait paralt pourtant certain : le
temple primitif n'a pas 6t6 dfedife & Hentou."1 And
furthermore: "En effet/ aucun monument/ antrieur &
Sfesostris III et consacr au Hentou local/ n'ai jamais
t dfecouvert & M&darooud. ... Par ailleurs# aucune
mention du Mentou de MSdamoud/ antrieur & S&sostris III/
n'a jamais t relevfee sur des monuments dcouverts en
dehors de cette locality."2
This early temple was constructed atop a hill and sur-
rounded by an irregularly shaped brick enclosure wall
[Fig. 61. Aside from the entry courts on the north/ the
principal features were two shrines approached from those
courts by sinuous passages/ and each shrine covered by an
artificial mound. Two cylindrical mud offering stands
stood in the doorway to the main south shrine/ while only
one stood before the entrance to the subsidiary shrine the
orientation of which was west and roughly perpendicular to
the north-south main axis. A sacred grove also existed
upon the hill.63
Badawy concludes that "nothing definite can be proposed
regarding either the date or the function of the monument/
but it is surmised that it may be an Osireion of the Old
Kingdom."4 Robichon and Variller who introduced this
theory# note that the presence of an Osiris cult at
Hedamud would not be that unexpected inasmuch as "HSdamoud
est considr & la basse fepoque comme un centre de culte
osirique."5 D. Arnold has recently rejected this theory#
indicating that there is no textual evidence for the early
Osiris cult which they propose. Horeover# it is highly
unlikely that the cult attested in the Late Period would
have a direct antecedent forcibly removed from the site in
favor of Hontu during Dynasty XII.
In place of this theory Arnold has proposed that the
"temple primitif" at Hedamud with all its unusual features
may well represent the original format for a Hontu sanctu-
ary which may have been reflected in the design of the
Dynasty XI mortuary temple of King Nebhepetre Hentuhotep
II at Deir el-Bahri. This later structure included the ir-
regular enclosure wall# an architectural platform which
could be interpreted as an artificial primeval hill with
central shrine# and a planted grove.7

Chapter
27
Arnold's hypothesis is startling and certainly
intriguing. If it could be proved# it would open a new
vista on early dynastic Upper Egyptian architecture and
religion. Unfortunately there is as yet no inscriptional
or iconographic evidence to confirm Arnold's tantalizing
conjecture. Therefore one must reluctantly admit that
there is still no proof of a temple at Medamud
specifically dedicated to Montu during and prior to the
Old Kingdom. It is clear that a temple existed# but its
divine owner remains to be identified.
TOD. All that remains from a possible Old Kingdom
temple of Montu at Tod is an incomplete red granite pillar
bearing the cartouche of Userkaf beneath a partially pre-
served serekh-frame. The upper portion which should have
contained this Dynasty V king's Horus name Ir-m3ct is
missing.68 The pillar was found re-used in the Ptolemaic
court# and inasmuch as it lacks an inscription referring
to Montu# it does not provide definite proof for a temple
dedicated to Montu at Tod during the Old Kingdom. However#
circumstantial evidence such as this linked with
subsequent early textual and iconographic attestations for
such a temple in the First Intermediate Period would lend
support for this hypothesis.

Priesthood and Cult
The scanty evidence for temples dedicated to the god
Montu in the Theban nome prior to the First Intermediate
Period precludes any meaningful discussion of a priesthood
and cult in the service of this deity. But there is at
least one clear reference to such a cult and priesthood
contained in the inscription on the aforementioned

cylinder seal from the reign of Pepi I in the Piers
collection [Fig. 31.69 The official# whose name is not
included on the seal# bears among other titles that of
imy-r3 how-nfcr Mnw# "Overseer of the Priests of Montu."
The omission of the official's name is regretable but not
unusual since this seal was classed by Newberry in the
category of those which normally bear "the name of the
king together with the title of the office or official#
but not the personal name of the latter."7 The seal
includes the Horus name of Pepi I# Mry-t3wy# as well as
his nomen with the epithet mry Mnfcw# "beloved of Montu."
In his complete publication of the seal# H. Goedicke
observed that it preserves the only Old Kingdom
attestation of the priestly title and thereby offers proof
for the existence of a Montu cult during Dynasty VI.71
It would have been helpful if the seal had mentioned
the cult center where the priesthood was located# but un-
fortunately this# like the official's name# has been omit-
ted. Nevertheless# one can concur with Goedicke's con-
clusion that the two references to Montu on the seal
suggest a Theban provenance and that it was apparently
intended for a High Priest of Montu.72 Indeed# the Dynasty
VI reference to Montu# Lord of Armant# in the tomb of Ihy and
the presence of the incomplete granite pillar with the
name of Useckaf at Tod would seem to suggest Armant or Tod
as the most likely location for such a priesthood in the
Theban nome during this period.

Notes to Chapter 1
^F. Bisson de la Roque/ "Notes sur le dieu Montou/"
BIFAO 40 (1941):7-11/ 14-16.

Chapter
29
2
J. Baines and J. MSlek/ Atlas Ancient Egypt (New York
1980)/ detail map on p. 109. P. Hontet discusses "Les
villes de Montou/" in his Gfeographie de I'figypte
ancienne# pt. 2 (Paris 1961)/ pp. 70-72.

3
BIFAO 12 (1916):75-124 and BIFAO 40 (1941):l-49.
*T6d 1934-1936 (FIFAO 17; Cairo 1937) and Rapport sur
fouilles MSdamoud 1925-1932 (FIFAO 31-?1/ 8/ 91'3/ 13;
Cairo 1926-1936).
5
Bisson de la Roque,- "Notes/" p. 1.
6
(Berlin 1952)/ pp. 475-479.
7
LslA IV/ cols. 200-204.
8
P. Kaplony/ Hie. InschElften agyptischen FrOhzeit
(Agyptologische Abhandlungen 8; Wiesbaden 1963).

9
E. Bornung/ Cflaceptions In Ancient Egypt
(Ithaca/ N.Y. 1982)/ p. 44.

10
Kaplony/ Inschriften/ p. 467.
H. Ranke/ His. Igyptischen Personennamen I (GlQckstadt
11
1935)/ p. 81 (7).
12
P. Lacau and J.-p. Lauer/ La pyramide & degrfes/ t. V:
Inscriptions A lencre six lS vases (Cairo 1965)/ n 184
and fig. 133.

13
Ibid./ n 1,
14
Ibid. n 184.
15
Hornungp Conceptions/ p. 72/ n. 22.
16
Bisson de la Rogue/ "Notes/" p. 5.
17
Based on K. Baer's unpublished "A Chronology of the
Fourth/ Fifth and Sixth Dynasties of the Egyptian Old
Kingdom Based on Contemporary Sources/" presented at the
1979 Annual Meeting of the American Research Center in
Egypt held in Philadelphia at the University Museum.

18
J. H. Breasted/ Development ol Religion and Thought in
Ancient Egypt (Philadelphia 1972)/ p. 85.
19
Hieroglyphic text in K. Sethe/ ni Altaegyptischen
Pvramidentexte (Leipzig 1908-1922)/ II/ p. 95.

2
Cf. R. 0. Faulkner/ &nsien.t Egyptian Pyramid Texts
(Oxford 1969)/ p. 179/ and Bisson de la Roque/ "Notes/" p.
5.
21
K. Sethe/ fibersetzung und Kommentar zu den Alt-
5gyptischen Pvraroidentexten (Glflckstadt 1935-1962)/ IV/
p. 351/ and Faulkner/ 1/ p. 179/ n. 5. Bisson de la Roque
concurs ("Notes/" p. 5),

22
Sethe/ 1/ II/ p. 252.
23
Cf. Faulkner/ 1/ p. 215/ and Bisson de la Roque/
"Notes/" p. 5.
24
Bisson de la Roque/ "Notes/" p. 5.
25
Sethef flbersetzunaz V/ p. 313.
I
S
26
Bisson de la Roque* "Notes*" pp. 4-6.
27
H. Keesr Cat GStterqlaube im alten Agypten (Leipzig
1941)* p. 340# n. 1.
28
Bonnet* BSfllle&iJign* P. 476.
29
W. C. Hayes# "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt: Internal
History from the Rise of the Herakleopolitans to the Death
of Ammenemes III#" chap. XX in CAH3* v. 1# pt. 2 (Cambridge
1971)# p. 519.
30
LdA IV* col. 200.
31
Bisson de la Roque* "Notes*" p. 4. For the hieroglyphic
text see Sethe* 2? I* p. 397.

32
"Notes#" p 4.
33
Sethe# Dbersetzunq# III# pp. 343-344. See also Eb II# p.
92.
34
Faulkner# 1# p. 135.
35
P. E. Newberry# Ancient Egyptian Scarabs (London 1905)#
p. 55 and fig. 31; H. Goedicke* "Die Siegelzylinder von Pepi
I*" MDAIK 17 (1961):80-81 and pl. XIX (no. XII); and P.
Kaplony* EollsAegel Alten Reichs# II: Katalog (Brussels
1981)# pp. 373-374 and pl. 101# no. 7.

36
Kaplony# Rollsiegel# p. 373.
37
G. JSquier# Ls. monument fun&raire Pepi II# t. II: Le
temple (Cairo 1938)# p. 39 and pis. 46-47.

38
jSquier# flamUBSnt/ t. Ill: approches temple (Cairo
1940)# pl. 27.

39
H. K. Jacquet-Gordon# Les noms des domaines funferaires
sous .L'Apsiâ Empire Sgyptien (BibliothSque d'Stude

1
7
34; Cairo 1962)# p. 198 (no. 112).

40
M2 I1/ P. 291.
41
P. E. Newberry# "A Sixth Dynasty Tomb at Thebes#"
ASAE 4 (1903):97. The text is also reproduced in M. Saleh#
Three Old Kingdom Tombs at Thebes (Mainz am Rhein 1977) # p.
24.
42
See note 40.
43
W. S. Smith# A EisLQIY & Egyptian Sculpture and Painting
in tJis. M Kingdom (New York 1978)# p. 226.

44
Ibid.# p. 226# n. 1.
45
D.e,n.dera in Xhird Millennium B.C. (Locust Valley# N.Y.
1968)# p. 73# n. 297. Fischer also restated his support for
a late Dynasty VI date for the tomb in his review of Saleh#
Tombs# in SiQl 36# no. 1/2 (1979):29-32. With respect to the
provincial crudeness of the tomb decoration# Newberry
("Sixth Dynasty Tomb#" p. 97) notes: "In style the
sculptures somewhat resemble those of the tombs of about the
same period at Aswan (for instance those in the tomb of
Herkhuef); the painting is poor."

46
Newberry# "Sixth Dynasty Tomb#" p. 100.
47
K. Baer# Rank and Title in the Old Kingdom (Chicago
1360)# p. 59# no. 59 and p. 276.

48
B. LandstrSm# Ships the Pharaohs (Garden City#
N.Y. 1970)# p. 70.

49
M. Saleh# Tombs# p. 26.
5
The full form is usually attested with the phonetic
complement & after the mn-sign (Gardiner Y 5); see Figs. 2-

1
8
5. However# in the tomb of Ihy the phonetic complement n is
omitted (Newberry# "Sixth Dynasty Tomb#" p. 97).

51
For the short spelling see Sethe# 1 * Hr p. 252#
Ott. 555 1378b.

52
Jquier# Monument II# p. 39 and pis. 46-47. Plate 47
shows the remains of the procession in detail. Unfortunately
nothing has changed since 1941 when F. Bisson de la Roque
referred to this unique representation from the Old Kingdom
in his "Notes sur le dieu Montou#* pp. 5-6.

53
Gardiner read in his Onomastica? P. Montet read 5w
(Gfeographie II# p. 190). See also H. Gauthier# Pig-
tiopnalre flfiina gographigues contenus dans 1ss. textes
hiferoglyphigues V (Cairo 1928)# p. 61.

54
Bisson de la Roque# "Notes#" p. 6.
55
R. Mond and 0. H. Myers# ZeiDP-1^5. AJEfllfci 2. PEftr
liminary Sujrvev (London 1940)# p. 2. E. A. E. Reymond
remarks (ib Mythical Qiiigin oL Egyptian Temple [Manchester
and New York 19691# p. 265): "A sondage by Myers in the west
forecourt of the temple revealed that below the layer of
foundation sand of the New Kingdom were several floors
associated with a not inconsiderable number of sherds and a
few pots and other objects of protodynastic date. On the
uppermost floor# Myers found# inter alia# two pits which
have every appearance of being foundation deposits# and
which he dates S.D. 78. No objects from the lower levels of
the deposit could be dated earlier than
S.D. 63. Unfortunately# the excavation covered too small an

1
9
area to enable any comparison to be made; it is impossible
to tell whether this apparently protodynastic temple at
Armant was a mound/ real or artificial/ nor to tell of what
materials the temple was built/ nor whether there was an
enclosure. All that can be said is that it is highly
probable that there was a protodynastic temple at Armant
below the New Kingdom temple/ thereby indicating a continu-
ous tradition/ and that already at this early date the
foundation deposit existed."

56
Ibid.
57
M V/ pp. 151-161/ includes only reference to a cylinder
seal from the reign of Pepi I said to come from Armant/ but
with no mention of Montu in the inscription.
See W. L. Nash/ "Cylinder of Pepi Ist/" PSBA 21 (1899) :170/
and Goedicke/ "Siegelzylinder/" pp. 76-77 and pl. XVII (no.
VI).
5o
No reference to finds dating to the Old Kingdom or
earlier in H2 II/ pp. 1-10. See also the excavation reports
by Jean Jacquet: "Trois campagnes de fouilles ft Karnak-Nord
(1968-1969-1970)/" BIFAO 69 (1970):278 and pl. XL; "Fouilles
de Karnak Nord: quatrifeme campagne 1971/" BIFAO 71 (1972) :
156 and pl. XXXIX; "Fouilles de Karnak Nord: cinquifcme
campagne 1972/" BIFAO 73 (1973) :207-216; "Fouilles de
Karnak Nord: sixifeme campagne 1972-1973/"
BIFAO 74 (1974):171-181; "Fouilles de Karnak Nord: septifeme
campagne 1973-1974/" BIFAO 75 (1975):111-121; "Fouilles de
Karnak Nord: huitidme campagne (1974-1975)/" BIFAO 76

2
0
(1976) :133142; "Fouilles de Karnak Nord: neuvifeme et
dixifeme campagnes (1975-1977)/" BIFAO 78 (1978):41-52.

59
a. Badawy, a flistojcy at Egyptian Architecture: from the
Earliest Tiroes to the End of the Old Kingdom (Giza 1954)/
p. 115.
Robichon and A. Varille/ Description sommaire du t.ejnpA.e
priroitif Mfedamoud (Cairo 1940).

61
Ibid./ p. 14.
2Ibid. However/ this is at variance with Bisson de la
Rogue (Mdamoud 119301 / p. 57) who states that "nous ne
trouvons rien sur ce site d'anterieur & Usirtasen Ier .../"
aiid this in the context of the publication of a fragment
bearing the Horus name (Sm3-t3wy) and nomen of Nebhepetre
Mentuhotep II (Inv. 5414). He does suggest that this
reference dates to a period subsequent to Dynasty XI.
3Ibid.z pp. 13-20/ includes the specific details of the
temple structure prior to the Middle Kingdom as revealed by
the excavations of the French expedition.

64
Badawy/ History/ p. 115.
5Robichon and Varille/ Descriptionr p. 18.

66
D. Arnold/ D_er Tempel des KSnigs Mentuhotep von Deir el-
Bahari I (Mainz am Rhein 1974)/ p. 76. P. Montet also
rejects this attribution to Osiris (G&ographie II/ p. 71/
n.4).
67
Arnold/ Tempel 1/ pp. 76-78.
68
F. Bisson de la Roque/ ifid (1934 4 1936) (Cairo 1937)/ pp.
61-62 and fig. 15/ and "Tuphium (T6d)/" report

2
1
of F. Bisson de la Roque in AJSL 51 (1935):257. See also D.
Arnoldr "Bernerkungen zu den frfihen Tempeln von El-Tddr"
MDAIK 312 (1975) :175; C. Desroches-Noblecourt and C.
Leblanc* "Considerations sur l'existence des divers temples
de Monthou & travers les ages# dans le site de Tod*" BIFAO
84 (1984):83-84 and pl. XXIII; and J. Vandier* "Le temple de
Tfidr" in XextfiS lanqages l'Egypte pharaoniaue; gent
ginquante anokss. recherches* 1822-1972: nommage A Jean-
Francois Champollion (Bibliothfeque d'tude 64/3; Cairo
1973)r vol. 3/ p. 260.
9See note 35.

70
Newberry> Scarabs* p. 55.
71
Goedicke* "Siegelzylinder*" p. 81.
72
Ibid.
Chapter 2 THE FIRST INTERMEDIATE PERIOD AND MIDDLE KINGDOM
The fall of the Old Kingdom is not easy to assess from the
vantage point of the Theban nome* the seat of the god Montu. A
second problem for chronological analysis is the fact that
Dynasty XI bridges the transition from the First Intermediate
Period to the Middle Kingdom. Therefore it is necessary to
combine both periods for the purpose of this discussion of
Montu's evolution and development as both a regional and*
after the victory of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep Hr state god* as
well as his eventual fall from supremacy with the advent of
Dynasty XII.
The Old Kingdom does not appear to end with Dynasty VI* but
to endure feebly through Dynasties VII and VIII. Evidence for
the continuation of Memphite control in Upper Egypt is
presented by B. Kemp with reference to the Coptos decrees* a
series of fourteen issued by some of these ephemeral kings*
most of which "appoint members of a prominent local family to
positions in the provincial and temple âdministration. In so
doing they create the impression of the continued functioning
of the Old Kingdom apparatus of government* suggesting that
although the power of these kings to determine events may have
been small* their role continued to bestow authority* general
approval and status on the careers of provincial men of
power."1 W. C. Hayes notes# however# that "at the same time#
one cannot fail# in these decrees from Coptus# to see clearly
the now almost abject dependence of the Pharaohs of Memphis
upon the loyalty of the powerful landed nobility of Upper
Egypt."2 High honors and privileges were dispensed by these
edicts to the Coptite nomarchs in exchange for their continued
support in the face of Asiatic incursions and the defection of

the middle nomes to the new dynastic center rising at
Herakleopolis. With the end of Dynasty VIII the First
Intermediate Period had surely begun.
The status of Thebes before Dynasty XI has been a matter of
debate. R. Mond and 0. H. Myers# the excavators of Armant#
stated that "Thebes was a small provincial town or village#"
while their site "isust have been the centre of a wealthy
district."3 Hayes# however# noted that at the end of the Old
Kingdom# Thebes "consisted of one or more small settlements in
the neighborhood of modern Luxor#" and that "by
Heracleopolitan times the town had become the metropolis of
the Fourth Nome of Upper Egypt# ... one of the seats of the
local falcon-god Mont ..."4 H. Stock and F. GcmaS also opt for
an early ascendancy for Thebes at the expense of Armant.5
The Theban cemetery lay on the west bank of the Nile
beneath the northeastern slopes of the Dra Abu el-Naga and
extended to el-Tarif. "Here were buried the nomarchs of the
vigorous line which governed Thebes between the Sixth and the
Tenth Dynasties and their successors# the early
kings of the Eleventh Dynasty." The actual burial of the
Theban nomarchs in these cemeteries over many generations
would seem to be a strong indicator for their origin in the
town of Thebes itself and not Armant.7
Tepya Mentuhotep I was regarded as founder of Dynasty XI.
It is not known for certain if he was indeed the son of the
previous nomarch Inyotef* but during his reign the
cverlordship of the Herakleopolitan dynasty was first
challenged. Kingly titles and a program of expansion and
confrontation with the North were undertaken by his successors
Sehertawy Inyotef I* Wahankh Inyotef II and Nakhtneb- tepnefer
Inyotef III. However* it was not until the final victory of
2
3
Nebhepetre Mentuhotep II over the kings of Dynasty X (ca. 2040
B.C.) that the Theban kingship achieved full legitimacy and
authority over all of Egypt.9

Monty as State God
With the reunification of Egypt under Theban control the
Middle Kingdom begins* and Montu* "le dieu ponyme* le dieu
dynastique* le dieu officiel des Montouhotep*"1 becomes the
state god. This was not the first time that a dynastic change
had brought a new god to supremacy. A similar phenomenon had
occurred during the Old Kingdom at the end of Dynasty IV* and
W. S. Smith observed that "the Westcar Papyrus legend* which
makes the first three kings of the Fifth Dynasty the offspring
of the god Re* evidently clothes in the magical embellishments
of a folk
story the actual fact of the predominance of a state cult of
the Eeliopolitan sun god in the Fifth Dynasty."11 The royal
title "Son of Re" became standard during the reigns of the
kings of Dynasty V# several of whose names included the
element "Re#" and solar temples were built by a number of them
as adjuncts to their funerary complexes.
The Upper Egyptians were clearly grateful to Montu for the
nation's renewed unity and prosperity. 6. Posener refers to
the stela of Meru now in Turin (no. 1447) on which it mentions
"Montu's giving the Two Lands to the sovereign# Nebhepetre#
who lives forever."12 Tablets buried in the foundation deposits
of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep II's mortuary temple at Deir el-Bahri
refer only to Montu and Re. Two of these tablets are in the
Metropolitan Museum of Art* No. 22.3.187 (wood) reads: nyswt-
bity (Nb- hpt-Rcl cnh jjt mry Mnfcw-Rc nb W3st# "King of Upper
and Lower Egypt# Nebhepetre# who lives forever# beloved of
Montu-Re# Lord of the Theban Nome"; and no. 22.3.128

(alabaster) reads: nyswt-bity s3 Rc (Mnfcw-htp) cnh fit mry
Mnfcw nb W3st# "King of Upper and Lower Egypt# son of Re#
Mentuhotep# who lives forever# beloved of Montu# Lord of the
Theban Nome."13 D. Arnold calls these tablets "die wichtigsten
Belege fQr die Bedeutung des Sonnenfalken fGr den Tempel."14
Indeed this is one of the earliest references to tha
syncretized form Montu-Re which reflects his position as Upper
Egyptian sun god and counterpart of the solar godhead at
Heliopolis in Lower Egypt.15 For a detailed study of Montu's
solar nature and his relationship with Atum of Heliopolis see
Chapter 6.
The Rise of Amun
Montu's supremacy lasted only through the reigns of
Nebhepetre's successors Sankhkare Mentuhotep III and Neb-
tawyre Mentuhotep IV. Dynasty XI ended when the last
Mentuhotep's vizir# Amenemhat# assumed the throne and became
the first king of Dynasty XII.16 Posener observes: "Dans
Thfebes m&me# la XIIe dynastie favorise le culte d'Amon# dieu
protecteur de sa famille# gui a donne son nom au fondateur de
la dynastie et & trois de ses successeurs appelfes tous
Ammnm6s ce gui signifie 'Amon est en t&te.' Grdce a l'appui
royal# Amon accdera au rang supreme dans l'hirarchie aes
dieux# il supplantera Montou ...17
Posener also notes that at the same time that the kings of
Dynasty XII advanced their own patron deity# they also showed
surprising generosity toward the god of their predecessors
inasmuch as they undertook extensive construction in the
temples of Montu at Tod# Medamud and Armant.1 This would
p.'Lay its part in the "politigue de conciliation" designed to
consolidate their rule which included moving the capital from
Thebes to the new city of Itj-tawy at the juncture of the Two
2
5
Lands.19 As late as Year 20 of Senwosret I# Montu was named
first when paired in a Wadi el-Hudi inscription: t3w nbw hr
b3k n.f di.n n.f jftswt imyt.sn w Mnw hry-ib Iwnly] Imn nb
nswt t3wy wnn
mnn fit# "All lands work for him [Senwosret I] # the deserts
grant to him what is in them* by the command of Montu Who
Dwells in Armant and Amunr Lord of the Thrones of the Two
Lands# existing and enduring forever."20
Dynasty XII secured roughly two centuries of stability and
prosperity for Egypt under the aegis of the god Amun.21 For the
purpose of this study the demise of that dynasty with Queen
Sobekkare Sobeknofru will mark the end of the Middle Kingdom
despite Kemp's observation that "in Upper Egypt the
administrative and cultural patterns of the Twelfth Dynasty
continued well into the Thirteenth# with a degree of
continuity which might justify extending the term Middle
Kingdom to cover this as well as the Twelfth Dynasty."22 In
this case the cut-off point is a matter of opinion# and
therefore Dynasty XIII will be discussed in the context of.
the Second Intermediate Period.

Temples
H. R. Hall observed that "a temple of the early Middle
Empire ... is a rarity#"23 inasmuch as most early structures
had been re-used in the building programs and embellishments
of subsequent centuries. Nevertheless remains of Montu temples
from Dynasties XI and XII h at Armant# Medamud and Tod.
ARMANT. The excavations of the Egypt Exploration Society at
Armant under Mond yielded fragmentary reliefs and inscriptions
dating no earlier than the reign of Sankh-
kare Mentuhotep III.24 Montu is attested on two adjoining
limestone blocks attributed to Dynasty XI as Mnfcw nb W3st

hry-ib Iwn[y]r "Montu# Lord of the Theban Nome# Who Dwells in
Armant."25
From Dynasty XII inscriptions have been preserved on blocks
for Amenemhat I# Senwosret It and Senwosret III.26 Montu is
again called nb W3st hry-ib Iwnly].27 Other epithets include:
nb W3st k3 lwn[y] pr m Drty# "Lord of Thebes# the Bull of
Armant Who Comes Forth from Tod";28 nb t3wy# "Lord of the Two
Lands";29 and simply hry-ib Iwnly]# "He Who Dwells in Armant."30
No plan has been proposed for the original Dynasty XI
structure at Armant inasmuch as roost of the inscribed
limestone blocks and other fragments "from the Middle Kingdom
temple were found built into the foundations of the Ptolemaic
building at various points# others were found together ...
[and] had been used to construct the floor of a room or
chapel. Drower noted that the excavators had raised only one
level of flooring blocks where "at least three layers of
limestone blocks" were found "each set in a bed of sand."31
Thus future excavations may be expected to produce more
relevant data regarding the Middle Kingdom temple at Armant.
MEDAMUD. Alexander Badawy has stated that "only scanty
remains of the Middle Kingdom structure could be found. The
foundation platform had a rectangular outline# oriented N.-S.#
later embodied in the rear part of the
Ptolemaic plan. Elements such as sandstone papyrus columns and
lintels inscribed with names of Middle Kingdom pharaohs were
used in the foundations at later stages. It seems that the
building was begun by Senusert III and carried on by later
rulers."32 This assessment is based on the work of the French
excavations at the site between 1925 and 1932.33 C. Robichon
and A. Varille stated in 1940 that no monument dated prior to
Senwosret III and consecrated to the local Montu had ever been
2
7
discovered at Medamud.34 However# F. Bisson de la Rogue
observed that nothing had been found at this site dated
earlier than Senwosret I#35 and he also referred to the base of
a statue of Senwosret II on which Montu is given the unusual
epithet ufe Et# "lord of heaven."36
Clearly the temple remains attributable to a Montu cult
date to Dynasty XII despite the uncertainty as to just which
king is responsible for the earliest construction.
It must be remembered that the so-called "temple primitif"
could not be ascribed with certainty to Montu (see Chapter 1#
pp. 10-12).
The principal monument of Senwosret III is a "porche" which
features a portal with sed-festival lintel [Fig.
71.37 Montu is called nb W3st hry-ib M3dw# "Lord of the

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- - ----- ,
Theban Nome Who Dwells in Medamud." For a discussion of the
iconography see pp. 52-53. On the interior left wall of the
"porche" [Fig. 8] Montu is styled simply nb M3dw> "Lord of
Medamud."38 Other epithets include nb W3st "Lord
of the Theban Nome#"39 and m H3dw* "[he who is] in Hedamud.1'4
Porter and Hoss refer to "other Middle Kingdom remains" from
the main temple* the great east court (including statues of
Senwosret III)* and the temple enclosure.41 Badawy offers "two
restorations of the plan of the Hiddle Kingdom Temple at
Medamud."42
TOD. A temple erected by Senwosret I existed at Tod until
the end of the Hontu cult. However* Bisson de la Roque
described how this king destroyed a smaller temple begun in
Dynasty XI by Nebhepetre Hentuhotep II and completed by
Sankhkare Hentuhotep III* with additions by Amenemhat I in
early Dynasty XII.43 Numerous blocks were recovered from the

Dynasty XI structure* and D. Arnold has proposed a
hypothetical plan.44 The blocks had been used in the foundations
of Senwosret I's new temple* and among them was found an
architrave inscribed for Amenemhat I.45
Based on the work of Bisson de la Roque46* Badawy describes
the Senwosret I temple at Tod [Fig. 9]:

The rectangular plan is symmetrical about an axis 40 west of
north* directed toward the Nile.
From traces on the foundation platform (25.7 x 20 m.) the
temple could be restored as a transverse kail with four
granite pillars* communicating at the rear with the remaining
area. The latter area was square and contained a shrine (6.4 x
7.8 m.) in its center* surrounded by a passage with three rooms
on each of the three sides. A door opened in front and at the
back of the sanctuary a type that will be in common use in
the New Kingdom. The height of the sandstone ceiling has been
computed as 3.87 meters. The doorframes were of sandstone.47
Aside from Amenemhat I and Senwosret I no other
Dynasty XII kings are attested in the inscriptions preserved
in Montu's temple at Tod.^
KARNAK. Remains of a Montu temple at Karnak are not
attested for the First Intermediate Period and Middle
Kingdom#49 although the existence of one has been hypothesized
by various scholars as a state cult center for Montu during
Dynasty XI. Unfortunately the evidence is far from conclusive.
The deeds of one of the early kings of Dynasty XI are
recounted in a fragmentary inscription from a private tomb now
in Turin (no. 1310).50 Among his accomplishments were beneficial
works for Montu: ir.n.f mnw n Mnfcw# "he made monuments for
Montu." Unfortunately we cannot identify this king with
certainty# nor the location of his monuments dedicated to
Montu. Vandier proposed that the text be dated
paleographically to the period directly preceding the
accession of Sehertawy Inyotef I.51 He suggests that Armant was
a likely site for the Montu monuments# cautioning that it is
not impossible that a chapel had been consecrated to him at
2
9
Karnak* but there is as yet no proof of its existence.52 Three
other deities are mentioned in the Turin text: Amun# Re and
Hathor in that order.
An unidentified Montu temple is also referred to in a
funerary offering formula element peculiar to Dynasty XI.
A fine example is preserved on the stela of a certain overseer
of the gates (imv-r3 sb3w) # Maat# of Theban provenance and
now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (no.
14.2.7)-- The inscription features a htp-di-nyswt formula54
which includes: ... 3 ht nb(t) nfr(t) wcbt t_ wcb n_ pr-Mnfcw
... "and a thousand of everything good and pure* and pure
bread from the Montu temple ,.."55 The formula is also present
on the stela of Tjetji from El- Tarif in the British Museum
(no. 100 [6141).56 Be was a contemporary of Kings Wahankh Inyotef
II and Nakhtnebtep- nefer Inyotef III. Polotsky observed that
the Dynasty XI formula t wcb n pr-N could be used with the
name of any local chief deity. Aside from Montu in western
Thebes* his examples attest Wepwawet and Khentiamentiu at
Abydos and Hathor at Deir el-Bahri.5^ The formula may
therefore not refer to a specific temple of Montu* but rather
any temple of that god in his domain.
An earlier Theban stela of the steward (imy-r3 pr) Tjebu in
Cairo (CG 20005) does not include the formula but refers to
the owner as imShw hr Mnfcw nb W3st* honored by Montu* Lord
of Thebes."58 Another stela in the Cairo Museum preserves the
htp-di-nyswt formula naming Montu. CG 20173 comes from Armant
and reads: htp-di-nyswt Mntw nb Iwny ...* "An offering which
the King gives (to) Montu*
Jtord of Armant ..."59 The stela is datable to late Dynasty XII
or early XIII based on the multiple appearances of the title

nbt J>E* "lady of the house*" accompanying female figures.60
Evidently in the Theban region of the Middle Kingdom Montu
played a role* minor though it was* in the funerary cult
dominated by Osiris and Anubis.6-

^..1 JL
^ Uuvvvi uiiu VUXW
Three stelae inscribed for Inyotef* son of Mayetr have
survived* and may well provide evidence for a priest of Hontu
during the reign of Nebhepetre Hentuhotep II. These monuments
have sparked controversy ever since they were first published
with regard to their date/ the political and religious role of
the owner/ as well as his relationship to the line of nomarchs
who became the kings of Dynasty XI.
The first stela comes from El-Tarif and is in Berlin (no.
13272).62 Inyotef's titles include: rpc h3ty-c s3wty-bity smr
wcty fery-hbt imy-r3 hm(w)-ofcr/ "Hereditary noble/ nomarch/
seal-bearer of the King of Lower Egypt/ unique friend/ lector
priest and overseer of priest(s)."
An additional title# h3ty-c m pr-MnfcW/ presents a problem. H.
0. Lange interpreted it as "FQrst zu Hermonthis."63 Be adds
that pr-Hnfcw is not to be interpreted here as "temple of
Montu/" but rather as the name of a city# despite the lack of
the appropriate determinative (Gardiner 0 49) .64 He opts for
Armant. H. Stock/ on the other hand/ disagrees on the basis of
the missing city determinative which he would have expected.65
He concludes that pr-Hnfcw refers not to Armant/ but to a
Hontu temple in Thebes in which Inyotef/ son of Mayetz
served.66 Indeed/ if this noble had been an official in Armant/
why did he have himself buried in the Theban necropolis?
Unfortunately Stock does not
offer a translation of Inyotef's unusual title. It is#
however/ more logical to assume that his base of operations
3
1
was Thebes/ with probable connections with a Hontu temple
there.
The second stela (Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek/ Copenhagen/ no.
1241) shares an El-Tarif provenance and nearly identical
titles/ including h3ty-c m pr-Mnfcw.^ However/ instead of
bearing the title of plain lector priest (]jry-hbt) Inyotef is
here inscribed as bry-ftbt hry-tp? "chief lector." The title
imy-r3 hm(w)-nr has been omitted. Portions of the stela are
poorly preserved/ but toward the end traces remain of what may
be mi hb n Mntwr "like the festival of Montu."
The third stela (British Museum no. 134 [1164])/68 also
comes from El-Tarif. Inyotef again bears the titles: rpc hty-c
ss33wty-bity smr wcty fcry-hbt imy-r3 hm(w)-ntr.
He is called im3h hr Mnfcw/ and the element Jt wcb n pr-Mnfc
is included in his htp-di-nyswt offering formula. The
importance of this stela/ however/ is that it dates Inyotef's
years of service to the reign of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep II.
Sethe was the first to notice the significance of the passage:
jra irt hp5.(i) ds.(i) m irr n.i Nb- hpt-Rc n-c3t-n mrr.f w(i)/
"through what my own strong arm accomplished and through what
(King) Nebhepetre did for me inasmuch as he loved me." The
hieroglyphs spelling the king's name are not enclosed in a
cartouche and no royal title is present. Nevertheless Sethe
concluded: "Es kann nur der Name des K5nigs sein# unter dem
der GaufQrst lebte.
... Dafc der K5nigsname in unserer Inschrift ohne den
Qblichen Namensring stehtr ist eine Besonderheit der 11.
Dynastie ,.."69 Stock concurs.
Yet another official in the "House of Montu" is attested on
a stela in Florence (no. 1774 = 6365) which# though previously

ascribed to Dynasty XI# has most recently been dated to early
Dynasty XII by H. G. Fischer.71 It was inscribed for an
official named Mentuwoser# son of Sekha- sen# who bore the
titles: hrp sh wr pr imy-r3 st m pr-Mnfcw wrii i3wt m pr Hc3 m
mjjd mn n niwt.f# "administrator of council# magnate of the
household# overseer of the storehouse (grounds?) in the Montu
temple# he who confers offices in the house of the ruler# he
who is loyal to his city (Thebes?)." Fischer suggests a
possible identification of this dignitary with another
official# Nesumontu# whose stela# dated Year 14 of Amenemhat
II# is in the Louvre (no. E 3462) ,72 He held the positions of
"overseer of the priests of Montu" and hry-tp m pr Mnw#
"master in the House (or Domain) of Montu." The epithet drp Hr
W3sty "one who makes offerings to the Theban Horus#" is also
present.
By far the most important stela of a priest of Montu was
inscribed for Samentu and is in the Cairo Museum (CG 20712).73
This rectangular slab stela of probable Theban provenance was
dated by G. Daressy to Dynasty XI.74 However# based on
PflQger's dating criteria# it is most
probably datable to mid or late Dynasty XII.75 According to the
textr Samentu served in some capacity in every cult center of
Montu in the Theban region. There is also reference to a bark
of the god and the celebration of his festivals.
Transliterated text:
(1) did mdw] i[n] wcb-^c76 S3-lM]n[w] ink wcb n nb Iwny ibhw
(2) n nyswt nfcrw ^ hr sb3 n w3h-rnpwt sw3d p3wt77 m pr-wr (3)
smcr bnw /// sbkr //// m r3-cwy.fy swn (4) hr n imyw-hnt c.f nh
Jjrwl.f] m wcb wsj}78 nmtwt m hwt-c3t (5) [wcbl cwy hr irt ht
wsr hrw swcb wflhw n Mnfcw (6) nb W3st sdf3 h3yw(t) psdt.f ms
htpwt n imyw-msw.f wcb (7) S3-Mnfcw s3 Nni79 dd.f ir.n.Ii] wcb
3
3
ifchw n Mnw Hr W3sty80 (8)
Sms.n.Ii] sw r r3 hbw.f wfcs.i nfrw wi3.f f3i.i (9) wi3 hr

__________ . - _ _ _ _ .
imy-wrt in s3.i sfcpr nn /// wi ir.n.Ii] hsst (10) m Crt
purifies the offering tables of Montu# (6) Lord of the Theban
Nome# who provisions the altars of his Ennead# who brings
offerings for those who are in his following# the aab-priest
(7) Samentu# son of Neni. He says: I acted as Hak-priest and
libationer of Montu# the Theban Horus. (8)
I followed him according to the prescribed form85 of his
festivals; I displayed the beauty of his bark# and I carried
(9) the bark on the starboard side. It was my son who brought
this about /// me (?)# I having accomplished what is
praiseworthy (10) in Tod# for it is his splendid place. He
desired me to be in Medamud to perform (11) rituals ////// I
perambulated his every temple# performing what (12) his Jia
favored. I entered into /// when I was a child and the nobles
admired what I did.
Once again the references to the "Theban Nome" may well
attest the existence of a Montu temple in the city of Thebes
during Dynasty XI. However the consistent use of the
"district" determinative (Gardiner N 24) with W3st continues
to cast doubt on this interpretation.
From Dynasty XII a stela was found at Abydos belonging to
Hor# the son of Senetmaat# which is in the Louvre (no.
C 2) and included by W. K. Simpson in his corpus of Abydene
stelae from the "Terrace of the Great God" (ANOC 29.1).86 Among
Hor's many titles one finds hm-nfcr Mnw nb W3st# "priest of
Montu# Lord of Thebes." The stela is firmly dated by
inscription to Year 9 of Senwosret I. Aside from his service
to Montu# Hor was also hmw-nfcr (Imn-m-h3tl

*
k3 nfir "inspector of priests of the Pyramid 'Amenemhat (I) Is
High and Beautiful'" at Lisht.
Another stela from Abydos (Turin no. 107)* dated to early
Dynasty XII* preserves a list of deities with whom Osiris
apparently shared veneration in his temple complex.87 Montu is
named among nearly thirty gods and goddesses* but he is
omitted from similar lists on stelae in the Louvre (no. C 15)
and Munich (no. 27). It is not clear just what role Montu and
the other deities played in the Abydene cult; perhaps they
were merely allocated subsidiary chapels as "guests." Such
chapels were included in the Nineteenth Dynasty temple of
Sethi I.8
The inscriptions and representations preserved from the
First Intermediate Period and Middle Kingdom do not offer
evidence for the nature and rituals of the cult of Montu in
the Theban region. However* from this early time come
references to Montu's association with a bull cult linked to
Armant* Medamud and Tod. Vandier commented: "Ce taureau
n'avait primitivement rien & faire avec Montou* dieu-faucon
d'origine astrale* mais il avait 6t absorb^ de bonne heure
par la personnalit puissante de son voisin."89 E. Otto
compared the "Monthstier" with the Apis bull of Memphis and
the Mnevis bull of Heliopolis in his extensive study of bull
cults in Egypt.90
In later periods the bull of Montu would be known as
Bukhis* but during the Middle Kingdom he had no name and was
referred to only in Montu's epithets. At Armant he is
attested on a block probably dating from the reign of Amen-
emhat I as: Mnfcw nb W3st k3 Iwn(y) pr m Qrty*" Montu* Lord of
Thebes* the Bull of Armant Who Comes Forth from Tod.s91 Otto
explains the reference to the bull's movement from Tod to
3
5
Armant as a possible link with the solar cult of Heliopolis
(Iwny): "Aus diesem Grunde wollte man wohl von seinen
verschiedenen KultstStten das auf dem Ostufer gelegene el Tud
als seine Heimat bezeichnen* um ihn mit den Worten 'der aus el
Tud gekommen ist' denselben Weg wie Re von Osten nach Westen
gehen t. j lassen. Wenn diese Vermutung richtig ist* enthSlt die
Bezeichnung der (ober- Sgyptische) Heliopolitaner* die
wirkliche Heimatsangabe."92
At Tod a similar formula was preserved from Dynasty XI:
Mnfcw k3 [h] 3 m Qrty* "Montu* the Bull Who Descends from
Tod."93 Bisson de la Roque* who emended the 1 to M* translated
the epithet as "le taureau qui entre 5 T6d."94 He also notes
another Dynasty XI formula from Tod: Mnfcw k3 hry-ib Drty*
"Montu* the Bull Who Dwells in Tod."95
A Montu bull cult is attested at Medamud as early as
Dynasty XII based on the formula: Mnfcw nb W3st nyswt t3wy k3
hry-ib M3dw* "Montu* Lord of Thebes* King of the Two Lands*
the bull who resides at Medamud."96 Two simpler formulas are
recorded by Bisson de la Roque and dated to the late Middle
Kingdom: Mnfcw k3 hry-ib M3dw* "Montu* the Bull who Dwells in
Medamud*" and Mnfcw nb W3st k3 hry-ib M3dw*" Montu* Lord of
Thebes* the Bull Who Dwells in Medamud."97 Aside from the
existence of the the bull cults at Armant* Tod and Hedamud*
little else can be concluded based on the contemporary records
of Dynasties XI and XII.

Other Inscriptions
It was noted in the previous chapter that Hontu appeared
twice in the Pyramid Texts of the Old Kingdom. However* he is
not attested in the Coffin Texts* their Hiddle Kingdom
equivalent.98 Perhaps the omission of Hontu was due to what
Breasted called the "Osirianization of this religious corpus

the result of which was "the intrusion of the Osirian
subterranean hereafter* even in Solar and celestial texts."99
viewed in the context of this new emphasis on the netherworld
and concomitant de- celestialization of the afterlife it is
not surprising that the two fleeting references to Hontu as a
divine falcon who escorts the deceased into the heavens were
edited out.
Hontu appears in only one literary text of the Hiddle
Kingdom* the Story of Sinuhe which dates to Dynasty XII and in
which he is mentioned three times. The context and
significance of these references will be discussed later in
this chapter (pp. 55-57).
It is not surprising that during Dynasty XI name was
invoked in epistolary formulas. Several examples were cited by
Hayes100 and fully published by T. G. H. James.101 The first
document comes from the Hekanakht Papers in the Hetropolitan
Huseum of Art. It is a letter (no. 22.3.517)102 from Hekanakht
to his mother Ipi and another woman named Hetepet* and in the
opening greeting he writes: iw.fcn mi ih (i)n c.w.s.fcn m hswt
nt Mnfcw nb W3st ...* "How are you? Are you alive* prosperous
and healthy? In the favor of Montu* Lord of Thebes!"13
The second letter in the British Museum (no. 10549) was
written by general Nehsi to a man named Kay.14 The greeting
contains several common formulas analyzed by James: iw.k mi ih
sp-sn (i)n c.w.s.k iw hrt.k Imi cnh hhw n spw irly n.k Mnfcw nb
W3st nfcrw nb(w) ir.sn n.k rnpt hh m [c.w.s.I mi mrr.i* "How
are you? How are you? Are you alive* prosperous and healthy?
Your condition is [like living a million times].15 May Montu*
Lord of Thebes* and all the gods help you!16 May they make for
you a million years in [life* prosperity and health] according
as I wish."17
3
7
A third example is found on a wooden writing-board in the
Metropolitan Museum of Art (no. 28.9.4) .18 It includes the
exclamatory greeting m hst nt Mnfcw nb W3st Imn nb nst t3wy
Sbk J3r Hwt-Hr nfcrw nb(w)* "In the favor of Montu* Lord of
Thebes* of Amun* Lord of the Throne of the Two Lands* of
Sobek* Horus* Hathor and all the gods!"
Hayes referred to several other letters in which Montu was
supposedly named in the greetings* but James has subsequently
indicated the contrary to be the case.19 However* Hayes did
publish a model letter written on an ostrakon found by the
Metropolitan Museum of Art Expedition at Deir el-Bahri which
includes two references to Hontu among the formulaic
greeting:110 iry nJc Mnfcw nb W3s[t mi mrr b3k im]r "Hay Hontur
Lord of Thebesr help you [as this servant wishes]and [wn
im3h.k nfr hi r k3 n Hnfcw nb W3st mi mrr b3k im ...r "[Hay
your reward be good from] the Ka of Hontu/ Lord of Thebes* as
this servant wishes ...!!
The two epistolary formulas with reference to Hontu used on
the Hetrcpolitan's ostrakon were included in the introduction
of the so-called Book of Kmyt# a model letter recopied by
scribal students in later periods but clearly based on our
Dynasty XI prototypes.111 The first is: iry n.k Hnfcw nb W3st
mi mrr b3k im "may Hontu Lord of Thebes* help you as this
servant wishes"; and the second: wn r [sic]112 im3h.k nfr h k3
n Hnfcw nb W3st "may your reward be good from the foa, of
Hontur Lord of Thebes." Clearly Hayes based his restorations
for the Ketropolitan ostrakon text on the collated versions of
the Book of Kmyt.
It should be noted that the spelling of Hontu during the
First Intermediate Period and Hiddle Kingdom remained stable

in carved monuments: Hnfcw (using Gardiner V 13).
The name was usually determined by the seated god (Gardiner A
40) f but the determinative could be omitted altogether as in
the phrase pr-Hnfcw.113 In another example of this phrase the
short form Hnfc is attested written in honorific transposition
without determinative.114 A First Intermediate Period example
features the full writing of the name but accompanied by a
falcon determinative (Gardiner G
5).115 In Dynasty XI the writing of the name in hieratic
featured the full form with a perched falcon determinative
(Gardiner G 7).11 In Dynasty XII the variant spelling Mntw
(using Gardiner X 1) appears in hieratic with perched falcon
determinative.117 Although the divine falcon can determine any
god* in the case of Hontu it serves a double purpose inasmuch
as he is most frequently portrayed as a human with the head of
a hawk.
Iconography
The earliest representations of Hontu in the form of a
hieracocephalic human deity were found at Tod and date to the
reign of King Nebhepetre Hentuhotep II.11 This is the only
iconographic manifestation of the god attested/ but Hontu's
auxiliary attributes vary in the few examples preserved. In
general he is depicted as a striding human figure with the
head of a hawk. He can wear a ndyt-kilt [Fig. 10] t a plain
kilt [Fig. 11] t or a tunic with shoulder straps and belt
[Fig. 121. A broad collar and bull's tail invariably accompany
his costume. The god's headdress atop the ubiquitous
tripartite wig is the one element which displays certain
variation at this early stage of iconographic development.
The first example is a fragmentary sunk relief in the
Louvre (no. 15110 = Tod inv. 2128) [Fig. 101. No inscription
3
9
is present to identify the godr but the figure is attributed
to Hontu by Bisson de la Roque and included among the reliefs
of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep II.119 Be appears in striding
hieracocephalic human form with Sndyt- kilt and bull's tail.
His torso is naked except for the broad collar about his neck.
In the left hand an ankh is held while the right arm is raised
to hold something beyond the break r perhaps a w3s-scepter.
Bisson de la Rogue states that Montu wears the crown of the
North/120 however/ above the tripartite wig both segments of a
Double Crown are clearly present including the base of the
spiral from the Red Crown. A double uraeus is affixed to the
front of the crown. This is the only example in relief of
Montu wearing the Double Crown. However/ among the diverse
finds reported at Tod were two alabaster statuettes of Montu
with Double Crowns inv. 393 in the Cairo Museum (JE 65441)121
and inv. 1068 in the Louvre.122 Neither is dated by Bisson de
la Rogue.
A second sunk relief (inv. 1542) features a king wearing
the Double Crown offering libations to a standing
hieracocephalic human deity who wears a kilt/ bull's tail/
broad collar/ tripartite wig and White Crown [Fig. 111.123 The
king is followed by a goddess surmounted by disk and horns/
and three small figures wearing nemes-headdresses with uraei
each identified as a "Son of Re Inyotef" enclosed by
cartouches/ most probably the three Inyotefs of pre-
unification Dynasty XI who claimed kingship. Bisson de la
Rogue cautiously identifies the king as Nebhepetre Mentuhotep
II and the god as Montu with no reservation despite the loss
of inscribed captions.124 He does net attempt to name the
goddess. The identification of the king seems reasonable

inasmuch as the block is in sunk relief like the other
Nebhepetre material and there is a parallel for that king's
appearance with a diminutive/ and presumably/ ancestral Son of
Re Inyotef in the great relief at Shatt er-Rigal which
includes both the king's Horus name Smatawy and prenomen.125
Unfortunately it is not so easy to accept the identification
of the god as Hontu. At least in the previous example the
Double Crown bore a double uraeus which is an attribute
specific to Hontu in this period. There is no other
attestation for his wearing the White Crown. Context alone can
be used for a cautious identification of the figure as Hontu.
The best preserved example with most of the inscribed
captions present is a block (inv. 2114)/ again in sunk relief/
which portrays Nebhepetre Hentuhotep II/ followed by the
goddess Neith/ offering a conical loaf to Hontu/ the Bull Who
Goes Down from Tod.126 The god is depicted in standing
hieracocephalic human form and wears what appears to be a
belted tunic with shoulder straps/ broad collar and bull's
tail [Fig. 121. In his right hand he carries an ankh while
holding a w3s-scepter in the left. The tripartite wig is
surmounted by a large disk with double uraeus behind which two
thin/ straight plumes are inserted. The quills of both plumes
are clearly visible where they enter the wig inasmuch as they
are far enough behind the
disk so that only one plume is partially eclipsed.127 This
block is in the Cairo Museum (JE 66329).
Hontu is portrayed with the same headdress of disk* double
uraeus and plumes in another sunk relief (inv. 1544) featuring
the coronation of Nebhepetre Hentuhotep II with the White
Crown by Hontu and a goddess identified by Bisson de la Roque
as Tjenenet [Fig. 131.128 In this example Hontu wears a kilt
4
1
instead of the belted tunic and appears to lack the broad
collar* unless it had been painted on. This block is also in
the Cairo Huseum (JE 66330)
From the succeeding reign of Sankhkare Hentuhotep III three
representations of Hontu preserved at Tod include the upper
portion of the body so critical to iconographic analysis. All
three are in raised relief in contrast to those already
discussed from the reign of Nebhepetre Hentuhotep II. The most
striking phenomenon is an alteration of Hontu's headdress with
the change of reigns. On one side of a double-faced limestone
block (inv. 2122) only the head and shoulders of Hontu remain
[Fig. 141 #129 The hieracocephalic deity still wears the
tripartite wig with disk/ two plumes and double uraeusr but
the composition and ^proportions have changed. The solar disk
has been reduced in size and is now completely encircled by
the body of the double uraeus.13 The falcon plumes have been
enlarged and made wider. They have also been repositioned
behind the disk with only a small portion of the lower rear
plume protruding. Shoulder straps indicate that he wears a
tunic. The relief is so much finer that the wig is ornamented
with stripes and the plumes shown with guill and feather
details. The top of a w3s-scepter held by the god is present.
Hontu is depicted in identical fashion in raised relief on
another double-faced limestone block (inv.
2123).131 Again only his head remains* but the altered version
of the disk and plumes is clearly preserved. King Mentuhotep
III wearing the Red Crown offers a conical loaf to the god who
again holds a w3s-scepter of which the top remains.
The third example in raised relief (inv. 1523) [Fig. 161
features Montu offering life to the nose of Hentuhotep III who

wears tha Uhite Crown with Tjenenet behind him holding a
aiSrscepter.132 Hontu's headdress is again rendered in the new
format atop the striped tripartite wig. It is possible that
the alteration in the headdress composition began late in the
reign of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep II. Dieter Arnold uses it for
his restoration of a relief from the mortuary temple of that
king at Deir el-Bahri.133 However* it must be clearly noted
that this restoration is based solely on two fragments: the
front half of the disk with double uraeus* and one small
section of plume with a portion of the disk's rim. The fact
that the disk was carved with the encircling serpent body and
the plume with quill detailing does lend credence to Arnold's
proposal. There is also the factor of Ramesside restoration-
work to
be considered.134
No Hontu representations are attested for the last reign of
Dynasty XI* King Nebtawyre Hentuhotep IV. At Armant two
fragmentary reliefs were recovered by the Egypt Exploration
Society's expedition dating to the reign of Amenemhat I* the
first king of Dynasty XII/ which preserve identifiable
portions of the god's image. Both examples135 feature the
altered headdress format with the disk encircled by the body
of the double uraeus and almost completely eclipsed lower
plumes. Two other examples from Armant are dated to Dynasty
XII: One preserves only the encircled disk with double
plumes*136 and the other Hontu's tunic "covered with feathers*"
according to H. S.
Drower.137
The question of the so-called "tunic" must be addressed at
this point. Referring to Hiddle Kingdom reliefs from Tod and
Hedamud depicting Hontu* Lacau and Chevrier note that "il est
4
3
presque toujours vfitu du pagne et du corselet soutenu aux
&paules par deux bretelles* garnis tous deux de plumes (en
cuir)."13 They clearly do not regard this costume as a unit
with belt as the term ûnic" would imply. In fact* there may
be two different garments involved? both using shoulder
straps. The Hontu on block 2114 from Tod (Cairo JE 66329) was
described above as wearing a belted tunic [Fig. 141. However*
it could be interpreted as a kilt with "T-shirt" the surfaces
of which are smooth with no traces of "feathers." The lower
portion
of the costume does show the wrap-around line of a kilt. This
line is clearly not present in the examples where the so-
called feathers" cover the surface of the garment [Pig. 81.139
In one of these examples from Tod (inv. 1160) / Tjenenet wears
a feathered sheath which leads Bisson de la Rogue to describe
the god and goddess as wearing "vfetements de plumes."140 E.
Srtman has suggested that rather than feathers* the tunic was
intended to represent a coat of mail/ or some sort of body
armor.141 Lacau and Chevrier's description of a "corselet" with
leather feathers also implies a form of armor. Unfortunately
they do not present evidence for the hypothesis that the
feathers were "en cuir/" and the fabric of the garment cannot
be determined with any certainty by visual interpretation of
the relief carving since we may be completely unaware of the
artists* representational conventions. Feathers could very
well stand for some sort of mail/ or overlapping leather
segments/ a fabric pattern/142 or even actual feathers.
The design of the costume has very early antecedents in
Egyptian relief representation. M. A. Murray states that on
the Palette of Narmer "the King wears a kind of tunic which

covers the body from below the breast to about half-way down
the thigh and is held in place by a belt round the waist. One
end of the cloth is carried over the shoulder from the back/
and is fastened to the other end on the left breast with what
appears to be a metal fastener ..."143 A second example
portraying King Scorpion
features a similar garment "which might well be simply a
length of cloth belted around the waist and the two ends
fastened over the left breast."144 Nebhepetre Mentuhotep
II wears a similar garment with single shoulder strap in a relief
fragment preserving the body above the waist from his mortuary
temple at Deir el-Bahri now in the Metropolitan Museum of
Art.145 In plain or "feathered" version* the attire of Montu is
clearly based on this kingly garb of primeval origin. In
Dynasty XII Amun is also attested wearing it.146 Based only on
relief representations it is not possible to make a definitive
determination as to whether we are dealing with one garment: a
belted tunic* or a two-piece ensemble: a kilt with corselet.
The Karnak bark shrine* or "Chapelle Blanche*" of Senwosret
I was dismantled and re-used in the structure of the Third
Pylon by Amenhotep III. The limestone blocks were recovered by
the Egyptian Anquities Service and reassembled north of the
great temple. Montu appears four times in exquisite high
relief.147 In all four scenes the god is depicted in standing
hieracocephalic human form wearing the ndyt-kilt*148 broad
collar and striped tripartite wig surmounted by the disk with
encircling double uraeus and two tall falcon plumes attached
behind. In each scene Montu leads Senwosret I before Amun.
Montu is depicted on the Wadi Haifa triumphal stela of
Senwosret I* in Florence (no. 2540) *149 with exactly the same
costume and attributes as in the Chapelle Blanche reliefs at
4
5
Karnak/ although the quality is much inferior [Fig. 151. The
encircling serpent body of the double uraeus is present at the
disk's edge. Senwosret I wears an unusual headdress: the
plumed crown of the god Amun. S. Bosticco comments that this
is rarely attested for kings.150
H. Malaise includes another stela of unknown provenance in Lund
(32.165) in his list of Middle Kingdom stelae with Montu
representations/151 in this case "Montou hiferacocfephale/
couronnfe du disque solaire" standing behind a King Senwosret.
B. J. Peterson's publication is not very clear and the
photograph of the object reproduced as an accompanying figure
shows the very poor quality of preservation. Despite the lack
of an identifying inscription/ Peterson states that behind the
King a god stands "mit Falkenkopf/ den eine Sonnenscheibe
kr5nt. Es ist der thebanische Gott Month."152 The design of the
stela would preclude inclusion of the double plumes inasmuch
as Montu (on the left) and Khnum (on the right) are placed at
the outer edges of the lunette. Remains of a uraeus are
present/ but the number cannot be ascertained. The figures of
both deities wear the tunic with shoulder straps. The presumed
presence of Montu with Khnum leads Peterson to conclude that
this stela commemorates a Nubian campaign most probably of
Senwosret III and that/ on stylistic grounds/ Senwosret I must
be ruled out.153 However/ as in the unusual case of the wadi
Haifa stela just discussed above*-54 Senwosret wears Amun's low
crown with double plumes. It is therefore tempting to reopen
the possibility that this is once again Senwosret I.
A small representation of Montu is preserved on a sed-
festival lintel of Senwosret III recovered at Medamud and now
in the Cairo Museum [Pig. 71.155 Montu* Lord of the Theban Nome
Who Dwells in Medamud* is paired symmetrically with Amun* Lord
of the Thrones of the Two Lands* each offering "all life and
dominion to the King who is seated and represented twice*
back to back* on the festival platform as both King of Upper
(wearing the White Crown) and Lower Egypt (wearing the Red
Crown). Montu offers to the King of Upper Egypt while Amun
offers to the King of Lower Egypt. Amun stands before the pr-
nsr* or primeval shrine of Lower Egypt. Montu stands before a
structure with the form used in the writing (Gardiner 0 21)
for sh-nfcr* or divine booth* rather than the expected pr-wr
(Gardiner 019)* or "great house" of Upper Egypt. Montu wears a
plain kilt with bull's tail and the tripartite wig topped by
the standard disk* double plumes with eclipsed base* and
uraeus. It is impossible to discern the number of uraei or the
presence of the serpent body encircling the disk from the line
drawing published by the French Expedition.
A second lintel from Medamud in the Louvre (E. 13983)
[Figs. 17 and 18 (detail)]*156 features a symmetrical scene in
which Senwosret III* represented twice standing back to back
with two columns of inscriptions for division of the
scenes offers to Montu Lord of the Theban Nome* who appears
standing at each outer edge. He wears the plain kilt with
bull's tail. Atop the tripartite wig stands the disk with
eclipsed double plumes and clearly preserved double uraeus. It
appears that the disk is no longer encircled by the serpent's
body as was most likely the case in the previously discussed
Cairo lintel.
Two additional Hontu representations are partially
preserved at Hedamud from the reign of Senwosret III on the
reconstructed left interior wall of that king's "porche" [Fig.
81157 In the lower register only the disk* double uraeus and
4
7
twin plumes remain of Hontu/ Lord of Hedamud.
The upper register features the god wearing the "feathered
tunic" with bull's tail.
By the end of Dynasty XII the evolution of Hontu's
iconography had been completed. The formative stage appears to
have been during the reign of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep II when
his political and military endeavors were reuniting Egypt
under Theban control. It has been clearly shown that the
archetypal hieracocephalic Hontu* who would demonstrate
remarkably minimal iconographic variation over the subsequent
millennia/ had already been determined and conventionalized
during the reign of Sankn- kare Hentuhotep III and had
remained stable throughout Dynasty XII. Despite references to
Hontu as a bull in his cult places/ J. E Borghouts states that
"a bull iconography ... is so far only found in the Late
Period."15 Kees notes that the attributes of the falcon-headed
Montu* namely the double plumesr which he considers peculiar
to the Upper Egyptian deities like Minr and the solar disk
with double uraeus* indicate one possible conclusion: in the
early Middle Kingdom Montu was considered a sun god and
'Theban Horus*' reflecting his identification with the divine
falcon.159
Montu as War God
The iconographic study of Montu during the Middle Kingdom
has not clearly revealed all aspects of the evolving role of
this god. So far in this chapter Montu has been proposed as
primordial god of the Theban region with solar aspects. With
the rise of Amunr patron deity of the new kings of Dynasty
XII* what position could Montu fill after having rendered
Egypt his help in the struggle for reunirication under
Nebhepetre Mentuhotep II? It would seem logical that his later

renown as a god of war would find its source during the Middle
Kingdom* but F. Bisson de la Roque rejected this hypothesis*
declaring that to his knowledge Montu was never designated as
a martial deity !bef >re the the New Kingdom.159 This view*
however* is not shared by all scholars.
W. C. Hayes observed: "As the patron* or family god* of the
Mentuhotpe kings of Thebes he was elevated during the Eleventh
Dynasty to the first rank among the deities of Egypt and
probably at this time began also to assume his
special function as a god of war and a bringer of
victory."161 J. Vandier believed that this new role was
most likely the result of the dynastic change brought about
by Amenemhat I* the direct consequence of which was the
sudden rise of Amun at Montu's expense:

Le culte de Montou ne fut pas abandonn pour autant : les rois
du Moyen Empire l'honorferent officiellement* mais il n'occupa
plus la premiere place qui revint de droit & Amon. II n'est
pas impossible que Montou ait jou* d&s cette fepoque* le rdle
de dieu de la guerre qui lui est souvent attribu & partir du
Nouvei Empire ; ce rftle* auquel le prdestinait d'ailleurs
son action victorieuse dans la guerre civile qui s*tait
acheve par le triomphe de la monarchie thbaine* lui aurait
t accord pour le ddommager de
I1 abandon forc* au profit d'Amon* de son ancienne
primautfe.162
Based on the contemporary evidence* Vandier's proposal
would seem to be the most plausible.
The first item of evidence is a literary text dating
to Dynasty XII (Papyrus Berlin 3022):163 The Story of
Sinuhe.-*-6** Montu is mentioned three times in this text
(Blackman B 140-141* B 206 and B 237) and all three are
quoted by Bisson de la Roque with the following commentary:
"Les aventures de Sinou'nit ... ne donnent aucun titre
guerrier & Montou* mais le placent en paralldle avec
Ra."165 The latter two references to Montu are an epithet
and a wish for the new King Senwosret Is hsw Mntw nb W3st
4
9
(Blackman B 206)* "whom Montu* Lord of the Theban Nome*
favors; and mrrw Mntw nb W3st cnh.f flt (Blackman B 237- 238)*
"may Montu* Lord of Thebes* wish it [your nose] to live
forever." While these two references do not shed
light on Hontu's status as war god? the other one does. Bisson
de la Rogue unfortunately quoted the line totally out of
context and ignored its significance.
During his stay with the Asiatics? Sinuhe is challenged to
combat by the "Strong Han166 of Retenu" (nht ji [R3 tnw?
Blackman B 109). After spending the night readying his weapons
and practicing for the battle? Sinuhe faces the "Strong Han"
at daybreak with javelins? axes and arrows (Blackman B 127-
135). After failing to kill Sinuhe at a distance by javelins
and arrows? the "Strong Han" approaches for close combat:
bmc.n.f (138) wi sti.n.i sw cn3w.i mn m (139) nhbt.f sbh.n.f
hr.n.f hr fnd.f (140) shr.n.i n [sic] sw [m] minb.f wdi.n.i
iSnn.i (141) hr i3t.f
combat was inferior to that of Amun inasmuch as Hontu was the
patron of victors in Egyptian civil wars/ while Amun's greater
power made him patron of foreign wars.169 Again he obviously
missed the import of the passage in guestion: Sinuhe thanks
Hontu for his assistance against a foreign foe in Asia/ not an
internal enemy in Egypt.
The second piece of evidence is the Wadi Haifa stela in
Florence already discussed above [Fig. 151.170 Hontu/ Lord of
166c3m nb hr nmi rdi.n.i hknw (142) n Hntw mrw.f hb n.f? "When he
charged me? (138) I shot him? my arrow remaining fixed in his
(139) neck. He cried out? fell on his nose? andI slew him with
his [own] axe. I uttered my warcry

Thebes/ stands before Senwosret I and offers him lifer
stability and dominion with his right hand. In his left hand
he holds cords which hold captive ten personified Nubian
localities/ the first being Kush (K3s). Hontu tells the King:
in.n.[il n.k h3swt nbt imyt T3-sty far Ifcbty.kyl nr nfr nb

c
nh w3s dt/ "I bring for you all foreign lands in Nubia under
[your sandals]/ 0 Good God/ possessor of life and dominion
forever." The fragmentary text below the lunette presents
narration of a campaign led by general Hentuhotep/ son of Amu/
in Year 18/ first month of winter/ day 8 of the reign of
Senwosret I.171 Gardiner comments that this "magnificent
sandstone stela ... depicts the god Hont of Thebesbe it
noted/ not as yet Amunpresenting ... captives from a number
of Sudanese lands ... ,"172 Again Montu is involved with a
combat situation outside of Egypt proper.
Indeed Hontu appears intimately linked with a King
Senwosret and a Nubian locality well beyond Dynasty XII.
J. Vercoutter refers to a stela from the Second Intermediate
Period (IH. 902) "mentionnant Montou 'maltre d'lken'
tHirgissa]" and yet another stela from the New Kingdom (IH.
228) which informs us that "la triade adore & Hirgissa se
composait de Hontou/ hi&racoc&phale/ d'un roi divinisfe/
Ssostris I ou III/ et de la dfeesse Hathor."173 The poorly
preserved Lund stela discussed above which features a King
Senwosret with both Khnum and Hontu and is presumed to have a
Nubian provenance comes to mind as well.174
The evidence is far from voluminous/ but what does survive
from Dynasty XII indicates a martial role for Hontu after his
fall from supremacy as state god. The most likely explanation
is his link with Nebhepetre Hentuhotep II who would be honored
throughout the ensuing centuries of native Egyptian
5
1
civilization for his supreme achievement of reunification of
the country by military force.175 G. Legrain notes that by the
Ptolemaic Period/ Montu had received the title sm3-t3wy/ "He
Who Unites the Two Lands/" perhaps not coincidentally
Nebhepetre's Horus name.176 During Dynasty XII when either the
literary character Sinuhe or one or more Kings Senwosret
required or acknowledged divine intervention in foreign
combat/ they called upon Hontu.

Notes to Chapter 2
ln
01d Kingdom/ Hiddle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period
c. 2686-1551 BC/" in Ancient Egypt; a. Social History
(Cambridge 1983)? p. 113.

2
"Royal Decrees from the Temple of Min at Coptus?" JEA 32
(1946):23,
3
Temples ftiPfrDfa. a. Preliminary Survey (London
1940) * p. 2.
*"The Middle Kingdom in Egypt: Internal History from the
Rise of the Heracleopolitans to the Death of Aromenemes IIIr"
chap. XX in CAH3? v. 1# pt. 2 (Cambridge 1971)* p. 472.

5
Hanns Stock,Zwischenzeit figyptenss Unter-
asn3 Pyjrawj-denzeiU Zwischenreiche ssn Abvdos mid Hera-
kleopolis? Aufstieg Thebens (Studia Aegyptiaca II; Rome 1949)?
pp. 86-87; and Farouk GomaS? Agypten wShrend der Ersten
Zwischenzeit (Beihefte zum TQbinger Atlas des Vor- deren
Orients? Reihe B? Nr. 27; Wiesbaden 1980)? pp. 42-43.

6
Hayes? CAH3? v. 1? pt. 2? p. 473.
'Mond and Myers (Temples Armant? p. 2) state that "it is
debatable whether the princes of the Eleventh Dynasty sprang
from here [Armant] or not? but it seems highly probable that
they did. The family name of Mentuhotep would certainly seem
to connect them with the own." Gomaft counters (figypten? p.

42? n. 8): "DafDr gibt es keinen Beweis? auch wenn einige
K5nige dieser Dynastie den Namen des Hauptgottes (Mnfcw) von
Hermonthis in ihrem Namen? wie Mnfcw-htp? tragen. Dieser Gott
wurde in verschiedenen Orten des thebanischen Gaues verehrt."

8
Hayes? CAH3? v. 1? pt. 2? p. 476.
9
Ibid.* pp. 477-48C; and H. E. Winlock* The Rise and Fall of
the Middle Kingdom in Thebes (New York 1947) * chaps. 2-3.

10
"Notes sur le dieu Kontou*s BIFAO 40 (1941):2.
llnihe old Kingdom in Egypt and the Beginning of the First
Intermediate Period#" in CAH3r v. 1* pt. 2* p. 179.

12
Litt&xatux.e t politique dans, riigypte d la Xlli
dynastie (Bibliothfeque de l'ficole des hautes tudes 307;
Paris 1956) * p. 2* n. 1. The stela was published by L. Klebs*
Bi Rsllefg und Malereien d mittleren Reiches (VII.-XYH.
pynestie & 2.47.5-1580 X*. ChX.lL Material ZiiL agyp.tiff.chen
Kulturgeschichte (Heidelberg 1922)* p. 22* Abb. 14 and p. 23.
At the end of a longer formula: ... in rdit Mnfcw t3wy n ity
(Nb-hpt-Rc1 cnh dt.

13
W. C. Hayes* The Scepter of Egypt* part I: From the
JB.9Xli.egt Tiroes t the End o the Middle Kingdom (New York
1953)* p. 155* fig. 92 (22.3.187 = center; 22.3.128 = upper
right) and p. 157.

14
I2X JLempel dS KSnigs. Mentuhotep xsn Deir el-Bahari*
Bd. 1: Architektur und Deutung (ArchSologische Ver5ffent-
lichungen 8; Mainz am Rhein 1974)* p. 75.

15
See Hayes* CAH3* v. 1* pt. 2* p. 519.
16
See Hayes* CAH3* v. 1* pt. 2* pp. 495-496* 519; Hermann
Kees* D.ex GStterglaube is Alten Xgypten (Leipzig
1941) * p. 363; and A. H. Gardiner* Egypt of the Pharaohs
(London 1964)* p. 126.

17
Litt6rature fc politique* p. 1.
5
3
18
Ibid./ p. 2.
19
0n Itj-tawy/ see W. K. Simpson/ "Studies in the Twelfth
Egyptian Dynasty: I, The Residence of Itj-towy/" JARCE 2
(1963):53-59.
20
A. I. Sadekr IM Amethvst Mining Inscriptions Wadi el-Hudi
I (Warminster 1980) / p. 33 lines 12-14/ with translation on
p. 34.
21
Studies of Amun include: E. Ottor "Amun/" in Ld& 1/ cols.
237-248 with extensive bibliography? H. Bonnet/ ReallexiJLCM
5gvPtischen Religionsgeschichte (Berlin 1952)/ pp. 31-37; and
K. Sethe/ Amun und die acht PrgStter SQL. RzmcpQli-Si. sins.
Pntersuchung Qbex Ursprung and Wesen
3gyp.tlssfren G5tterk5nigs (Berlin 1929).

/
22
"Old Kingdom/ Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate
Period/" p. 149.
23
"Discovery of an Xlth Dynasty Temple at Deir el- Bahari/
Egypt/" Man (London) no. 43 (1904):65.

24
2!l Ql ATiRan.tr 166-168.
pp
25
Ibid. P 168 and C.l.
/ . pl.
26
Ibid. P . 168-172.
/ P
27
Ibid. P 169 and LXXXVIII.6.
/ . pl.
28
Ibid. P 169 and XCIX.2.
/ . pl.
29
Ibid. P 169 and XCIX.3.
/ . pl.
30
Ibid. P 169 and XCVIII.2.
/ * pl.
31
Ibid. P 166.
/ .
32
A History of Egyptian
Architecture
Intermediate Period/ the Middle Kingdomt and the Second
intermediate Period (Berkeley 1966), p. 81.
33
Rapport Sill 1S fouilles Mfedamoud (1925-1932? (FIFAO
S1-?1/ 8/ 91'3, 13; Cairo 1926-1936).

3
description sommaire dli temple primitif Mfedamoud (Cairo
1940)r p. 14.
35
Mfta.araouti (1930) r p. 57.
36
"NoteSf" p. 8; and Mfedamoud (1926)/ p. 65.
37
R. Cottevieille-Giraudetf Mfedamoud (1931) pp. 3-5 and
pl. I.
38
Ibid.r pl. II.
39
F. Bisson de la Roque and J. J. Clferer MSdamoud (1927)r
p. 96 and pis. V-VI.

40
Ibid., p. 122.
41
PH Vr pp. 147-149.
42
Historyr p. 85/ fig. 33.
43
lfld (1934 A 1936) (FIFAO 17; Cairo 1937), pp. 25-26.
44
"Bemerkungen zu den frflhen Tempeln von El-TOdr" MDAIK 312
(1975):175-186 and pis. 53-56. For the Dynasty XI blocks see:
pp. 70-103.
45
T0dr p. 104. For the architectural history of the Middle
Kingdom temples at Tod see: C. Desroches-Noblecourt and C.
Leblanc* "Considerations sur l'existence des divers temples de
Monthou & travers les 2ges* dans le site de Todr" BIFAO 84
(1984):84-88 and pis. XXIII-XXXIV.

46
lfidr pp. 6-16 and fig. 6.
47
History# pp. 83 and 86r fig. 34.
48
TM' pp. 104-111; and EM Vr pp. 167-169.
49
PM2 Ilr pp. 1-20. See also the excavation reports by jean
Jacquet: "Trois campagnes de fouilles ft Karnak-Nord (1968-
1969-1970) r" BIFAO 69 (1970) :278 and pl. XL;
"Fouilles de Karnak Nord: quatrifeme campagne 1971r" BIFAO 71
(1972) :156 and pl. XXXIX; "Fouilles de Karnak Nord: cinquifeme
campagne 1972r" BIFAO 73 (1973) :207-216;
"Fouilles de Karnak Nord: sixifeme campagne 1972-1973r"
5
5
BIFAO 74 (1974):171-181; "Fouilles de Karnak Nord: septifeme
campagne 1973-1974r" BIFAO 75 (1975)slll-121; "Fouilles de
Karnak Nord: huitifcme campagne (1974-1975) r" BIFAO 76
(1976):133-142; "Fouilles de Karnak Nord: neuvi&me et dixifeme
campagnes (1975-1977) r" BIFAO 78 (1978) :41-52.

50
J. Vandierr "Une inscription historique de la Premifere
Priode Intermfediairer" in Studies in Egyptology and
Linguistic? in aoafiVH Em. Polotskv (Jerusalem 1964)r pp. 9-16
and pl. I. See also Hayesr CAH^, v. lr pt. 2r p. 479.

51
"Inscriptionr" p. 14.
52
Ibid.
5
^j. j. C16re and J. Vandierr Textes de la Premifere
pfelioqe intermfediaire fc la Xl&me dvnastie (Bibliotheca
Aegyptiaca X; Brussels 1948) r p. 9 14; H. E. Winlockr "The
Eleventh Egyptian Dynastyr" JNES 2 (1943) :251 and pl.
XXXIV; and Hayesr Scepter Ir p. 153 and fig. 91r who dates the
stela to the reign of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep II.

54
For the htp-di-nyswt formula in the Middle Kingdom see
Paul C. Smitherr "The Writing of htp-di-nsw in the
Middle and New Kingdoms*" JEA 25 (1939):34-37; and C. J. C.
Bennett* "Growth of the htp-di-nsw Formula in the Middle
Kingdom*" JEA 27 (1941):77-82.

55
This formula (reines Brot des Hauses des Month) is classed
by W. Barta (Aufbau nnd B.edeu.tvmq dI altSgyp^ tischen
Opferformel [Agyptologische Forschungen 24; GlQckstadt 1968!)
as a variant of "Bitte" 2 h (p. 46).

56
ClSre and Vandier* Textes* pp. 15-16 20 (B. col.
3); HieE&gJ-ypilig Texts Egyptian Stelae* &c.* in iiis
British Museum I (London 1911)* pis. 49-50; and A. M.
Blackman* "The Stele of Thethi* Brit. Mus. No. 614*" JEA 17

(1931):55-61 and pl. VIII.
57
H. J. Polotsky* ZH den Inschriften der 11. Dvnastie
(Untersucbungen zur Geschichte und Altertumskunde Aegyptens
11; Leipzig 1929)? p. 60 79 i. Polotsky's Moscow example is
the stela of Henenu in the Pushkin Museum of Fine Arts (no.
5603 [4071]) published most recently by S. Hodjash and 0.
Berlev (2h Egyptian Reliefs 2nd Stelae in ths. Pushkin Museum
Fine Arts* Moscow [Leningrad* 1982]* pp. 66/67- 72/73 [no.
261)* "bought in 1888-1889 in Luxor. Possibly comes from Tomb
313 at Deir el-Bahari."

58
Clfere and Vandier* Textes* pp. 2-3 3.
59
H. 0. Lange and H. Schafer* Grab- und Denksteine des
Mittleren Reichs I (Berlin 1902)* pp. 203-204.

6
Kurt PflQger ("The Private Funerary Stelae of the Middle
Kingdom and Their Importance for the Study of Ancient Egyptian
History*" JAOS 67 [19471:129) notes that
he did not find this title "on dated stelae earlier than
Amenemmes III." The wadiet-eyes are present in the lunette* but
no n-sign is mentioned*
61
Barta* Aufbaii und Bedeutung* p. 45* c) "Die G5tter der
GBtterformei."
62
ClSre and Vandier* Textes* pp. 44-45 31; and H. 0. Lange*
"Zwei Inschriften der Fflrsten von Hermonthis*" ZAS 34
(1896)-.33-35 and pl. II.

63itZwei inschriften*" p. 34.
64
Ibid.* p. 27.
65
lSfc Zwischenzeit* p. 87.
66
Ibid.* p. 86.
67
ClSre and Vandier* Textes* pp. 45-46 32; and Lange* "Zwei
Inschriften*" pp. 26-33.

68
Clfere and Vandier* Textes* pp. 47-48 33; and
5
7
fliejLoqlyphic isxfcs. i* pi. 55.
69
"Zur Datierung der Grabinschriften des Gaufflrsten Intf
von Hermonthis aus der Zeit der 11. Dynastie in London*
Kopenhagen und Berlin*" ZAS 52 (1914):128.

70
fcs.te Zwisghenz.eit* p. 87.
71
"Sb3.n (Florence 1774)*" EdE 24 (1972):64-71 and pl. 7.
In previous publications the official's name was read
"Samentuwoser" and the stela dated to Dynasty XI:
Alexandre varille* "La st&le de Sa-Mentou-ouser (n 6365 du
Musfee gyptien de Florence)*" in Melanges Maspero* I:
fllifint ancien (MIFAO 66/2; Cairo 1935-1938)* pp. 553-566;
S. Bosticco* Mus&P archeologico di Firenze: Is stele
eoiziane dall'antico si nULfl.Y.O r.fign.0 (Cataloghi dei
musei e gallerie d'ltalia? Rome 1959)* pp. 24-25* no. 18;
Schiaparelli* Catalogo qenerale dsi mis&i di antiquity S.
dfisli. oggetti d'arte raccolti nfillfi gallerie & biblioteche
dl regno I (Rome 1887)* pp. 489-490 (no. 1774).

72
"S^3.n*lt p. 70 (with bibliography in note 3) and pl. 7.
73
H. 0. Lange and H. SchSfer* Grab- und Denksteine des
Mittleren Reichs II (Berlin 1908)? pp. 337-338.

74
"Notes et remarques*" RdT 14 (1893):20-21 (XVI* n 29256).
75
0nfortunately no photograph of the stela has been
published so one must rely on the description of Lange and
Schafer (Denksteine II* p. 338): A man is seated on a lion-
legged chair smelling a water-lily; his son stands before him*
and his wife* also smelling a water-lily* kneels behind the
son. She has the titles hmt.f nbt pr* "his wife* lady of the
house." Pflflger notes ("Private Funerary Stelae*" p. 130)
that "the motif of smelling the lotus does not appear on dated
stelae earlier than Sesostris Xr when it is rather frequently

met with* but only in connection with women. Later it seems to
become somewhat rarer. From the time of Amenemmes H onwards*
men* too* are represented as smelling the lotus." For the
significance of the title nbt 21 see note 61. Pflflger also
observes (ibid.* p. 128) that the vertical rectangular slab-
stela had become the fixed form under Amenemhat II* the
horizontal version
having disappeared.
76
Wb. It p. 283: "Pr. der Zutritt hat."
77The variant copies by Daressy (op. cit.) and
Lange-SchSfer (op. cit.) { pose a problem. The com
bination of Gardiner signs Aa 2 with Aa 1 above N 35 does not
provide the expected offerings and would require some phhrase
involving accounts (hsbw), Reluctant though I am to

emend the text/ to interpret the signs as a corrupt writing _ i
of SJ (p3wt) would made much better sense in this passage.

78
The broad collar (Gardiner S 11) used as determinative is
most likely a scribal error.

79
Attested in various spellings from the Middle Kingdom/ PN
1/ p. 205: 4/ 6/ 8/ 9.
8
This is based on Fischer's reading ("Sb3.n/" p. 70/ n.
4). Lange and SchSfer (Denksteine II/ p. 337) transcribed the
falcon (Gardiner G 5) as an owl (G 17) which makes little
sense in context. Fischer refers to a parallel Hr W3sty on the
stela of Nesumontu (Louvre no. E 3462); see note 72.

81
The verb could also be read as wdn and this would solve
the problem of the extra n if gbr is read. However/ with wdn/
"to offer/" there should be the expected preposition n
indicating the recipient of the offering. "To perambulate" the
temples makes better sense here.

82
Hll. IV/ p. 334: attested in the Middle Kingdom/
5
9
"bewundern."
83
This appears to be the name of a building.
84
Literally "those who are within his hand." Another
possible translation would be "whose hand instructs the
chamberlains/" with c.f serving as a resumptive.

85
Literally "according to the utterance/" perhaps in the
sense of following the rituals "to the letter."
Ittl lexiace ol Great at Abvdos: th Offering Chapels

86
Dynasties 12 20d 11 (Publications of the Pennsylvania-Yale
Expedition to Egypt 5; New Haven 1974)/ p. 19 and pl. 44.
J. Spiegel/ fiis GStter Z2I1 Abvdos; Studien zm

87
Sgyptischen Svnkretismus (GSttinger Orientforschungen/ IV.
Reihe: Agypten Bd. 1; Wiesbaden 1973)/ pp. 152-154; and G.
Maspero/ "Rapport S M. Jules Ferry/ Ministre de 1'Instruction
publique/ sur une mission en Italie/" RdT 3 (1882):115-117.
Maspero dated the stela to Dynasty XI.

88
Spiegel/ op. cit./ pp. 99-109.
89
La religion fegyptienne (Paris 1949)/ p. 236.
Bgj.tiag.e 2SiL Geschichte <ir Stierkulte in Aegypten

90
(Untersuchungen zur Geschichte und Altertumskunde Aegyptens
13; Hildesheim 1964)/ section IV/ Monthstier/ pp. 40-57. Most
of the study deals with the cult as attested in the Late and
Ptolemaic Periods.
91
Temples & Armant/ p. 169 and pl. XCIX.2.
92
Stierkultez pp. 40-41.
93
1S/ p. 72.
94
"Notes/" p. 7.
95
Ibid.; also Ottor Stierkulte# p. 41.
96
0tto# Stierkulte# p. 41# and Bisson de la Roque# "Notes#"
p. 11.
97
"Notes#" p. 11.
^Publication of the hieroglyphic text: A. de Buck#
Ihg Egyptian Coffin Texts# vols. I-VII (Chicago 1935-1961).
Translation of the De Buck edition: R. 0. Faulkner# The
Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts# vols. 1-3 (Warminster 1973-
1978). Despite the fact that Faulkner finds no reference to
Montu (see Index 1. Major Divinities# v. Ill# pp. 191- 195)#
he does note that Tjenenet# one of Montu's consorts# does
appear twice: v. 1# p. 106 (Spell 112) and v. 3# p.
79 (Spell 939).
"j. H. Breasted# BgXSlOP.roenfc Ql Religion and. Thought in
Ancient Egypt (Philadelphia 1972)# p. 276. He also provides a
succinct summary: "The course of events may be stated in
somewhat exaggerated form if we say that in the Pyramid Texts
Osiris was lifted skyward# while in the Coffin Texts and the
Book of the Dead# Re is dragged earthward" (p. 277).

100
"A Much-Copied Letter of the Early Middle Kingdom#" JNES 7
(1948):1-10.
101
The Hdcanakhte papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom
Documents (Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition
XIX; New York 1962).

109
Ibid.# pp. 31-45 and pis. 5-7. The relevant passage is
reproduced in the original hieratic and hieroglyphic
transcription on pis. 5 and 5A/ col. 1 and translated on p.
32.
103
James (ibid./ p. 124) takes the prepositional phrase
introduced by m "as an independent exclamatory greeting/
'In the favour of Monthu/ lord of Uasetl' inasmuch as it is
preceded in another example of the formula "by iw.fcn which
establishes the independence of the greeting as such; it does
not/ however/ prove that we should necessarily understand
6
1
iw.fcn or iw.k in cases where m hst stand alone."
l4Ibid./ pp. 89-92 and pis. 24-25. The relevant passage is
found on pis. 24-24A/ cols. 1-3 and translated on p. 90.

105
Formula discussed/ ibid./ pp. 120-122.
106
Formula discussed/ ibid./ p. 122.
107
Formula discussed/ ibid./ p. 125.
108
Ibid./ pp. 98-101 and pl. 30. The relevant passage is
found on pis. 30-30A/ cols. 3-6 and translated on p. 98.

109
Hayes states that in British Museum no. 10567 "Montu/ Lord
of Thebes/ figures prominently in the greetings" ("Letter/" p.
2/ n. 6) and that in the "Letter of Nakhte" in the Cairo
Museum "Montu/ Lord of Thebes/ is twice mentioned in the
formula of greetings" (ibid./ p. 2/ n. 7). James (Hdcanakhte
Papers) points out Hayes' error in note 6 on p. 124.

110
"Letter/" pp. 4/ 7-9 and pl. II.
llllhe collated versions of the Book were published by
6. Posener in Catalogue OStxaga hiferatioues littferaires
Deir l M&dineh II (Documents de fouilles t. XVIII;
Cairo 1951)/ pl. 1-12. A complete translation was published by
P. Kaplony/ "Das Bflchlein Remit/" in Akten des XIII.
Internalionflien Pasvrologenkongresses (MQnchener BeitrSge zur
Papyrusforschung und antiken Rechtsgeschichte 66; Munich
1974), pp. 179-197.

112
jamesf Hekanakhte Papers/ p. 123/ notes the introduction
of an "erroneous" after HH in the versions of the Book of
Kmyt.
113
ClSre and Vandier/ Textes/ p. 44/ 31.2.
114
Ibid./ p. 47/ 33.4.
115
Ibid./ p. 2/ 3.1
116
James/ Hekanakhte papers/ pl. 24/ col. 2. For the perched
falcon in hieratic see G. MSller/ Hieratische Pal3oqraphie I
(Leipzig 1909)/ no. 188.

117
Berlin Papyrus 3022 as transcribed by A. M. Blackman/
Middle Egyptian Stories (Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca II; Brussels
1932)/ p. 28 line B 142/ p. 33 line B 206/ and p. 34 line B
238.
118
F. Bisson de la Roque/ Tfid.
119
Ibid./ p. 72 and pl. XIX.1.
120
Ibid./ p. 72.
121
Ibid./ pp. 140-141 (fig. 87) and pl. XXXI.2.
122
Ibid./ p. 141 (fig. 87).
123
Ibid./ p. 75 (fig. 27) and pl. XIX.2 (detail).
124
Ibid./ p. 75.
125
Winlock/ Rise and Fall/ p. 62 and pl. 12.
126
TOd> pp. 71-72r 74 (fig. 25) and pi. XX (details).
127
See also M. S. Drower* in Temples flf Armant/ p. 158.
128
Ifidr pp. 72-74 (fig. 26) and pi. XVIII (details).
129
Ibid./ pp. 87-88/ fig. 40 and pi. XVII.1 (detail).
This block is in the Louvre/ no. E 15114; see the cecent
publication in single & fouilles francaises SR Egvpte/ 1880-
198Q,;. Lesposition] & HQgg.asiflB sin csntenaiLe
l'Ecole du Caire (IFAQ) (Paris 1980)/ cat. no. 211/ pp. 161-
163.
130Drower (Temples Armant# p. 168) has described this
feature as "his double disk." The disk is not/ however/
doubled. Indeed if the pigments had remained/ it is most
probable that the outer rim would have been rendered in a
shade of yellow or ocher. This convention for the repre-
sentation of the serpent's body surrounding the disk can be
clearly seen in the figure of Re-Horakhty magnificently
6
3
preserved in full color in the tomb (no. 66) of Queen
Nefertari in the Valley of the Queens (PM2 I2 66 181)/ and
reproduced by C. F. Nims (Thebes of the Pharaohs (London
19651/ p. 144/ fig. 72).

131
Xfid/ PP. 85-86/ fig. 37.
132
Ibid./ pp. 92-93/ fig. 45 and pi. XXIII.1.
Xemp.el Kfrugs Mentuhotep ma. el-Bahari/ Bd. 2: His. Wand
reliefs des Sanktuares (ArchSologische Ver- Sffentlichungen
11; Mainz am Rhein 1974) / p. 24 and Taf. 15.
^34Ibid.z p. 24.
135
IgffiPlSS Ql Armant/ pi. XCIX.2-3.
136
Ibid./ pi. XCVIII.2.
137
Ibid.r p. 158 and pi. LXXXVIII.7. R. Cottevieille-
Giraudet calls it a "cotte de plumes* (Mfedamoud [19311 > p.
30).
138
HQ gjaggsiie 3s Sfesostris isi. h Kacnak (Cairo 1956-
1969)/ p. 174.
139
T6d# p. 90/ fig. 43 and p. 91* fig. 44; Temples of Armant#
pi. LXXXVIII.7.
p. 90 and fig. 43.
141verbal communication at the Third International Congress
of Egyptology held in Toronto/ September/ 1982.
For coats of mail in the Ramesside Period see A. Erman*
Life in Ancient Egypt (New York 1971) / pp. 545-546 with
figure.
*4^The brightly painted statuette of a girl from the tomb of
Mekutre at Deir el-Bahri now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art
(no. 20.3.7) features a sheath-dress with a painted pattern
resembling feathers and dates to Dynasty XI (W. C. Hayes/
Scepter 1/ p. 266 and p. 267 fig. 174).

143
"The Costume of the Early Kings/ "Ancient Egypt 1926:33
and figs. 1-2.

144
Ibid./ p. 33 and fig. 5.
]-4
^Scepter 1/ p. 157-158 and fig. 94 (acc. no.
07.230.2).
146
Lacau and Chevrier/ Chaoelle/ scSne 10 (pi. 16) and scfene
3' (pi. 28).

*47Lacau and Chevrier/ Chaoelle# pp. 171-175/ 474-
486? pl. 16 (sc$ne 10) ? pl. 25 (scSne 27) r pl. 28 (scdne
3')? and pl. 30 (sc&ne 7').

14
Lacau and Chevrier find Montu's use of the ndyt-kilt
unusual rather than his more common tunic (or kilt with
corselet). They comment (ibid.r p. 174): "Cette difference de
costume chez Montou me semble tout & fait explicable. A Tod et
d Mfedamoud? Montou est chez lui? dans son rfile de
propritaire du temple? c'est 3 lui gu'on adresse l'offrande.
A Karnak au contraire? dans notre chapelle? Montou n'est qu'un
hdte d'Amon; il est un simple auxiliaire du roi dans les
quatre c&r&monies ofi il figure : ces deux rfiles m&ritent des
vStements diffrents."
149
Published fully by J. H. Breasted? "The Wadi Haifa Stela
of Senwosret I?" PSBA 23 (1901):230-235? pis. I-III? and ARE
I? pp. 247-250? 510-514. Previous publications of the upper
portion of the stela were according to Breasted "with no
approach to accuracy." It has been recently published by S.
Bosticco? Museo archeologico di Firenze? pp. 31-33? no. 29A?
and H. S. Smith? The Fortress
Buhen: the Inscriptions (EES Excavation Memoir 48;
London 1976)? pp. 39-41 and pl. 69.1.

150
Museo archeoloqico di Firenze? p. 31 with reference to one
analogous case found by the French at Medamud.
6
5
151
"lnventaire des stales gyptiens du Moyen empire
porteuses de representations divines?" SAK 9 (1981):277.

152
^"Ein Denkmalfragment aus dem Mittleren Reiche? Afo 22
(1968/69):63-64.
153
Ibid./ p. 64.
154See note 149.
155
R. Cottevieille-Giraudet/ Mfedamoud (1931)# pp. 3-5 and
pi. I.
156
F. Bisson de la Rogue and J. J. Clre/ Mfedamoud (1927) #
p. 96 and pis. V-VI/ block no. 29/ inv. 3074; Charles Boreux/
"A propos d'un linteau reprsentant Ssos- tris III trouv6 &
Mdamoud (Haute-figypte)/" Monuments et mfemoires 32 (1932);l-
20 and pi. I; and most recently in Dn siScle fouilles
francaises/ cat. no. 214/ pp. 174-177.

157
Mfedamoud (1931)/ p. 5 and pi. II.
ISSwMonth" in Ld& IVr col. 201.
159
G8tterglaube/ p. 340. See also Hayes/ CAH3 v. If pt. 2, p.
519.
160,1
Notes/" p. 13.
m
AH3, v. 1, pt. 2r p. 519.
162
Reiiqion ftgyptisnns* p. 148.
163
M. Lichtheim states that Papyrus Berlin 3022 "dates from
the Twelfth Dynasty. In its present state* it lacks the
beginning of the story and contains a total of 311 lines"
(ancient Egyptian LiterflfcUlfi* vol. 1: and
Middle Kingdoms [Berkeley 19751/ p. 222). With regard to this
text as a reflection of contemporary thought/ G. Posener notes
(Littferature et politique/ p. 87): "... avec les Aventures de
Sinouhfe on aborde une classe de textes gui refl&tent avec
fid6iit la thfese officielle/ sans fitre pour autant
1'expression directe de la volont royale."

164Tjie complete text was published in hieroglyphic
transcription "from Berlin Papyri 10499 (R) and 3022 (B) and
from sundry other fragmentary manuscripts" by A. M. Blackman/
Hiddle Egyptian Stories# pp. 1-41. The most recent
translations of the text in English are: W. K. Simpson in
Literature gjL Ancient Egypt/ new ed. (New Haven 1973)/ pp.
57-74/ and M. Lichtheim/ Literature 1/ pp, 222-235 with
extensive bibliography on p. 223. See also W. K. Simpson's
bibliographical essay "Sinuhe/" in Ld& V/ cols. 950-955.

165
"Notes/" p. 12.
166
Simpson/ Literature/ p. 64. Lichtheim (Literature 1/ p.
227) translates "hero of Retenu"; J. A. Wilson (The ancient
usax. Sas.tr vol. l: an Anthology Q Texts and Pictures
[Princeton 19581/ p. 8) and A. M. Blackman (A. Erman/ IM
Ancient Egyptians: a Sourcebook & Their Writings [New York
19661/ p. 20) render this as "mighty man
of Retenu."
1 67
AO/
The entire passage has recently been analyzed by G. Fecht/
"Sinuhes Zweikampf als Handlungskern des dritten Kapitels des
Sinuhe-'Romans'/" in Studien zu Sprache und &ligion Agyptens/
Bd. 1: Sprache (G&ttingen 1984)/ pp. 465-484.
LOOErman-Blackman/ Ancient Egyptians/ p. 21/ n. 7; Simpson/
Literature/ p. 65/ n. 13; and Wilson/ ANET I, p.

9/ n. 1.
169
"Notes/ pp. 2-3.
17
See note 149.
171^6 lower portion of the stela had been left behind in
Egypt and reached Florence some sixty years after the upper
section. The transcription of general Mentuhotep's text which
is preserved in most part on the lower portion was published
by Breastedr "Wadi Haifa Stelar" pi. III.
6
7
172
flga&, haiafihf p. 134.
173
Mirgissa I (Mission arch&ologique franâise au Soudan sous
la direction de Jean Vercoutter 1; Paris 1970)/ pp. 187-188.

174
See note 152.
*7Ôn the inner face of the Ramesseum's Second Pylon (M2 II
434 [10] I.l) r Nebhepetre Mentuhotep II is depicted among the
royal ancestors of Ramesses II between Menes and Ahmose h the
other two kings venerated for their own unifications of Egypt
through military force.

176
"Notes sur le dieu Montou" BIFA.0 12 (1916) :76-78.
Chapter 3 THE SECOND INTERMEDIATE PERIOD
Dynasty XII drew to a close with the brief reign of Queen
Sobekkare Sobeknofru (ca. 1783 B.C.)* probably a daughter of
Amenemhat III and sister or half-sister of Amenemhat IV. W.
C. Hayes observed: "Like that of Queen Nitocris of the Sixth
Dynasty* her reign* occasioned presumably by the absence of a
male heir to the throne* marks the virtual end of a great
epoch in Egyptian history."1
In Upper Egypt it appears that there was administrative and
cultural continuity well into Dynasty XIII. However* B. J.
Kemp has recently observed:

There are strong grounds for regarding the hereditary
principle of royal succession as having thoroughly broken
down during the Thirteenth Dynasty* with continuity of
government vested* for at least part of the time* in a family
of viziers. Only in the sub-dynasty of Neferhetep I and his
successors is any direct family continuity visible. In this
essentially non-dynastic situation* implying the existence of
several families whose relatives had at some not too distant
point in the past been kings* the question of legitimacy must
have become so clouded that the appearance of contemporaneous
kings in the north is more easily understandable.2
The question of whether or not Dynasty XIII is still to be
considered as part of the Middle Kingdom is a matter of some
controversy* but J. von Beckerath includes both Dynasties
XIII and XIV within the scope of his study of the Second
Intermediate Period.3 The same approach is followed
in this study. The Hyksos kings of Asiatic origin are usually
equated with Dynasty XV and their vassal chieftains in Lower
Egypt with Dynasty XVI.4 "Like the native rulers/ the Hyksos
princes instituted an official religion/ modeled on that of
the Egyptians/ and adopted as their state god an Egyptian
divinity who happened to be especially revered in the region
where they established their first base of operations. This
was Seth of Avaris ..." and "contrary to a New Kingdom
tradition/ other Egyptian divinities besides Seth seem to
have been accepted by the intruders/ notably the sun god Her
6
9
whom they honoured in their throne names."5 No definite
evidence has yet been established for any link between the
Hyksos and the cult of Montu.
The Theban princes of Dynasty XVII maintained limited
autonomy in Upper Egypt as vassals of the Hyksos in the
north. They styled themselves as kings and ultimately brought
an end to the Second Intermediate Period by challenging and
finally defeating their Hyksos overlords. Ahmose I brought
about the final victory and founded Dynasty XVIIIr actually a
continuation of Dynasty XVII in reunited Egypt.

Temples
Building activity continued in Montu's temples at Medamud
and Tod during Dynasty XIII. However/ construction during the
remainder of the Second Intermediate Period is attested only
at Medamud. Armant appears to have been completely neglected.
ARMANT. No inscriptions or relief representations have so
far been discovered in the excavations of Montu's temple at
Armant which date to the Second Intermediate Period.7
MEDAMUD, The temple of Montu at Medamud seems to have
received much attention during the Second Intermediate
Period. The structures erected by Senwosret III during
Dynasty XII were enlarged and embellished with new reliefs
and inscriptions* particularly through the building acti-
vities of several kings of Dynasty XIII.
A red granite block bears names and titles of one of the
early kings of Dynasty XIII:8 "The Horus Sekhem- netjeru# son
of Re* Wegaf* given life like Re* beloved of Montu* Lord of
Medamud/" and "King of Upper and Lower Egypt/ Khutawyre." In
addition/ this block was carved with a dedicatory inscription
by a later king of the same dynasty/ Sedjfakare Kay Amenemhat
VII.9 The parallel texts are symmetrically arranged each

beginning at the block's center with a variation in wording.
The first version reads: cnh Hr Hry-tp-t3wy Nbty Nr-b3w Hr
nbw c3 ]&ty nyswt-bity (Sflf3-k3-Rc) s3 R (K3y Imn-m-h3t)
ir.n.f m mnw.f n it.f Mntw nb W3st m M3dw irt n.f sk3 m m3t
ir.f n.f di cnl) mi Rc/ "May the Horus 'Chief of the Two
Lands' live/ He of the Two Ladies 'Divine of Power/' Horus of
Gold 'Great of Strength/' King of Upper and Lower Egypt/
Sedjfakare/ son of Re/ Kay Amenemhat (VII); he made (it) as
his
monument for his father Montur Lord of Thebes at Medamud?
constructing for him a support of granite so that he (Montu)
will perform for him the giving of life like Re.
In place of m m3t? the second version substitutes r htp st
hr.f? "in order to please the place of his sight. The King
is also styled "beloved of Montur Lord of Medamud."
The most extensive remains from Dynasty XIII are inscribed
for King Amenemhat Sobekhotep II and include a sed-festival
porch which imitates a similar structure erected by Senwosret
III.10 The lintel (Fig. 191r11 the iconography of which is
discussed later in this chapterr portrays the King twice
symmetrically seated back to back on the festival dais
wearing the short garment and the crowns of Upper and Lower
Egypt. Montu Lord of the Theban Nome Who Dwells at Medamud
and Amun-Re Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands/ offer "all
life and dominion" to the King of Upper and the King of Lower
Egypt respectively. The rest of the fagade features other
deities representing the North and South who offer to the
King.
From the interior left wall of the sed-festival porch
reliefs have been recovered which show King Sobekhotep II
being led by Horus the Behdite and Thoth into the presence of
7
1
Montu [Fig. 211.12 The iconography of the scene will be
discussed later in this chapter. The caption for the scene
is: bs-nyswt m hwt-nfcr nt Mnfcw nb M3dw# "introduction of
the King in the temple of Montu/ Lord of Medamud." Montu
tells the King that he gives to him "every good thing* all
life and dominion/ all health# and all joy." The lintel from
the back of the shrine is also preserved [Pig. 20113 Montu is
styled both "Lord of the Theban Nome Who Dwells at Medamud"
and "Lord of the Theban Nome? the Bull Who Dwells at
Medamud."
The fragmentary remains of a left doorjamb preserve a
dedicatory inscription emended by Helck based on a similar
text from a portal of Senwosret Ills ///s3 R n fat.f (Imn-
m-h3t [Sbk-htpll di cnh mi Rc flit ir.n.f m mnw.f n it.f Mnfcw
nb M3dw irt n.f sb3 n nc n htpw-nfcrj m inr hd [nfr] n cnw
ir.f di cnh# "///son of Re# of his bodyr Amenemhat [Sobekhotep
(II)]/ given life like Re for[ever? he made
(it) as his monument for his father Montu# Lord of Medamud#

/
constructing for him a door for the storehouse of divine
offerings] in [fine] limestone of Anu so that he (Montu) may
perform the giving of life."*4
Limestone blocks which once formed the lintels and
doorjambs of portals were found inscribed by King Sekhemre
Swadjtawy Sobekhotep III# most probably usurping the work of
another unidentified king.*5 The doorjamb inscriptions include
various combinations of the King Sobekhotep Ill's five names
with the epithets "beloved of Montu# Lord of Thebes" or
"beloved of Montu# Lord of the Theban Nome# the Bull Who
Dwells at Medamud."
Cairo stela CG 20555* is datable to Dynasty XIII*7 and

attests a lay official whose sphere of activity was the
administration of temple resources at Medamud. In the bottom
register of standing figures the first man is labeled s3.f
imy-r3 nwt nt hwt-nfcr n Mntw m M3dw Hnnw-gm.f ir n Rn.s-
snbr "his son* the overseer of the granary of the temple of
Montu in Medamudr Henenugemefr son of Renes- seneb."
Fragmentary monuments of King Sekbemre Wadjkhau Sobekemsaf
I are also attested at Medamud. Bisson de la Rogue and ClSre
attribute a hall with papyriform sandstone columns to this
king and add that it was subsequently usurped by King
Sobekhotep III.18 This presents a problem inasmuch as the
weight of current scholarly opinion favors Sobekemsaf I's
inclusion in Dynasty XVII/ not Dynasty
XIII.19 The usurpation would therefore have to work in

/
reverse order. Spalinger has stated that Sobekemsaf I usurped
monuments of Senwosret III and carved lintels/ door
inscriptions and architraves. "In fact/ he was the first
Pharaoh to have returned to Medamud since the second half of
Dyn. XII1/ and it was this evidence of building activity that
led to the erroneous opinion that S[obekemsaf] I should be
dated close in time to those other builders of Dyn. XIII at
Medamud."20
Several large blocks were recovered from the so-called
porch of Senwosret III which was renovated by Sobekemsaf
I. 21
Block no. 143 features the King presenting cyt-cakes to
MontUf Lord of the Theban Nome Who Dwells in Medamud.22
Directly to the right of this offering scener Montu is again
represented with the following text: (1) dd mdw di.
n.[i] n.k t3w nb(w) h3swt nb(w)t tm(w) mi irt.[i] tw (2) ink
it.k km3 ki.k rnn tw (3) r nytswt t3wy (4) Mntw (5) nb W3str
"(1) Words spoken: [II give to you all lands and all foreign
7
3
countries completely according as [I] have begotten you. (2)
I am your father who created your form and who nurtured you
(3) for the kingship of the Two Lands? (4) Montu* (5) Lord of
the Theban Nome."
A series of re-assembled blocks includes the dedicatory
inscription:23 ir.n.f m mnw.f n it.f Mnfcw m sm3wy irt.n it.f
nyswt-bity (Hc-k3w-Rc) m3c-^rwr *He made (it) as his monument
for his father Montu by renewing what his father* the King of
Upper and Lower Egypt* Khakaure [Sen- wosret III]* justified*
had done. In a succession of scenes King Sobekemsaf I offers
to Montu and is ultimately presented to the god by Amun-Re*
Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands.24
The most significant inscription of Sobekemsaf I recovered
at Medamud was found on the base of a red granite colossal
statue.25 Transliteration of the text as emended and restored
by Helck:2
(1) [h3t-sp] ///fcr hm In nyswt] -bity (Sljm-Rc W3s3-hcw) s3 Rc
(Sbk-m-s3.fl di cnh (2) liw wfl.nhm.f srtwld 3bt 34 (or 50) m
hbsw n i3btt (3) ///[n it.f] Mntw m M3dw 3c.tw h3t r p3 (4)
[hbsw] nt[y] m ///[n n3 n] 3hwt mtnw.n.f p3 htp-nfcr m hd (5)
[m hntyt hr n3 n] 3hwt rdi schc p3 htp-ntr m rsy mhty i3btly
(6) imnty psS.n.f n3 n 3h] wt hnc rdit ht tmw p3 (7) [pr n
it.f Mntw nb W3stl nty m M3dw ir md3(t) r t3w
nfety (8) [rsy i3bty imnty n n3 n 3hwt] ir nty im m-c s3hw imy
db3 (9) m nt[t r fl]b3 [hr n3 n] 3hwt m dw r Sdw htyw
(10) Ir htyw hr] p3 htp-nfcr n Mnfcw m M3dw nty m s3hw c3w
(11) [n n3 n 3hwt n p3] htp-nfcr n Mnfcw m H3dw m wmt m 3wt
(12) ///[d3yt rsylt m ht 37 d3yt mhtt m Ijt 44;
Translation:
(1) [Year] /// under the majesty [of the King of Upper] and
Lower Sgypt# Sekhemre Wadjkhau# son of Re? Sobekemsaf (I)

given life. (2) [His majesty commanded the provision of 34
(50?) fields in the ploughlands of the east (3) /// [for his
father] Montu in Medamud. One began to measure up to the (4)
[ploughlands which] are in /// of the fields. He donated the
god's offerings downstream (5) [and upstream from the]
fieldsr having caused the god's offerings to be established
in the southr north# eastt (6) and west. He divided the
fiellds together with placing (them) among all the people of
the (7) [temple of his father Montu# Lord of Thebes] who is
in Medamud. A charter27 was made for the northern (8)
[southern# eastern and western] boundaries [of the fields].
As for him who belongs to the dependents# have (him) pay (9)
with what is [to be pa] id [for the] fields# plot for plot
and threshing-floor (10) [for threshing-floor for] the god's
offerings of Montu in Medamud. That which appertains to the
numerous dependents (11) [of the fields of the] god's
offerings of Montu in Medamud in the breadth and length
(12) /// [the southern lands28]: 37 rods#29 and northern lands:
44 rods.
This inscription clearly documents the donation and
apportionment of lands belonging to the Hontu temple at
Hedamud during early Dynasty XVII. It is also the latest text
from Hedamud dating to the Second Intermediate Period.
TOD. F. Bisson de la Rogue reported that only the relief
fragments of the names of four kings of Dynasty XIII were
found at Tod: 1) the Horus name* Hehibtawy/ as well as the
prenomen (inv. 1491 and 1497) of Sekhemkare Amenemhat-
Senebef; 2) the Horus name (inv. 1310)/ Wehem- ankhr of
Sneferibre Senwosret IV; 3) a small portion of the prenomen
(inv. 615) of possibly Sekhemre-Swadjtawy Sobekhotep III; and
4) half of a prenomen (inv. 1035) containing the elements
7
5
sw3d and RS possible Swadjkarer a name related to several
kings of Dynasty XIII.30 During the excavations of 1946-1949/
J. Vercoutter discovered structural remains bearing the
prenomen of King Sekhemre Wadjkhau Sobekemsaf I of Dynasty
XVII/ although he assigned the King to Dynasty XIII.31 He is
attested as "beloved of Hontur Lord of Tod." Thus Sobekemsaf
I was apparently involved in temple construction at both
Hedamud and Tod/ and such undertakings could well represent a
resurgence of economic vitality in the Theban region.
KARNAK. Remains of a Hontu temple at Karnak are still not
attested for the Second Intermediate Period.32

Priesthood and Cult
The priesthood of Hontu in his four cult centers is only
sparsely represented in the preserved monuments of the Second
Intermediate Period# and all examples assembled here are
datable to Dynasty XIII. The unstable conditions in Upper
Egypt during the Hyksos domination of the North must have
adversely affected the prosperity of the Montu temples during
Dynasties XIV-XVII.
The limestone stela of Khenmes in the British Museum (no.
216 19031) portrays among the owner's relatives a wab- priest
of Montu named Amenemhat and is dated to Dynasty XIII.33 A
stela from Abydos in the Cairo Museum (CG 20030)34 includes
among numerous officials hm-nfcr n Mnfcw Hri#35 "the priest of
Montur Hori." It is datable to Dynasty XIII.3 An additional
hm-nfcr n Mnfcw is attested on Cairo stela CG 20661 of
unknown provenance and datable to late Dynasty XII or early
Dynasty XIII.37 His name is not preserved and there is no clue
to the location of the temple in which he served.
In 1887 E. von Bergmann published in summary fashion two
stelae from the Osterreichisches Kaiserhaus which name
several persons connected with the priesthood of Montu at
Medamud during Dynasty XIII.38 One rectangular limestone stela
features a man named Dedusobek-Dedi who stands while holding
a water-lily. He bears the title hm-nfcr n Mntw jn M3dwr

"priest of Montu at Medamud." His brother Amenemkhau is
represented with the title bry-hbt n Mnfcw m M3dWf "lector-
priest of Montu at Medamud." The second stela described as
"Wiener Stele 61" was inscribed for a
woman named Sitamun who served as mcyt n Hnfcw n [sic]
M3dw* "chantress of Hontu at Hedamud."
These inscriptions emphasize the importance of the Hontu
complex at Hedamud during Dynasty XIII. Furthermore*
references to the temple at Hedamud in Papyrus Boulaq 1839 led
A. Scharff to conclude that "spielte in der Zeit unseres
Papyrus der Tempel des Honth in Hedamot mit seiner, Kultbild
eine bedeutendere Rolle als der Aroontempel in Theben."40 This
document preserving records of the royal court is definitely
dated to Dynasty XIII* but* as Griffith states*
"unfortunately not an atom of real evidence remains here for
the identification of the king." He does suggest* however*
Khaneferre Sobekhotep IV as a likely candidate.41 Hayes
proposed Sekhemre Swadjtawy Sobekhotep III.42 B. Adams simply
attributes it to "die Regierungszeit eines K5nigs Sebekhotep"
of Dynasty XIII.43
Royal gifts of an ox* five fowl and incense are reported
for the hwt-nfcr nt Mnfcw m K3uw* Rtemple of Montu at
Medamud."44 There is also reference to a visit of the k3 n
Mnfcw* "the bull of Hontu*" and Horus* Protector of His
Father (nfl-hr it.f)* to the royal court (pr-c3* "Great
House") on day 27 of the second month of the inundation
accompanied by various offerings.45 E. Drioton observes that
the gods were received in the columned forecourt (w3&y) of
the palace where the festivities were held which included
music performed by four female and two male singers and three
musicians.46 On the following day (28)
7
7
Montu returned to his temple at Medamud and received more
offerings.47
Scharff* Adams and Drioton interpret "bull of Montu" as a
reference to a statue or other cult image.48 Griffith*
however* appears to accept it as the actual sacred bull of
the god.49 Since a bull iconography for Montu is "so far only
found in the Late Period**50 it would seem more probable that
Griffith was correct and that the living sacred bull of Montu
at Medamud visited the court* not merely his image. Less than
a month after the visit of the bull to court a festival of
Montu is reported for days 16-18 of the third month of the
inundation featuring a feast* more offerings* and lists of
participants.51
At least two examples of the htp-di-nyswt naming Montu in
the first position of honor are preserved from Dynasty XIII.
Cairo stela CG 20694* possibly from Luxor* reads: htp-di-
nyswt Mntw nb W3st hry-ib Iwny Wsir hnty-imntyw ntr c3 nb
3bjiwty m swt.f nb(t) Pth rsy inb.f ...* "A boon which the
King gives (to) Montu* Lord of the Theban Nome Who Dwells in
Armant* Osiris* Foremost of the Westerners* the Great God*
Lord of Abydos in all his places* and Ptah* iJouth of His
Wall ..."52 The second stela* now in the British Museum and
dated to Dynasty XIII (no. 122 113131)* was inscribed for
Samentu and reads: htp-di-nyswt Mntw Pth-Sklrl Wsir ...* "A
boon which the King gives (to)
Montu* Ptah-Sokar and Osiris ...53 Barta makes no reference to
this phenomenon in his study of Dynasty XIII offering
formulas.54
Iconography
The few representations of Montu preserved from the Second
Intermediate Period are dated by inscription to Dynasty XIII

and continue the iconographic format established by late
Dynasty XI. Montu is invariably depicted in hieracocephalic
human form with the solar disk and eclipsed tall plumes atop
his tripartite wig. The present condition of the monuments
does not permit a definitive statement regarding the double
uraeus. A uraeus is always visible# but it is not possible in
every case to determine whether it is doubled.
Among the additions made by King Sekhemre Khutawy Amenemhat
Sobekhotep II to the structures of Senwosret III at Medamud
are preserved three relief representations of Montu in
compositions directly imitating the works of the Dynasty XII
monarch. The facade of Sobekhotep II's "porche" includes a
nearly identical copy [Fig. 19]55 of the sed-festival lintel
of Senwosret III [Fig. 71.
Montur Lord of the Theban Nome Who Dwells in Medamudt is
paired symmetrically placed opposite Amun-Rer Lord of the
Thrones of the Two Lands* each offering "all life and
dominion" to the King who is seated and represented twicer
back to backr on the festival platform as both King of Upper
(wearing the White Crown) and Lower Egypt (wearing the Red
Crown). Montu offers to the King of Upper Egypt
while Amun-Re offers to the King of Lower Egypt. In the
Dynasty XII original it is Amunr not Amun-Re# who offers to
the King of Lower Egypt. Another significant difference is
evident in Montu's costume. Whereas in the relief of Sen-
wosret III he wears a plain kilt with bull's tailr in the
Dynasty XIII version the "feathered tunic" with shoulder
straps and belt is depicted.5
A second parallel is found in reliefs from the interior
left wall of the "porche" of Sobekhotep II [Fig.
211.57 In a bs-nyswt composition/58 the King is introduced by
7
9
Horus the Behdite and Thoth# here referred to simply as Lord
of Hermopolis# into the presence of Montu before whom he
offers cyt-bread in the adjacent scene. Only the god's solar
disk with clearly preserved double uraeus and eclipsed tall
plumes remain.59 The workmanship is superior to that found on
the facade of the buildingr with careful detail given to the
plumes and the serpent body encircling the disk. These scenes
parallel reliefs from the left interior wall of the "porche"
of Senwosret III [Fig. 81 of which different sections were
recovered by the excavators. The Dynasty XII example omitted
the encircling serpent body .from Montu's solar disk.
The third example is another lintel of Sobekhotep II from
Medamud in the Cairo Museum [Fig. 20160 which is similar in
composition to the lintel of Senwosret III in the Louvre (E
13983) [Fig. 171. In the Dynasty XIII version the King and
Montu have exchanged places. Montu/
Lord of the Theban Nome Who Dwells in Medamud r is repre-
sented twice standing back to back with two columns of
inscriptions for division of the symmetrical scenes in which
Sobekhotep II offers milk (left) and wine (right) to the god.
A figure of the King stands at each outer edge of the lintel.
On the right he wears the White Crown of Upper Egypt while on
the left the twin-plumed crown of Amun.
Montu wears the tunic with shoulder straps and bull's tail*
and his tripartite wig is surmounted by the disk with
eclipsed double plumes and clearly preserved double uraeus.
A poorly preserved rock-cut stela from the reign of King
Sekhemre Swadjtawy Sobekhotep III features a figure of Montu
on extreme right of the uppermost of two registers.
It is located along the desert track between Armant and Nag-
Hammadi and was most recently published by M. P. L. Macadam1

using the photographs of Hans Winkler.2 Montu is depicted in
standing hieracccephalic human form wearing the tunic with
shoulder straps and bull's tail. The solar disk and twin
plumes would seem to be present in somewhat smaller scale
than usual* but the double uraeus is clearly visible in
Winkler's photograph.
Montu is much more clearly preserved on Cairo stela JE
59635 published by P. Vernus.3 It was discovered in 1933
within the north tower of Pylon III at Karnak and is
inscribed for King Sekhemre Sankhtawy Neferhotep III
Ikhernofret of late Dynasty XIII. Beneath the winged disk in
the lunette Montur Lord of the Theban Nome* presents the King
to Amun/ Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands.
The King is flanked by the two deities who embrace him each
with an arm behind the royal shoulders. At either edge of
the scene the goddess of Thebes is symmetrically placed
facing away from the divine embrace and brandishing a bow
with arrows in one hand and a mace in the other as if to
defend the encounter from an unseen enemy. Montu wears the
belted tunic with shoulder straps and bull!s tail. Atop
his tripartite wig is clearly preserved the solar disk
encircled by the serpent body/ the eclipsed twin plumes and
single/ if not doubler uraeus. Montu presenting the king
to Amun with an arm embracing him from behind finds its
precedent in several scenes from the Chapelle Blanche of
Senwosret I at Karnak.64 The actual text of the stela
does not mention Montur but it does imply a victorious
undertaking of the King against h3styw? foreigners# whom
Vernus would like to equate with the Hyksos:

"Quant cfc la nature du conflit entre le roi et ses
adversairesr on peut imaginerr dramatiquementr un blocus de
Th&bes aboutissant & la famine; on peut prfrer supposer que
les Hyksds firent passer sous leur contrOle des regions dont
le revenu agricole tait jusqu'alors accaparfe par les
8
1
pharaons thfebains. Quoi qu'il en soit/ une action du roi &
la tSte de son arm&e aurait mis fin & une situation trfes
difficile.65
Montu's presence on the stela could well imply his
continued role as Theban war god in the Second Intermediate
Period. However/ the lack of a reference to Montu offering
his assistance to the King by which the victory was won
results in ambiguity. Instead the text states that the
King defeated his foes far b3w it.f Imnr "through the power of
his fatherr Amun" (line 7)
The only post-Dynasty XIII representations of Montu dating
to the remainder of the Second Intermediate Period were found
among the blocks of Senwosret Ill's so-called porch at
Medamud which was renovated by King Sobekemsaf I of Dynasty
XVII. Five excellent examples of standing hieracocephalic
Montu are preserved/ each of them portrayed in the same
manner and clearly in keeping with the iconographic
tradition established in the early Middle Kingdom. The god
wears his feathered tunic with belt/ shoulder straps/ bull's
tail and broad collar. The encircled solar disk with double
uraeus and eclipsed twin plumes rest atop his tripartite wig.
Miscellaneous Inscriptions
A stela (IM. 902) dated to the Second Intermediate Period
and published by J. Vercoutter "mentionnant Montou 'maitre
d'lken' [Mirgissal has already been discussed in the previous
chapter (pp. 57-58). Among the statues found in the Karnak
cachette is Cairo CG 42029 inscribed for a Xing Sobekemsafr
most likely Sekhemre Wadjkhau Sobebemsaf I of Dynasty XVII
for whom monuments are attested at Medamud. He is called mry
Mntw prty/ "beloved of Montu of Tod/" in the inscription on
the statue's base.7
Thus Montu's cult continued to flourish into Dynasty XIII/
particularly at Medamud. The iconographic and cultic

traditions established during Dynasty XII were copied and
embellished when possible. The sparse data for the remainder
of the Second Intermediate Period may well reflect the
gradual impoverishment of the Theban region which# despite
the local autonomy of the princes of Dynasty XVIIr played a
subservient role to the Hyksos kings at Avaris who had gained
firm control of Lower and Hiddle Egypt.

Notes to Chapter 3
l*Egypt: from the Death of Ammenemes III to Seqenenre Ilf"
chap. II in CAH3# v. 2# pt. 1 (Cambridge 1973)# p. 43.

2
"Old Kingdom# Hiddle Kingdom and Second Intermediate
Period c. 2686-1551 BC#" in Ancient Egypt: SL Social History
(Cambridge 1983)# p. 154.

3
BRi^tsagfcsffissa zaz. psli*i5v?n figssiLisMg *
zweiten Zwischenzeit in Sgypten (Xgyptologische Forschungen
23; Glflckstadt 1964)# chap. 2# pp. 29-108. See also A. H.
Gardiner# Egypt of the Pharaohs (London 1974)# p. 440. Hayes
(CAH3# v. 2# pt. 1# p. 44)# on the contrary# included the two
dynasties in the Hiddle Kingdom: "In the light of the
discoveries of recent years the old conception of the century
which followed the end of the Twelfth Dynasty as an era of
political chaos and cultural collapse has had to be
extensively revised."
4
Hayes# CAH3# v. 2# pt. 1# p. 818; W. K. Simpson# The
Ancient Near East; a History (New York 1971)# p. 300; Kemp#
"Old Kingdom/" p. 154; and M. Bietak/ "Hyksos/" in LdA III/
cols. 93-103.
6
Hayesz CAH3 v. 2/ pt. 1/ p. 56.
7
Mond and Myers (Temples Armant; a. Preliminary Survey
[London 1940]) include no finds dating to Dynasties
XIII- XVII. See also V/ p. 157. Hayes (&fl3' v. 2/ pt.
1/ p. 45) omits Armant from the list of cult centers in the

8
3
Theban region in which the kings of Dynasty XIII showed "a
continued devotion to the Thebaid and its gods (especially
Mont) ..."
8
F. Bisson de la Roque and J. J. Clre/ Rapport sur Iss.
fouilles MSdamoud (1927) (FIFAO 51; Cairo 1928)/ p. 131 (no.
6/ inv. 2810); and W. Helck/ Historisch- biographische Texte
ilex 2*. zwischenzeit uM neue Texte 18. Dynastie (Wiesbaden
1975)/ p. 1/ no. 2.
9
Mfedamoud (1927)/ pp. 115-116/ 129-130; and Helck/ Texte/
p. 1/ no. 2.
*F. Bisson de la Roque and J. J. Cl&rer Mfedamoud -(1928)
(FIFAO 61; Cairo 1929)/ pp. 58-72; and R. Cottevieille-
Giraudet/ MSdamoud (1931)? les monuments du aoven empire
(FIFAO 91; Cairo 1933)/ pp. 7-8.
^MSdamoud (1928) t p. 59/ fig. 48; and Mfedamoud (1931) /
pi, V.
12
Mdamoud (1931)/ p. 7 and pi. VI.
13
Ibid./ p. 7 and pi. VIII.
*4Mdamoud (1927)/ pp. 131-132; and Helck/ Texte/ p.
13# no. 20.

15
M$damoud (1928)# pp. 83-93r figs. 77-87# 89-92; Mfedamoud
(1931)# pp. 8-9 and figs. 5-6; Helck# Texte# pp. 13-14# no.
21.
*H. 0. Lange and H. Schafer# Grab- und Denksteine des
Mittleren Reichs II (Berlin 1908)# p. 187 g)l and IV# pi.
LIII.
-7xhis horizontally oriented rectangular stela harks back
in shape to Dynasty XI or early XII inasmuch as this form has
disappeared by the reign of Amenemhat II (see Kurt PflQger#
"The Private Funerary Stelae of the Middle Kingdom and Their
Importance for the Study of Ancient Egyptian History#" JAOS

67 119471:128). However# it is clearly datable to Dynasty
XIII or later based on the crudeness of the workmanship and
the overcrowded composition with an overabundance of
relatives represented in three registers (criteria discussed
by Henry G. Fischer in his lecture on stelae# May 2# 1979#
part of the Minor Arts series at the Institute of Fine Arts#
New York University). In addition# seated male figures are
represented three times smelling a water-lily# a feature not
attested on dated stelae prior to the reign of Amenemhat II
(PflQger# op. cit.# p. 130). PflQger (ibid.# p. 129) did not
find the title nbt t>r#
"lady of the house#" which he notes as "still quite common in
later times#" on dated stelae earlier than Amenemhat III.

18
Mdamoud (1928)# pp. 77-83; and# for the inscriptions#
Mfedainoud (1927) # pp. 120-121# 140-142.

19
The French excavators at Medamudr Hayes (CAH3# v. 2/ pt.
IF p. 818) and Simpson (The Ancient Near East# p. 300) assign
Sekhemre wadjkhau Sobekemsaf I to Dynasty XIII. HoweverF
Gardiner (Egypt fif. the Pharaohs/ p. 442)f the staff of the
Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (unpublished
"Egyptian Chronology" issued Winter 1976f p. 3) and J. von
Beckerath (PntersuchungenF pp. 175-178; and idem#
"KOnigsnamenf" in LdA IIIF col. 549) place him in Dynasty
XVII. See now also A. J. Spalingerr "Sobekemsaf I.F" in LdS
VF cols. 1031-1034.
20"sobekemsaf I.F" col. 1031.

21
M6damoud (1929) (FIFAO 71; Cairo 1930) F pp. 94-104 and
pis. X-XI.
22
Ibid.F pp. 96-97f fig. 86 and pl. X; M&damoud 11931) f pl.
IV.
23
M-dafll0.ttd (1929) f p. 98 and fig. 88.
8
5
24
Ibid.F pp. 98-101f figs. 88-91 and pl. XI; M&damoud 1193.1?
F pl. III.
25
Original publication of the text: Mfedamoud (1927)r p.
142; full translation: W. HelckF Materialien zur wirt-
schaftsgeschichte des Neuen Reiches I (Mainz 1961)/ p. 999;
t>rief commentary: Spalinger/ "Sobekemsaf I./" col. 1032;
J. von BeckerathF UntersuchungenF p. 177 and p. 285 f no. 5 ;
and D. Meeks/ "Les donations aux temples dans l'figypte du Ier
mill&naire avant J.-C./" in State and Temple Economy in the
Ancient Near East II (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 6;
Louvain 1979)F p. 661.

26
Texte# p. 62# no. 92. Owing to the frequent gaps of
undetermined length in the original publication of the text
(Mfedamoud [19271 # p. 142) r it must be assumed that Helck's
restorations were no doubt influenced by his interpretation
and final translation. That translation is not strictly
literal and often adds more than even his emendations allow.
2
'Helck (Materialien I# p. 999) ventures "Karte#" i.e.
"map."
28
The term d3yt is cited in HI*. V 519 as being attested in
Late Egyptian but "in unklarem Zus.hang." Bisson de la Roque
and Clfere (Mfedamoud [19271 * p. 142 ) translate the word as
"terrains." The determinative used as well as the context
would seem to justify this interpretation. It is not cited by
Faulkner (Dictionary), Helck (ibid.) does not offer a
translation.
29
A unit of linear measurement equal to 100 cubits (Wb.
Ill 341 and Faulkner# Dictionary# p. 198). Helck (ibid.) does
not translate the term.

30
2M (1934 A 1936) (FIFAO 17? Cairo 1937)# pp. 125- 127.
Bisson de la Roque concludes that "ces fragments semblent

suffisants pour avancer que pendant la XIIIe dynastie
thfebaine le culte de Montou fut florissant a T6d comme &
Mfedamoud. ... on peut supposer que certains rois de la Xllle
dynastie sont venus officier# ont gravfe leurs noms sur
certaines parois du temple de la XIIe dynastie restfees vides
et peut-Stre ont ajoutfe quelques monuments" (ibid.# pp. 127-
128).
3
*J. Vercoutter# "T6d (1946-1949): rapport succinct des
fouilles/" BIFAO 50 (1952):76-77. C. Desroches-Noblecourt and
C. Leblanc suggest that Sobekemsaf I was responsible for the
construction of a pylon (C-C) and assign him to Dynasty XIII
("Considerations sur l'existence des divers temples de
Monthou & travers les Ages/ dans le site de Tod/" BIFAO 84
[19841:89-90 and pi. XXIV).

32
fl2 II/ pp. 1-20. See also the excavation reports by Jean
Jacquet: "Trois campagnes de fouilles & Karnak-Nord (1968-
1969-1970)/" BIFAO 69 (1970) :278 and pi. XL?
"Fouilles de Karnak Nord: quatriftme campagne 1971/" BIFAO 71
(1972) :156 and pi. XXXIX? "Fouilles de Karnak Nord:
cinqui&me campagne 1972/" BIFAO 73 (1973):207-216?
"Fouilles de Karnak Nord: sixi&me campagne 1972-1973/"
BIFAO 74 (1974):171-181? "Fouilles de Karnak Nord: septifeme
campagne 1973-1974/" BIFAO 75 (1975):111-121? "Fouilles de
Karnak Nord: huitifeme campagne (1974-1975)/" BIFAO 76
(1976):133-142? "Fouilles de Karnak Nord: neuvifeme et
dixiftme campagnes (1975-1977)/" BIFAO 78 (1978):41-52.

33
Hi9glyphi<? Texts fr.om Egyptian atelaer tea. In. British Museum
II (London 1912)/ p. 11 and pi. 47.

34
Lange and SchSfer/ Grab- und Denksteine des Mittleren
Reichs I (Berlin 1902)/ pp. 38-40.

35
Ibid./ p. 39: h)l.
8
7
3
This is a round-topped limestone stela with a lunette
featuring the two wadiet-eyes and two recumbent jackals
representing the god Anubis. Again Fischer's criteria (see
note 17) of cluttered composition with a multiplicity of
relatives and other associated persons argues for a Dynasty
XIII date. The use of the title nbt pr precludes a date
earlier than the reign of Amenemhat III in late Dynasty XII
and suggests a later date (Pflflger# "Private Funerary
Stelae*" p. 129).
37
Lange and Schafer# Denksteine II# p. 293. This is a round-
topped limestone stela with lunette featuring two wadiet-
eyes. The earliest possible date would be the reign of
Senwosret III based on the writing of "Osiris" in the htp-di-
nyswt formula (see C. J. C. Bennett# "Growth of the Htp-di-
nsw Formula in the Middle Kingdom#" JEA 27 [1941] :78). The
writing of "Djedu" pushes the date into the reign of
Amenemhat III where it is most frequently found (Bennett#
ibid.# pp. 78-79).

38
"Inschriftliche DenkmSler der Sammlung agyptischer
AlterthGmer des Ssterreichischen Kaiserhauses#" RdT 9
(1887):36.
^Published in facsimile by Auguste Mariette# Les P.flPyrUS
fegvPtiens M.US$e dfi BflUlag II (Paris 1872)# pis.
XIV- LV. Transcriptions# translations and commentaries
have been published by: L. Borchardt# "Ein Rechnungsbuch des
k5niglichen Hofes dem Ende des mittleren Reiches#" ZAS 28
(1890):65-103; F. L. Griffith# "The Account Papyrus No. 18 of
Boulaq#" ZAS 29 (1891) :102-116; A. Scharff# "Ein
Rechungsbuch des kSniglichen Hofes aus der 13. Dynastie
(papyrus Boulaq Nr. 18) #" ZAS 57 (1922) :51-68; and Bertrand
Adams# Fragen altSgyptischer Finanay.erwaltang nach Drkunden

des Alten und Hittleren Reiches (Erlanger BeitrSge zur
Rechtgeschichte. Reihe A# BeitrSge zur antiken Rechts-
geschichte 2; Munich 1956)# chap. XI "Der Papyrus Boulak 18#"
pp. 76-88. Simpson refers to it in "Papyri of the Middle
Kingdom#" in lZta & langaqes & 1'Egypte phara- onicrue
(Bibliothfeque d'fetude 64/2; Cairo 1972)# vol. 2# pp. 69-70
(no. VIII).
40
"Rechnungsbuch#" p. 63.
41
"Account Papyrus#" p. 104.
42
.flpyms st. Lata Middle Kingdom in ite Brooklyn Museum
(wilbour Monographs V; Brooklyn 1955)# p. 146.

43
Fragen# p. 76.
44
Griffith# "Account Papyrus#" p. 105; and Scharff#
"Rechnungsbuch#" p. 63.
45
Griffith# "Account Papyrus#" pp. 109# 115; Scharff#
"Rechnungsbuch#" pp. 63# 65; Adams# Fragen# p. 86; and Ma&lfi
Boulaq II# pis. XIV-XX.

4
"La f6te et le banquet de Montou#" in Mfedamoud (1926)
(FIFAO 4; Cairo 1927)# p. 12.

47
Griffith# "Account Papyrus#" pp. 109# 115; Scharff#
"Rechnungsbuch#" pp. 63# 65; Adams# Fragen# p. 86; Drioton#
Mfedamoud (1926)# p. 12; and Musfee Boulaq II# pis. XIX-XX.

48
Scharff# "Rechnungsbuch#" p. 63; Adams# Fraaen, p.
86; and Drioton# Mfedamoud (1926)# p. 12.

49
"Account Papyrus#" pp. 109# 115.
5
J. P. Borghoutsr "Month/" in LdA IV/ col. 201.
51
Griffith/ "Account Papyrus/" p. 116; Scharffr
"Rechnungsbuchr" p. 66-67; Adams/ Fragen/ p. 86; and Musfee
Boulag II/ pis. XXX-XLVI.

52
Lange and Schafer/ Denksteine II/ pp. 321-322; Urbain
Bouriantz "Petits monuments et petits textes recueillis en

8
9
figypte/" RdT 13 (1890):49-50 (no. 82). It is datable to Dynasty
XIII based primarily on the two wadiet-eyes in the lunette
together with a n-sign between them at the level of the eye
bases. According to Fischer (May 2z 1979 IFA lecture) this is a
hallmark of Dynasty XIII stelae. The omission of the seated-
god determinative (Gardiner A 40) in the writing of fenty-
imntyw also points to a late Middle Kingdom or Second
Intermediate Period date (Bennett/ "Growth/" p. 78).

53
Hieroglyphic Texts from Egyptian Stelae/ &c./ in jh
British Museum III (London 1912)/ p. 10 and pi. 43.

54
Mfi23!i imd Bedevitmiq altSgyptischen Qpferformel
(Agyptologische Forschungen 24; Glflckstadt 1968)/ pp. 74-75.

55
Block no. 79/ Mfedamoud (1928)/ pp. 59-61 and fig. 48; and
Mfedamoud (1931)/ p. 7 and pi. V.

5
For a discussion of the "feathered tunic" or kilt with
corselet see Chapter 2/ pp. 46-48.

57
Mfedamoud (1931)/ p. 7 and pi. VI.
58
For a complete analysis of the iconography of the bs-
nvswt see Chap. 6/ pp. 240-251.

59
Block no. 108/ Mfedamoud (1928)/ p. 65 and fig. 56.
60
Mfedamoud 412211r PP. 7-8 and pi. VIII.
^"A Royal Family of the Thirteenth Dynasty#" JEA 37 (1951)
:23-26 and pi. VI. M. Malaise ("Inventaire des stales
fegyptiennes du Moyen empire porteuses de reprsen- tations
divines#" SAK 9 [19811:382# III.10) includes two other
references.
62
Macadam* "Royal Family?" p. 23# n. 4. He refers
specifically (ibid.* n. 3) to a published photograph in
Winkler's Rock-Drawings & Southern Upper Egypt I (London
1938)# pi. X.l.
3"La st&le du roi Sekhemsankhtaouyrfi Neferhotep

Iykhernofert et la domination HyksOs (stfele Caire JE
59635)#" ASAE 68 (1982):129-135 and pi. I.

64
P. Lacau and H. Chevrier# Une chapelle de Sfesostris
A Karnak (Cairo 1956-1969)# pi. 16 (scfenes 9 and 10) and
pi. 30 (sc&ne 7').
5"Stfele du roi#" p. 135.

66
Mfedamoud (1929)# figs. 86# 89-91 and pis. X-XI.
Helck# Texte* p. 61# no. 91; and G. Legrain# Statues St

67
statuettes rois particuliers I (Cairo 1906)# p.
18# who erroneously dates the statue to Dynasty XIII.
Chapter 4 THE NEW KINGDOM: DYNASTY XVIII
The dominion of the Hyksos in Lower and Middle Egypt was
eventually brought to an end by the campaigns of the
descendants of King Senakhtenre Tao I of Dynasty XVII at
Thebes. His son# Segenenre Tao 11/ may well have died in a
battle of that struggle/ for his mummified head still bears
the wound made by an axhead with the distinctive shape of a
type found in the eastern Delta and attributable to the
Hyksos. The great achievement of liberating all of Egypt
belongs to the third generation: King Wadjkhepere Kamose and
his brother King Ahmose I.* Kamose's attack on both the
Hyksos and their Egyptian and Nubian allies culminated in the
siege of Avaris/2 but it would take Ahmose 1/ who succeeded
his elder .brother in ca. 1570 B.C./ to drive the last of the
Hyksos from Egyptian soil into Asia.^ For this third
unification of Egypt he would be forever remembered/ along
with Menes and Nebhepetre Mentu- hotep II? as a savior of the
nation.4 He was therefore credited with founding Dynasty XVIII
and laying the groundwork of empire.

Inscriptions
Very few inscriptions referring to Montu have been
preserved from early Dynasty XVIII. It seems that Amun

9
1
received most of the credit for the victories of Kamose and
Ahmose I* but the upper portion of a dedicatory stela of
unknown provenance in the collection of the University
College/ London# is inscribed for Ahmose I and documents
construction at Montu's Armant temple.5 The text reads: lh3t-
sp] /// 3bd 4 mw sw 17 fcr hm n nyswt-bity (Nb-jhty- RCJ s3
Rc (Iî-msJ di cnfc [ir.nl.f m mnw.f d3d3 pwy m m3wt n it.f
Mnfc nb W3st k3 hry-ib Iwny# "[Year] ///# fourth month of
summer# day 17 under the majesty of the King of Upper and
Lower Egypt# Nebpehtyre# son of Re# Ahmose (I)# given life.
He built as his monument this edifice anew for his father
Montu* Lord of Thebes* the Bull Who Dwells in Armant."
The only other Montu reference attested before the reign of
Queen Hatshepsut is a brief rock inscription at Tombos in
which Thutmose I is called "beloved of Montu#
Lord of Thebes" (Urk. IV 87:16). The building programs of
Hatshepsut at Thebes included Montu inscriptions and repre-
sentations. In her mortuary temple at Deir el-Bahri Montu is
called "Lord of Thebes" (Urk. IV 247:1) and the Queen is
"beloved of Montu" (Urk. IV 276:6). From the foundation
deposits of Senenmut's nearby tomb (no. 353) two alabaster
bivalve shells were recovered on which Hatshepsut is again
styled "beloved of Montu." One in the Cairo Museum reads:
nfcr nfr (M3ct-k3-Rcl di cnfc mry Mnfcw nb Iwny* "the Good
God# Maatkare# given life* beloved of Montu# Lord of Armant."
The second shell# in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (no.
27.3.497)# is inscribed: nr nfr (M3ct-k3-Rcl di cn|i mry Mntw
nb W3st k3 hry-ib Iwny# "the Good God* Maatka- re# given
lifer beloved of Montu# Lord of Thebes# the Bull Who Dwells
in Armant." The "Chapelle Rouge" erected and inscribed by
both Hatshepsut and Thutmose III at Karnak includes Montu

without titles#7 Montu who Dwells in Thebes (Mnfcw hry-ib
W3st)#8 Montu Lord of Thebes (Mnfcw nb W3st)#9 and Montu in
Karnak in Thebes (Mnfcw m Ipt-swt m W3st).10
When Thutmose III assumed sole rule of Egypt at the death
of Hatshepsut# he continued on a grand scale the program of
military activity and expansion begun by his grandfather#
Thutmose I. An inscription at Armant states: rdi.n n.f it.f
Mnfcw knt# "his father Montu gave him valor#" and he is
called nfcr nfr mry Mnfcw# "the Good God# beloved of Montu"
(Urk. IV 556:13-14). The Karnak Annals of Thutmose III
include the historical record of the Battle of Meggido in
Year 23 of his reign.11 At dawn on the day of battle# the King
places himself at the head of his army and is described as
follows: w3 hm.f hr wrrt nt c|cm scbw m hkrw.f nw r3-c-l}t mi
Hr fcm3-c nb irt &t mi Mnfcw W3sty# "His majesty proceeded in
the chariot of electrum equipped with his panoply of war like
Horus# the strong-armed# lord of action# and like Montu the
Theban" (Urk. IV 657:5-8).
The Viceroy of Kush# Nehi# recorded the victory of Thutmose
III with specific reference to the Mnfcw-Beduin on a column
in the temple at Wadi Haifa.12 Amid the narration the King is
quoted as saying: ink k3 nfet l)c m W3st s3 Itm mry Mnfcw ^3
hr mc.f ds.f r m3 t3wy nn iwms pw pr.n.i m pr it.i nyswt
nfcrw Imn wfl lui nfrtw# "I am the strong bull appearing in
Thebes# the son of Atum# beloved of Montu# who fights with
his army himself for the Two Lands to see. It is no
misstatement. I came forth from the house of my father# the
king of the gods# Amun# who decrees me victory" (Prk. IV
808:9-14). This passage has a presumed parallel in an
inscription dated to Year 51 found on a cliff face at
Eilesiya (Hik. IV 813:9-14).
The Gebel Barkal stela of Thutmose III dated to Year 47

9
3
includes two references to the King compared with Montu:
nyswt pwkni mi Mnfcw# "He is a king valiant like Montu"
(Prk. IV 1231:1) # and n wh.n sr.f fcm3-c n hpr mitt.f Mnfcw
kni hr pri# "... whose arrow does not miss# the strong- armed#
whose likeness has not come into existence# a valiant Montu
on the battlefield" (Prk. IV 1233:9-11). On his Armant stela
bearing dates for both Years 22 and 29# Thutmose III is
received by Montu# Lord of Thebes# accompanied by Iunyt and
Tjenenet.*^ In symmetrical statements Montu Thebes tells the
King: "I give you all life and dominion.- all health# and all
valor and victory" and "I give to you thousands of years# all
foreign lands being beneath your sandals" (Urk. IV 1244:1#
7). In his titulary Thutmose III is called "beloved of Montu#
Lord of Thebes Who Dwells in Armant" (Prk. IV 1244:13).
Montu's beneficence toward the King is summarized in the
beginning of the main text: irt.n n.f nb nfcrw nb Iwny sc3
nhtw.f r dit sdd.tw knnw.f n thw m rnpwt iwt.sn hrw r spw nw
prt-c
jn sWf "what the Lord of the Gods# the Lord of Armant/ did
for him was to magnify his victories so that his supremacy
might be recounted for millions of years to come/ omitting
the deeds of valor which his majesty performed at all times/
for if one were to relate each case by name/ they would be
too numerous to put down in writing" (Prk. IV 1244:17-20/
1245:1-2). Both the Gebel Barkal and Armant stelae refer to
the King and Montu in the context of royal military
campaigns. At Armant Thutmose III is also called beloved of
Montu/ Lord of Armant" (Prk. IV 1250:13).
More preserved Montu inscriptions are dated to the reign of
Amenhotep II than to that of any other king of Dynasty XVIII.
A large number of these references is included in his undated

Great Sphinx Stela found at Giza in 1936.14 In the encomium/
Montu and Seth/ another deity known for forceful and violent
action/-*-3 are paired in parallel phrases which describe the
King's physical power: jhty Mnfcw ht ct.f nht.f mi s3 Nwt/
"the might of Montu pervading his limbs/ his strength like
that of the son of Nut [i.e. Seth]"1 (Prk. IV 1278:14-15). In
the narration/ Montu is again mentioned when the eighteen-
year-old king's martial and athletic skills are enumerated:
rh sw k3t nbt nt Mntw nn twt n.f hr pg3 rh sw htr n [sic] wnt
mity.f ni m5c pn c3 nn wc im ith pdt.f n ph.n.tw.f m shs/ "He
was one who knew17 all the work of Montu; there was none like
him on the battlefield. He was one who knew
chariotry18; there was not his equal in this numerous army.
Not one among [them] could draw his bow; he could not be
approached in running" (Drk. IV 1279:11-16).
Amenhotep II's reputation as a superb archer is reiterated
in a subsequent passage in which Montu is again invoked.
After testing three hundred bows/ the King enters his
northern garden to find four targets of Asiatic copper of one
palm in thickness awaiting him: hct in hm.f hr htr mi Mnfclw]
m wsrw.f fc3w.n.f pdt.f 3m[m].n.f î3w 4 m sp wc hd.n.f is hr
stt r.stn] mi Mnfcw m bkrw.f ch3w.f prw hr s3 iry kfc.f kt
hmtr "His majesty appeared upon the chariot like Montu in his
might. It was while holding four arrows at the same time that
he drew his bow. Thus he rode northward/ shooting at them
like Montu in his panoply/ his arrows exiting their backs
while attacking another target stand" (fliK. IV 1280:15-19/
1281:1). The narrator emphasizes how unusual this feat was by
repeating the details and then referring to the King as the
one "whom Amun made strong ... and valorous like Montu" (nrk.
IV 1281:2-7) ,19
9
5
The Great Sphinx Stela also informs us that even when
Amenhotep II was still a youth/ his father predicted that he
would be a great and victorious king: nn sw r nw n irt k3t
Mnfcw mkh3.n.f ib dt mr.f nht in nfcr dd m ib.f irt r mkt n.f
Kmt dhn n.f t3/ "Though not yet of the age to do the work
of Montu/ he ignores the thirst of the body and loves
strength. It is the god who inspires him to act to protect
Egypt and to perform obeisance to him" (Prk. IV 1282:2-6). In
this instance/ the god who inspires the King is most probably
the Sphinx? not Montu. On the Small Sphinx Stela which
includes the beginning of the larger stela's text# Amenhotep
II is called "beloved of Montu" (Prk. IV 1284:3)? but there
are no other references to the god.2
The theme of Amenhotep II as the archer supreme? capable of
piercing copper slabs is repeated on a red granite block
which had been used as fill in the Third Pylon at Karnak
(Luxor J. 129).21 The King is depicted firing at targets while
standing in his chariot at full gallop. A large copper slab
pierced through by five arrows lies before his horses. Amid
the description of his prowess in archery? Amenhotep II is
described as "Montu? when he appears in the chariot" (Prk. iv
1321:15-20).
It is indeed fitting that pieces of the King's inscribed bow
of wood and horn together with a fragmentary bowcase were
actually found buried in his tomb.22
Two parallel stelae from Memphis and Karnak document
Asiatic campaigns of Amenhotep II. Gardiner notes that the
Karnak stela "was practically useless until in 1942 what is
-in part a duplicate and is in almost perfect condition was
found at Memphis. In spite of considerable differences the
two inscriptions supplement one another usefully."23 The

Memphite stelae begins with the campaign of Year 7 against
Shamash-Edom and includes among the epithets of the King:
ifct m nht m wsrw mi Mnfcw db3 (w) jn hcwt.f ? "one who seizes
with strength and with might like Montu adorned with his
weapons" (Prk. IV 1301:11). After crossing the Orontes he is
described as single-handedly defeating a band of Asiatics and
"it was joyful like Montu the bold that he returned
therefrom" (Ork. IV 1302:16). During the campaign of Year 9
it is stated: prt hm.f hr htr tp-dw3yt scbw m bkrw Mntw? "His
majesty set forth at dawn in a chariot equipped with the
panoply of Montu" (Prk. iv 1308:3). The Karnak text describes
the King's crossing of the Orontes: m hsnkw mi jhtt Mntw
W3sty "fording like the strength of Montu the Theban" (Prk.
IV 1311:2). The Memphite parallel names the Asiatic god
Reshep: m hsirk mi Rp (Prk. IV 1302:7). The choice of Reshep
is apropos inasmuch as he is the West Semitic god of
pestilence and warfare.24 The Karnak narration states that
when the King saw the band of Asiatics: iw hm.f hr nr m-s3.sn
mi Mntw m 3t.fr "His majesty charged after them like Montu in
his moment" (Prk. IV 1311:7). The Memphite parallel replaces
Montu by name with "the swoop of the divine falcon": iw hm.f
hr nr m- s3.sn mi ht nt bik ntry (Prk. IV 1302:11). This is
once again a very fitting substitution.
The last two references to Montu included among the royal
inscriptions of Amenhotep II are an incomplete phrase on an
architrave of his temple at Karnak between the Ninth and
Tenth Pylons (Prk. IV 1353:18-19)/ and the King's name with
epithets engraved and painted in blue on an acacia- wood
staff from his burial in Tomb KV 35: nfcr nfr 3by sjim
ijb (3-hprw-Rcl rory Mnfcw? "The Good God? stout-hearted
panther? Aakheperure? beloved of Montu" (Prk. IV 1364:10).25
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The royal scribe and overseer of the army? Tjanuny? served
under Thutmose III? Amenhotep II and Thutmose IV.
In his Qurna tomb (no. 74) is preserved a text in which
Tjanuny gives praise to an unspecified king: infl-hr.k nyswt
n Kmt Rc n pdt 9 Mnfc[w] pw kni n hk3w wcf h3swt nbt nb mc mi
cy n wdbw knyw? "Hail to you? King of Egypt? Re of the Nine
Bows; he is the valorous Montu of the rulers who subdues all
foreign lands? the possessor of an army [numerous] like the
profuse2 sands of the seashore" (Prk. IV 1013:10-14).
Inasmuch as Tjanuny served under three kings? it is not
surprising that the name has been omitted. The praise is
being offered to the office? not the individual. It could be
assumed that Thutmose IV is intended since the tomb was
completed during his reign.27
The Konosso inscription dated to Year 8 of Thutmose IV
records the suppression of a revolt in Nubia.2 In his voyage
south? the King is described as having "Montu in Armant as
protection of his body" (Prk. IV 1546:17). As thutmose IV
enters battle he is likened to Montu? once again paired with
Seth: prt in nfcr nfr mi Mnfcw m ljprw.f nbw flb3w in hcw.f nw
r3-c-ht nnw mi Stfa Nbty? "The Good God went forth like Montu
in all his forms? equipped with his weapons of war? raging
like Seth the Ombite" (Prk. IV 1547:6-8). In the Lateran
Obelisk inscription Thutmose IV
is called "great of strength like Kontu" (Urk. IV 1548:14)/
and on an architrave of the Amada temple he is styled
"valiant king because of his strong arm like Montu" (Urk.
IV 1568:10).
Montu is featured on the body of Thutmose IV's war chariot
(CG 46097) which was found in his tomb (KV 43).29 The
iconographic aspects will be discussed later in this chapter.

On the exterior right side of the chariot/ the King is
called: nr nfr mry Mntw spd hr m k3t nbt fcnr hr ssm mi

c
strtw shin ib m c3t nb hp nb irt ht/ "The Good God/ beloved
of Montu/ alert in every work/ valiant on horseback like
Astarte/ stout-hearted in the multitude/ possessor of a
strong arm/ lord of action" (Drk. iv 1559:5- 8). On the left
interior Montu tells the King: di.n.i n.k knt nht r h3swt nbt
mi mrr.(i) tw Mnw-Rc c3 flity Hr W3sty shr t3w nbw Fnhw nbw/
"I give to you valor and victory over all foreign lands
according as I love you; Montu-Re/ great of strength/ the
Theban Horus who overthrows all lands and all Fenkhu people"
(Urk. IV 1560:2-4). The right interior panel includes an
additional statement by Montu: di.n.i n.k hp tnr r ptpt
iwntyw m st.sn Mntw nb W3st hwi Sttyw fh Srt.sn/ "I give to
you a valiant strong arm to crush the tribesmen in their
placets); Montu/ Lord of Thebes/ who smites the Asiatics and
destroys their noses" (Urk. iv 1560:10-12).
Montu also addresses Thutmose IV on an inscribed ivory arm
ornament in Berlin (no. 21685):30 sp n.k hp nt nfr
hwi.k tpw31 lj3st nbtf "Take for yourself the scimitar that
you may smite the chiefs of every foreign land."
Few references to Montu remain from the reign of Amenhotep
III. His stela dated to Year 5 at the First Cataract
documents a campaign against Nubia.32 The King's attack is
described thus: spr hm.f r.sn roi hwit bik mi Mntw jn hprw.f*
"His majesty reached them like the divine33 falcon's strike*
like Montu in his forms" (Urk. IV 1666:7- 8).
Among the inscriptions of Amenhotep III on the architraves
of the Luxor Temple* the King is called "Montu in all lands"
(Urk. IV 1693:14)* and it is said that "he governs all the
living like Montu" (Urk. IV 1695:6) and he is one "who treads
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9
the battlefield like Montu" (Prk. iv 1698:9). Reminiscent of
the descriptions of Amenhotep II as a superb archer*
Amenhotep III is styled "mighty bowman (with) arms like the
Lord of Thebes [i.e. Montu]" (Prk. iv 1698:5). This kingly
skill is reiterated in an inscription on the Third Pylon at
Karnak: pdty nht stt r mfld* "mighty bowman who hits the
mark" (Prk. IV 1723:15). The base of a quartzite statue
belonging to the mortuary temple of Amen- &otep III includes
as part of the King's titulary the phrase: wr jhty mi Mnt[w]
nb hp* "great of strength like Montu* possessor of a strong
arm."34
Amenhotep III is responsible for the erection of new
structures in the Montu complex at the north end of Karnak.
The dedicatory inscriptions* which lack any mention of
Montu himself/ will be discussed later in this chapter.
A presumed decline in Montu's status as the reign of Amen-
hotep III progressed was to be only a prelude to the overt
persecution of his worship under Amenhotep IV-Akhenaten.

Montu and Akhenaten
During the early reign of Akhenaten# while he still bore
the name Amenhotep IV/ the Montu temples continued to
function and retain their domains. This is indicated by
evidence recently found by the Centre franco-6gyptien d'&tude
des temples de Karnak. Among the talatat removed from the
Ninth Pylon at Karnak more than thirty preserve a list of
cultic domains in Upper and Lower Egypt which appear to have
been modestly taxed in order to finance the construction of
the Aten temple at East Karnak. The tax was modest inasmuch
as it amounted to one deben of silver/ one jnal-jar of
incense/ two mni-jars of wine and two measures of thick cloth
for each domain.35 The list of Upper Egyptian domains includes
reference to a pr-Mntw nb //ft "temple of Montu/ Lord of ////*

and is assessed with the standard tax. Claude Traunecker/ who
kindly provided a copy of the unpublished assembled block
inscriptions/ suggests that the Montu center in question was
south of Thebes/ either Tod or Armant/ but this is only a
hypothesis.3
A continued reverence for Montu during the Amarna Period is
inferred by A. R. Schulman37 who includes "among
the published Amarna fragments which were reused at Karnak" a
block which Chevrier had attributed to Tutankhamen.38 A group
of Nubian prisoners has been paraded before the royal dais
and the accompanying Egyptians are captioned by the
inscription: hn nhmw fld.sn tw.k mi Mn///f "utterance of
shouts/39 they say: You are like Montlu] ///!" (Drk. IV
2047:19-20). Schulman's attribution is not supported by the
evidence now available. The block is not an Amarna fragment
reused at Karnak/ but rather/ as H. Eaton-Kraufi has stated/40
"most certainly to be associated with hwt Nb- hprw-Rc la W3st/
and nat with any supposed 'Nubian war' of Akhenaten!" The
"Temple of Nebkheperure in Thebes" was begun in the Karnak
complex by Tutankhamen and continued by Ay. A systematic
analysis of the blocks recovered from the structure has only
been recently begun by Otto Schaden and the University of
Minnesota Egyptian Expedition.41 Montu figures among the
deities named in this temple/42 so it is certainly Tutankhamen
who is acclaimed as being "like Montu" on the block in
question and therefore attests Montu's return after the
Amarna heresy.
As the reign of Akhenaten progressed/ Montu suffered he
same fate as Amun. Bisson de la Roque observed that his name
was hammered out on the monuments at Medamud and elsewhere.43
His image was effaced in the temple of Queen Hatshepsut at
Deir el-Bahri. In one example from the north middle colonnade

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1
iFig. 221 / the figure of Atum has been left untouched/
possibly because of his link with solar
godhead at Heliopolis/ while Montu before him and Shu behind
him have clearly been defaced.44 It is instructive to note
that Montu's solar disk has been left intact and even traces
of its red pigment remain. Naville's publication of the scene
shows no evidence of defacement/45 but the deliberate pattern
of damage visible today is paralleled in another
representation of Montu and Atum who are seated while
Thutmose III offers them incense in side-room XIII of the
temple sanctuary tPig. 241.4 Once again only Montu's solar
disk remains intact as might be expected if Akhenaten's
agents were responsible. However/ this time Atum has also
suffered damage.
During the Amarna heresy/ the Aten attempted to fill the
roles of the other gods at first neglected and later
outrightly persecuted by Akhenaten and his agents. The role
of wargod was not beyond the Aten's repertoire/ so neither
Amun nor Montu were required for service in this area. In a
highly unusual relief from the Karnak talatat recovered by
the Centre franco-Sgyptien [Fig. 23147 Amenhotep IV is
depicted in a smiting pose enveloped by the rays of the Aten.
A scimitar and mace are held in at least two of the Aten's
hands. How could Montu with his single scimitar ever compete
with a fully armed Aten disk? Furthermore the Aten promotes
Akhenaten's military activities in Nubia on two fragmentary
stelae found in that region. Cairo fragment JE 41806 from
Amada refers to the King as (p3 nfet i}p mry Itn/ "the
Ruler/ strong of
scimitar/ beloved of the Aten" (Prk. IV 1963:4-5).48 A similar
stela found at Buhen and dated to Year 12/ third month of the
inundation/ day 20 of Akhenaten's reign repeats this phrase
in the first line.49
Numerous talatat bearing representations and inscriptions
of Amenhotep IV were found by the French excavators among the
ruins of Montu's temple at Medamud and led to speculation
that an Aten temple had been erected there.5 Even in the
early stages of the Akhenaten Temple Project R. W. Smith
agreed with this conclusion/5* and J. Gohary suggested that
sed-festival talatat "may have come from a hb sd chapel at
Medamud/ as they have not so far been matched with the Karnak
blocks."52 However/ more recent ATP discoveries have laid this
theory to rest. The identification of the four Karnak
structures has enabled D. B. Redford to publish the following
conclusion: "There were no temples to the sun-disc erected at
Luxor or Medamud: talatat at these sites were later carried
there from Karnak/ sometime after the reign of Horemheb."53
Talatat have also been found at Armant54 and most recently
at Tod.55 R. Mond and 0. H. Myers postulated the existence of
an Aten temple at Armant based on Legrain's publication of a
"fragment of a pyramidion/ found near Karnak/ which refers to
a temple called 'The-Horizon-of- the-Aten-in-Armant.'"5 H. W.
Fairman had also reached the same conclusion.57 However/
Legrain's original inscription did not name Armant as the
site of the Aten
temple* but rather Iwnw Smcw* "the Southern Heliopolis."5
Legrain translated the term as "Hermonthis" as was commonly
accepted in 1901* but since the 1940s this interpretation has
undergone critical revision. Redford*59 Kees*60 and Farid61 have
all indicated that this ambiguous toponym most likely refers
to Thebes or even Karnak in particular.
In the light of our present knowledge it can be assumed that
the blocks at both Armant and Tod were transported there from
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the Karnak Aten complex. In factr one of the Tod blocks
specifically names the Gm-p3-itn temple.62 Thus the Montu
temples at Armant* Medamud and Tod were probably closed by
Akhenaten/ but no heretical structures were interposed there.

Montu and the Restoration
The accession of Tutankhamen to the throne of Egypt brought
a return of the traditional gods in an uneasy coexistence
with the Aten. The Aten's temples at Thebes* Memphis and
Heliopolis remained open for ten years* but the energy of the
state was redirected toward restoring the cultic places of
the ancient pantheon.63 Montu is not specifically mentioned in
the text of Tutankhamen's Karnak "Restoration Stela*"64 but
his temples at Armant* Karnak* Medamud and Tod were no doubt
reopened* his images replaced and his offerings restored. It
has already been noted that Montu was named in the "Temple of
Nebkheperure in Thebes" erected by the young king at Karnak.
Several inscribed objects from Tutankhamen's Theban tomb
(KV 62) refer to Montu in his role as martial god. On the top
of a gameboard is preserved: nfcr nfrkni mi Mnfcw s3 Rc n bt.f
mr.f nb hcw (Twt-Cnl)-Imn Hc3 Iwnw Smcwl di cnfr* "The Good
God/ brave like Montu* son of Re of his body* whom he loves*
lord of diadems* Tutankhamen* ruler of the Southern
Heliopolis* given life* (Ork. IV 2055:5).
This is paralleled by a second inscription which calls Tut-
ankhamen hrw ib kni c3 jhty mi s3 Nwt* "content of heart*

_ mmm .
brave* great of strength like the Son of Nut (i.e. Seth)"
(Urk. IV 2055:4)c On a bcwcase Tutankhamen is referred to as

c
h3wty m snt r Mntwy [sic] * "a warrior in the likeness of
Montu* (Urk. IV 2059:1).
Montu's qualities as warrior are again invoked on two
shields from the tomb. On one of them the King is depicted as

a sphinx trampling two fallen Nubians and the text reads:
nfcr nfr ptpt h3swt hwi wrw n h3swt nbt nb phty mi s3 Nwt pr
mi Mntw hry-ib W3st nyswt-bity nb t3wy (Nb-hprw- Rc] di cnli
s3 Rc mry.f (Twt-Cnt}-Imn Hc3 Iwnw Smcw] mi 1^* "The Good God
who crushes the foreign lands* who smites the chiefs of all
foreign lands* possessor of strength like the Son of Nut
(i.e. Seth)* who goes forth like Montu Who Dwells in Thebes*
the King of Upper and Lower Egypt* Lord of the Two Lands*
Nebkheperure* given life* son of Re* whom he loves*
Tutankhamen* ruler of the Southern Heliopolis* like Re" (Urk.
IV 2059:17-20 .5 The second shield shows the King slaying
lions and bears the inscription: ntr nfr nht hpg wsr ib mi
Mntwhry-ib W3st pr-c iwty snw.f h3 m3iw mdd sm3iw n kn.f
n[51n.sn nb t3wy (Nb-hprw-Rc) s3 Rc (Twt- Cnh-Imn Hc3 Iwnw
Smcwl di cnlj/ "The Good God/ strong of scimitar# stout-
hearted like Montu Who Dwells in Thebes/ who fights lions and
pursues wild bulls/ unflinching at their raging/ the Lord of
the Two Lands/ Nebkheperure/ son of Re/ Tutankhamen/ ruler of
the Southern Heliopolis/ given

1 / rt.l. 66
a _ ____^ v
XXJ.C v ui.r>. xv 0/
The only reference to Montu clearly dated to the reign of
Horemheb is found in that king's speos at Gebel es- Silsila.
The god is mentioned only by epithet in a description of the
pharaoh's victorious home-coming: hb.f m wrw nw h3st nb(t)
pflt.f jn 3mm.f mi nb W3st nyswt nht shm jhty in wrw ri K35y
bsyz "... he celebrates his triumph with the chiefs of every
foreign land/ his bow in his grasp like the Lord of the
Theban Nome/ the mighty king/ powerful of strength/ who
brings back the chiefs of vile Kush ..."
(Hill. IV 2139:14-17).
The death of Horemheb in ca. 1300 B.C. brought Dynasty XVIII
to a close since he left no heirs. He had appointed his

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vizier Pramesse as his successor/ and this elderly man
ascended the throne as Ramesses It the first king of Dynasty
XIX.67
Iconography
Throughout Dynasty XVIII/ Montu's iconographic stability
continued with minimal variation. However/ F. Bisson de la
Rogue observed that the double uraeus? a standard feature
during the Hiddle Kingdom? becomes less frequent in the early
New Kingdom? being commonly replaced by a single uraeus.68 The
appearance of anthropomorphic Hontu in the form of a seated
god re-establishes a tradition not attested since the Old
Kingdom in the mortuary temple of Pepi II at Saqqara [Fig.
4].69 This manifestation is normally preserved in the New
Kingdom for representations in which Hontu appears among
other deities who are members of the Theban Ennead.70 An
attempt will not be made to assemble a comprehensive corpus
of Hontu representations? but rather to analyze examples
which indicate the continuation of older iconographic
traditions as well as those which illustrate new variations
peculiar to Dynasty XVIII.
The earliest preserved Eighteenth Dynasty representations
of Hontu date to the reign of Queen Hatshepsut. In her
"Chapelle Rouge?" also decorated by Thutmose III? Hontu
appears five times? four of those in hieracocephalic human
form. The traditional inconographic elements developed during
Dynasty XI are present: a tripartite wig atop the falcon
head? surmounted by a solar disk eclipsing the bases of two
tall plumes with a clearly visible double uraeus.71 The fifth
example is anthropomorphic Hontu in the form of a seated
god.72 He wears a divine beard and holds a w3s- scepter in one
hand and an ankh in the other.

Hontu is depicted symmetrically twice in the center of the
lunette of Thutmose Ill's Armant stela.73 All of the
traditional iconographic elements are again present: tri-
partite wig* solar disk/ twin plumes and double uraeus.
The solar disk atop the figure on the left is encircled by
the serpent body as was common in the Middle Kingdom.
A monolithic pink granite pillar-base from Karnak in the
British Museum (no. 12) is inscribed for Tbutmose III and
features six figures which are almost carved in the round
from the rectangular block of stone.74 Bather is represented
on both narrow faces/ and Thutmose III with Montu-Re on the
wider faces/ all holding hands. The original date of the
piece is uncertain inasmuch as "the inscriptions accompanying
the figures are carved on a sunken surface/ which indicates
that earlier inscriptions have been deleted."75 A Dynasty
XVIII date would seem most likely/ but some publications have
attributed it to Dynasty XII.76
The heads are missing from both figures of the King/ but
the two representations of Montu-Re are virtually intact
except for their feet [Pigs. 25 and 261. Montu-Re right is
inscribed: Mnfcw-Rc nb pt hry-ib W3st/ "Montu-Re/ Lord of
Heaven/ Who Dwells in Thebes/" and Montu-Re left is .labeled:
Mntw-Rc hry-ib W3st nb pt/ "Montu-Re Who Dwells in Thebes/
Lord of Heaven." These frontal views of the god feature all
of the traditional iconographic elements previously seen only
in the profile conventions used for relief representations:
hieracocephalic human wearing a broad collar and kilt/ with
tripartite wig surmounted by
tall twin plumes? solar disk and double uraeus. The marking
details carved into the plumes are those commonly used with
Amun's plumes. Although accompanied by Montu-Re? Thutmose III
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is twice called "beloved of Amun-Re."
The Karnak provenance of this granite pillar-base is
certain? but its original location in the temple complex can
only be surmised. The monument is reported as having been
discovered by Belzoni on a white stone base in a small temple
in the north-east corner of the temenos wall.77 However? a
strikingly similar granite pillar-base remains in situ in the
corridor north of the sanctuary of Philip Arrhidaeus near a
Dynasty XVIII altar with steps.78 It features the same
arrangement of deities with the king inscribed as Thutmose
III? again a possible usurpation.79 Unfortunately the heads of
all the figures are missing? and the general state of
preservation is much poorer than in the British Museum
example. It is tempting to suggest that the two bases were
paired in some way in a structure related to the altar
outside the central sanctuary? but there is not sufficient
evidence to support such a hypothesis.
Montu is represented twice on the body of Thutmose IV's war
chariot (CG 46097) which was found in his tomb (KV 43).80 On
the exterior right side [Fig. 271?81 the King is portrayed in
his chariot charging into the midst of Asiatic soldiers whom
he slays with his arrows. He is accompanied by Montu who
stands behind him and supports his arms as he draws his bow.
Montu wears the feathered tunic first attested in Dynasty XI
which could conceivably be an artistic convention to indicate
armor.82 The figure of the King is superimposed over more than
half of the godr so only Montu's arms# back and head are
visible. The solar disk* twin plumes and a single uraeus
surmount the falcon's head. The overlapping of the two
figures produces an effect of intimacy and enveloping
protection which is most appropriate to the scene.

A most unusual manifestation of hieracocephalic Montu is
featured on the left interior of the chariot [Pig.
281.83 For the first time he is represented with outstretched
wings beneath his raised arms in the same protective gesture
common to the goddesses Isis and Nephthys on the front and
rear panels of gold shrines II-IV from the tomb of
Tutankhamen.84 Montu wears the feathered tunic# tripartite
wig# and headdress of twin plumes eclipsed by a solar disk
encircled by the body of a double uraeus. He protects the
King who is in the form of a sphinx trampling three Asiatics#
and he holds a scimitar with a combined dd# cnh and w3s in the
right hand.
Thutmose IV is offered a scimitar by a hieracocephalic
deity on an inscribed ivory arm ornament in Berlin (no.
21685).85 Although the god is not identified by inscription#
it is clearly Montu. He wears a kilt and tripartite wig
surmounted by a solar disk and twin plumes without uraeus. It
might be assumed that because the background
has been carved out some of the detail might have been
omitted by the artist# specifically the uraeus. However# this
is not the case inasmuch as the King sports a uraeus on the
brow of his Nubian wig topped by a solar disk.
Hontu is represented several times in Amenhotep Ill's
constructions in the Luxor Temple. He appears in the form of
a seated human god as head of the Theban Ennead in the second
register on the south wall of the Birth Chamber#86 and again
in standing hieracocephalic human form paired with Atum in a
scene of ritual purification of the King in the first
register.87 Hontu wears a kilt with bull's tail and an unusual
horned sun-aisk with plumes and single uraeus atop his
tripartite wig. In the second antechamber Hontu# with a
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single uraeus# and Atum lead Amenhotep III before Amun in the
second register to the left of the door.88

Scarabs and Plaques
Hontu also appears on a series of scarabs and plaques dated
to Dynasty XVIII in either full hieracocephalic human form or
simply as a falcon's head with headdress. F. S. Hatouk
published a group of scarabs with standing or seated Montus
for which the amount of detail varies down to what might be
described as "stick-figures."89 Standing Hontu usually holds
an upraised scimitar or mace and wears his twin plumes
without sun-disk. One example from the reign of Thutmose II
even omits the plumes# but is clearly identified by
inscription as Montu.90 The seated version includes solar
disk/ twin plumes/ and a uraeus whose tail hangs down froi
the back of the disk.
Montu's head appears on a scaraboid inscribed for Thutxnose
III in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art (no.
04.2.745) [Fig. 291.91 He wears the solar disk with twin
plumes and a prominent double uraeus whose tail emerges fr
the disk. The head rests on a
sign and faces a His.-sign above which another sun-disk is
depicted. This rebus could be read as Mntw-Rc nb W3s[tl /
"Montu-Re/ Lord of Thebes." The carving is very fine with
much detail given to feather marks and Montu's face.
Two variations of this scaraboid have been published by E.
Hornung and E. Staehelin/ both of which include the nk-sign/
but omit the w3s-sign or substitute a nfr-sign.92 They read
this rebus as a possible cryptogram for Amun. A plaque with a
similar representation with nfr-sian and inscribed for
Amenhotep III was published by H. R. Hall.93
A more stylized version of the Montu head is preserved on a

plaque inscribed for Amenhotep III in the Metropolitan Museum
(no. 05.3.380).94 Only a rough profile is given/ lacking any
detail/ with the disk/ plumes and uraeus reduced to a wavy
line with two upward indentations. The inscription Mntw is
carved in front of the head and a bough of some kind behind
it. The Metropolitan Museum possesses a second example of the
highly stylized Montu head (no. 10.130.766) and dates it to
Dynasty XVIII [Fig. 30].95 A
nfr-sian is present as on the scarab published by Hornung and
Staehelin and Hall's plague. This sign is repeated on each
long edge.
Montu and the "Falcon Ships"
One of the most unusual ornamental uses of hieraco-
cephalic Montu during Dynasty XVIII was in ship decoration.
Ahuioser son of Ebana* reported that xhutmose I returned from
his Nubian campaign "with all foreign lands in his grasp and
that vile Nubian tribesman upside down at the prow of his
majesty's falcon ship (bik)"96 (Prk. IV 9:4-5). It was said of
Amenhotep II that "he could row in the stern of his falcon
ship (bik) like a complement of two hundred men" (Prk. IV
1279:19). The Amada and Elephantine stelae of the same king
report that after having slain seven enemy princes/ they were
"placed upside down at the prow of his majesty's falcon-ship
(bik) the name of which is "Aakheperure Is the One Who
Establishes the Two Lands"
(Ilrk. IV 1297:5-6). These texts do not describe a "falcon
ship/" but vessels which might qualify have been preserved in
the form of painted representations in Theban private tombs*
tomb models* and carved on scarabs. Pnfortunately none of the
examples is specifically labeled as a bik* but Montu is
prominent as an iconographic element in all of them.
What appear to be royal warships were depicted in the tombs

1
1
1
of Kenamun (no. 93) and Huy (no. 40) as part of the funerary
processions of these officials on the Nile. Both examples
feature multiple representations of Hontu# frequently
arranged in groups of four consisting of the local Hontus of
Thebes# Tod# Hedamud# and Armant.
In the tomb of Kenamun# chief steward under Amenhotep II#97
only the stern of a ship remains.98 On the hull there is a
decorated panel showing the king as a sphinx who tramples a
Nubian and an Asiatic. Behind this# a second panel features
four figures of Hontu# three in striding hieracocephalic
human form who pierce Egypt's enemies with spears and one as
a hieracocephalic sphinx or griffin who tramples the fallen.
The first two Hontus appear to be named "Hontu# Lord of
Thebes#" and "Montu# Lord of Armant." The third is not
legible# and the fourth was apparently not labeled. Four
additional local manifestations of Hontu appear on the side
of a square cabin on the poop deck.
Each is in standing hieracocephalic human form and seems to
be holding a weapon# possibly a spear or mace# but the
publication of the panel is not clear. They appear to be
unnamed. In these representations Hontu invariably wears a
tripartite wig surmounted by the solar disk and twin plumes.
It is not possible to determine the presence or absence of
uraei.
A very similar ship is fully preserved on a wall in the
tomb of Amenhotep# known as Huy# viceroy of Kush and governor
of the South under Tutankhamen." In fact# it is represented
twice: once going upstream with its sails
fully spread; and a second time heading downstream with
furled sails.10 Thus views of both the port and starboard
sides are provided. A platform enclosure or cabin on the prow

is decorated on each side with local manifestations of Montu*
four on the port and five on the starboard* each standing
with an upraised mace or spear. This theme is repeated on the
stern cabin* but with four Montus on both sides [Figs. 31-
325. The port Montus are named "Montu Who Dwells in Thebes*"
"Montu* Lord of Medamud*" "Montu* Lord of Armant*" and
"Montu* Lord of Tod." A hull panel near the port stern
features Montu about to smite a Nubian foe with an upraised
mace. At least one more Montu is present further back on the
panel* and possibly a third behind the steering oar. The
starboard stern panel is similar* but the striding Montus
spear their victims. This ship is clearly in the same class
with the one painted in the tomb of Kenamun.101
Three-dimensional counterparts of these Montu-ships are
partially preserved in three models from the tomb of
Amenhotep II (KV 35).102 The best preserved (CG 4944)103
features stern panels on the hull nearly identical to those
painted in the tomb of Kenamun* a contemporary of the King*
and the starboard side of the ship in Huy's tomb. On the
starboard side [Fig. 331 * a royal sphinx tramples a Nubian
in a small panel. After a division* a larger panel portrays
three striding Montus ("Lord of Medamud*" "He Who Dwells in
Thebes*" and "Lord of Tod")* each of whom spears
an enemy of Egypt. A fourth Montu ("Lord of Armant") in the
form of a hieracocephalic sphinx or griffin tramples a
Libyan. On the port side# for which no line drawing or
photograph was published by Daressy# the panels are nearly
the same# but the subdued enemies vary and the gods are
named: "Montu-Re# King of the Gods# Ruler of Thebes"; Montu#
"Lord of Armant"; "Montu# Lord of Medamud; and "Re* Lord of
Heaven."
1
1
3
The second model (CG 4945)104 is similar to the first#
though not so well preserved. On the starboard side the stern
hull panel features "Montu# Lord of Thebes#" "Montu# Lord of
Medamud#" "Montu# Lord of Armant#" and a griffin# "Montu#
Lord of Tod." The panel on the port side is not reproduced by
Daressy# but he states that the divinities present are:
"Montu# Lord of Thebes# Lord of Heaven";
"Re"; "p.e# King of the Gods"; and.- if his punctuation is
trustworthy# one named simply "Lord of Heaven."
The third example (CG 4946)105 resembles the first two# but
the prow and stern each terminate in the form of a papyrus
flower which curves back toward the middle of the ship. The
starboard stern panel depicts only "Montu# Lord of Thebes#"
"Montu# Lord of Armant#" and a griffin with double uraeus.
Daressy does not specify the number of deities on the port
stern panel# but he notes that they are all called simply
Mnfcw. A griffin is again present# this time with a solar
disk upon his head.
Several other boat fragments were also found in Amenhotep
Il's tomb: CG 5037106 is an enclosed stern platform probably
from a model like those already discussed. It includes four
standing ncntus holding staffs and upraised spears. CG 5049*07
is an enclosed prow platform which is decorated with five
striding Montus in hieracocephalic human form# each complete
with solar disk/ twin plumes# double uraeus# and wearing
green tunics and white kilts. Two rudder-posts (CG 5053) from
a ship model are surmounted by a hawk's head#18 and two pairs
of hawk's heads were also recovered (CG 5054 and 5055).109
The royal ships represented in the tombs of Kenamun and Huy
and the models recovered from the tomb of Amenhotep
II clearly share strong falcon iconography in their decoration

as well as glory to the king in the guise of a victorious
sphinx. One could easily imagine either Thutmose I or
Amenhotep II returning to Thebes from a campaign in such a
colorful vessel bedecked with warlike Montus from all four of
his cultic sites. Huy no doubt awed his Nubian subjects when
he arrived in such splendor. The term "falcon ship" would
seem most appropriate# but this must remain only a hypothesis
until one example is clearly labeled bik.
Another type of ship featuring falcon heads topped with
double plumes at prow and stern is attested on several
scarabs from Dynasty XVIII. There are three examples in the
collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art# each of which
depicts a king who wears the blue war crown and holds a Hc3-
scepter and flail while seated in a small "falcon- ship. Two
of the scarabs (nos. 05.3.367 and 05.3.368)
[Fig. 341 feature Amenhotep II preceded by the cartouche of
his prenomen (c3-hprw-RclHayes describes him as "enthroned
with all his regalia on the barque of the god Montu* readily
identified by the plumed falcon heads which adorn its prow
and stern posts.** The third scarab (no. 30.8.535) [Fig. 35]
bears the prenomen of Thutmose III* (Mn-hpr-Rcl t before the
figure of the seated king.112 Hayes again interprets this scene
as the king "riding in the falcon-prowed ship of the god
Montu."113 Indeed* not only are the falcon heads topped with
plumes* but disks can also be discerned. This can be seen
even more clearly in the line drawings of two more examples
from the British Museum published most recently by F. S.
Matouk. The scarabs are inscribed for Amenhotep II114 and
Thutmose III115* and that of Amenhotep II even includes a
uraeus encircling each sun disk.
Whether or not we are dealing with a divine bark or a
1
1
5
symbolically miniaturized falcon ship* the vessel is clearly
related iconographically to Montu as were the larger royal
craft depicted on the tomb walls of Kenamun and Huy as well
as the models found among the remaining funerary equipment of
Amenhotep II. It can be no simple coincidence that this king*
who is linked by inscription to activities in "falcon-ships"
(bik)* chose to be buried with models of
ships richly decorated with the four local manifestations of
Hontu and to have scarabs issued portraying him in what is
clearly some form of Hontu vessel.
It is evident that Hontu and falcon iconography predominate
in these royal ships* but can they be identified with the
term bik? The strongest evidence comes from the Amarna
Period. In the tomb of Hay (no. 14) at Amarna# the owner is
described on the left jamb as "follower of the king in his
august falcon-ship" (bik)#11(* and fortunately May's tomb
preserves a representation of the dock at Akhetaten which
includes two royal ships moored to the shore.117
The evidence is still tenuous# but it is probable that the
bik mentioned on the left jamb refers to at least one of
these vessels. The example on the right with the head of
Nefertiti atop the rudder is preserved in detail on two
adjoining Hermopolis blocks in Boston.118 It includes a stern
cabin decorated with a smiting Nefertiti. The other ship in
the harbor is perhaps represented on another Hermo- polis
block from the Schimmel collection currently on view in the
Hetropolitan Huseum of Art.119 In this example the prow
structure is decorated with a smiting Akhenaten. John Cooney
suggested a link between these ships and the royal vessel in
the tomb of Huy#120 but what became of Montu?
It has been demonstrated that the role of war god was not
beyond the Aten's repertoire. Whereas Hontu figures added
magic protection to the falcon-ships of other reigns
during Dynasty XVIII# warlike figures of Akhenaten or
Nefertiti evidently replaced him on the falcon-ships of the
Amarna Period. Therefore if the royal ships in the harbor at
Akhetaten can be equated with the bik reference in Hay's
tomb# the term may cautiously be applied to the Montu-ships
of which they were a short-lived variation. The examples in
Huy's tomb demonstrate that the traditional form was quickly
revived under Tutankhamen. Moreover# if Akhenaten and
Nefertiti did indeed usurp the iconographic role of the
smiting Montus on their falcon-ships at Amarna# then the
theory of Atenist "pacifism" can be laid to rest once and for
all with the two leading exponents of the faith depicted in
the guise of war gods.

Montu as a Griffin
The most unusual aspect of Montu's iconographic mani-
festations just discussed is his appearance as a hieraco-
cephalic sphinx or.- more correctly# a griffin. J. Leibo-
vitch specifically included this variant in his landmark
study of the ancient Egyptian griffin.121 He traced a series of
fabulous beasts depicted in a schist palette from the Early
Dynastic Period# the funerary temples of Kings Sahure and
Pepi II of the Old Kingdom# and private tombs of the Middle
Kingdom at Beni Hasan and Bersha which more or less fit the
traditional definition of a griffin122 and are clearly
prototypes of the more numerous examples found in the New
Kingdom# especially Dynasty XVIII. The common form
1
1
7
1
^7
in Dynasty XIX/ which appears to be a mutation* resembles the
Seth-animal with wings and is called chh in Egyptian.123
The griffin which shares Hontu's iconography can be
described as a hieracosphinx with a solar disk and/or tall
double plumes. The earliest example of this beast is found as
a symmetrical pair on a pectoral of Queen Hereret from Dahshur
in the Cairo Museum (CG 52002) which bears the cartouche of
Senwosret Ill's prenomen.124 In this instance* the griffin
features the head of a hawk surmounted by the horns of a ram
and twin plumes ascribed by Leibovitch to either Hontu or
Amun* an element that he claims links the griffin to martial
deities.125 Each griffin tramples a Nubian and grasps the hair
of a fallen Asiatic with his front paw. Wings with a "rishi"
or stylized feathered pattern are folded along the bodies. A
parallel is reported to exist on a sword of King Ramose from
Dynasty XVII which includes an apparent harness of some kind
on the griffin's torso.12 H. Frankfort states that this form
of griffin is directly associated with Hontu and that the
falcon's head is clearly recognizable "by the distinctive
pattern of the peregrine appearing on its clieek."127 However*
a hawk-headed griffin with the solar disk* twin plumes and
double uraeus of Hontu was published by R. V. Lanzone from an
undated Theban limestone stela which purportably bore the name
Imn* "Amun."128 Evidently the iconographic criteria are not
absolute.
1
3
Leibovitch notes that the earliest Egyptian griffins were
8
given the descriptive names tt# "He Who Crushes#" and ptptr
"He Who Tramples."129 These epithets were subsequently
transformed into graphic representations as in the cases of
the Dynasty XII pectoral and the sword of Kamose on which
Nubians and Asiatics are trampled underfoot. This theme is
repeated in Dynasty XVIII on the Montu-ships discussed above
from the tombs of Kenamun and Amenhotep II. Kenamun's painted
example is unlabeled but includes a solar disk with at least a
single uraeus atop the falcon head and what appears to be an
extended wing above the back. He tramples onie fallen enemy.13
At least four griffins are attested on the three ship models
from Amenhotep II's tombr each wearing a wig surmounted by a
solar disk and at least a single uraeus.131 Three are named
"Montu# Lord of Armant" (CG 4944) [Fig. 33]# "Montu# Lord of
Tod" (CG 4945)# and simply "Montu" (CG 4946); one is not
labeled. All four trample and subdue Asiatics and Nubians.
A wooden plaque was also found in the tomb of Amenhotep II
(CG 24137) which features a Montu-griffin with wig# solar
disk# twin plumes and uraeus# trampling a victim.132 Behind him
is a cartouche of the king with the inscription "beloved of
Montu." The clearly named griffins on the ship models prove
that this is not merely an epithet of the griffin# calling him
beloved of the god Montu# but an actual manifestation of that
deity.
The most interesting Montu-griffin is by far the least
Egyptian in this corpus of representations. It appears on the
ax of King Ahmose I (CG 52845) in the bottom of three
registers [Fig. 361.133 The head of this griffin is not that of
a hawkr but of either an eagle or a vulture. It also features

1
a crest* curling plumes at the neckr and markings of the 3
9
flight-feathers on extended wings which closely resemble
Cretan prototypes. The first register is inscribed with the
King's cartouches: nfcr nfr (Nb-jhty- Rc] s3 Rc (I^-msl. The
King himself is depicted in the middle register subduing an
enemy. An inscription above the griffin reads "beloved of
Montu." As in the case of the plaque from Amenhotep II's tomb*
this epithet probably refers to the King and therefore
identifies this variation of the griffin as a manifestation of
Montu at the very beginning of Dynasty XVIII.
It has been demonstrated that Montu and Seth were often
paired in Dynasty XVIII texts. Montu's appearance as a griffin
provides yet another parallel between the two gods inasmuch as
Seth has been linked to the hh-griffin which took the form of
a winged Seth-animal.135
Temples
The renewed prosperity resulting from the military and
economic successes of the pharaohs of Dynasty XVIII made
possible large-scale building projects in all parts of Egypt.
Montu's cult centers underwent renovation and
enlargement# but all the temples did not benefit from the
bounty of empire to the same degree.
ARMANT. Montu's temple at Armant apparently received lavish
attention during Dynasty XVIII from the very beginning. The
dedicatory inscription of Ahmose I has already been mentioned
in which he announces the renewal of an edifice "for his
father Montu# Lord of Thebes* the Bull Who Dwells in
Armant."13 Inasmuch as the stela on which it was inscribed is
of unknown provenance# it could be argued that the structure
referred to need not necessarily have been at Armant.

1
4
Fortunately there is some degree of confirmation afforded by
0
the discovery of at least one block on site with Ahmose's
name.137 Blocks of Thutmose I were found# as well as a
foundation deposit of Queen Hatshepsut which included eight
model alabaster vases on which she is called "beloved of
Montu# Lord of Thebes# the Bull Who Dwells in Armant."13
Mond and Myers concluded that the New Kingdom temple was
probably constructed to the south and in front of the earlier
structures# and that perhaps "the biggest building operations
undertaken at Armant during the Dynastic period were those of
Thutmosis III."139 Indeed his dedicatory inscription was found
which states that "he made it as a monument for his father
Montu-Re who is in Thebes" (Drk. iv 829:13-14). The building
plan included a pylon and forecourt# and "a flagged
processional way between at least two sphinxes of this king
passed through the pylon and a colonnade to the temple
proper."14 The severely damaged pylon no longer bears the name
of Thutmose III* but a contemporary view of the structure was
preserved in the tomb of Khonsu called Ta (no. 31) r first
prophet of Menkheperre (Thutmose III) under Ramesses II.141 The
pylon is depicted on the south side of the west wall in the
outer hall and is labeled sb3 tpy n Mnfc nb lwn[y] nfr hc.f/
"First Doorway of Montur Lord of Armant/ 'Beautiful is His
Appearing'" iFig. 371.142 An inscribed band just beneath the
cornice of each tower features the King's titulary.
Numerous blocks are attributed to Thutmose III/ including
architrave sections/ sixteen-sided stone column- drums and
part of an offering scene.14^ Two damaged sandstone sphinxes
were found south of the pylon one of which was inscribed: "Son
of Re/ Thutmose Nefer-kheperu/ beloved of Montu."144 Three

1
foundation deposits were located containing model alabaster4
1
vases bearing the inscription "The Good God/ Menkheperre/
beloved of Montu/ Lord of Armant/" or a close variant.145
The only other king of Dynasty XVIII attested by
architectural fragments at Armant is Amenhotep II. One 3Lock
bears the cartouches of his prenomen and nomen.14
The nomen has been erased/ no doubt by Akhenaten's agents.
A second fragmentary block preserves a portion of the sacred
bark in its shrine along with the incomplete inscription: "...
Aakheperure/ my heart is greatly pleased for I have received
your offering ,.."147 Another fragment from the same relief
shows the bark's stern.148
MEDAMUD. A colossal red granite statue of Thutaose
III in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art (no.
14.7.15) offers dramatic testimony to that king's interest in
the Montu temple at Medamud.149 The striding figure* which was
discovered in 1914 by Daninos Pasha* wears the White Crown of
Upper Egypt and bears an inscription on the back pillar which
calls Thutmose III beloved of Montu* Lord of Medamud." It was
probably paired with a companion statue wearing the Red Crown
of Lower Egypt on either side of a monumental granite doorway
probably erected by Thutmose III* but decorated by his son and
successor* Amenhotep II* who is represented on the jamb before
Montu-Re* King of the Gods* Who Dwells in Medamud.150
Bisson de la Rogue and Cl&re concluded that the Dynasty
XVIII temple was oriented east-west with its entrance at the
west end.151 Some idea of the temple's design has been revealed
by the recovery of decorated limestone fragments inscribed for
Thutmose III* Amenhotep II and Thutmose IV* as well as remains
of polygonal columns attributed to Thutmose III.152 Part of a

1
red granite .Xintel was found in the temple enclosure with 4
2
Amenhotep II depicted before Montu* Lord of Thebes. 153
The Middle Kingdom structures of Senwosret III at Medamud
were only partially dismantled by the pharaohs of Dynasty
XVIII* and this explains why the early remains were so readily
located by the French excavators beneath the
Ptolemaic temple. Thutmose III evidently initiated recon-
struction of the temple with further work by Amenhotep II and
Thutmose IV.154
TOD. P. Bisson de la Rogue reported only sparse remains
from Dynasty XVIII construction at Tod. He concluded that
Thutmose III was responsible for the presumed New Kingdom
temple which probably stood southwest of the temenos wall of
the Kiddle Kingdom sanctuary.-'*"' A red granite torso (inv.
1934)156 with Thutmose Ill's prenomen inscribed on its belt was
found as well as a statue of one of his wives# Queen Sitiah/157
and the 1950 season revealed the remains of a sandstone bark
shrine inscribed for Thutmose III.158 Two sandstone fragments
were recovered (inv. 211 and 227) which bear the incomplete
cartouches of his son/ Amenhotep II.159 A portion of a
limestone doorpost with Horemheb's nomen was also found.160
KARNAK. A temple in the Montu precinct at Karnak North is
first attested in Dynasty XVIII. The principal structure is
clearly the work of Amenhotep III and was given the name (Nb-
m3ct-Rc iwc Rc) Hc-m-m3ct/ "Nebmaatre/ Heir of Re/ Who Appears
in Truth."161 Montu's exact status in the temple is placed in
doubt by the long dedicatory inscription stating that the king
"made [it] as his monument for his father [Amun-Re]/ Lord
of ///z"162 and "Amenhotep (III)/ Ruler of Thebes/ the elect of
Re/ did [it] inasmuch as he loved his father/ Amun/ Lord of

1
the Thrones of the Two Lands/ more than [all the other] 4
gods."163 3
Bisson de la Rogue remarked that the lack of reference to
Montu in the dedicatory inscription leaves the impression that
he was reduced to secondary rank in the new temple.164 However*
this presupposes that Montu held a position of primacy in the
earlier temple/ a hypothesis supported by only circumstantial
evidence/ Amun being ubiquitous in the Dynasty XVIII remains.
Montu is named on fragmentary lintels of Amenhotep II (Mnfcw
k3 ///)165 and Thutmose IV (mry Mnfcw)/166 but no
representations of the god are attested before Dynasty XX.167
Varille mentions an accumulation of square pillars/ fluted
columns/ doorjambs and lintels/ and other architectural
fragments inscribed for Amenhotep II found under the structure
of Amenhotep III which he attributes to the earlier temple of
Amun-Re Montu.168 Jacquet proposes his discovery of a
naophorous statue of Sebty# a high priest of Montu under
Amenhotep III/169 a fragment of a statue of a sm-priest
dedicated to Montu/ and a stela fragment beneath Amenhotep
Ill's level as evidence for Montu's veneration in the temple
prior to that king's renovations.170 He has also excavated a
treasury of Thutmose I in the Montu precinct/ but a direct
link to the cult of Montu has not been established.171
The temple of Amenhotep III was erected in two building
phases on a platform which was accessed by a steep ramp
passing between two obelisks.172 The objective of the second
stags of construction was to extend the structure at both the
north and south ends. On the ncrthr Amenhotep III transformed
the original vestibule formed by two ranges of six papyriform
columns into a vast rectangular court bordered on the south by

1
the twelve original columnsr and on each of the other three4
4
sides by twelve new columns of the same style. It was at this
point that the ramp and obelisks were added.173 At the south
end/ modifications were made in the sanctuary with the
addition of new flanking chambers# and the south ambulatory
was closed.174
Tutankhamen evidently initiated repairs specifically in the
Montu precinct after the Amarna heresy inasmuch as a copy of
the so-called "Restoration Stela*175 was found before the left
wing of the temple facade.176 Horemheb had usurped the young
king's cartouches in the same manner as on the original stela
discovered in front of the left tower of the Third Pylon in
the adjacent Great Temple.

Priesthood and Cult
The Montu temples of the New Kingdom and their attested
priestly officials have been listed and categorized by W.
Helck.177 In conformity with the scope of this chapter/
however/ only those priests and other temple employees dated
with reasonable certainty to Dynasty XVIII will be discussed.
Perhaps the most famous official of Dynasty XVIII with a
close link to the cult of Montu was Queen Hatshepsut's chief
steward and architect/ Senenmut. He is attested on

at least three of his monuments with the title imy-r3 hmw-
. a_________
nfcr n Mntw m Iwny/ "overseer of priests of Montu in
Armant":178 a yellow quartzite sistrophorous statue from the
Mut complex at Karnak in the collection of the Cairo Museum
(CG 579)r179 a kneeling schist statue of probable Armant
provenance in the collection of the Eimbell Art Museum in Fort
Worth/ Texas/180 and a statue of Senenmut with princess
Neferure in the British Museum (no. 174).181 A sandstone

1
4
inscription of unknown provenance in Berlin (no. 15086) uses
5
an abbreviated form: "overseer of priests of Montu" (Drk. IV
417:6).
Senenmut is again linked with Armant in an inscription on a
kneeling granite statue from that site in the Brooklyn Museum
(no. 67.68).182 Although his titles all refer to Amun or Mut183/
Renenutet is invoked so that she might grant to him "all that
proceeds from the offering table of Montu/ Lord of Armant."
The goddess is called "Lady (pst) of Armant" as well as
"Renenutet of the granary of the divine offerings of Montu/
Lord of Armant.1* Senenmut*s close ties with the Armant temple
are also indicated by the inclusion in his Deir el-Bahri
tomb's foundation deposits sof the two alabaster bivalve
shells already discussed (pp. 106-107) which bore the names
"Montu/ Lord of Armant/" and "Montu/ Lord of Thebes/ the Bull
Who Dwells in Armant."
A second official at Armant during the time of Eatshepsut
and Thutmose III was the "noble (rpc) / mayor ty-c) and steward
(imy-r3 pr) of Montu in Armant"
Senemiah (Prk. IV 516:7/ 12). In addition to his respon-
sibilities at Armant/ he also bore the titles "scribe of the
cattle count (s hsb k3) of Amun" (Prk. IV 516:8/ 10) and
"overseer of the treasury" (Prk. IV 516:9).
A fragment of the middle part of a granite seated figure
found during the excavations of the funerary temple of
Thutmose III at Qurna bears the inscription of a man named
Humay who served as [imyl hnt [Mnlfcw nb Prty/ chamberlain of
Montu/ Lord of Tod" (Prk. IV 1433:10).184
In 1926 the French excavators at Medamud recovered a
fragmentary black granite block statue of an official named

1
4
Minmose (inv. 2125).185 The surfaces of his enveloping garment
6
are covered with inscriptions which recount his participation
in several of Thutmose Ill's military campaigns as the King's
companion. After the successful completion of his assignments/
Minmose states: iw rdi.n hm.f mhr.i r fcrp k3wt m r3w-prw nw
nfcrw nbwz "His majesty placed me in charge of the works in
the temples of all the gods" (Prk. IV 1443:1). The first
temple listed is that "of Montu/ Lord of Thebes/ the Bull Who
Dwells in Medamud" (Prk. IV 1443:2). A htp-di-nypwt offering
formula is inscribed for "Montu/ Lord of Thebes/ the Bull Who
Dwells in Medamud" which includes reference to "the festival
of Montu/ Lord of Thebes" among the more frequently attested
festivals (Prk. IV 1441:5-9). Minmose is twice named with the
title imy-r3 hmw-ntr Mn nb W3st/ "overseer of priests of
Montu/ Lord of Thebes" (Prk. IV 1441:12/ 1444:13).
Montu is invoked when Minmose asks his colleagues to recite an
offering formula for him: i hmw-nfcr wcbw bryw-hbt hsy tn Mnfc
nb W3st swfl.tn i3wt.tn 11 fardw.tn mi fld.tn [formula]# "0
prophets# vab-priests and lector priests# Montu# Lord of
Thebes# will favor you# and you will pass on your offices to
your children according as you say ..." (Prk. iv 1445:7- 10).
He is attested a third time as "overseer of priests cf Montu#
Lord of Thebes on his group statue in the Ash- molean Museum
which was found by Petrie at Nebesha (Prk. iv 1446:6).
A second black granite block statue was discovered in 1926
at Medamud in an excellent state of preservation (inv.
2117).186 It belonged to Maanakhtef# an official who served
under Amenhotep II and bore among his many titles that of imy-
r3 pr n Mnfcw nb W3st# "steward of Montu# Lord of Thebes" (Prk.
IV 1483:1). That the statue was destined for temple use is

1
made clear by an inscription in which the owner states: "0 4
7
18
Great House of Montu [in front of] its lord# ^ may you cause
this statue (twt) of the royal butler Maanakhtef to endure
inside the festival hall# so that it may smell the myrrh and
incense upon the fire# so ifhat it may take up the water from
the sprinkling of the altar upon the floors of the hall# so
that it may eat what is upon the hands of the wab-priests from
the leftovers of the divine offerings# [etc.]" (Prk. IV
1483:8-13). Among nine htp-di-nyswt offering formulas# one is
dedicated to Mntw hry-ib W3st# "Montu Who Dwells in Thebes"
(Prk. iv
An official named Denreg (or Deleg) held multiple titles in
cultic service to Montu: hm-nfcr tpy n Mntw#
"high priest of Montu" and the combination imy-r3 hm[w]-nfcr
hm-nfcr tpy imy-r3 pr n Mntw nb Iwny? "overseer of priests/
high priest/ and steward of Montu/ Lord of Armant" (Qrk. IV
1633:2-3). He was the son of Ipy who served in the mortuary
temple of Thutmose IV/ so his tenure in office could be dated
to the reign of that king or his successor/ Amenhotep III.
W. C. Hayes mentions a stela in the Metropolitan Museum of
Art (no. 25.184.2) from the Thutmosid period inscribed by
"A^mosSz a sanctuary priest of Montu in Hermonthis/ in honor
of his father/ the Lector Priest Qhu- ty/" and more than a
dozen other family members/ presumably from Armant.18 Ahmose's
actual title is rather obscured by damage/ but it appears to
be wcb ck n Mntw m Iwntyl / "HSli-priest with entrfee to Montu
in Armant." The center of the stela is inscribed with a htp-
di-nyswt offering formula naming "Montu/ Lord of Armant/
Tjenenet and Iunyt."
Hayes also notes a limestone ushabty inscribed for "the

1
servant(?) of Montu" Ptahmose in the collection of the 4
8
Metropolitan Museum (no. 26.2.29).189 Helck places him among
the members of the Armant staff/190 but close examination of
the figure reveals only the name Mntw with no clear priestly
title legible/ let alone a reference to Armant.
Cairo stela CG 34123 is datable to Dynasty XVIII and
inscribed for the "third prophet of Montu in Armant?"
Ipunefer.191 A htp-di-nyswt offering formula is dedicated to
"Montu? Lord of Thebes Who Dwells in Armant? Tjenenet? Iunyt?
and Osiris? the Foremost of the Westerners.
Stela no. 1332 in the British Museum? datable to middle or
late Dynasty XVIII? records the many offices held

1 Q0
by lunna. It appears that he served in the Montu precinct at
Karnak as well as the temple at Armant inasmuch as he held the
title: hmw wr n p3 wi3 n Mnfcw nb W3st n p3 wi3 ji Mnfcw nb
Iwny? "chief craftsman of the bark of Montu? Lord of Thebes?
and the bark of Montu? Lord of Armant"
(dJL. IV 1631:18-19).
A.-P. Zivie has published the Saqqara tomb of an official
of the second half of Dynasty XVIII named Resh.193 The main
inscription includes the unusual title^3 n pr n [Mnfcw] nb
Iwny? "great one of the temple of [Montu] ? Lord of Armant?"
and Zivie suggests c3 n pr as a possible equivalent for imv-r3
pr.194
The title "aafc-priest of Montu in TodC?)" is attested on
the back pillar preserved with the head and upper torso of a
granite statue of a seated man in Cairo (CG 843) dated to
Dynasty XVIII.195 Unfortunately the owner's name is lost after
all four inscribed titles.

1
4
The stela of Padju in the Cairo Museum (CG 34005) features
9
Montu in seated hieracocephalic human form on the left who
receives the adoration of King Amenhotep I and a
prince named Ahmose-Sapair(?) both standing before him in the
upper register/ and the kneeling figure of Padju himself in
the right corner of the narrower bottom register.196 The god is
inscribed as "Montu/ Lord of [Arlmant/" and he wears a broad
collar and the tripartite wig surmounted by a solar disk which
eclipses all but the back edge of the tall twin plumes. The
double uraeus is carefully carved# extending forward from the
disk/ and he holds a w3s-scepter in his left hand. An ankh was
probably held in the right hand/ but this is only a
supposition based on a parallel representation in the Louvre
(E 15123)/ inasmuch as the Cairo stela is damaged in this
area. The main text is a htp-di-nyswt offering formula made to
Montu/ Lord of Armant/ Tjenenet/ Iunyt and Horus/ the
Protector of His Father. Padju is called sflm-c5 ji Mnfcw/
"servant of Montu/" and it further states: di.f i3w n nb.f m
fart hrw rc nb/
"he gives adoration to his lord [Montu?] in the course of
every day." The stela clearly dates to Dynasty XVIII.197
The Louvre parallel (E 15123) [Fig. 381 was found at Tod
(inv. 1933) and was inscribed for a man whose name has been
read as Khepriemhat.198 The decoration of the stela is divided
into a large upper and a narrow lower register with a winged
disk surmounting the scene in the lunette.
As in the Cairo example/ hieracocephalic Montu is seated on
the left in the upper register while the owner kneels in the
lower right with his hands raised in adoration. The god holds
a w3s-scepter in his left hand and an ankh in his right. But

1
5
here the iconographic parallel ends? since Montu's headdress
0
includes only a single uraeusr and the tall plumes overlap the
left tip of the winged sun-disk.
In place of Amenhotep I and the prince# a well-stocked
offering table stands before the god. The bottom register
includes two storage jars on the left and a brief three-
column inscription in the center: (1) rdi i3w ri Mnfcw (2)
[missing] (3) ir n gpri(?)-m-h3t/ s6iving adoration to Montu
/III done by Khepriemhat." The owner's title/ if any/ may have

conceivably appeared in the lost second column. The stela has
been dated stylistically to Dynasty XVIII.199
A hymn to Montu is featured on the stela of the vizier
Wosermontu from Armant which probably dates to the reign of
Tutankhamen/ but on which the only cartouche was usurped by
Horemheb.200 Transliterated text:
(1) [i3w n] ,k [ Mnfcw j nb Iwny ih rnpy [spd (2) cbwy] icrty
nyswt nfcrw ity hk3 idbwy nb hp ifci m sljm.f nb fyt m-m wrw
(3) /// psflt nSnty shm jn Nik di.t(w)201 shm mcb3y.f im.f wr
phty m (m)sktt202 dndn (4) III [nhlt.f hr k3 hr wshfc [sic]
rihm t3wy m w3h tp t3 bik wr t3 hrw k3 spd dmwhn cbwy (5) a|
b3 m mcb3y.f dd ncy Rc m wi3.f shr n.f hfty.f ist.f m rr
fanm.sn 3wt-ib (6) nfcr wr c3 b3w pdty shm m rkwy.f di.t(w)203
snd.f wrw r^f fft.f bdg.ti m hcw.sn hcc. [sn] (7) m hsf.f
irr.sn m wfl.n.f n.sn hms hr hndw iw ir n.f nfcrw nfcrywt w3t
nry.f hryw nc hr.sn m33 [sw] (8) hft wfl.n.f sm3 t3 _m shwt.f
nt pt prr m hnwty Nnw ms sw mwt.f rc nb rnpy tp
3bd nb /// (9) ifrmw-wrd hnc imy-sk [sic]204 hrw n.k bnty ipw
dw3 tw sflrw hnw /// (10) sw32 tv hmw.sn dw3.sn tv hft psd.k
cc
wy.sn h3m ji b3w.k imy-r3 niwt t3ty ffsr-Mnfcw [m3c- hrw
fld.f infl-hr.k Rc imy] (11) 3ht.f hc.ti s3t.f m-ht.f di.s hh.s
1
sflt jm hfty.k wn.s n.k w3t nfrt diw n.k /// (12) m_ 13w ji5
1
c c
wbn.k di.k s3.k mr.k nb t3vy (Dsr-hprv-R stp-n-R I hr nst.k n_
rnpwt.f rnpwt /// (13) nb [mryl M3ct ii m

JLak M 'il.l. 1 i I t
UL-JJ L OUC X&/ / /
Translation:
(1) [Praise to] you iMontu]/ Lord of Armant/ youthful bull/
[sharp (2) of horns]/ he of the double uraeus/ king of the
gods/ the sovereign/ ruler of the Two Banks/ possessor of
strength who seizes with his power/ lord of majesty among the
great ones/ (3) /// the Ennead/ the raging one who prevails
over the serpent-demon Nik/ his spear having been caused to
overpower him/ great of strength in the nightbark/ wrathful
(4) /// his [strength] is high and wide/ he who saves the Two
Lands while enduring upon earth/ great hawk/ mysterious of
countenances/ the bull/ sharp of knife/ equipped with horns205
(5) /// provided with his spear/ who causes Re to sail in his
bark and who overthrows his serpent enemy for him/ his crew
rejoicing/ they receiving joy; (6) the eldest god/ great of
power/ the bowman who prevails over his opponents/ fear of him
being given to those greater than he/ awe of him being at rest
in their bodies/ [they] rejoicing (7) in his approach/ they
acting as he has ordained for them/ he who is seated on the
throne. The gods and goddesses make way for him* he overawing
those who are above# the faces of those who see [him] being
repelled206 (8) according as he has commanded landing in his
heavenly fields# he who comes forth as the oarsman of Nun#
whose mother gives birth to him every day# he who is
rejuvenated every month /// (9) the unwearying stars together
with the imperishable stars; those two baboons are quiet for
you; the sleepers praise you; family /// (10) their majesties
1
pay honor to you and they worship you when you shine# their5
2
arms bent to your power. The mayor of the City and vizier
Wosermontu# [justified# he says: Hail to you Re207 who is in]
(11) his horizon# you having appeared in glory#208 his daughter
accompanying him that she may kindle her fiery blast in your
serpent enemy. She opens for you the good way and to you is
given /// (12) in praise of your rising. You place your son
whom you love# the Lord of the Two Lands# Djeserkheperure
Setepenre# upon your throne of eternity# his years /// (13)
sole lord# beloved of Maat# who comes in peace to the
horizon ///.
This composition is typical of Egyptian hymns which# as H.
M. Stewart has observed# "consist mainly of honorific titles#
epithets# and participial expressions ..."209 He has explained
the confusing interchange of second and third person pronouns
in such hymns as "characteristic of Egyptian participial
clauses."210 Wosermontu's hymn shares one theme in common with
two variations of New Kingdom solar hymns: the defeat of the
serpent-demon Nik by the forces of solar godhead. In Stewart's
Horning Hymn I it states: "Re lives and the serpent-demon
[Niki dies. Thou abidest and thine enemy is overthrown. Thou
crossest the sky in life and dominion# making the sky festal
in the day** boat."211 Morning Hymn II# variant 1# declares:
"That serpent-demon [Niki has been consigned to the flame# and
his corpse destroyed."212 In neither of these examples is
credit given for Res victory. However# the Armant hymn
clearly names Hontu as the god responsible for the defeat of
fiik. and Re's subsequent appearance at dawn in the day- bark
to the jubilation of Re's crew. Thus at the crucial period
just before dawn while Re is still in the night-bark (msktt#

1
5
line 3)# Hontu subdues Nik with his spear. An obvious parallel
3
can be made with the "raging" god Seth who repels the serpent
Apophis from the bark of Re.213 This would again emphasize the
warlike aspect of Hontu and his role in the maintenance of the
proper order of heaven and earth. Perhaps his defense of the
solar bark explains the significance of Montu's depiction on
the falcon-ships of the king: the local manifestations of
Montu subdue the enemies of Re's earthly son who sails in his
warship.
The stela also includes an offering formula naming Montu:214
htp di nyswt Mntw nb Iwny nirw 3fcm W3st di.sn c.w.s. jn rpc
hty-c imy-r3 niwt t3[ty Wsr-Mntw m3c-hrw] # "An offering.which
the king gives (to) Montu# Lord of Armant# and the gods and
divine images of Thebes# that they may grant life# prosperity
and health to the hereditary prince#
nomarch/ mayor of the City and vizlier Wosermontu/
justified]."
Thus/ with the exception of the Amarna Period/ the cult of
Montu flourished during Dynasty XVIII. Each cultic center was
the beneficiary of new construction/ the Armant temple
receiving the most attention. The Montu temple at Karnak was
renovated by Amenhotep III* although Montu's precise status in
that precinct is not certain. Despite Barta's omission of any
reference to Montu in the htprdi- nyswt offering formula of
Dynasty XVIII/215 six examples have been cited from the
monuments. References to Montu/ Lord of Thebes/ the Bull Who
Dwells in Armant/ and Montu/ Lord of Thebes/ the Bull Who
Dwells in Medamud/ indicate at least the nominal continuation
of the bull cult at those sites. In addition/ Montu's
iconographic stability in the early New Kingdom has been

1
5
demonstrated.- as well as a greater variety of decorative uses
4
and attestations of his image associated with his more clearly
defined role as state war god.

Notes to Chapter 4
*T. 6. H. James/ "Egypt: from the Expulsion of the Hyksos
to Amenophis I/" chap. VIII in CAH3 v. 2/ pt. 1 (Cambridge
1973)/ pp. 289-293; D. B. Redford/ History and Chronology Q
fce Eighteenth Dynasty Q_ Egypt (Toronto 1967)/ pp. 28-49;
and B. J. Kemp/ "Old Kingdom/ Middle
Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period c. 2686-1551 BCr in
Ancient Egypt: a Social History (Cambridge 1983)/ p. 173.

2
Kamose's campaign is recorded on two stelae and a tablet:
W. Helckr Historisch-biographische Texte 2*. Zwischenzeit und
neue Texte IS*. Dynastie (Wiesbaden
1975) / pp. 82-97 (no. 119); A. H. Gardiner/ "The Defeat of
the Hyksos by Kamose: Carnarvon Tablet/ No. I/" JEA 3 (i9I6):95-
iI0; p. Lacau/ "One stfcle du roi 'Kamosis/'" ASAE 34
(1939):245-271; and L. Habachi/ The Second Stela of Kamo as
and Eia Struggle against ths. Hyksos Ruler and lia Capital
(GlQckstadt 1972).
3
Jamesr CAH3/ v. 2/ pt. 1/ pp. 293-296.
4
0n the inner face of the Ramesseum's Second Pylon (EH2 II
434 110] 1.1)/ Ahmose I is depicted among the royal ancestors
of Ramesses II after Menes and Nebhepetre Mentuhotep II/ the
other two kings venerated for their own unifications of Egypt
through military force.

5
Helck/ Texte/ p. 103/ no. 123; H. E. Winlock/ "On Queen
Tetisherir Grandmother of Ahmose I/" Ancient Egypt (1921) :15-
16; and M. A. Murray/ "Queen Tety-shery/" Ancient Egypt
(1934):66-67 and fig. 3.

1
6 5
H. E. Winlock/ "The Egyptian Expedition/ 1925-1927/" BMMA
5
section II/ February 1928/ p. 38; and his Excavations at Sl
Bflfrrir 1911rl931 (New York 1942) / p. 140.
P. Lacau and H. Chevrier/ Ung. chapelle d'Hatshepsout k.

7
Karnak I-II (Cairo 1977-1979)# p. 66/ 101/ and pl. 2B/ assise
8/ no. 245.
8
Ibid.# p. 66# SlOlr and pi. 2B# assise 8# no. 73; and p.
47r 54# and pi. 3# assise 2# no. 24.

9
Ibid.r p. 221# 343# and pi. 10# no. 193.
10
Ibid.r p. 339# 591# and pi. 19# no. 276.
11
J. H. Breasted (ARE 391# n. a) states that the Annals
"occupy the inside of the walls inclosing the corridor which
surrounds the granite holy of holies of the great Karnak
temple of Amon. ... beginning at the northeast corner# [they]
read westward along the north wall# and southward along the
west wall# terminating at the door in the center of this
wall."
12
ABE 411-413.
13
R. Mond and 0. H. Myers# Temples of Armant: a Preliminary
Survey (London 1940)# pp. 182-184 and pi. CIII.
IV 1276-1283; S. Hassan# "The Great Limestone Stela of Amenhotep
II#" ASAE 37 (1937) :129-134 and pis. I- II; A. Varille# "La
grande st&le d'Amfenophis II & Giza#" BIFAO 41 (1942) :31-38
and pi. I; W. Helck# Prkunden der 18. Pyireg.tAe: fibersetzung
ii Heften 17-22 (Berlin 1961)# pp. 24-28; and M. Lichtheim#
Ancient Egyptian Literature# vol. 2: The New Kingdom (Berkeley
1976)# pp. 39-43.

15
For a thorough study of the god Seth see H. te Velde#
S.efch/. God qL Confusion: a Study of Eis Role in Egyptian
Mythology and Religion (Probleme der Sgyptologie 6; Leiden

1
1967) and "Seth#" in LdA v# cols. 908-911. 5
6
16
Velde (S.e.thr. fisd Ql Confusion# p. 28) states: "One of
the most frequently employed epithets of Seth is son of
Nut1; it is so widely known that it can be used without any
further addition as an equivalent of the name Seth."
*7The construction rh^ sw is probably a variation of the
participial statement in which the participle serves as
adjectival predicate with the dependent pronoun as subject
(Gardiner? Grammar3/ 374 B). A literal reading might be "he
is one-knowing."
ls
The word htr could also be interpreted as "horses" in the
sense of "span of horses" used with chariots. However/ later
in the text the more precise term for horse/ ssm(t) # is used
(Prk. IV 1281:9 and 1282:8)/ so htr ought to refer to
"chariotry."
*9This feat/ however/ may not be so unique. It is reported
on the Armant Stela that his father/ Thutmose III/ performed a
similar display of prowess before his entire army and placed
the result in the temple of Amun (Prk. IV 1245:3-8; see also
W. C. Hayes/ "Egypt: Internal Affairs from Tuthmosis I to the
Death of Amenophis III/" in CAH3# v. 2/ pt. 1 [Cambridge
19731/ pp. 333-336).

20
Hlk IV 1283:15-1286:20; and S. Bassan/ "A Representation
of the Solar Disk with Human Hands and Arms ând the Form of
Horus of Bdidet/ as Seen on the Stela of Amenhetep Ilnd in the
Mud-Brick Temple at Giza/" ASAE 38 (1938):53-61 and pi. IX.

21
H. SchSfer/ "KSnig Amenophis II als MeisterschGtz/" OLZ 32
(1929) :233-244; B. van de Walle/ "Les rois sportifs de
l'ancienne figypte/" 13 (1938):243-248 and fig. 2;
and Luxor Museum of Ancient Egyptian Art* Catalogue (Cairo

1
1979)/ no. 88 (pp. 68-69 and fig. 53). 5
7
22
Pound in KV 35 (PH2 I2 556): 6. Daressy* Fouilles de la
Vallfee des Rois (Catalogue gfenferal des antiquitfes
ggyptiennes du Muse du Caire; Cairo 1902)/ pp. 68-69 and pi.
XIX (Bow = CG 24120; Case = CG 24121); flik. IV 1363:4- 15.
Montu is not mentioned in the inscription.

23
Egypt ili Pharaohs (London 1974) / p. 200.
24
W. J. Fulcor "The God Reep/" Ph.D. thesis# Yale
University/ 1971; idem? Canaanite God ReSep (New Haven 1976);
and most recently W. K. Simpson/ "Reschef/" in LdS V/ cols.
244-246/ including bibliography.

25
CG 24113 (G. Daressy/ Fouilles de la VallSe des Rois
[Catalogue gfenSral des antiquit&s fegyptiennes du Muse du
Caire; Cairo 19021 / p. 66); and PM2 I2 556.

26
The position of knyw is a problem.
27
EM2 I1 p. 144: "Temp. Tuthmosis IV"; he is named three
times (Menkheperure): Prk. IV 1005:2/ 1006:11.

28
IIllL IV 1545:1-1548:6.
29
Howard Carter and Percy E. Newberry/ The Tomb of
Thoutmosis 12 (Catalogue gnral des antiquitfes fegypti-
ennes du Musfee du Caire; Westminster 1904)/ pp. 24-33 and
pis. IX-XII; H2 I2 P. 560; texts: Hik. IV 1559-1560.

30
&gyptj.scheg M.s.eiUjL fitaatliche Mvss.e.n Preuftischer
Kulturb.es itz (Kunst der Welt in den Berliner Museen;
Stuttgart 1980)/ pp. 54-55/ cat. no. 20.

31
Gardiner sign D 1 has been altered to resemble the
head of a stereotypic Asiatic with headband and thick beard.
Perhaps wrw is intended/ but the meaning remains the same.

32
flEfc.. IV 1665:5-1666:20; ME S 843.
^The falcon determinative is the perched Horus (Gardiner G

1
5
7) which would suggest a divine attribute or perhaps even the
8
presence of the word nfcry.
34
Pntersuchungen jjn Totentempel Aroenpphis*- ill. (BeitrSge
zur Sgyptischen Bauforschung und Altertumskunde 11; Wiesbaden
1981)/ Abb. 13/ En.

35
C. Trauneckerz "Amenophis IV a-t-il tax les dieux de
1'figypte?" BistfliEe aigtealpgi.ex Iss. dossiers no. 61
(1982):72.
36
His letter dated Karnak/ Dec. 26/ 1982. In the preliminary
organization of the material/ the pr-Mntw was assigned the
designation of "domaine 9."

37
"Some Observations on the Military Background of the
Amarna Period/" JARCE 3 (1964) :55 and n. 26; and his "The
Nubian War of Akhenaton/" in L'Eavptologie en 1979; axes
prioritaires 3s. recherchesz vol. 2 (Colloques internation-
aux du C.N.R.S. no. 595; Paris 1982)z pp. 308-309. The
Jalock's purported relevance to the military history of the
reign of Akhenaten was recently reiterated by Schulman at a
meeting of the Egyptological Seminar of New Yorkz Sept. 21z
1984. At no time does Schulman address the problem of a
reference to Montu on a block which he attributes to the later
reign of Akhenaten.
3
"Rapport sur les travaux de Karnak# 1952-1953/" ASAE 53
(1955):7-8 and pl. I.

39
Faulkner (Dictionary) suggests "song of joy" for this
phrase. The more literal translation would seem more
appropriate here.
40
Her letter dated Berlin/ Nov. 9 1984/ for which I wish to
express my gratitude. Indeed/ W. Helck included the
inscription among those of Tutankhaiueii vuln* Xv 2047:19-20).

1
5
M. Eaton-Kraufi (letter 11/9/84) also mentions two "adjoining"
9
blocks "stored in the open air south of Sheik Labib" at Karnak
which Otto Schaden has recently published as part of
Tutankhamen's Karnak shrine ("Report on the 1978 Season at
Karnak/" NARCE no. 127 [Fall 1984]/ p. 63 [pl. VIII]: 31, 79).
41
0. Schaden/ "The Temple of Nebkheperure in Thebes," in
"The God's Father Ay/" Ph.D. thesis/ University of Minnesota.*
August 1977/ pp. 153-191/ and his "Report/" pp. 44-64; see
also Ramadan Sa'ad/ "Fragments d'un monument de ToutSnkhamon
retrouvfes dans le IXe pylfine de Karnak/" in Kamal! Si. 1970-
1972 (Cairo 1975)/ pp. 93-109 and pis. XXXIV-XXXVI.

I
AO I
*^Schaden/ "Temple of Nebkheperure/" p. 156/ and presumably
among them those published in his "Report/" p.
60 [pl. VI: 91-1/104-4 and 91-3/ although the figures of the
hieracocephalic deity with solar disk/ twin plumes and uraeus
are incomplete and lack identifying captions.

43
"Notes sur le Sieu Montou/" BIFAO 40 (1941):13.
44
EH2 II 348 II (16). K. MySliwiec also considers the
erasures as evidence of Atenist iconoclasm ("Amon/ Atum and
Aton: the Evolution of Heliopolitan Influences in Thebes/" in
L'Eqyptoloqie en 1979/ vol. 2/ pp. 287-288 and figs. 72- 73).

45
Ih& Temple ol DsiL el-Bahari II (London 1896?)/ pp. 13-14
and pi. XLVI.
462 jj 257 (144) II/ and clearly reproduced in
Metropolitan Museum of Art photograph T. 2234. Although some
of the damage is probably the result of deterioration of the
relief surface/ other defacement appears to be deliberate.

47
Unassembled block no. 32/405. I should like to thank
Claude Traunecker and the Centre franco-gyptien d'fetude des

1
6
temples de Karnak for providing me with a photocopy of their
0
unpublished photograph for use in my thesis.
48
See also Schulman/ "Nubian War/" pp. 302-303.
49
W. Helck/ "Ein 'Feldzug' unter Amenophis IV. gegen
Nubien/" SAK 8 (1980) :117-126; originally published by H.
S. smith/ Eoft-ness af auhea; tbs. Inssurlp.tipps (EES Excavation
Memoir 48; London 1976)/ 124-129/ pis. 29 and 75.1. Schulman
("Nubian War/" pp. 301-302)/ following Smith's translation
based on B. J. Kemp's original restoration of the stela's
text/ offers a different translation which omits the phrase
and substitutes the late form of the didactic name of the
Aten.
50
R. Cottevieille-Giraudet/ Rapport les fouilles (1932): is&
xfiliefs. fll&mngphis IY Akiienatgn (FIFAO 13; Cairo 1936). C.
Aldred (Akhenaten/ Pharaoh Egypt [London 19681/ p. 241) refers
to the pylons of Akhenaten's "temples at Thebes and Medamud."
^"Interpretation and Discoveries/" in The Akhenaten Temple
Elflle.C.t: vol. 1/ Initial Eigc.Qff.eii.es. (Warminster 1976)/ p.
49.
52
"Jubilee Scenes on Talatat/" in ATP 1/ p. 67.
53
Akhenaten/ the Heretic King. (Princeton 1984) / p. 71.
54
A. Farid/ "A Preliminary Report on the Clearance of the
Temple of Monthu and Recit-taui at Armant/ Season July- August
1980/" Oriens Antiguus 22 (1983):68-72 and pis. II- IV.

55
C. Desroches-Noblecourt/ "Les nouvelles fouilles de Tfld:
rSsultats gSnferaux des guatres premieres saisons de
recherche/ printemps 1980-automne 1981/" BSFE 93 (1982) :15-
16 and pi. V.10.

56
Hercples o. Armant/ pp. 3-4.
57
The Bucheum II (EES Memoir 41; London 1934)/ pp. 45-
1
46. 6
1
58
"Notes prises & Karnak/" RdT 23 (1901):62.
59
History aM Chronology/ pp. 134-135.
"Ein Sonnenheiligtum im Amonstempel von Karnak/"
Orxentalia 18 (1949):433-436/ 440-441.

61
"Preliminary Report/" p. 70 and n. 17 in particular.
62
Desroches-Noblecourt/ "Nouvelles fouilles/" p. 16
and pl. V.10. Howeverr based on blocks and fragments of red
granite "jubilee statues" of Amenhotep IV, Desroches-
Noblecourt and C. Leblanc have recently concluded: 11 aevait
exister un temple d'Amenophis IV a Tod ... Un des premiers
jubil&s du roi a fegalement dll 6tre clfebr sur le site de
Diertv" ("Considferations sur 1'existence des divers temples
de Monthou a travers les ages# dans le site de Ted# BIFAO 84
[13841:108# also 106). An article by them on this specific
subject is in press (ASAE 70).

63
Redford# Akhenaten# pp. 207-208.
64
Urk. IV 2025-2032? translation and commentary by J.
Bennett# "The Restoration inscription of Tutcankhamun#" JEA
25 (1939):8-15.
65
See also K. El Mallakh and A. C. Brackman# The Gold of
Tutankhamen (1978)# p. 303 and pl. 83.

66
See also Mallakh and Brackman# Gold# p. 303 and pl.
84.
67
R. O. Faulkner# "Egypt: from the Inception of the
Nineteenth Dynasty to the Death of Ramesses III#" chap. XXIII
in v. 2# pt. 2 (Cambridge 1975)# p. 217.

68
"Notes#" p. 16.
G. JSquier# L& monument funferaire . Pepi II# t. 2: temple

69
(Cairo 1938)# p. 36 and pis. 46-47.

1
70
For a discussion of Montu as chief of the Theban Ennead6
2
see Chapter 6# pp. 252-255.
71
Lacau and Chevrier# flaa chapelle d'Hatshepsout# pp. 46-
47# 54 (pl. 3# assise 2# no. 24); pp. 65-66# 101 (pl.

163
2Br assise 8/ nos. 73 and 245); p. 221/ 343 (pi. 10/ no.
193).
72
Ibid./ p. 339r 591 (pi. 19/ no. 276).
73
Temples af Aisant/ pi. cm.
74
Hieroglyphic l2LfcS. fJLgffi Egyptian SJtelafif etc.
VIII (London 1939)/ pp. 5-6 and pi. VI. See also British
Museum/ A ]Ud ifi the Egyptian Galleries (Sculpture)
(London 1909)/ p. 105 no. 3631; F. Arundale and J. Bonomi/
fiallflpg J2l AntiqjHities Selected JLlqb ite British Mus_eum
(London [1842])/ p. 81 and pi. 34/ fig. 148; Prisse
d'Avennes/ "Antiquitfes fegyptiennes du Musfee Britannique/"
BS2US archfeologiaue 3/ pt. 2 (1847) :701-702; and B.
Hornemann, Types qL Ancient Egyptian Statuary VI (Copenhagen
1969)/ pis. 1486-1487.

75
fliâalyphis isxts viii/ p. 6.
76
R. D. Barnett/ "The Nimrud Ivories and the Art of the
Phoenicians/" Iraq (1935) :187-188 and pi. XXIII.l; Pierre
Gilbert/ "Le thfeme de groupement des graces avant les
Grecs/" L'Antiguitfe classigue 5 (1936) :374-376 and fig. 2/
in which the sculpture is attributed to Senwosret I based on
a similar fragment photographed by Capart at Armant which
bears that king's name (photo no- 5280/ Fonda- tion
figyptologique Reine Elisabeth/ Brussels); and PM2 II 296/
which follows Gilbert and states: "usurped from Sesostris
K?)."
296
.
77
British Museum/ Guide (Sculpture)/ p. 105 and M2 II
78
EM2 II 103; M. Pilletf IhSfafig.; KainaR Louxor (Paris
1928) p. 62/ fig. 52; Gilbert/ Le classicisroe de
l'architecture fegyptienne (Brussels 1943)/ p. 58/ fig. 14;
and idem/ Thfcme de groupement/" p. 373.

79
Gilbert (Classicisme/ p. 58) also attributes this pillar-
base to Dynasty XII/ and specifically to King Senwosret I.
"''Carter and Newberry/ Tomb of Thoutmftsis IV.

81
Ibid./ pl. X.
82
See Chapter 2/ pp. 46-48.
83
Carter and Newberry/ Tomb of Thoutmftsis IV/ pl. XII. 84
A.
Piankoff.- ShrAnes o Tut-Ankh-Amon (New York 1962)/ pis.
19/ 21/ 23-24/ 28 and 50; Mallakh and Brackman/ Gold/ pis.
15-17 and 37.

85
&9XP-fciSSh& MVtSftVim, Staatliche HHfle.en Preu&ischer
Kulturbesitz/ pp. 54-55/ cat. no. 20.

86
I2 II 327 (154) II/l; A. Gayet/ Lg temple Louxor/ li
Constructions d'Amenophis III (Mfemoires de la Mission
archfeologique franpaise au Caire XV; Paris 1894)/ pl.
LXXII/ fig. 189.

Z1
m2 II 327 (154) 1/1; Gayet/ Temple/ pl. LXXVz fig.
186.
88
EH2 II 322 (129) II; Gayet/ Temple/ pl. XLVI/ fig.
110.
89
CQrPU5 &L scarabfee fegyptien II (Beirut 1977)/ nos. 177-
165
184/ pp. 61-62 and 334. See also A. Rowe/ A Catalogue M
Egyptian S<?ar.afc>?r ScaraboidS/ Ssals. Slid Amulets in
Palestine Archaeological Museum (Cairo 1936)r no. 572* p. 137
and pi. XV (= Matouk no. 184)# and no. 578# p. 139 and pi. XV
(= Matouk no. 181); H. R. Hall* Roval Scarabs (Catalogue of
Egyptian Scarabs# Etc.* in the British Museum 1; London
1913)* no. 1110* p. 109 (= Matouk no. 180)# and no. 1638* p.
161 (= Matouk no. 179); and P. E. Newberry* Ancient Egyptian
Scarabs (Chicago 1979)* pi. XXVII.16 (= Matouk no. 182)

90
Matouk* Corpus II* no. 182* pp. 62 and 334; Newberry*
Scarabs* pi. XXVII.16.
C. R. Gillett* Catalogue Qf Egyptian Antiguities

91
in Halls
2 and (Metropolitan Museum of Art Hand-book no. 4; New
York 1898)# no. 996# p. 64; and W. C. Hayes# Scepter of Egypt
II (Cambridge* Mass. 1959)# p. 183.

92
Skaiaken imd andere Siegelanmlette ans. Basler
Sammlungen (Agyptische DenkmSler in der Schweiz 1; Mainz
1976) * nos. 650 and 651* p. 319 and pi. 72.

93
Royal Scarabs* no. 1878* p. 188.
94
J. Ward* Sasx.gii Beetle: Popular Treatise an Egyptian
Scarabs in Alt and History (London 1902)* no. 18* p. 61 and
pi. IV.
95
Previously unpublished; of unknown provenance* it was a
gift of Helen Miller Gould in 1910.

96
Paulkner (Dictionary* p. 81) translates the term as
296
.
"*falcon'-ship" (cf. Hfe. I 445: "Schiff des KBnigs").
Breasted rendered the word as "barge" (ARE 80)* but most
recently Redford follows Faulkner with the translation
"'hawk-boat'" (Akhenaten* p. 31). The intent of the Egyptians
seems quite clear inasmuch as they made use of the word for
"falcon" determined by a boat (Gardiner P 1).

97
EM2 I1 190-194.
98
Ibid.f 190 (3) IV; N. de Garis Davies* The Tomb of Ken-
Amun at Thebes (New York 1930)* p. 41 and pis. XLII.A and
LXVIII.B.
OO O 1
I-1- 75-78.
10
Ibid.* 75 (1) I; N. de Garis Davies and A. H. Gardiner*
The Tomb of Huv* Viceroy of Nubia in the Reign of
Tutcankhamun (No. 40) (Theban Tomb Series; London 1926)* p.
16 and pis. XI-XII. The so-called "viceregal dahabeeyah" is
again depicted with some variation in a scene representing
Huy's arrival from Nubia (PM2 I1 75 [51; Davies and Gardiner*
Tomb of Huv* pp. 26-27 and pi. XXXI).

101
B. Landstr5m (Ships of the Pharaohs [Garden City*
N.Y. 19701* p. 108 and fig. 336) classes these vessels as
"travelling ships adorned with pictures of Montu* the god of
war." He also notes that "it has therefore been suggested
that these otherwise typical travelling ships might be
warships."
167
102
H2 I2 556.
103
Daressy* Fouilles* pp. 239-241 and pis. XLVIII-XLIX (pi.
XLIX* for "3944*" read "4944"); G. A. Reisner* Models
Ships and Boats (Catalogue gfenferal des antiquitfes
fegyptiennes du Musfee du Caire; Cairo 1913)* pp. 96-98.
Made from sycamore and cedar.

104
Daressy> Fouilles/ pp. 241-242 and pl. XLVIII; Reisner/
Models/ p. 98. Made from sycamore and cedar.

105
Daressy/ Fouilles/ pp. 242-243 and pl. XLVIII; Reisner/
Models/ p. 98-99. Made from sycamore and cedar.

106
Daressy/ Fouilles/ pp. 246-247 and pl. L; Reisner/
Models/ p. 114.
107
Daressy/ Fouilles/ p. 249 and pl. LI; Reisner/
JS2SS1S/ P. 116.
108
Daressy/ Fouilles/ p. 250 and pl. LI; Reisner/ Models/
p* 117.
109
Reisner/ Models/ pp. 117-118.
110
Both scarabs came from Luxor and were the gift of J.
Pierpont Morgan in 1905. They were published by J. Ward
(Sacred Beetle): MMA 05.3.367 = no. 9/ p. 59 and pl. IV; MMA
05.3.368 = no. 375/ p. 58 and pl. IV. mScePter II/ p. 146.

112
From the T. M. Davis collection/ bequest of 1915. 113
Scepter
II/ pp. 126-127.

114
F. S. Matoukz Corpus II/ no. 2086/ pp. 226 and 366.
It was originally published by H. R. Hall/ Roval Scarabs# no.
296
.
1712/ p. 169. Hall read the cartouche as (Mn-hprw-R ), the
c
prenomen of Thutmose IV.

115
Matouk/ Corpus II/ no. 2087/ p. 226 and 366. Originally
published by Hall? Roval Scarabs/ no. 1097/ p. 107.

116
N. de G. Davies/ Rock XflBks ol 1 Amarna/ pt. 5:
Snaller. I2lbs sod Boundary Stelae (Archaeological Survey of
Egypt# Memoir 17; London 1908)* pi. IV.

117
Ibid.# pp. 3-4 and pi. V.
**MFA nos. 64.521 and 63.260; published by J. D.
Cooney* Ajn.araa Beliefs fxflfli Hermopolis in American Collections
(Brooklyn 1965) # pp. 82-85# nos. 51 and 51a# and Cyril
Aldred# Akhenaten and Nefertiti (Brooklyn 1973)# p. 135/ no.
57.
lls
Cooney# Amarna Reliefs# pp. 80-81# no. 50/ and Aldred/
Akhenaten and Nefertiti# p. 133# no. 55.

120
Amarna Reliefs# p. 84. Another fragmentary relief of a
royal ship belonging to this corpus was found at Abydos and
is in Berlin (no. 23719): R. Anthes# "FBnf Neu- erwerbungen
in der Xgyptischen Abteilung#" in Berichte aus dsn
P.cettSSiSSten, Kunstsammlungen Jahrg. 55# Heft 5 (1934) :98-
99 and Abb. 8; Schulman# "Military Background#" p. 54 and n.
22; and W. M. F. Petrie# Abydos II (EES Memoir 24; London
1903)# p. 37 and pi. XXXIX.
*2*"Quelques 61ments de la dfecoration gyptienne sous le
Nouvel empire: le griffon I-III#" BIE 25 (1943) :183-203#

169
26 (1944) :231-255# and 27 (1946) :379-396. See also H. Bonnet#
Sgyptischen Religionsgeschichte
(Berlin 1952)# pp. 262-263# E. Feucht# "Greif#" in Ldg II#
cols. 895-896; H. Frankfort# "Notes on the Cretan Griffin#"
Annual & British school at Athens no. 37 (1940) :110- 117;
and E. Eggebrecht# Eis. Mi Haffs mid Werkzeug is alten
Agypten (MOnchner Sgyptologische Studien 15; Berlin 1969)#
pp. 68-72.
122
The griffin is commonly defined as "a fabulous beast
with the head and wings of an eagle and the body of a lion
Cite American Heritage Dictionary s. ite English Language
[Boston 19731/ p. 579). The eagle would seem to share the
iconographic honors with either the falcon or the vulture in
Egyptian versions of the creature.

123
Leibovitch/ "Griffon I*" pp. 193-196/ and "Griffon II/"
pp. 235-237; lib* I 225.

124
Leibovitch/ "Griffon II/" p. 232 and fig. 1; C. Aldred/
Jewels the Pharaohs (London 1971)/ pi. 41 and p. 194.

125
Leibovitch/ "Griffon II/" p. 232.
126
Ibid./ referring to A. Evans.- Palace Minos IV2 (New York
1964)/ p. 914/ fig. 888C.

127
"Notes/" p. 112.
128
Pizionario i mitologia egizia I (Turin 1881)/ p. 39 and
pi. XIII.
129
"Griffon I," pp. 186-189.
296
.
130
Davies/ Tomb of Ken-Amun/ pl LXVIII.B.
131
Daressy/ Fouilles/ pp. 239-243 and pis. XLVIII-XLIX.
132
Ibid.z p. 73 and pi. XXI.
133
fi. Vernier/ Biioux orffevreries (Catalogue gfenferal
des antiquitfes fegyptiennes du Musfee du Caire; Cairo 1925)/
pp. 205-207/ pis. XLII-XLIII; F. W. von Bissing/ Ein
tJagtonischer Grabfand aus Anfang i. Neuen Reichs (Berlin
1900)/ pi. I; and Eggebrecht/ Axt als waffe, pp. 92-95 and
pis. XXX-XXXI.
134
Leibovitchz "Griffon I," p. 192/ and Frankfort/ "Notes/"
pp. 112-113. For the development of the Cretan griffin see:
Leibovitch/ "Le griffon dans le Moyen-Orient antique/"
'Atigot 1 (1955) :75-88; A. Dessennez "Le griffon crfeto-
mycfenien: inventaire et remarquesz" Bulletin de cor-
respondance hellfenique 81 (1957):205-215; C. Delplace/ "Le
griffon crto-mycnien/" Antiquitfe classique 36 (1967):49-
86 and pis. i-vil; and B. Goldman/ "The Development of the
Lion-Griffin/" MA 64 (1960) :319-328 and pis. 88-91.

135
Velde/ Seth/ s. Confusion/ pp. 16-21.
136
see note 5.
I..gffiPles Armant/ p. 3/ 172 and pl. C.6.

137
138
Ibid./ p. 3/ 187 and pis. XXIII.1/ XL.1-8.
139
Ibid./ p. 3.
140
Ibid./ p. 15.
141
H2 I1 47-49.
171
142
N. de G. Davies and A. H. Gardiner/ Seven Private Tombs
at Kurnah (Mond Excavations at Thebes 2; London 1948)/ p. 16
and pl. XIII; and Temples of Armantt pl. IX.3.

143
Temples g Armant/ pp. 173-174.
144
Ibid./ p. 187.
145
Ibid./ pp. 187-188 and pis. XXIII.2-3/ XL.17-19 and
XLI.1-5.
146
Ibid./ p. 174 and pl. C.5.
147
Ibid./ p. 174 and pl. Cl.2.
148
Ibid.z p. 174 and pl. Cl.5 (not C.5).
149
EM V 141; G. Legrainz "Notes sur le dieu Montouz"
BIFAQ 12 (1916) :84? Rapport slit IsS. fouilles d Mfedamoud
(1925) (FIFAO 31; Cairo 1926) # p. 7; H. E. Winlock# "Rear-
rangements in the Egyptian Rooms#" BMMA 27 (April 1932) :91;
idem# Egyptian Statues and Statuettes (New York 1937)# pi.
11; N. E. Scott# Egyptian Statues (New York 1955)# pi. 8;
W. C. Hayes# Scepter II# p. 121-122 and fig. 62 (p. 120).

150
Legrain# "Notes#" pp. 84 and 98; EH V 141 (40); Medamoud
(1925)# pp. 28-29# 97-100# figs. 73-75.

151
Mfedamoud (1928) (FIFAO 61; Cairo 1929)# p. 2.
152
EH V 147; M&damoud (1926) (FIFAO 41; Cairo 1927)/ pp.
107-108.
153
M V 149; Mfedamoud (1927) (FIFAO 51; Cairo 1928)# inv.
2999# pp. 24# 47-49# 144-145 and fig. 32.
296
.
154
udas2iad (1928) # p. 6.
155
r&d (1934 a 1936) (FIFAO 17; Cairo 1937)# p. 130.
The foundations of the later temple's facade were filled with
sandstone debris inscribed for Thutmose III (ibid.# pp. 128-
129 and pi. XI). For a discussion of the presumed structures
of Thutmose III at Tod# see Desroches-Noblecourt and Leblanc#
"Considerations#" pp. 90-96.

156
Ibid.# p. 130 and pi. XXX.1.
157
Ibid.# p. 130-131# fig. 79 (Cairo Museum no. 37638); EH
V 169.
158paui Barguet# "T6d: rapport de fouilles de la saison
ffevrier-avril 1950#" BIFAO 51 (1952):80-103.

159
lfid# p. 130.
160
Ibid.# pp. 131-132.
161
A. Varille* Karnak I CPIFAO 19; Cairo 1943)* p. 14.
162
Ibid.* p. 12 and pis. XXII-XXIII.
163
Ibid.* p. 13 and pi. XXIX.
164
"Notes*w p. 14.
J
-65Karnak I* p. 17 and fig. 13* pis. LXI.36* LXII.38.
Jacquet* "Fouilles de Karnak Nord: quatrifeme campagne
1971** BIFAO 71 (1972):156 and pi. XXXIX.

167nu2 TT 1__^ A
r n A J i x ~ AV t
168
Karnak I* p. 16.
169"Tr0is campagnes de fouilles & Karnak-Nord (1968- 1969-
1970)*" BIFAO 69 (1970):278 and pi. XL.

173
170
Ibid.* p. 281.
171Trois campagnes*" pp. 275-281; "Fouilles de Karnak
Nord: quatriSme campagne 1971*" pp. 151-157; "Fouilles de
Karnak Nord: cinqui&me campagne 1972*" BIFAO 73 (1973) :207-
216; "Fouilles de Karnak Nord: sixifeme campagne 1972-1973*"
BIFAO 74 (1974) :171-181; "Fouilles de Karnak Nord: septifcme
campagne 1973-1974*" BIFAO 75 (1975) :111-121; "Fouilles de
Karnak Nord: huiti&me campagne (1974-1975)*" BIFAQ 76 (1976) :
133-142; and "Fouilles de Karnak Nord: neuvifeme et dixifcme
campagnes (1975-1977)*" BIFAO 78 (1978):41-52.

172
Karnak-Nord HI (1945-1949) (FIFAO 23; Cairo 1951)* p. 15
and pi. XLI.

173
Ibid.* pp. 16-17 and pi. XLI.
174
Ibid.* p. 17 and pi. XLI.
175
See note 64.
176
Karnak I* p. 19 and pi. XLVIII.
177
Materialien asi Wirtschaftsqeschichte gs. Neaen Reiches
I (Wiesbaden 1961): Montu temple at Karnak/ no. 4/ pp. 64-65;
Tod/ no. 34/ pp. 158-159; Armant/ no. 36/ pp. 160-161; and
Medamud/ no. 37/ p. 162.

17
The title is incorrectly listed by Christine Meyer
(Senenmut: gjne PE.OgQEgflEflP.tU SChe untersuchung [Hamburg
1982] / p. 299) as: hm-nfcr n Mnfcw m Iwnw.

17S
L. Borchardt/ Statuen jiM Statuetten SSR KSnigen and
Privatleuten 2 (Catalogue gfenral des antiquitfes fegypti-
296
.
ennes du Musfee du Caire; Berlin 1925)/ pp. 127-130 and pl.
99; B. V. Bothmer/ "More Statues of Senenmut/" BMA 9 (1969-
70) :135 and figs. 19-20; JZjJi. IV 407-417 (title/ 412:1);
A. R. Schulman/ "Some Remarks on the Alleged 'Fall' of Sen-
mutz" JARCE 8 (1969-70) :40-41 (no. 10); and Meyer/ Senenmut/
p. 44 (Nr. 16) and p. 320 (Text Nr. 15).
180First published by B. V. Bothmer while still in a
private Paris collection ("More Statuesz" pp. 126-127z 130z
132 and figs. 2-5 ITL 69.2693 )z the inscriptions will
finally be analyzed by A. R Schulman in "The Ubiquitous
Senenmut/" BES 6 (1984) [in press]. I should like to thank
Dr. Schulman for giving me access to the manuscript prior to
publication. See also Meyer/ Senenmut/ p. 48 (Nr. 20).
Schulman found the title "the overseer of the prophets of
Monthu in Hermonthis" on the right side of the back pillar
("Ubiquitous/" ms. p. 12/ line 10/ fig. 16). On the left side
of the back pillar he reads another title as "the overseer of
the works of Monthu(?) in Djeser-djeseru"
(ibid.? p. 12? line 9/ fig. 15). However? after examining the
detailed photographs made available to me in the Dept, of
Egyptian? Classical and Ancient Middle Eastern Art at The
Brooklyn Museum? I cannot accept his reading of the second
title. The damaged divine name is not "Montu?" but most
certainly "Amun."
^Hieroglyphic lextS from Egyptian Stelae? ftc.i in

175
British Museum V (London 1914)? p. 10 and pi. 31; and Meyer?
Senenmut? p. 30 (Nr. 2) and p. 305 (Text Nr. 2).

182
T. 6. H. James? Corpus Hieroglyphic Inscriptions in the
Brooklyn Museum I (Brooklyn 1974)? pp. 75-77 and pi. XLVI.
Includes bibliography which omits: Schulman? "Some Remarks?"
p. 42 (no. 16).
*83Great steward of Amun; steward of Amun; overseer of all
the works of Amun; overseer of the granary of Amun; and
overseer of works of Mut in Isheru (James? Corpus I? pp. 75-
76 and pi. XLVI). The last title is read by Schulman as "the
overseer of the work of Horus in Hermonthis" ("Ubiquitous?*
ms. p. 5? line 12 and fig. 9 1= James? Corpus I? pi. XLVI.A])
? and he adds that "this title is not attested in the
prosopographic list of Senenmut's offices which Helck has
collected in his Verwaltung? pp. 475-477" (ibid.? ms. p. 9?
note i). If Schulman's reading were accepted? this previously
unattested title of Senenmut inscribed on the left side of
the back pillar would also preserve a previously unknown
epithet for Montu: Hr m Iwnty] ? "the Horus in Armant."
A.parallel for this proposed Horian epithet
has already been cited on the chariot of Thutmose IV: Hr
W3sty* "the Theban Horus" (Prk. IV 1560:3). However*
I concur with James' reading after studying the detailed
photographs made available to me at The Brooklyn Museum.
The sign read by Schulman as Hr is clearly the vulture with
296
.
flagellum (Gardiner G 15) r i.e. "Mut*" and the sign which he
reads as the iwn-column (Gardiner 0 28) in Iwn[y1 is simply a
damaged reed-leaf (Gardiner M 17) beginning the toponym ISrw.

184
A. E. P. Weigall* "A Report on the Excavation of the
Funeral Temple of Thoutmosis III at Gurneh*" ASAE 7
(1906):133* no. 18; Helck* Obersetzung* p. 94. He supplies
the imy to complete the title* but it is not clear why he
attributes the statue fragment to a man named Ahmose.

185
Mfedamoud (1926)* pp. 2* 52-56 and figs. 24-25; and Utk.
IV 1441-1445.
186
Mdamoud (1926)* pp. 49-51 and fig. 23; and Prk. IV
1482-1484.
187
For the restoration ijft-hr n nb.s* see Helck* fiber-
setzung* p. 119* n. 4.
188
Sceoter II* p. 170. Citing Hayes* Helck (Materi- alien*
p. 160) refers to Ahmose's father as "Vorlese- priester des
Month*" but actual examination of the stela does not support
this reading. Other family members are listed with priestly
titles* but none is specifically linked with Montu's cult at
Armant.
189
Ibid.* p. 229.
190
Materialien I, p. 161.
191
P Lacau, Stales dli Nouvel Empire I2 (Catalogue
gfenferal des antiquit&s fegyptiennes du Muse du Caire;
Cairo 1926)r pp. 174-175.

177
192
S. R. K. Glanville, "Records of a Royal Dockyard of the
Time of Tuthmosis III: Papyrus British Museum 10056*" ZAS 68
(1932) :39-41 and pl. II; Hieroglyphic Texts VIII, pp. 38-40
and pl. XXXIII; and British Museum, Guide (Sculpture), p.
142.
193
"La tombe d'un officier de la XVIIIe dynastie d Saqqara,"
JBdfi 31 (1979) :135-151 and pis. 10-11.

194
Ibid., pp. 139-140, n. (b).
195
Borchardt, Statuen jmd Statuetten 3 (Berlin 1930), pp.
119-120.
196
Lacau, Stfeles du Nouvel Empire I1 (Catalogue gfenferal
des antiquit&s fegyptiennes du Musfee du Caire; Cairo 1909),
pp. 10-11 and pl. V.

197
Helck, Materialien I, p. 161.
19
T6d, p. 136 and fig. 84 (p. 137). I should like to thank
Dr. De Cenival of the Louvre for providing the excellent
photograph of the stela and permission to use it in my
thesis.
199
Louvre computer printout.
200
Temples Armant, pp. 184-185 and pl. CI.3; and Urk. IV
2080:6-2083:8. Eelck has added Drower's sections "b" and "d"
to complete the main text (section "a"), and he provides a
translation reflecting these additions in 5ber-
setzungr pp. 390-391.

201
If di.t(w) is to be read as the infinitive dit/ one must
296
.
assume a missing M The verb with as subject is preferable.
202Tjje serves double duty or else the variant sktt is to
be understood (see Faulkner/ Dictionaryr p. 252).

203See note 201.
204
M. S. Drower (Temples Armant/ p. 185) correctly notes
that this must be a scribal error for ihmw-sk. Helck
(Ork. IV 2082:5) concurs inasmuch as he has paired it with
the reference to the ihmw-wrd from Drower's section "b"
(op. cit.f pi. Cl.3b).
205The precise association of words is not clear. Helck
offers "scharfer Stier* mit zustechenden HSrnern" (fiber-
setzunq/ p. 390).
206
Literally/ "their faces being repelled/ they who see
[him]." The form m33w would be preferable/ but Gardiner notes
(Grammar3 357) that the masculine plural is also found with
no ending on the basic form. Helck's "abge- wendet sind ihre
Gesichter/ wenn sie [ihn] sehen" (Bber- setzung/ p. 390)
offers a similar interpretation/ but it does not follow the
grammar.
207
Helck's restoration of infl-hr.k Rc can be justified by
the reference to "his daughter." Montu has no attested
daughter.
208
Awkward though it may be/ the old perfective form
requires a return to the second person/ masculine/
singular* inasmuch as there is no feminine antecendent and it

179
is clear that it is to Re that the phrase refers.

2
~9"Traditional Egyptian Sun Hymns of the New Kingdom*"
filA no. 6 (1967):40.

210
Ibid.* p. 40.
211
Ibid.* pp. 45-46.
212
Ibid.* p. 50.
213
Velde* Sethi flf Confusion* pp. 99-108.
2
Temples of Armant* p. 185 and pi. Cl.3c.
215
Aufb.flU Beflfi.Htung dsx altSgyptischen Qpferformel
(Agyptologische Forschungen 24; GlQckstadt 1968)* pp. 87 and
109.
296
.
Chapter 5 THE NEW KINGDOM: RAMESSIDE PERIOD
The vizier Pramesse ascended the Egyptian throne as Ramesses
I in ca. 1320 B.C.? having served under Horemheb who left no
bodily heir. He was already an elderly mam and, like his
predecessor, was not of royal blood.
Ramesses did, however, have a full-grown and vigorous son who
succeeded him after a brief reign of no more than two years.
That son, Sethi I, was fully capable of defending Egypt's
interests and solidifying the power base of the new Nineteenth
Dynasty. The family was apparently of Delta origin with
minimal ties to Thebes, and, like the early Thutmosids of
Dynasty XVIII, intimately connected with the Egyptian military
establishment and its imperialistic world view.1 It is little
wonder that the cult of Montu flourished during the Ramesside
Period despite an increased reverence for the god Seth.
Sethi I's successor, Ramesses II, carried on his father's
military activities on an unprecedented scale during his long
rfeign of sixty-seven years and was one of the most prolific
builders Egypt ever knew. He was in turn succeeded by his son
Merenptah who conducted wars to eliminate the external threat
of the Libyans and "Sea Peoples." After his death in 1223
B.C., "the Nineteenth Dynasty died out in short reigns and
dynastic intrigue, and even the order of succession of its
kings is not certain."^ The probable sequence is: Amenmesse/
Sethi II* Siptah and Queen Tawosret?3 although some
chronologies invert the order of Amenmesse and Sethi II.4

The Great Papyrus Harris in the British Museum documents the
rise of Dynasty XX amid confusion and the alleged rule of an
Asiatic named Irsu.5 The chronicle states that the gods chose
their son Sethnakhte to bring peace and order to Egypt/ and it
was he who founded the second and last dynasty of the
Ramesside Period in ca. 1200 B.C. After a brief reign of
roughly two years/ Sethnakht's son ascended the throne as
Ramesses III. This king reigned for thirty-two years and
successfully thwarted attacks made by Libyans and "Sea
Peoples* in Years 5/ 8 and 11/ securing Egypt's boundaries.
Like Ramesses 11/ he was responsible for much construction in
the Theban area/ including the fortified temple at Medinet
Habu. The later reign was marked by increasing economic
difficulties for Egypt and a foiled assassination plot against
the king. He was succeeded by the brief reigns of Ramesses IV-
VIII (26 years combined) and the relatively longer reigns of
Ramesses IX (18 years) / X (10 years) and XI (30;years)/>

I
Egypt was in decline during the last half of Dynasty XX. By
the time Ramesses XI came to the throne/ royal power was
shared with the high priest of Amun at Thebes and the Viceroy
of Kush. A power struggle ensued and ended with Herihor/ the
high priest of Amun/ in such a strong position that he was
able to carve his name in a royal cartouche with titulary.
Egypt was effectively divided between Ramesses XI in the Delta
and Hiddle Egypt and Berihor? whor though paying nominal
allegiance to the king* controlled the Theban region and the
18
1
rest of Upper Egypt. Upon the death of Ramesses XI in ca. 1085
B.C.* this division became a political feature under Dynasty
XXI: the North was ruled by a new line of presumably Delta
dynasts at Tanis? while Thebes and the South remained under
the administration of the priestly family of Amun. Nubia
slipped from Egyptian sovereignty? and the Third Intermediate
Period began.7 This chronological survey of the god Hontu
concludes with an examination of the inscriptions and
monuments of the Ramesside Period.

Inscriptions
The sheer bulk of inscriptions assembled by K. A. Kitchen in
his Ramesside Inscriptions: Historical sn Biographical (KRI)8
has precluded discussion of each occurrence of a reference to
Moncu. The most useful approach is to first categorize the
formulaic references? and these are fully presented in
Appendix A? including consideration of variants with all
relevant examples listed by EI citation.
In most cases the categorized inscriptions fall into
formulas employed as epithets in royal encomia preserved in
commemorative texts. Some are common to the entire Ramesside
Period? while others are attested only during one
reign. The martial qualities and skills of the king are
emphasized by direct comparison with "his father* Montu in the
midst of battle or in its aftermath. He may be called "great
of strength like Montu#" "active and brave like Montu#" or
"one who acts with his armsr an archer like Montu." The
repetition of such stock phrases with minimal variation in
Ramesside texts is disconcerting and leads one to wonder if
the Egyptian scribes# or the kings themselves# lacked
imagination. However# the voluminous inscriptions of Ramesses
II yield several unique and colorful examples such as "like
Montu who crushes them in their every place" (KRI II 214:9)
and the more enigmatic "Montu of millions" (KRI II 344:12).
Furthermore# this warrior-king's personal identification with
Montu was apparently so important that a cult statue named for
Ramesses' prenomen compounded with the epithet "Montu-in-the-
Two-Lands" was venerated in his lifetime and attested in a
series of inscribed stelae.

Usermaatre Setepenre# Montu-in-the-Two-Lands
In 1926# G. Roeder published sixty-six limestone
stelae said to come from the East Delta site of Horbeit
i
in the collection of the Pelizaeus Museum in Hildesheim.9 They
were found early in this century by illicit digging and
purchased for the most part by W. Pelizaeus for the museum
named in his honor. Aside from sharing the same material and
presumed provenance# fifty-five of the stelae also feature a
common theme: the veneration of cult
statues of the deified Ramesses II. In subsequent years/
additional examples were added to the corpus with further
attempts to explain the alleged connection of this large
number of stelae with Horbeit/ a military colony on the
eastern frontier of the Delta.10 But by far the most
significant contribution to the analysis of these monuments
was made by Labib Habachi as part of his 1954 study of the
18
3
finds from the Delta site of Qantir.11
Habachi had discovered two stelae nearly identical to the
so-called Horbeit stelae during sondages at Qantir in 1942.
Within three years he had also purchased two more from a
dealer for the Cairo Museum and was convinced that they were
found at the same site.12 Based on the remarkable uniformity
which these four stelae share with the Hildesheim collection*
Habachi concluded that all of the stelae came not from
Horbeit/ but Qantir/ the ancient City of Ramesses.13 After
visiting Hildesheim/ he published his results.
Four cult statues of Ramesses II are attested on the
stelae.14 Two portray the King seated on a throne wearing the
nemes-headress with Double Crown and uraeus and are attested
only three times: "Dsermaatre Setepenre/ Beloved- of-Atumn
(Hildesheim no. 410) and "Ramesses Meramunz Sun- of-the-
Rulers" (Hildesheim nos. 374 and 1085). The other two show the
King as a striding statue standing on a pedestal with back-
pillar. He wears the 5ndvt-kilt and the White Crown of Upper
Egypt with uraeus. One is called
"Ramesses Meramun? the God?" and is attested three times
(Hildesheim nos. 410? 1079? 1086).15 The second? and most
important to this discussion? is named "Usermaatre Setepen-
re? Montu-in-the-Two-Lands?" and is attested fifty-six times
on the stelae.15
Habachi concluded that the four colossi stood in front or
inside of some temple at Piramesse? and he suggested a

possible arrangement before a pylon based on stelae which
included the statues paired. "This arrangement places the two
standing statues in the center? which is not usually the case
in some other places. But perhaps at Piramesse they did not
follow the same pattern."16 That the colossus Montu-in-the-Two-
Lands was the object of a cult is proved by the scenes of
adoration on the Qantir stelae. Indeed the spirit of the
statue is addressed: i3w n k3.k (Wsr-M3ct-Rc Stp-n-Rc Mnfc-m-
t3wy) ? "adoration for your Jta? 0 Usermaatre Setepenre?
Montu-in-the-Two-Lands."17 At least two members of a cuitic
staff are attested: the chantress (mcvt) of Montu-in-the-Two-
Lands? Isis?18 and the chantress (or musician) of Usermaatre
Setepenre? Montu-in-the-Two-Lands? Renpenopet."19 Habachi
concluded that the attachment of a chantress "to this statue
shows clearly that it had a cult."20 The actual spelling of the
colossus' name is irregular in the many inscriptions gleaned
from the stelae and other monuments by Kitchen.21
Usermaatre Setepenre? Montu-in-the-Two-Lands? is mentioned
three times in the collection of texts published by Gardiner
and Caminos as Late-Egyptian Miscellanies.22 The contexts are
ambiguous# so it is not certain whether the passages refer to
the colossus or to the living Ramesses II himself. Habachi
concluded that in either case this was not simply an epithet
of the King# but an aspect of his divine person which was
given focus in the statue bearing that name.23 Ramesses II's
veneration of Montu and possible identification with him
18
5
extended to the naming of six of his sons: Mentuberkhopshef#
Samentu# Mentuemwaset# Mentuenheqau# Merymentu# and [?]-
mentu.24
Montu and Other Martial Deities
The Ramesside obsession with military activities and the
subsequent recording of the results in monumental inscriptions
must have placed a heavy burden on the scribes who had to
devise divine parallels for each king's martial skills and
prowess. It has already been noted that the phrases naming
Montu quickly became hackneyed# so# early on# other warlike
gods were paired with him in the texts to add some variety and
emphasize the bellicose aspects of the composition.
Seth is paired with Montu in twenty-seven passages published
by Kitchen.25 In over half of the references he is called "Son
of Nut#" an epithet which "is so widely known that it can be
used without any further addition as an equivalent of the name
Seth."26 The most common phrase is "great of strength (his
strength or strong) like the Son
of Nut."27 More colorful epithets include: hb gri mi imy Nbty
"he who treads the battlefield like the One-Who-Is-in- Ombos"
(KRI I 17:14); f3 hmhmt mi s3 Nwt/ "great of warcry like the
Son of Nut" (KRI II 212:9); and dr rkv.f mi s3^
Nwt* "he who subdues his opponent like the Son of Nut" (KRI VI
228:6). Montet published an inscription of Ramesses II from
Tanis which refers to the "bull of Seth-Montu" and concluded
that in context it must clearly refer to a single deity.2

Whether this be the case or not/ a close relationship clearly
existed between Montu and Seth in the Ramesside Period.
The Asiatic god Baal is paired with Montu in ten passages
assembled by Kitchen.29 Again the stock phrases are used:
"great of strength like Baal" (KRI V 32:4)/ or "he was like
Baal in his hour" (KRI II 29:78). The interchangeability of
Montu/ Seth and Baal in these texts is most apparent in 131
of the Battle of Qadesh "Poem"
(KRI II 45). Of the four preserved sources/ two use tw.i mi
Stb (var. Swty) m 3t.f m-hr.sn/ "I was like Seth in his moment
before them" (K^/ L2). Montu and Baal are substituted for Seth
in the other two variants (A and S respectively) . 1
The fragmentary Qadesh stela of Sethi I depicts the King
before Amun-Re/ Lord of Heaven/ and three other gods.30 The
second of these is clearly labeled "Montuz Lord of Thebes/"
but the names of the other two have not survived. The figure
directly behind Amun-Re wears what
appears to be a White Crown or conical headdress and an
Asiatic beard. Pzard identified him as Reshep/ but noted that
Montet believed him to be Seth based? no doubt/ on the word
gfaty which remains from the epithet "great of strength."31
Kitchen concurs with Montet's interpretation.32 The profile of
the god looks more Asiatic than Egyptian/ but the epithet c3
hty is not commonly that of Reshep who is usually called "the
great god."33 He is most frequently associated with Montu in
texts from the reign of Amenhotep II in Dynasty XVIII/34 but
18
7
only one indirect pairing was found in the survey of Kitchen's
Ramesside Inscriptions (V 22:10).
A parallel is suggested between Montu and Seth/ and Baal and
Reshep by R. stadelmann in his study of Syro- Palestinian
deities in Egypt.35 The Egyptian personal name Baal-Montu is
cited as an example of this relationship/36 and it is suggested
that the Egyptians enlisted the aid of the Asiatic war gods to
supplement their own in the belief that only with their help
could Pharaoh effectively rule the Levant where their power
was greatest.37
Book of the Dead
Montu is referred to twice in the Theban recension of the
r3w pr(t) jn hrwz "utterances of going forth by day/" or/
more commonly/ the Book of the Dead. It will be recalled that
he also appeared twice in the Pyramid Texts of the Old
Xingdom/3 but was completely omitted from the
Coffin Texts of the Hiddle Kingdom.39 In the New Kingdom
version? Hontu is simply named as a member of two Enneads of
differing composition.
Chapter 140? the "Book to Be Recited in the Second Month of
Winter? Last Day? When Completing the Sacred Eye (wd3t) in the
Second Honth of Winter? Last Day?" invokes an Ennead which
includes: Re? Atum? the Sacred Eye? Shu? Geb? Osiris? Seth and
Horus? Montu? He of the Inundation (B%)? the eternal Re (Rc r
rtti)? Thoth who traverses eternity (nciw dt)? Nut? Isis?
Nephthys? Hathor? She Who Is Victorious (Nt)?40 the two

Husician-Goddesses? Haat? Anubis of the land? born of
eternity? and the Soul of Mendes.41 One Ennead enumerated in
Chapter 171? "Spell for Donning a Pure Garment?" features:
Atum? Shu? Tefnut? Geb? Nut? Osiris? Isis? Seth? Nephthys?
Horakhty? Hathor? the Great Hansion (Rwt-C3t) ? Khepri? Hontu
the Lord of Thebes? and Amun the Lord of the thrones of the
Two Lands.42 This is followed by reference to "the Great Ennead
and the Lesser Ennead? the gods and goddesses who are in Nun?"
and various manifestations of Sobek.
Hontu's inclusion in these Enneads is not unusual and should
be expected. In Chapter 6 of this study? his role as head of
the Theban Ennead during the New Kingdom is explored in some
detail.43 The dominant Theban influence in the composition of
the spells known collectively as the Book of the Dead is
clearly demonstrated by Hontu's appearance in these two
examples. However? no special
power or role is attributed to the Lord of Thebes in the
eschatological realm of these texts.

Priesthood and Cult
The priests and support staff of the Montu temples are well
attested for the Ramesside Period. A classified list of these
individuals is provided in Appendix B where they are arranged
by their titles with additional access by specific temple when
it is known. The discussion in this chapter concerns two
priestly families who served in the temple of Montu in Armant#
one in Dynasty XIX and the other in Dynasty XX.
By far the most extensive documentation for the cult of
18
9
Montu in the New Kingdom is found in the Theban tomb (no. 31)
of Khonsur called Ta/ who served under Ramesses II as High
Priest of Menkheperre (Thutmose III) at Armant and High Priest
of Montu/ Lord of Tod.44 Among the family and friends
represented are two more high priests/ three wab and lector
priests and twelve chantresses who served Montu primarily in
Armant/ but also in Thebes. Davies and Gardiner carefully
studied the familial relationships indicated by the captions
on the wall paintings1 and summarized their findings in a
genealogical table.45 The most unusual aspect of the tomb/
however/ is its depiction of at least one element of the Montu
cult as practiced in the Ramesside Period.

Sequential scenes in the tomb of Khonsu-Ta narrate a
visit made to the temple at Tod by Hontu of Armant in his
river bark. On the south side of the east wallr the bark is
towed by two superimposed warships serving as tugs.4 Hontu's
vessel is only partially preserved with its prow decorated
with the falcon head of the god topped by a solar disk and
double uraeus. The attachment is concealed by a large collar-
shaped panel. The portable bark of Montu is at rest in a
shrine in the center of the deck while the vizier wosermentu
and the High Priest of Hontu* Lord of Armantr Huy/ offer
incenser water and a floral bouquet. A symbolic stick combat
is taking place between two sailors from atop the central
cabins of each tug.
In the adjoining scene to the right Khonsu-Ta offers incense
to the portable bark at rest in Tod. This is evident by the

use of his title High Priest of Montur Lord of Todr in this
particular ceremony. The bark is similar in design to its
full-size river-going counterpart with falcon heads surmounted
by sun disks attached behind collar-like shields at prow and
stern. It is placed within a large bark shrine on a pedestal
flanked by fans bearing the cartouches of Thutmose Ill's
prenomen.
The duration of Montu of Armant's sojourn at Tod is not
indicated* but the return voyage is depicted on the south
wall.47 In this scene the river bark is almost completely
preserved and reveals that the falcon heads do indeed decorate
both prow and stern as in the case of the portable bark.
Details of the central bark shrine's naos
are more clearly visible and feature Thutmose III and Ramesses
II each offering to a seated image of hieracocephalic Montu.
Huy and Wosermentu again officiate on deck while two horse-
transport vessels act as tugs.
The arrival at Armant is recorded on the south side of the
west wall.48 Eight priests bear the portable bark supported by
poles on their shoulders. The High Priest Ramose in splendid
attire walks alongside. They are greeted on shore by two
priests who offer incenser water and a floral bouquet. The
towers of the temple pylon erected by Thutmose III are visible
behind them and are ornamented with the king's titulary [Fig.
371. The bark is * addressed by Montu* Lord of Armant:
"Welcome! You are returned from Tod and are at rest in Armant.
19
1
All of your people stand cheering since you entered Armant;
most joyful are they that you are inside her." And finally* in
a very fragmentary scene* the bark is presumably posited in
its regular shrine at Armant with Khonsu-Ta making a water
offering before it.
The concept of Montu of Armant arriving in his portable bark
and simultaneously greeting himself troubled

l
Davies. Gardiner* however* believed that once Montu left his
precinct* he became a distinct deity. He also proposed that
perhaps the "peripatetic Mont was the Mont of a special temple
at Armant built by Tuthmosis III. If so* then the two gods
will in actual fact have had a separate material existence."*
This would explain Khonsu-Ta's
title High Priest of Menkheperre and the cartouches of that
king on the fans accompanying the portable bark. Thutmose III
may have had his own bark chapel within the Armant complex
where his spirit shared veneration and offerings with "his
father" Montu.
There is no reference to the specific festival which
occasioned the voyage to Tod and back. Nevertheless# the tomb
of Khonsu-Ta furnishes the only glimpse of the cult of Montu
in operation preserved to us from the New Kingdom.
The second priestly family was studied by Habachi using
information from the Theban tombs of Pennut (no.
331) and Hatiay (no. 324)/ as well as graffiti from Aswan# all
dated to Dynasty XX.50 He traced them through four generations

in a genealogical table# and# based on the similarity of names
and the link with Montu's cult# suggested a connection with
the Dynasty XIX family of Khonsu# called Ta.34- Hatiay and his
son Pennut were both High Priests of Montu# Lord of Armant#
and his mother# Nefert- ary# had been a Chantress of Montu.
Evidence for the continuation of the bull cult associated
with Montu's temples since the Middle Kingdom is basically
circumstantial during the Ramesside Period. In the Theban tomb
(no. 106) of the vizier Paser which dates to the reigns of
Sethi I and Ramesses II# Montu# Lord of Thebes# the Bull who
Dwells in Armant (k3 hry-ib Iwny) is represented with the
goddess Maat [Fig. 41] .52 The epithet is repeated on one of
Merenptah's Osiride statues
found at Armant (KRI IV 75:15) * and Montu-Re is called "King
of the Gods* the Mighty Bull Who Dwells in Armant/" in an
offering formula included on a limestone statue of the vizier
Nehesy who served under Ramesses VI (KRI VI 349:12).53 The only
other temple specifically mentioned is Tod. Within that temple
an inscription of Ramesses III styles him "great of strength
like Montu* Lord of Thebes* the Great Bull* Foremost of Tod"
0c3 wr fcnty Qrty).5*
There are three other references tc Montu as a bull
preserved from the Ramesside Period which omit the name of the
temple. In the abridged version of the "First Hittite
Marriage" of Ramesses II* the king is described in the opening
encomium as "a bull like Montu" (KRI II 256:13-14). On the
19
3
First Pylon at Medinet Habu Ramesses III is represented
hunting wild bulls* and the accompanying text reads: sw mi
Mnfcw k3 nfrt* "he is like Montu the mighty bull" (KRI
V 113:1). And again at Medinet Habu the same king is called
"mighty bull* the likeness of Montu the brave" (KRI
V 301:16).
Otto was forced to rely on circumstantial evidence to
propose the participation of a sacred bull;in the festivals

I
of Montu at Medamud during the New Kingdom. He based his
hypothesis on four references to an arena (ptrt)55 found at
that site and a relief fragment with the feet of a bull in
procession.5 When considered in the context of the ceremonies
attested at Medamud during Dynasty XIII57 and the more specific
material from the Late Period*58 it is
not difficult to accept Otto's analysis of the available
contemporary data.
The veneration of Hontu by the workmen of Deir el- Medina
during the Ramesside Period is not well attested* but R. van
Walsem has assembled some interesting documentation for such
devotion* scanty though it may be.59 He collected twenty-four
different theophorous names with Hontu as a formative element
belonging to thirty-five individuals who lived both inside and
outside the village. The bulk of names date to Dynasties XIX-
XX* and there seems to be "an increase in popularity during
the 20th Dynasty; more than half of the number of names can be
attributed to that period. We may see here the beginning of
the increasing popularity of Honthu during the later dynasties
of the Third Intermediate Period in the Theban area."60
Walsem also published an ostrakon which appears to be an
order for a round-topped stela with "a representation of
Honthu sitting on a throne."6- He also cites five stelae from
Deir el-Medina which feature Hontu either seated or standing
dated to the New Kingdom.62 One fine example is Turin no. 50032
which is datable to Dynasty XX and depicts the chief of the
workgang in the Place of Truth* Inherkha* adoring Amun-Re*
Lord of Luxor Temple (ipt-rsyt) * Hontu and the deified
Amenhotep I* all of whom stand.63
J. F. Borghouts has recently published a Ramesside ostrakon
from Deir el-Hedina in which Hontu is invoked in the context
of marital infidelity.64 It seems that one woman is warning her
friend that his wife is committing
adultery# referring to her as "the abomination of Montu."
Even though "the mythology concerning the god Monthu where
one might expect to find some information relevant to the
problem is virtually unknown#"65 Borghouts has located a
roughly contemporary ostrakon which may shed some light.
The so-called "Cairo calendar" (JE 86637) includes mention
of a "thrice bad" day# the fifth day of the second month of
the season of inundation# when Hedjhotep committed some
sexual indiscretion against Montu# perhaps adultery with
one of his consorts.66 But why would Montu as a war god
19
5
be involved in the marital sphere? Borghouts' conclusion
is most interesting and plausible:

Stern and victorious god as~Monthu is# he is often associated
with Seth as his colleague in warfare for the benefit of the
Realm. Both have a warlike character and lend their assistance
to the monarch during battle. But such an association would be
the more significant in Egyptian ways of thinking if it would
also unite opposite sides. If Seth's proneness for warfare may
be viewed as a natural consequence of his unrestrained
character# Monthu's contribution may well have been due to the
contrary. Perhaps the warlords represent the different aspects
of controlled and uncontrolled aggressiveness. If a functional
association of this kind would rest on opposite forces# could
it then perhaps also tell us something about Monthu as far as
majrriage morals are concerned? Grossly simplifying# one might
transfer these characteristics in the following way: if Seth
represents conjugal infidelity as such# Jlonthu may have stood
for the exact opposite.67
A bark chapel was provided for Montu within the temple of
Ramesses III at Medinet Habu with the following dedication:
ir.n.f m mnw n it.f Mnfcw nb W3st# "He made it
as a monument for his father Montu* Lord of Thebes.8 The god
is represented twice in the adjoining "Clothing-room" as
Montu* Lord of Thebes Who Dwells in Armant."9 In both scenes
Ramesses III makes an offering of cloth. Amun appears six
times in the chamber. To the left of the entrance of the Montu
bark chapel is another dedicated to the deified Ramesses II.73
The placement of the two chapels may well be a coincidence*
but it is tempting to view it as additional evidence for the
close connection between the cults of the great warrior king
and the Theban god of war. It should be noted* however* that a
feast of Montu is not listed in the Medinet Habu calendar.71

Temples
Montu's temples evidently flourished during the Ramesside
Period* but it would appear that they were not the recipients
of the massive construction lavished upon the cult centers of
other gods. Perhaps the building programs of the Dynasty XVIII
kings obviated the necessity for renovation during Dynasties
XIX and XX. Nevertheless* it is rcost surprising that Armant*
Medamud* Karnak North and Tod are all omitted from the list of
temples* temple properties and endowments compiled in the
reign of Ramesses III and preserved in the Great papyrus
Harris.72
ARMANT. During the Ramesside Period the writing Iwny is
frequently replaced with Iwnw. The variant Iwnw n Mntw*
"Heliopolis of Montu*" also makes its appearance.73 Mond
19
7
2C
0
and Myers concluded that the Dynasty XVIII temple as completed
by Thutmose III probably "remained much the same from the time
of the warrior king until that of whichever Ptolemy rebuilt
the entire complex. Ramesses II usurped (as ever) the various
monuments and offered a granite gateway ... and two colossal
statues ... His successors copied him at least in the
usurpation."74
One of the red granite colossi of Ramesses II is in Cairo
(JE 44668) and includes the dedication: ir.f a mnw.f n it.f
Mntiw nb Iwnw [sicl / "He made it as his monument for his
father Montu? Lord of Armant" (KRI II 711:4). The pylon was
apparently usurped by the same king "for there is no reason to
suppose that it was pulled down and re-erected by Ramesses
II.75 He ;-dded a new relief modeled after that of Thutmose
III* jubilee int>c;,iptionsr and a new dedication calling

himself "the one who made the monument for his father Montu?
Lord of Thebes Who Dwells in Armant" (KRI II 712:4)."76
"Merenptah's connection with the town was more intimate. He
made or* more probablyr restored the series of Osiride statues
found in the temple forecourts as well

77 I
as adding his name to the pylon. " 7 1

On those statues he
describes himself as "the Good God who does what is beneficial
in the house of his father Montu of Armant" (KRI iv 72:16).78
Other scattered inscriptions are attested for Amenmesser Sethi
II? and Ramesses III. IV and VI.79
MEDAMUD. Bisson de la Rogue stated that the Ramesside

2
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1
Period is poorly represented at Medamud with only fragmentary
remains of monuments attributable to Ramesses II# Merenptah#
Ramesses III# and probably Sethi I.80 One granite and two
sandstone donation stelae of Ramesses III were found/ one of
which is dated to Year 2 and mentions the pr-Mnfc along with
other temples.81
TOD. There is also a paucity of Ramesside remains at the
temple of Tod.82 Bisson de la Rogue published only fragments
bearing the cartouches of Dynasty XIX-XX kings.83 Barguet
reportedr however# that the sandstone bark shrine of Thutmose
III was "renewed" by Sethi I# Amenmesse# and Ramesses III and
IV.84 Sethi's dedication states:
"Renewal of the monument by the King of Upper and Lower Egypt,
Menmaatre# beloved of Montu# Lord of Tod" (KRI I 229:14).
Ramesses Ill's inscription styles him: "The King of Upper and
Lower Egypt who does what is beneficial for his father Montu#
Lord of Thebes Who Dwells at Tod" (KRI
V 232:6).
KARNAK. Amenhotep Ill's temple in the Montu complex at
Karnak North was apparently in use until at least the end of
Dynasty XIX.85 Blocks have been found inscribed with the
cartouches of Sethi I# Ramesses II# Merenptah and Ramesses IV
and VII.86 Statues of Ramesses IV8^ and Ramesses IX88 were also
recovered.
QANTIR (PIRAMESSE). The new Delta capital erected by the
early kings of Dynasty XIX has already been discussed in the

2
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2
context of the cult statue Usermaatre Setepenre#
Montu-in-the-Two-Lands? but was there a temple dedicated to
Montu in the city? Habachi observed that "from titles pointing
to that direction and from titles of others who were solely
concerned with religious positions? it is easy to detect the
presence of temples for Amctn? Ptah? Rec and Ma'et. The
occurrence of the name of other divinities numerous times on
different monuments? such as that of the gods Sobk and Seth
makes it quite probable that these had also chapels if not
temples there."89 Similar evidence may answer the question
concerning a Montu temple.
The Dynasty XIX tomb of Huy discovered at Qantir in 1930
preserves the owner's titles as "Overseer of Craftsmen of the
Temple of Montu (pr-Mnfc) ?" "Overseer of Craftsmen of the
Lord of the Two Lands and the Temple of Montu?" and "Deputy of
the Temple of Montu."90 Gauthier interpreted pr-Mnfc as "domain
of Montu?" a definition which would encompass a temple?
dependencies? storehouses? fields? and other support
institutions.91 He considered this documentation of a Montu
presence at Piramesse highly significant? but not unexpected
inasmuch as the city served as a
military staging area facing the Levant: *le dieu des

I
armfees et des combats y avait done sa place toute marquee".92
A white limestone altar of Ramesses II was found in the
central area of the great temple inscribed with "Montu? Lord
of Thebes? th2 great god? lord of heaven."93 Uphill concludes

2
0
3
that the presence of this altar indicates that
Hontu could very well "have bad a temple here although it was
probably a small one."94 The circumstantial evidence is rather
convincing for a Hontu temple at Piramesse.

Iconography
Hontu retains his traditional hieracocephalic form with
minimal variation throughout the Ramesside Period? and this
iconography is consistent despite the particular local
manifestation of the god being represented. For example?
Hontu? Lord of Thebes? and Hontu? Lord of Armant? are both
portrayed in the same way on the north face of the Hedinet
Habu temple [Fig. 391?95 each with his respective consort:
Hontu of Thebes with Rettawy and Hontu of Armant with

/
Tjenenet. The archetypal Hontu is worshipped by Herihor in a
relief representation from the Karnak Temple of Khonsu?
complete down to the double uraeus and the I)p-scimitar held
in his left hand [Fig. 40J.96 Here he is styled "Lord of Thebes
Who Dwells in Armant." This can be compared with Hontu? Lord
of Thebes? the Bull Who Dwells in Armant? as depicted in the
Theban tomb (no. 106) of the vizier Paser which dates to the
reigns of Sethi I and Ramesses II [Fig. 41] ,97 In this example
the seated god has only a single uraeus and the scimitar has
been omitted? but in all other respects the representations
are virtually identical.
As in previous periods? three-dimensional representations of
Hontu are rare in the Ramesside Period. However?
Barguet and Leclant published a green schist theophorous

2
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4
statue of Ramesses IV discovered north of the entrance to the
Montu temple at Karnak North.98 The lower portion is damaged#
but a finely carved figure of Montu stands before the King who
embraces his shoulders. The god wears the Sndyt-kilt#
tripartite wig and headdress of solar disk# twin plumes and
double uraeus. He holds a w3s-staff in the left hand and an
ankh in his right.
Statuettes of Montu become common in the Late Period with
some odd iconographic variations# but that is beyond the scope
of this study. J. Leclant has included a survey of these late
representations of Montu in his publication of a statuette of
the god from Dynasty XXV dedicated by the Divine Votaress
Shepenwepet II (Muse Rodin no. 234)."
Prior to the Ramesside Period# Montu's falcon iconography
combined with his unique headdress of solar disk# twin tall
plumes and double (or single) uraeus# provided a convenient
and reliable means for identifying the god. Surely other
deities were represented with the head of a falcon# including
Re-Horakhty and other manifestations of Horus# but Montu's
headdress set him apart. However# after Dynasty XVIII# the
usefulness of this criterion is diminished by the assimilation
of these attributes by at least one other god: Khonsu.

Montu and Khonsu100
When relief representations of Montu in Theban temples
are systematically examined? it becomes apparent that a large
number of those which should be attributed iconographically
to Hontu are? in fact? inscribed for Khonsu.
The ambiguity appears as early as the reign of Ramesses II

2
0
5
when hieracocephalic Khonsu trades his own lunar for Montu's
solar imagery in a significant number of reliefs in Karnak
temples? and this most commonly in his form Khonsu- in-Thebes
Neferhotep.
The iconography of Khonsu does not share Hontu's
stability.101 As child of Amun and Hut in the Theban Triad?102
Khonsu is found in several manifestations: 1) a mummiform
prince? 2) in hieracocephalic human form with lunar disk and
crescent? and 3) completely anthropomorphic. A fourth
variation? which is the subject of this discussion? features
Khonsu as a hieracocephalic human deity who usurps Hontu's
ubiquitous solar disk backed by two tall plumes with either
single or double uraeus.
Both Hontu and Khonsu are first attested in sculptural
representation as gods in human form with divine beard in
relief in the funerary complex of Pepi II at Saqqara at the
end of the Old Kingdom. They are portrayed in standing

I
position in what appear to have been processions of Upper
Egyptian deities on the south walls of the antechamber of the
funerary temple and the approach avenue respectively.
Of Hontu's head only the jaw remains? but this includes a
fully visible divine beard which would only appear with a
human head iPig. 4] .^03
Khonsu is preserved as sixth figure in a procession
including Sobek? Tutu? Sokar and Hathor [Fig. 42] .104 Only the
upper torsos and heads remain as well as the shoulder and

2
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6
il-scepter of a seventh god. Khonsu wears a tripartite wig#
broad collar? and divine beard with the chin- strap clearly
visible. Like the other deities he holds a w3s-scepter before
him.
Nothing remains iconographically of Khonsu from the Hiddle
Kingdom. He does not even appear in the fine reliefs of gods
carved in the White Chapel of Senwosret I at Karnak.105 It is
early in the New Kingdom that representations of Khonsu begin
to proliferate? usually in the guise of a mummiform prince?
most frequently standing? but occasionally seated.106
As child of Amun-Re? King of the Gods? and his consort Hut?
a princely iconography is most fitting for Khonsu.
But his wrapped appearance would seem most unexpected. H.
Brunner describes this manifestation as "'mummienfSrmig'" with
closed legs and hidden crossed arms.107 H. Bonnet avoids the
term "mummiform" and simply states that Khonsu is depicted as
completely human? but with "geschlossenen Gliedern."10 The
closest parallel would appear to be the god Ptah of Hemphis
whom Herman te Velde describes as having "the deified body
that a human mummy has. ... Ptah*s garment is close-fitting
like mummy wrappings."109 Unlike Ptah who wears a skull-cap? it
seems that Khonsu*s head is shaved except for the princely
sidelock in a relief from
the "Porter's Lodge" at the Temple of Medinet Habu [Fig.
431.110 In his hands he holds the crook and flail of kingship as
well as died-staff often topped by a n-sign or top of a J22s-

2
0
7
scepter. Over his shoulder he wears a menat- necklace# and on
his head a royal fillet with uraeus topped by a lunar disk and
crescent.
A second iconographic format specific to Khonsu is that of a
hieracocephalic human who wears a tripartite wig crowned by
the lunar disk and crescent with uraeus [Fig.
44j.Ill This form is paired with Khonsu as the mummiform prince
back to back on the rear wall of the god's chapel in the
Karnak shrine of Sethi II.112 Both forms of the god are*
seated and receive offerings from the king.

/
Khonsu in completely anthropomorphic form with free limbs is
not frequently attested. As noted above# he first appears in
this manifestation once during the Old Kingdom with divine
beard and tripartite wig.113 In the New Kingdom# however# the
wig is surmounted by the lunar disk and crescent with uraeus
as in a relief from the Temple of Khonsu at Karnak [Fig. 451.114
The bottom of the divine beard is clearly preserved.
Brunner refers to several rare instances in which Khonsu
assumes tlie form of a crocodile#115 but the crocodile is
traditionally the manifestation of the god Sobek. Therefore
this is not specific to Khonsu as were the three iconographic
forms just discussed which are exclusively his.

Khonsu in the Guise of Hontu
The earliest examples thus far located in which Khonsu
assumes the traditional iconography of Hontu date to the reign
of Ramesses II and can be found in the Great Temple at
Karnak.11 In the two examples to be discussed? Khonsu is

2
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8
present in his form gnsw-m-W3st Nfr-htp. C. Traunecker and C.
Vandersleyen note that "Neferhotep" is in this case merely an
epithet often applied to gods whose magic power may be
malefic.117 A god with the name Neferhotep is attested in the
Late Period? but the figuration of Khonsu- in-Thebes
Neferhotep has nothing in common with that of Neferhotep.118
The first example is in sunk relief on the west jamb of the
doorway of the Eighth Pylon at Karnak iFig. 461.119 Hut and
Khonsu-in-Thebes Neferhotep lead Ramesses II toward Court II.
The goddess precedes the King offering life to his nose with
one hand while holding his hand in the other. Khonsu does the
same following behind the King. The format of the scene is in
keeping with that of the bs-nyswt as discussed in Chapter 6
(pp. 240-251). The formula is present between the legs of
Ramesses II and Khonsu: bs-nyswt_r hwt-nfcr? "Royal
introduction into the temple." Except for the inscription
which begins dd mdw in gnsw-m-W3st Nfr-htp? the image is that
of Hontu: a falcon-headed human figure crowned by a disk with
double plumes and? in this instance? a single uraeus. The
number of uraei is not a problem? for
Bisson de la Rogue noted that although the double uraeus was
standard form for Montu in the Middle Kingdom? by the
beginning of the New Kingdom the single uraeus is found with
increasing frequency.120 The image? though clearly that of
Montu? is undoubtedly by inscription and context Khonsu
assuming? for whatever reason? the attributes of the primeval

2
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9
god of the Theban region.
Bonnet notes that Khonsu alters his form to suit his various
divine aspects. Thus when he appears as a sun-god? or as Horus
or Shu? he is usually depicted as a falconheaded man with
solar disk and tall twin plumes for a headdress.121 Bonnet does
not include an actual example of' this manifestation? but
refers to M. Mogensen's publication
of the Egyptian collection in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek in
Copenhagen.122 The specific reference is plate 29? A135? however
this is a statue of Khonsu with a hawk's head surmounted by
the lunar disk and crescent. The examples found in the
Ramesside Period and discussed here are in most cases Khonsu-
in-Thebes Neferhotep? not Khonsu as Horus or Shu. Although
this does not rule out Khonsu-in-Thebes
Neferhotep as a god with solar aspirations; as Bonnet sug-

I
gests. He makes no mention of a uraeus? either single or
double? in front of the solar disk? so perhaps Bonnet was
describing the headdress worn by Khonsu-in-Thebes Neferhotep
styled as "Horus? Lord of Joy?" (Hr nb 3wt-ib) as represented
in the Court of Herihor in the Temple of Khonsu at Karnak
[Fig. 47].^23 The disk with double plumes is
present# but joined with ram's horns sporting four decorative
uraei: the two lower with sundisks on their heads# and the two
upper wearing either the Red Crown or the White Crown. The god
carries the crook and flail of kingship so he cannot be
confused iconographically with Montu.124

2
1
0
The second example from the reign of Ramesses II is again in
sunk relief and located in the Temple of Amun-Re- Horakhty at
the eastern end of the Karnak complex [Fig.
48J.125 The scene is very similar to that described from the
Eighth Pylon: Hut and Khonsu-in-Thebes Neferhotep lead
Ramesses II# Hut before the King# Khonsu following. Both hold
one of his hands and offer life. In this instance they bring
the king into the presence of Amun before whom he makes an
offering in the adjoining scene. Again Khonsu is
iconographically Montu# but the inscription labels the figure
nsw-m-w3st Nfr-htp hry-ib Iwnw Smcw# "Khonsu-in- Thebes
Neferhotep who dwells in the Southern Heliopolis [i.e.
Thebes]. Khonsu wears what appears to be a double uraeus with
the disk and double plumes.
This iconographic ambiguity continues throughout the
Ramesside Period: Representations of Khonsu on the facade of
Sethi II's Karnak shrine#126 with Ramesses III before Amun and
Mut on the inner face of the east wall of Court II at Karnak
between Pylons VII and VIII#127 seated before Ramesses IV and
Isis on the upper portion of the north wall of the corridor
around the sanctuary of the Temple of Khonsu at Karnak [Fig.
491 #128 and with Ramesses XI on the south wall of the first
hypostyle hall in the Temple of Khonsu.129 Montu and Khonsu in
the same form flank the gateway at Medinet Habu formed by the
west faces of the so- called North and South Porters' Lodges.
The Oriental Institute Epigraphic Survey's line drawings show

2
1
1
clearly Khonsu with his single uraeus on the North Lodge? and
Montu with his double uraeus on the South Lodge.130 It must be
remembered that the number of uraei is not a useful criterion
for differentiating between the two gods.131

Temple of Khonsu at Karnak
To clearly illustrate the magnitude of the iconographic
ambiguity between Montu and Khonsu in the Ramesside Period it
is useful to assess the representations of both gods within
the temple dedicated to Khonsu at Karnak to the southwest of
the main sanctuary of Amun-Re. Various portions of the temple
date to different periods as is the case with most Karnak
structures? so this study will concentrate on the decoration
in the forecourt which is attributed to Herihor at the very
close of Dynasty XX? the
nadir of the New Kingdom.132 For statistical purposes the

I
so-called "scenes of 'King Herihor'" as published by the
Epigraphic Survey of the Oriental Institute of the University
of Chicago133 will be used as a control sample of Khonsu
representations from the late Ramesside era.
The actual frequency of appearance of deities in the
forecourt of Herihor must be the first consideration (Table
1). Of over 182 preserved representations of gods and god-
desses the most commonly occurring are Amun in various forms
(43)r Khonsu as Khonsu-in-Thebes Neferhotep or a variation of
Khon~u Lord of Thebes Who Dwells in Karnak (35) r Mut (20) r
Hathor (15)/ Amunet (14) / and Montu (8). The presence of
Amunr Khonsu's father/ with his closely associated female

2
1
2
deities Mut and Amunet is easily understandable. However/ the
high fequency of Montu's representation is not as easily
explained.
The eight scenes in the forecourt which include Montu
exhibit slight iconographic variation (Table 2). The god
appears as Montu Lord of Thebes/ Montu Lord of Thebes Who
Dwells in Armant/ and Montu-Re. Twice he is depicted with his
traditional double uraeus (Temple of Khonsu I [IK II i pis. 32
and 93)/ three times with a single uraeus &K Ir pis. 47/ 62
and 106)/ twice with the uraei not preserved (TK I/ pis. 37
and 88)/ and once seated in completely anthropomorphic form as
head of the Karnak Ennead (IK 1/ pl. 71).
In Table 3 the iconographic appearance of Khonsu is analyzed
statistically. He is represented at least once in all of his
known forms: the "mummiformn prince (IK 1/ pis. 28/ 34/ 36/ 70/
82 and 104); hieracocephalic human with disk and crescent (IK
I pis. 15/ 43/ 51 [left] / 54 [right]/ 57/ 58/ 81/ 92/ and
97); hieracocephalic human with Montu's disk/ double plumes
and single uraeus (IK 11 pis. 8/ 42/ 50/ 54 [left]/ 69/ 74/ 78/
79/ 86/ 89/ 99/ 100

21
3
Table 1.
Frequency of Appearance of Deities in the Court of Herihor
Temple of Khonsu at Karnak

Amun 43 Khonsu 35
Mut 20 Hathor 15
Amunet 14 Montu 8
Maat 5 Re-Horakhty 5
Horus 4 Ptah 4
Thoth 3 Isis 3
Rettawy 3 Iusaas 3
Atum 2 Onuris-Shu 2
Min 2 . Sekhmet 2
Sobek 2 Behdety 1
Shu 1 Mehyet 1
Seth 1 Tjenenet 1
Henutme 1 Taweret 1
s
Table 2.
Iconography of Montu (Nb W3st and Nb W3st Hry-ib Iwny)
I **
and Montu-Re in the Court of Herihor
Double Uraeus 2 Single Uraeus 3
Uraeus 2 Completely 1
Undetermined Anthropomorphic
Table 3.
Iconography of Khonsu in the Court of Herihor Nb W3st Hry-
ib Ipt-Swt M W3st Nfr-htp Total

Mummiform prince 0 6 6
Hieracoceph. with 1 8 9
disk and crescent
Like Montu with 2 11 13
single uraeus
Total 8
Like Montu with 0 11
double uraeus
Like Montu with uraeus 2 2 4
undetermined
Hieracoceph. with 0 11
elaborate crown
Human with beard? disk 0 11
and crescent
I
Total 5 30 35
and 102); like Hontu with double uraeus (IK 1/ pl. 49); like
Hontu with undetermined uraeus (IK It pis. 12/ 51 [right]/
84 and 105; hieracocephalic human with disk/ double plumes/
ram's horns and four uraei (IK 1/ pl. 7); and completely
anthropomorphic with beard/ disk and crescent (IK 1/ pl.
60). Thus roughly half of all the representations of Khonsu
(18) are in the likeness of Hontu with a similar variance in
number of uraei manifested by Hontu himself in the
forecourt. Fourteen of the eighteen examples of Khonsu in
the guise of Hontu (78%) are inscribed as Khonsu-in-Thebes
Neferhotep.
The most striking parallel from the Court of Herihor
is found in two scenes in which the "King" offers maat to

/
Khonsu-in-Thebes Neferhotep (IK It pl. 49) [Fig. 501 and
floral bouquets to Hontu (IK Ir pl. 32) [Fig. 401. Both gods
are represented with Hontu's attributes/ including the
double uraeus. Both hold an ankh in the left hand and a

21
5
Table 1.
Sils-scepter in the right. The only difference is that a
scimitar has been placed in Hontu's left hand with the
ankh/ serving to illustrate the god's address: di.n.[i]
n.k nfet hp mi Rc j|t/ "I give to you strength of scimitar
like Re forever." Haat stands behind Khonsu while Tjenenet
attends Hontu.
The only published acknowledgement of this iconographic
ambiguity between Hontu and Khonsu concerns the small
chapel adjoining the north face of the Temple of Khonsu
proper.134 This structure dates to the Late and
Ptolemaic Periods/135 beyond the chronological scope of this
study/ but demonstrates the perseverance of this
phenomenon. C. Traunecker observes that the close rela-
tionship between Khonsu-in-Thebes and Montu is clearly
indicated in a scene on the south face of the propylon of
Ptolemy III Euergetes I. Khonsu-Shu/ Lord of Thebes/ is
represented with Montu's traditional attributes and the
goddess Rettawy/ one of Montu's consorts/ behind him. In a
symmetrically placed scene/ the iconography of the gods is
the same/ but the names are different: Montu/ Lord of
Thebes/ and Rettawy.136

Montu and the Theban Triad
/
s
In the Lar.wsse Encyclopedia Q Mythology/ J. Viau tells
Total 8
how "having ousted Montu/ Amon ... wished to adopt him as
divine son in the Theban Triad; but the former sovereign
of the entire region could not long be happy in such a
subaltern position. Montu therefore chose to dwell apart
at Armant/ of which he remained the uncontested master/
and at Medamud/ in the suburbs of Thebes/ where
numerous votaries came to worship him in cdmpany with his

n7 1
wife Rat-taui."-1-3' This rather romanticized account of
Montu's fall from supremacy at Thebes is not without basic
relevance to an understanding of the god's relationship to
the Theban Triad/ particularly at Karnak. Indeed/ Bisson
de la Roque noted that in the latter half of Dynasty XVIII
when Amenhotep III erected a temple in the Montu precinct
at Karnak/ his dedicatory inscription was addressed to
Amunr which leaves the impression that Montu played# at
best# a secondary role in the new structure.13 Today the
visitor to the site is hard pressed to find a representa-
tion of Montu among the ruins dating to Dynasty XVIII. A
parallel phenomenon can be found in the texts from Dynasty
XVIII assembled in Prkunden IV. References to Montu
increase to a high point during the reigns of Thutmose III
and Amenhotep Hr and drop off drastically early in the
reign of Amenhotep III:

21
7
Table 1.
Ahmose 0
Amenhotep I 0
Thutmose I 1
Thutmose II 0
Hatshepsut 6
Thutmose III 17
Amenhotep II 29
Thutmose IV 13
Amenhotep III 7
Akhenaten 0
Tutankhamun 5
Ay 0
Horemheb 1?
references suddenly appear again at a

high
rate in Dynasty XIX in the reign of Sethi I and occur
throughout the volumes of Kitchen's Ramesside
Inscriptions. The Ramesside reverence for Montu may
reflect the non-
Theban origin of the family as well as the military pro-
clivities of Dynasties XIX and XX inasmuch as the god was
honored after Dynasty XI for his martial qualities.
Clearly in Dynasty XVIII the pharaohs most involved in
warfare (Thutmose IHr Amenhotep II and Thutmose IV) are
Total 8
those with the highest rate of Montu attestations in
Prkunden IV* Surely the factor of preservation must be
taken into account? but the statistical sampling is
likewise reflected in the monuments.
Claude Traunecker proposed that Montu's preeminence in
the Temple of Khonsu during the Late Period is probably
due to the lunar aspect connected with the conception of
the regenerative bull of Osiris.139 This explanation may
seem plausible in context for a later time# but during the
New Kingdom# and particularly the Ramesside Period# the
lunar aspect of Khonsu would seem to be subsumed by the
solar imagery of Montu. Khonsu adopts the solar disk of
Montu in the representations discussed; Montu does not don
Khonsu's lunar disk and crescent. Whereas Amun had
absorbed the iconography of the neighboring fertility god
Min of Coptos
into his own form Amun-Kamutef#140 under thê Ramessides

I
Khonsu would appear to assume Montu's iconographic attrib-
utes# particularly as Khonsu-in-Thebes Neferhotep. It
would therefore not be unexpected for this manifestation
of Khonsu to say to Herihor "I give to you all valor and
victory" as previously noted.141

21
9
Table 1.
In the Ramesside Period Montu often appears together
with Khonsu as on the north face of Ramesses Ill's temple
at Medinet Habu*142 and even interposed in the midst of the
Theban Triad. On the east face of the south tower of Pylon
III at Karnak Ramesses III offers to Amun/ Montu# Khonsu
and a goddess (presumably Mut) [Fig. 511;143 and on a
partially preserved stela found in Syria# Sethi I# in an
unusual representation# worships Amun-Re# an Asiatic deity
(possibly Reshep) # Montu (Mnfc nb W3st) with raised mace#
and a fourth god who wears the lunar disk and crescent.
Unfortunately his name is missing# but he is most probably
Khonsu.144 It must also be remembered that Montu maintained
his position as "ruler" of the Theban Ennead and appears
in
this role on many Theban monuments.145

/
These factors would seem to indicate that a modus
vivendi# if not a final rapprochement# had been reached
between the Triad and the god they had long ago ousted
from supremacy in the Theban region. Whether or not as
Amun's foster son# Montu had resumed a prominent position
at Karnak in the Ramesside Period; and Khonsu had
assimilated Montu's solar iconography in his manifestation
Khonsu-in- Thebes Neferhotep. Unfortunately the surviving
Total 8
contemporary texts do not provide specific evidence for
clarification of the precise meaning and interpretation of
this phenomenon.
This concludes the chronological survey of Montu from
the earliest attestations to the end of the New Kingdom.
In the remaining two chapters* Montu's special relation-
ship with the Heliopolitan god Atum is analyzed in some
detail/ and a survey of his three consorts is presented.

Notes to Chapter 5
1
For a survey of Dynasty XIX* see R. 0. Faulkner*
"Egypt: from the Inception of the Nineteenth Dynasty to
the Death of Ramesses III*" chap. XXIII in CAH3* v. 2* pt.
2 (Cambridge 1975)* pp. 217-239.

2
Ibid.* p. 235.
3
E. F. Wente and C. C. Van Siclen* "A Chronology of the
New Kingdom*" in Studies in Honor ot George Et Hughes
(Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization 39; Chicago
1976)* pp. 218* 236; M. L. Bierbrier* The Late New Kingdom
in Egypt .,(gl30Q-g$4 & Gsnssd&qical find

Chronological
Investigation (Warminster 1975)* p. 1; W. K. Simpson? The
Ancient Near East* 3 History (New York 1971)* pp. 280*
300- 301; Erik Hornung* flnigr.SHgimn.gD 211L Chronologie

22
1
Table 1.
und Geschichte des Neuen Reiches (Sgyptologische
Abhandlungen Bd. 11; Wiesbaden 1964)* p. 96; William C.
Hayes* Scepter Egypt II (Cambridge* Mass. 1959)* pp. xy*
355-356; and David O'Connor* New Kingdom and Third
Intermediate Period* 1552-664 BC*" in Ancient Egypt: a
Social History (Cambridge 1983)* pp. 223-224.
^Faulkner* M3* v. 2* pt. 2* p. 236; J. von Beckerath*
"Kbnigsnamen*" in LdS III* cols. 551-552; and A.
H. Gardiner# Egypt g Pharaohs (London 1964)# pp. 276#
445.
5
Published in hieroglyphic transcription by W. Erichsen#
Papyrus Harris 1 (Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca 5; Brussels
1933); translated by James H. Breasted in ARE IV# 156-
412# the so-called "historical section" being 397- 412.
^Faulkner# CAH3# v. 2# pt. 2# pp. 239-251; Gardiner#
Egypt ths ghata<?hr pp. 281-297.

7
J. Cern# "Egypt: from the Death of Ramesses III to the
End of the Twenty-First Dynasty#" chap. XXXV in CAH3# v. 2#
pt. 2 (Cambridge 1975)# pp. 606-643; Gardiner# Egypt the
Pharaohs# pp. 298-305. For a discussion of the gradual
weakening of kingship in Dynasty XX see O'Connor# "New
Kingdom#" pp. 229-232.
^Volumes 1-6 (Oxford 1975-1983) are now complete. A
Total 8
seventh volume destined to include indexes and addenda is
still in preparation.
^"Ramses II. als Gott: nach den Hildesheimer Denksteinen
aus Horbfet#" zs 61 (1926):57-67.

10
Couroyer# "La r&sidence ramesside du Delta et la
Ramsfes biblique#" Revue biblicrue 53 (1946):81-82; T.
SSve- SSderbergh# Ej.flj.ge fep.tisgfte D_enkm51er in
Schweden (Uppsala 1945)# pp. 21-38; and J. J. Cldre#
"Nouveaux documents relatifs au culte des colosses de
Ramsfes II dans le Delta#" KSmi 11 (1950):24-46 and pis.
III-IV.
11
"Khat&cna-Qantlr: Importance#" asae 52 (1954) :514-559
and pis. XXVIII-XXXVIII.

12
Ibid.# pp. 518-526.
13
See M. Bietak# "Ramsesstadt#" in LdX v# cols. 128-
146.
14
Habachi# "Khatacna-Qantir#" pp. 548-550. A fifth cult
statue# Harnesses Meramun# Ruler-of-Rulers is attested on
Munich stela no. 287 originally published by A. Scharff
("'Ein Denkstein des Vezirs Rahotep aus der 19. Dynastie#"
Z&S 70 (1934) :47-51) and most recently assessed by
Habachi ("The Qantir Stela of the Vizir Rahotep and the
Statue *Ruler-of-Rulers#" in Festgabe fflr Dr. Walter Will

22
3
Table 1.
[Cologne 19661 r pp. 67-77# and Features Q ills.
Deification Harnesses H [Abhandlungen des Deutschen
ArchSologischen Insti- tuts Kairo# Xgyptische Reihe Bd. 5;
GlQckstadt 1969]# pp. 33-34 and fig. 21). In this example
the Double Crown in worn by the striding figure.

i5
Habachi (Khat&cna-Qantlr#" pp. 549-550) lists all
examples including the four he purchased for the Cairo
Museum.
16
Habachi# Deification# p. 32 and fig. 20.
17
Hildesheim no. 1102 (KRI II 906:6) arid Leipzig no.
I
3618 (ESI III 225:11). Also ji iiE n k3.k (Hildesheim no. 377;
KRI III 258:14)# and simply n k3.k (Hildesheim no. 405; KBI
III 228:13).
^Hildesheim no. 380 (KRI II 451:9). The chantress Isis
shakes her sistrum before the statue in a photograph
recently published in the exhibition catalog Egypt's
Golden
Age.; tbfi Act at Living in the Ngw Kingdom/, 1558-1085
B.C. (Boston 1982)/ cat. no. 408/ pp. 298 and 300. L. H.
Holden/ the catalog entry's author/ describes the stela as
"probably from Horbeit" and mistakenly interprets Isis*
title as "indicating that she probably belonged to the
staff of a temple of the war-god Hontu ..."
Total 8
II 451:13; Cl&re/ "Nouveaux documents/" p. 33. It is
suggested that the couple represented in this double
statuette of unknown provenance served a "portable" statue
of Hontu-in-the-Two-Lands inasmuch as the husband/ Kaem-
wasetz was a "fan-bearer of the Lord of the Two Lands."
This would seem rather far-fetched since the husband's
title is not connected with the colossus. The wife's title

/
could be read as mcytz frnwtz or sfrmt (sistrum player)
(see Clare's note 2 on p, 33).

20
Deificationz p. 41.
2i
I II 451-453/ 906:4/ 6/ 928:4-5; III 89:9/ 205:5/
225:4/ 7/ 11/ 13/ 226:16/ 227:6/ 10/ 228:4/ 10/ 13/ 16/
229:6/ 9/ 12/ 15/ 258:6/ 12/ 14/ 260:3.- 262:14/ 263:2/
264:9z 445:4/ 8/ 446:12.

22
The texts are found in Papyri Anastasi III (British
Huseum no. 10246) and Anastasi IV (British Huseum no.
10249)/ published in hieroglyphic transcription by A. H.
Gardiner in Late-Egyptian Miscellanies (Bibliotheca
Aegyptiaca 7; Brussels 1937)/ pp. 21-23/ 40-41/ and
translated by R. A. Caminos in his Late-Egyptian
Miscellanies (Brown Egyptological Studies 1; London 1954)/

pp. 73-82, 153-155e
22
5
Table 1.
23
j2sljStiLfiIlr p. 28.
24
KBI II 859, nos. 5, 23-24, 28-30.
25
m I 7:12, 17:13-14; II 45:131, 53:158, 120:S87,
157:3, 172:16, 166:8, 179:4-5, 180:12-13, 212:9, 236:1,
285:1, 311:11, 344:12, 457:14; IV 207:11; V 16:7, 31:12,
59:14, 80:14, 112:6, 240:11; VI 53:6, 56:8, 228:6.

26
H. te Velde, Seth, God of Confusion: a Study of His
sl in EggP-tilfln Mythology Od Religion (Probleme der
figyptologie 6; Leiden 1967), p. 28.

27
Examples include I 17:13, 7:1, and II 344:12
respectively.
28
"Les fouilles de Tanis en 1933 et 1934," KSmi 5 (1935-
1937):6 and fig. 6; ESI II 457:14.

29
I I 6:15, 17:14; II 29:78, 45:5, 53:158, 71:222,
159:8, 296:15; V 32:4, 49:11.

30
M. Pfezard, "Mission archfeologique d Tell Nebi Mend
(1921): rapport sommaire," Svria 3 (1922) :108-110, fig. 6
and pi. XXII.

31
Ibid.? p. 109, n. 2.
32
BI I 25:7. 1
33
W. J. Fulco has assembled the Egyptian evidence for
Reshep in the first chapter of his study The Canaanite God
ReSep (New Haven 1976).
Total 8
34
Ibid., p. 31. See also Chapter 4, p. 112.
35
Sgrlsch-PalSstinensische Gottheiten in &gypten
(Probleme der figyptologie 5; Leiden 1967), p. 22.

36
Ibid.# p. 143; H. Ranke.- ais SqvPtischen Perscnen-
namen I (GlOckstadt 1935)# p. 93 (24).

37
Stadelmann# op. cit.# p. 23.
38
Utt. 503 1081 and Utt. 555 1378b; see Chapter lr pp.
4-5.
39
See Chapter 2# p. 40 and pp. 68-69# n. 98.
40
Or as an epithet of the preceding goddess: "Hathor the
victorious." However# Nfrt is attested with its own
goddess determinative (Gardiner I 12).

41
E. A. W. Budge# The Book of the Dead: the Chapters of
Coming Forth Dav (London 1898)# vol. 1 (hieroglyphic
text)# p. 315 and vol. 2 (translation)# p. 231; P.
Barguet# L livre des morts des anciens fegvotiens
(Littferatures anciennes du Proche-Orient 1; Paris 1967)#
p. 184; and R.
C. Faulkner# Ifea B22k oZ DsMl & Collection si Spells te
Papyri in British Museum (New York 1972)# p. 103.

42
Budge# ECr vol. 1# p. 443# vol. 2# p. 315; Barguet#
Livre des morts# p. 253-254; and Faulkner# 32# p. 135.

43
See the section "Montu and the Theban Enneadr"
22
7
Table 1.
Chapter 6# pp. 252-255.

44
]j2 jlf pp^ 47-49. u. de G. Davies and A. H.
Gardiner# Seven Private Tombs at Kurnah (Mond Excavations
at Thebes 2; London 1948)# pp. 11-30 and pis. X-XXI; KRI
III 399-410.
45
Sev_en Private I.pmfes# p. 29.
46
Ibid.# pp. 13-14 and pi. XI.
47
Ibid.# pp. 14-15 and pi. XII.
48
Ibid.r pp. 16-17 and pl. XIII.
49
Ibid., p. 17.
5-A Family from Armant in Aswan and in Thebes*" JEA
51 (1965):123-136. For the tomb of Pennut see: M2 I1* P
399? Davies and Gardiner* Seven Private Tombs* pp. 53-55
and pis. XXXVI-XXXIX. For the tomb of Hatiay see: H2 I1*
pp. 395-396? Davies and Gardiner* Seven Private Tombs* pp.
42-48 and pis. XXXI-XXXIV.

51
Habachi* "Family from Armant*" pp. 133 and 135.
52
PM2 I1* p. 223* pillar E (d) I. The photograph is neg.
T2954 from the Theban Expedition of the Metropolitan
Museum of Art. I am most grateful to Dr. Christine Lily-
guist for providing a print and permission to include it
in
/
this thesis. Kitchen records the epithet as k3 nfct hry-ib
Total 8
Iwny* "Mighty Bull Who Dwells in Armant" (KRI I 301:2)*
but the MMA photograph does not support this reading.

53
R. Mond and 0. H. Myers* Temples of Armant: a Pre-
liminary Survey (London 1940)* p. 189 and pl. CV* no. 6C.
54
P. Barguet* "Tdd: rapport de fouilles de la saison
ffevrier-avril 1950*" BIFAO 51 (1952):99 and pl. IVb? KRI
V 339:12.
55
Wb. I* p. 565: "Kampfplatz."
S. Otto* BeitrSge 21LL Geschichte ^1 Stierkulte in

56
Aegypten (Untersuchungen zur Geschichte und Altertumskunde
Aegyptens 13? Hildesheim 1964)* p. 45.

57
See Chapter 3* pp. 88-89.
58
Stierkulte* pp. 46-48.
22
9
59
R. van Walsem, "The God Monthu and Deir el-Medlna," in
Gleanings from Deir el-Medlna (Leiden 1982), pp. 193- 214.

60
Ibid., p. 205, with accompanying lists on pp. 198-
204.
61
Ibid., pp. 194-195.
62
Ibid., pp. 195-198.
S3
M. Tosi and A. Roccati, Stele altre epjqrafi di J2ic
Si Medina, n*. 50001-n. 50262 (Catalogo del Museo egizio di

Torino ser. 2, vol. 1; Turin 1972), no. 50032, pp. 64-66,
273.
64
J. P. Borghouts, "Monthu and Matrimonial Squabbles,"
MR 33 (1981): 11-22.
/'
65
Ibid., p. 19.
66
Ibid., pp. 19-21 and n. 68.
67
Ibid., p. 22.
68
EM2 II 508 (137) Room 15; Medinet Habu VI, pi. 441; KRI
V 32613-14.
69
2fl2 II 508 (138) Room 16 (h) 3 and (i) 3; Medinet
fiabli VI, pis. 443-444.

70
EU2 II 508 (136) Room 14; Medinet Habu VI, pis. 334-
I
337.
71
XRI V 119-184.
72
Breasted, ME IV, 183-396.
73
KBI III 549:15; VI 571:14.
75
Ibid., p. 25.
74
2gmEl Armant, p. 15.
76
See also ibid.* p. 4 and for the dedication# pi.
LXXXVII.2.
77
Ibid.# p. 4.
78
For the Osiride statues see ibid.# pp. 188-189 and pis.
XI# XVII# XV-XVIII# CV).

79
Ibid.# pp. 4# 161-162.
80
Rapport sui ISS. fouilles Mfedamoud (1931 1932) (FIFAO
93; Cairo 1933)# p. 55# with the finds described on pp. 55-
59. In 1926 he stated: "Sous Sfeti Ier et Ramsfes II un
nouveau temple ou un agrandissement en grfes semble avoir
fetfe fait. Pourtant il ne subsiste que fort peu de restes
provenant de cette fepoque# mais nous avons vu ... que la
porte de Tibfere nous donne des blocs remployfes avec le
cartouche de ces deux rois* (Mfedamoud [19251 [FIFAO 31;
Cairo 19263# pp. 45-46). See also V# p. 149.
V# p. 149; and for the text of the stela of Year 2: EBI V
227.
82
m V# pp. 167-169.
83
iad (1934 1 1936) (FIFAO 17; Cairo 1937)# pp. 132-
134.
84
"T6d: rapport de fouilles de la saison ffevrier-avril
1950#" pp. 84# 96-103. See also C. Desroches-Noblecourt and
C. Leblanc# "Considferations sur 1*existence des divers

23
1
temples de Monthou d travers les ages# dans le site de
Tod#" BIFAO 84 (1984):97-99.

85
Jean Jacquet# "Fouilles de Karnak Nord: cinquifeme
campagne 1972#" BIFAO 73 (1973):214.

86
Karnak-Nord 12 (1949)-1951) (FIFAO 25? Cairo 1954)* pp.
63-66? M2 Hr PP- 6-9.

87
Karnak-Nord JY* pp. 144-145 and pl. CXXII.
88
A.-P. Zivie* "Fragments inscrits conserves & Karnak-
Nord*" BIFAO 72 (1972):76-77 and pl. XXVI.A.

89
"Khatacna-Qantlr*" p. 557.
90
H. Gauthier* "Une tombe de la XIXe dynastie a Qantir
(Delta)*" ASAE 32 (1932):116-119* 125-128? m IV 294:15- 16*
295:2* 6* 8* 12* 14.

91
*Tombe de la XIXe dynastie*" p. 127.
92
Ibid.* p. 128.
93
E. P. Uphill* The Temples of Per Ramesses (Warminster
1984)* p. 35* T.93.

94
Ibid.* p. 212. He elaborates with regard to the altars
of Thoth and Montu and their probable use in temples (p.
144): "Bearing in mind their importance as national gods*
as well as the fact that both temple and government schools
were needed at any royal residence* it is very probable
that these shrines would have been full scale temples
rather than chapels. This is reinforced by Monthu being a
war god linked with the army at this period* and it will be
75
Ibid., p. 25.
demonstrated ... that one of the major purposes if not the
main role of Per Ramesses was as a military base."

95
Medinet flafeu VII* pl. 583 B-C.
96
2h lerople KfagJlS.U' vol. 1: Scenes King Herihor in
the. court (OIP loo? Chicago 1979) * pl. 32.

97
jj2 jlf 223* pillar E (d) I? MMA photograph no.
T2954.
9S
Karnak-Nord IV, pp. 144-145 and pi. CXXII.
""Une statuette d'Amon-Rfe-Montou au nom de la divine
adoratrice Chepenoupet/" in Mfelanqes Maspero I: Orient
ancien (MIFAO 66? Cairo 1961)/ pp. 73-98 and pis. I-VIII.
100
A preliminary version of this section was presented as
a paper entitled "Montu and Khonsu: a Problem in Religious
iconography in the Ramesside Period" at the Third
International Congress of Egyptology held in Toronto/
September 1982.
101
At present there is no monographic study of Khonsu. The
most recent essay is "Chons" by Helmut Brunner in LdA Ir
cols. 960-963/ with extensive bibliography. See also H.
Bonnet/ EeallsxiKon dfil aovptischen Religionsgeschichte
(Berlin 1952)/ pp. 140-144.

102
A "pluralistic triad" according to H. te Velde/ "The
Structure of Egyptian Divine Triads/" JEA 57 (1971):83.
i3See chapter 1/ p. 8 for full description and the

23
3
accompanying note 52.

104
G. JSquier/ monument funferaire & P.epi Hr t. 3: Les
approches du temple (Cairo 1940)/ pp. 15-16 and pi. 21.
H. Brunner concurs (LdA 1/ col. 960). He describes the god as
"in voller Menschenform mit getrennten Beinen."

105
P. Lacau and H. Chevrier/ Une chapelle de Sfesostris
4 Karnak (Cairo 1956). H. Brunner (LdA I' col. 960)
notes: "Auch fdr das MR sind die Belege spSrlich ... Die
Sargtexte kennen ihn noch als grausamen Gott/ der sich von
Menschen n&hrt."
10
Brunner/ ibid.? and H. Bonnet? Reallexikon/ p. 141.
lO^Brunnerr ibid.
108
Bonnet/ Reallexikon/ p. 141.
109
"Ptah" in LdA IV col. 1178. M. S. Holmberg observes
(The God Ptah [Lund 19461 / p. 14): "It is clear that
Ptah's costume was from the beginning a tightly fitting
garment/ standing up somewhat at the neck and bearing some
resemblance to the dress of the King at the royal
jubilees ... But the garment was not a mummy's dress from
the beginning/ although in the New Kingdom it was not
unusual to show Ptah as a mummy."
Perhaps the Egyptians became as confused as modern
Egyptologists after several millennia with regard to the
precise nature of Ptah's attire. K. Sethe simply noted
(Urgeschichte jmd Slteste Religion Agypter [Leipzig 19301 /
75
Ibid., p. 25.
pp. 17-18/ 21-22.) that Ptah/ Theban Khonsu/ Min and
Osiris shared "die gleiche Form des ungegliederten
menschengestaltigen Idols."
110
Medinet Habu VIII/ pi. 596.
m
lgppl,e s Khfinsu i/ pi. 43.
112
H. Chevrier/ Lg. temple reposoir de Sfeti II 1 Karnak
(Cairo 1940)/ pi. V; M2 II 26 (38).

113
See note 103.
114
lepple 2tl Khonsu 1/ pi, 60.
115
LdA 1/ col. 960 and col. 962/ n. 9.
11
There is an unusual example of a headdress with solar
disk and double plumes surmounting the lost figure of Bnsw
hry-ib /// on a poorly preserved stela of King Dedumose I
of Dynasty XIII (ntr nfr (pd-nfr-Rc1 s3 Rc (Ddw-msl) now in
the Cairo Museum (CG 20433: H. 0. Lange and H. Schafer/ Gl-
flfr- llM P.enfcS.tSin.e MittleE.en Reichs II [Berlin 1908]
/ pp. 136-138). However/ the double uraeus is missing* and
it cannot be determined if Khonsu was represented in
hieracocephalic human form.

117
"Neferhotep" in LdA IV* cols. 372-373. See also Bonnet*
Reallexikon# pp. 518-519.

118
L3i IV/ col. 373/ n. 5.
119
H2 II 175 (520) (d) II.2.
120
"Notes sur le dieu Montou/" BIFAO 40 (1941) :16. "Ce
serpent jumelfe/ couramment reprsent au Moyen Empire/ se
rduit petit a petit au d&but du Nouvel Empire au serpent

23
5
unique."
12
Copenhagen. Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek/ Lfl collection
Sgyptienner par Maria Mogensen (Copenhagen 1930).

123
lsiEl Khonsu 1/ pl. 7.
124
However/ Khonsu tells Herihor: di.n.[i] n.k kni nljt
nb/ "I give to you all valor and victory/" something Montu
might be expected to say.

125
Probably H2 II 211 (30) 1. The description published
here appears to be questionable inasmuch as the layout
included in Plan XVIII is reversed with the arrow for north
pointing south.
126
Chevrier, Lfi temple reposoir, pi. II; M2 II 25 (26).
127
PM2 II 172 (504) 6.
128
M2 II 236 (41) I.
129
Ih Temple Khan.SJl* vol. 2: Scenes and Insciiptions in
h CPttLt and First Hvpostvle flail (OIP 103; Chicago 1981),
pi. 160.
130
Medinet Habu VIII/ pis. 596-597.
131See note 119.
132
J. Cern, CAH3# v. 2, pt. 2, pp. 637-641. "Judging from
the wall-reliefs and inscriptions, the back part, that is
the sanctuary and the store-rooms, was built by Ramesses
III and IV. To this original building a hypostyle hall and
a forecourt were added in the time of Ramesses XI and
Hrihor. The decoration of the hypostyle is their joint
work. ... In the forecourt, however, everything is done by
Hrihor in his name only. Here he bears a full royal titu-
75
Ibid., p. 25.
lary consisting of the traditional five names. ... He ruled
Upper Egypt, with Thebes as his residence, like the king
whose titles he appropriated in the inscriptions of the
temple of Khons, though always under the supremacy of
Ramesses XI, who, however slight might have been his power
and influence, had not ceased to be the pharaoh (pp. 637-
638)
133
Temple & Khonsu I.
134
F. Laroche and C. Traunecker, "La chapelle adoss&e au
temple de Khonsu," in CflhAe.rs da Karnak YLl 1973-1977
(Cairo 1980), pp. 167-196.

135
Ibid./ pp. 179-181.
136
Ibid./ p. 190.
137
(New York 1959)/ p. 30.
138
*Notes/" BIFAO 40 (1941) :14. The dedication was
published by A. Varille and includes no mention of Hontu/
only honor to the king's father Amun-Re (Karnak I [FIFAO
19; Cairo 19431/ pp. 12-13 and pis. XX-XXIX). The French
excavators called the structure the temple of Amun-Re-Montu
(ESinak I and KainateHgJfl III-IV [FIFAO 23 and 25; Cairo
1951-19541)/ the ancient name being Nb-m3ct-Rc iwc Rc Hc-m-
M3ct/ "Nebmaatre/ Heir of Re Who Appears in Maat." Royal
inscriptions from earlier in Dynasty XVIII published from
the site also frequently mention Amun with minimal refer-

23
7
ence to Hontu.
139
"Chapelle adossfee/" p. 191.
140
H. Jacobsohn* "Kamutef/" in LdA III/ cols. 308-309;
Bonnetr Reallexikon/ pp. 31/ 364-365. K. Sethe noted (Amun
und die Acht UrgStter y_on Hermopolis [Berlin 19291/ p.
19): "Neben der normalen Gestaltung des thebanischen Amun
als kosmische Gottheit stehen aber andere
Darstellungsformen/ die den Gott in die Sphere der
fetischistischen Gottheiten rficken. ZunSchst schon sehr
frQh (Dynastie 12) die ithy- phallische/ in der er vSllig
dem bereits erwahnten Gotte Min gleicht und ganz wie dieser
behandelt wird." E. Otto further states ("Amun" in LdA 1/
cols. 239-240) that in the Luxor temple Amun "fQhrt hier
den Namen Amenapet/ d.i.
At muni von Luxor/ und wird vorztlglich hier als Frucht-
barkeitsgott in der Gestalt des Min dargestellt; atif diese
Seite ihres Wesens bezieht sich aucb die beiden gemeinsame
Bezeichnung Kamutefr d.h. 'Stier seiner Mutter."* See also
E. OttOr Egyptian Alt and the Cults of Osiris and Amon
(London 1968)/ p. 123.

141
See note 123.
142
MfiflULDt lafel VII, pl. 581 B-C.
143
EH2 II 60 (182).
144
Pzard, "Mission archologique," pp. 107-110/ fig. 6
and pl. XXII.
75
Ibid., p. 25.
145
See "Montu and the Theban Ennead" in Chapter 6/ pp.
252-255.
Chapter 6 MONTU AND ATUM
Over several millennia Montu was perceived by the ancient Egyptians
in various forms and guises. In the Pyramid Texts of the Old Kingdom
he is attested as perhaps an astral deity/ in Dynasty VI as a human-
headed provincial god/ during Dynasty XI in hieracocephalic form as
divine protector of the Mentuhoteps/ and as war god supreme from
Dynasty XII to the end of native Egyptian civilization. However/ the
original and essential nature of this god has yet to be fully
revealed.
W. C. Hayes speculated that inasmuch as Montu appears

/
in reliefs of the early Middle Kingdom "with the disk and plumes of a
solar deity/" he was "evidently regarded as the Upper Egyptian
counterpart of the great god Re of Heliopolis/ with whom/ by process
of syncretism/ he was merged to produce the deity Montu-Re."1 Hayes
went on to add that "his principal cult centre was the town of Iuny/
or On (Heliopolis)/ called the 'On-of-Mont/' whence the Greek name/
'Hermonthis/' and the modern place name/ 'Armant.'"2 Such associations
are clearly more than coincidental when viewed in the context of
Montu's relationship with Atum/ primordial god of Heliopolis (Iwnw)/
head of that ancient city's Ennead/ and ultimately linked with the
solar godhead of Re.3

Montu and Atum as a Divine Pair
Hermann Kees was the first to present evidence for Montu and Atum
as a "GStterpaar in 1923 in his study of Horus and Seth/4 andr with
the exception of his own later citation,^ this observation received
little attention.6 Kees viewed Horus and Seth as but one example of a
pair of deities juxtaposed as representatives of Upper and Lower
Egypt. "Zu [dieser] Art geh5rt zweifellos die Gegenfiber- stellung von
Month von Theben und Atum von Heliopolis? also der Herren des
'oberSgyptischen' und des 'unterSgyptischen Heliopolis' ... Das Paar
Month-Atum scheint in fiber- einstimmung mit den politischen Umst&nden
die Sltere Zusam- menstellung zu sein, sie ist bereits aus dem Anfang
des Mittleren Seiches bezeugt, z.B. in einer ganz symbolisch
gehaltenen Darstellung auf einem Architrav oder Shnlichem Bauglied aus
dem Totentempel Amenemhets I. in T.ischts*7
The representation from the Lisht complex of Amenemhat I to which
Kees was referring is a limestone relief published in 1902 by J.-E.
Gautier and G. Jquier [Fig.
52].8 It is a symmetrical composition in which Montu, on the left, and
Atum* on the right, offer the cnfe and dd signs (life and stability)
to the beaks of the Horus falcons perched atop the serekh-frames
located near the outer edges of the relief bearing the king's Horus
name, whm mswt, "Repeating-of-Births." Both gods wear a plain kilt and
bull's tail, as well as their typical headdress:
Montur the solar disk with double plumes and uraei/ and Atum# the
Double Crown. The two halves of the relief are

<
divided by a vertical column of text containing the titles and nomen
of the king: nfcr nfr nb t3wy s3 Rc (Imn-m-h3tl/ "The Good God/ Lord
of the Two Lands/ the son of Re/ Amenemhat (I)." Hontu is identified
by a title more commonly belonging to Atum: ufc t3wyz "Lord of the Two
Lands."9 Atum is called simply "Lord of Heliopolis" (nb Iwnw). Behind

each god the same speech is carved with appropriate hieroglyphic
orientation: dd mdw di.n.Iil n.k cnfe dd w3s nb cn&.ti mi R dt/
"Words spoken: I give to you ali life/ stability and dominion/ living
like Re forever."
/
This relief is still the earliest preserved example of the
iconographic pairing of Montu and Atum. Subsequent variations permit
the assumption that the scene faced east with Montu on the south half
and Atum on the north half. Here the king is present with the gods in
name only. However/ the next example from the reign of Senwosret I
features the north-south orientation of the gods as well as the
physical presence of the king/ elements which will become formulaic in
later iconography.
The Karnak shrine/ or "Chapelle Blanche/" of Senwosret I was
dismantled and re-used in the structure of the Third Pylon in the
reign of Amenhotep III. The limestone blocks were recovered by the
Egyptian Antiquities Service and reerected north of the great temple.
Atum appears only once
in relief on this shrine,10 in parallel with Montu on the north and
south thicknesses respectively of the east doorway [Fig, 531
On the south thickness (scfene 3'), Montu is depicted wearing the
Sndyt-kilt, bull's tail and headdress of disk, plumes and uraei. He
offers life to the nose of the king and leads him by the hand before
Amun-Re who greets him with arms outstretched in nyny. Montu addresses
the gods on behalf of Senwosret Is fld mdw in Mnfcw nb W3st n nfcrw
nbCw) mfcn (Hpr-k3-Rcl n bt.fcn swjJ3 r whm n.f hb-sd mi mr sw nfcrw

nb(w), "Words spoken by Montu, Lord of Thebes, to all the gods: Behold
Kheperkare of your body, proceed to the repeating for him12 of the
jubilee as all the gods love him." The king wears the double crown.
On the north thickness (sc&ne 4'), Atum wears the ndvt-kilt with
bull's tail and double crown. He, too, offers life to the king's nose
and leads him by the hand into the presence of the god Amun-Kamutef
represented in ithyphallic form and standing on a platform as would a
statue. Atum addresses the kings jfld mdw in Tm nb Iwnw ii.w(y) m htp
(S-n-wsrtl m3.k it.k Imn-Rc mrr fcw di.f n.k nyt-swt t3wy, "Words
spoken by Atum, Lord of Heliopoliss Welcome in peace, Senwosret (I),
that you may see your father Amun-Re who loves you, and that he may
give to you the kingship of the Two Lands." In this scene the king
wears the Red Crown of Lower Egypt as is appropriate to the north side
of the doorway and his reception by Atum.

Iconography of the Bs-nvswt
Analyzed as separate scenes* these two royal introductions into the
presence of Amun would appear to have only minor importance. But the
key is the architectural arrangement as noted by Lacau and Chevrier:
"Dans les deux scenes parall&lles 3' et 4'? nous avons Atoum et Montou
gui conduisent chacun sparment le roi. En ralitfe c'est une double
simplification d'une sc&ne connue dans laquelle ces deux dieux
conduisent ensemble le roi devant le dieu? en le tenant chacun par une
main. Comme on ne pouvait loger quatre personnages dans une seule face
longue? on a coupe les deux scSnes en deux."13 The unified scene
representing the two gods escorting the king is frequently attested in
temples of the Theban area throughout the New Kingdom.

The standard New Kingdom composition includes four elements: 1)
Montu and Atum escorting the king while each holds one of his hands.
Montu always precedes the king whom he faces looking back over his
shoulder; 2) the bs- nyswt formula as a caption for the scene; 3) a
recitation
by each of the gods; and 4) the Wepwawet and placenta

\
standards which separate the approaching tfio from the god or gods to
whom the king is led.
To clearly illustrate these elements? a complete example of this
tableau has been selected from the Great Hypostyle Hall at Karnak?
south wall? east half? bottom register [Fig. 54],14
1) Montu and Atum escort Ramesses II; as in the Middle Kingdom
antecedent/ both wear the plain kilt and bull's tail as well as their
typical headgear. Note that Montu has a single uraeus here. The king
wears a long kilt with bull's tail and sporan; atop his head is the
blue war crown/ or hpr. Montu precedes the king walking forward/ but
looking back over his shoulder to face Ramesses as he offers life to
his nostrils. Atum follows the king and holds an ankh in his free
hand. Each god holds one of Ramesses' hands.
2) The scene is captioned by the bs-nyswt formula which is placed in a
vertical column before Montu.
Gardiner notes that the common writing of bs-nyswt "shows this to be
the stereotyped technical term used to denote the king's introduction
by another god into a temple."15 The text reads: iw mt bs-nyswt r hwt

c
3t n Iwnw Smcw Ssp tw it.k Imn di.f rnpwr "Coming and going/1
introduction of the king into the great mansion of the Southern

Heliopolis (i.e. Thebes) that your father Amun may receive you and
grant youthful vigor." The specific structure into which the king is
introduced varies to suit the context/ as does the accompanying wish.
The wish statement/ as well as the entire bs-nyswt formula/ may be
omitted.
3) Each god addresses the king: j|d mdw in Mntw nb W3st mi ir.k r hwt c3t
nt it.k Imn hw.f hm.k m hhw m rnpwt hfnw m hbw-sd/ "Words spoken by
Montu/ Lord of Thebes:
Come to the great mansion of your father Amun/ that he may
protect your majesty in millions of years and myriads of jubilees."
fld mdw in Tm nb t3wy Iwnwy w3 mhtp r hwt-nfcr m3n.k17 it.k 5ps nb
nfcrw cwy.f (y) 5d m cnfe w3s dt m rnpwt rtjh nb t3wy (Wsr-m3ct-Rc] ,
"Words spoken by Atum, Lord of the Two Lands, the Heliopolitan:
Proceed in peace to the temple that you may see your august father,
the lord of the gods, whose arms nurture with life and dominion
forever and with the years of eternity, 0 Lord of the Two Lands,
Usermaatre."
The content of the divine speeches varies with each example, and
the recitation of one god may be omitted or both combined as in the
temple of Sethi I at Abydos where Montu and Atum speak as one:18 dd
mdw in Mnfc(w) Tm s3.n mry.n nb t3wy (Mn-m3ct-Rcl ^k ir.k hnc.n r hwt

c
3t sndm.k hr nst it.k m hwt.k nt hhw ..., "Words spoken by Montu and
Atum: Our beloved son, Lord of the Two Lands, Menmaatre, enter with us
into the great mansion that you may be seated upon the throne of your
father in your mansion of millions ..."
4) The Wepwawet and placenta standards precede Montu's approach at the

left of the scene. The vertical text reads: Wpw3wt Smcw sjjm t3wy
sm.f tp w3t nfrt br-h3t s3.f tWsr-m3ct-Rc] r htp m hwt-nfcr nt it.f
Imn in /////,
B
Wepwawet of Upper Egypt, the power of the Two Lands, he leads upon
the good way before his son, Usermaatre, to rest in the temple of his
father Amun in /////." The receiving deity or deities, usually Amun or
a combination of the Theban triad, may appear within the same scene
just beyond
the standards? or the king's meeting with the god may be rendered in
an adjoining scene complete in itself with the figure of the king
repeated in the divine presence. The standards may be omitted from the
scene entirely? and the text may or may not be present and varies with
each example.
The specific examples of this New Kingdom composition to be
discussed are meant to be representative and are not intended to be a
comprehensive survey. The author is not aware of any examples still
extant from periods before the New Kingdom? but this certainly does
not rule out the possibility that they once existed and may still
await
discovery. Indeed? a similar scene survives from Dynasty

/
XIII in which Horus the Behdite and Thoth lead King Sekhemre Khutawy
Sobekhotep II into the presence of Montu on limestone fragments from
the temple of Medamud.19 Aside from the depiction of different gods?
all elements are present in this representation save the fourth? the
Wepwawet and placenta standards. The bs-nvswt formula precedes the

scene: bs-nyswt m hwt-nfcr nt Mnw nb M3dw? Royal introduction into
the temple of Montu? Lord of Medamud." Both of the escorting deities
address the King. Due to a missing section? it can only be assumed
that the two gods each hold a hand of the King.
Perhaps the earliest surviving examples of the New Kingdom scene
with Montu and Atum are to be found among the blocks from the
"Chapelle Rouge" of Queen Hatshepsut
erected at Karnak and later dismantled and re-usedr primarily in the
Third Pylon. This bark-shrine originally named Hwt-nfcr M3ct-k3-Rc st
ib Imnr "Temple of Maatkare* Favorite Place of Amun/" was constructed
of red guartzite with a granite base.20 Portions of the shrine were
re-used by Thutmose Illr and it is his image and/or name which remain
in these scenes.
From the west facade have been preserved two symmetrically reversed
scenes in which Montu and Atum lead Thutmose III to be crowned by Amun
and Weret-Hekaw.21 Both compositions include only the first two
elements; the divine addresses (3) and the Wepwawet and placenta
standards (4) are missing. On both north and south sides

/
Montu and Atum wear their standard attirer but on the north
the King wears the Red Crown and on the south the J}pr.
The three figures in each scene are labeled by their names
ana titles: On the north Montu as hry-ib W3st "he who

i.. _________________________________________________
dwells in Thebes" and Atum styled nb hwt c3t tk3 Iwnw
________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ j r , _ , __________________..>
"lord of the great mansion/ ruler of Heliopolis." On the south only
Montu's name is present with the wish di.f cnh/

and Atum is called simply nb hwt c3t.22 The bs-nyswt
I
formula is present? though in poor condition. Lacau and Chevrier
transcribe it for both scenes as: iwt 5mt bs- nyswt m hwt-nfcr nt Imn
ir.f di cnfc/23 "Coming and going/ introduction of the King into the
temple of Amun that he may perform the giving of life."
From the east facade only the south side remains from what was
probably another symmetrically reversed pair of scenes in which Montu
and Atum lead the King to Hathor who makes the gesture of nyny.24
Again* only the first two elements are present. Montu is called "he
who dwells in Thebes*" and Atum "Lord of Heliopolis."2^ The bs-nyswt
formula is clearly preserved and reads: iwt mt bs-nyswt m hwt-nfcr
(Mn-frpr-RcI st-ib Imn*26 "Coining and going* introduction of the King
into the temple of Menkheperre# Favorite Place of Amun."
In Room XIV of the Akh-menu of Thutmose III at Karnak* this king is
once again depicted in an unpublished scene as being led by Montu and
Atum to be embraced by a seated Amun in the presence of Nekhebet and
Amunet.27 Despite the poor preservation of this relief* it is clear
that the first two elements are present. Montu precedes the king
locking back over his shoulder; he is called "Lord of Thebes." Atum
follows the king and is called simply "Lord of Heliopolis." The bs-
nyswt formula forms the right-hand border of the scene: iwt Smt bs-
nyswt r hwt c3t nt Imn m Ipt-swt*
"Coming and going* introduction of the king into the great mansion of
Amun at Karnak." The third element* the divine address* is here
present in the third person singular inscribed before the name and
title of Atum: di.f cnh nb snb nb 3wt-ib nb mi Rf* "He grants all
life* all health* and all joy like Re." There appears to be no
parallel statement for Montu.
In Room XV* Montu and Atum both embrace Thutmose III
on one face of the two pillars.28 The feeling of the scene is very
reminiscent of those already discussed from the Karnak chapel of
Senwosret.I. Montu# styled "Lord of Thebes," wears his standard
headdress, while Atum, called "Lord of the Two Lands, the
Heliopolitan, the great god," is coifed simply by a wig. The King
wears the White Crown of Upper Egypt.
From the reign of Amenhotep III is preserved in the second
antechamber of the Luxor Temple a representation of that King being
led by Montu and Atum before the enthroned god Amun.29 The only
publication of the scene is found in A. Gayet1 s L& temple & Louxor,
h_ Constructions d'Amnophis III,30 and the reader is warned by Porter

and Moss that the plates are "often inaccurate."31 Once again, two
elements are missing: the bs-nyswt formula (2) and the standards (4).
Montu's name is inscribed without epithet. If Gayet's plate is to be
trusted, Montu's headdress has a single uraeus. Atum wears the Double
Crown, but the inscriptions are missing above his head. Montu
addresses the King: dd mdw s3 Rc (Imn-htp tk3 W3stl ^k m3n.k32 n
[sic] it.k, "Words spoken: 0 son of Re, Amenhotep (III),
i
ruler of Thebes, enter that you may see your father." The speech of
Atum appears incomplete and somewhat corrupted: dd mdw s3 Imn (Imn-htp
Hc3 W3st] di cn& w3s nb33 Haw n mpwt cafe.ti ////, "Words spoken: 0
Amenhotep (III), ruler of Thebes, given all life and dominion and
millions of years living ////.*
In the "Birth Room" of the Luxor Temple? Montu and Atum are
significantly paired for the purification of Amenhotep III*34 as Kees
notes/ "als Parallele zu Horus und Seth bzw. Horus und Thoth in den
Darstellungen der rituellen Reinigung des KSnigs."35 The young king
faces Montu who wears an unusual horned sun-disk with plumes and
single uraeus. Atum wears the Double Crown. Both gods pour water from
hs-vases.
On the north wall of the interior of the Hypostyle Hall at Karnak
is preserved the earliest example thus far located of the bs-nyswt
scene with Montu and Atum in which all four elements appear
together.36 Sethi I is led by
Montu and Atum into the presence of Hathor? Lady of

/
Dendera? who performs the nyny-gesture at the extreme right of the
scene. The bs-nyswt formula is incomplete? but clearly present: bls-
nyswtl37 r hwt-nfcr nt it ////?
"Intro[duction of the King] into the temple of (his?) father ////."
Both gods address the King: dd mdw in Mnfcw nb W3st /// mrwty.i nb hcw
(Stfoy mr-n-Imn] my ir.k r hwt-nfcr m3.[kl it.k pss nb nfcrw Imn-Rc
di.If]////? "Words spoken by Montu? Lord of Thebes: My beloved? lord
of diadems?
Sethi beloved of Amun? come to the temple that [you] may see your
august father? the lord of the gods? Amun-Re? that [he] may
grant ///." dd mdw in Tmw nb t3wy Iwnwy s3.i mrwty.i nb t3wy (Mn-m3ct-
Rc] wd3 rk hnc.[i] r hwt c3t m3.[k] it.k nb nfcrw di.f n.k nth m nyswt
t3wy flt m hk3 3wt- ib nst Gb i3t Hpri /// m pt? "Words spoken by
Atum? Lord of
the Two Lands* the Heliopolitam My son? my beloved* Lord of the Two
Lands* Menmaatre* proceed with [me] to the great mansion that [you]
may see your father* the lord of the gods* that he may give to you
eternity as king of the Two Lands and everlastingness as ruler of joy*
the throne of Geb and the office of Khepri /// in heaven." The
Wepwawet and placenta standards are present* separating the
approaching trio from the receiving goddess. On the same wall* another
variation of the scene appears* but lacking the bs-nyswt formula.3
There are numerous examples of the scene throughout the Ramesside
Period. In a vestibule of the Sethi I temple
at Qurna Ramesses II is led by Montu and Atum before Amun-

/
Re and Mut.39 The carving is in sunk relief* but from early in the
reign since the early form of Ramesses' prenomen is used* the simple
Usermaatre.40 All elements are present in this representation except
the bs-nyswt formula. A complete scene from Ramesses' early reign in
the Hypostyle Hall at Farnak with all four elements has already been
presented as the prototype for this tableau [Fig. 54]. Another
complete scene from later in the reign41 also occurs on the south
interior wall of the Hypostyle Hall.42 A scene missing only the bs-
nvswt formula is featured on the rear wall of the second court of the
Ramesseum [Fig. 55].43
Several examples of the bs-nyswt tableau with Montu and Atum occur
in the Dynasty XX temple of Ramesses Illat
Medinet Habu, including one featuring all four elements.44 However,
the most interesting variation is found on the west wall of the second
court.45 In this example [Fig.
56], the accompanying texts are remarkably different from the basic
formulas which have been encountered up to this point. The bs-nyswt
formula in this instance has been incorporated into the speech of
Montu, and Late Egyptianisms appear for the first time in the address
of Atum. The iconography of the tableau remains true to the long-
established format. Ramesses III is ornately attired and Montu has
only the single uraeus. The Wepwawet and placenta standards are
present and separate the royal introduction from a complete scene
adjoining on the right. Beyond the standards Thoth writes on a wand
and holds the King's Horus name.46 Ramesses III kneels before the
Theban triad from whom he receives the hb-sd. This is nearly identical
in composition to a scene with simpler texts in the Ramesseum referred
to briefly above [Fig. 551.47
The jubilee format of the divine addresses in the Medinet Habu
example imply a re-enactment of the coronation of the King: dd mdw in
Mnfc nb W3st bs.i tw whm.i tw r 3ht m3.k nb nfcrw smn.f n.k shmty hr
tp.k s|ic.f tw m nb t3wy, "Words spoken by Montu, Lord of Thebes: I
introduce you and I take you again4 to the horizon49 that you may see
the lord of the gods so that he may set in place for you the Double
Crown upon your head and that be may cause you to arise as lord of the
Two Lands." Montu also says: di.i

c
nh w3s _r fnd.k nb t3wy mrr Rc* "I give life and dominion to your
noser 0 Lord of the Two Lands* whom Re loves.
This action is likewise rendered iconographically. Atum in turn
addresses the King: fld mdw in Tm nb t3wy Iwnwy ntr c3 mk wi r-h3t.k r
k3r ps scr.i tw r hwt c3t m3.k it.k hrw hr mnw.k wnf50 hr n3yw.k51 3hwt
di.f n.k hfnw n rnpwt dt sp- sn* "Words spoken by Atum* Lord of the
Two Lands* the Heliopolitanr the Great God: Beholdr I precede52 you to
the august shrine that I may cause you to ascend to the great mansion
so that you may see your father who is content with your monuments and
pleased with your beneficial acts that he may give to you myriads of
years forever '
and ever."
/
The standard tableau is also attested at the very end of the
Ramesside Period in the forecourt of the Khonsu temple at Karnak.'*3
Montu and Atum lead Herihor into the presence of Amun-Re. The bs-nyswt
formula is missing* and Montu-Re speaks for both gods as was the case
in the example from the Abydos temple of Sethi I discussed above:54 dd
mdw in Mnfc nb W3st mi rk [hnc1 .n55 r hwt c3t m3.k it.k nb nfcrw di.f
n.k nyt-swt c3t? "Words spoken by Montu* Lord of Thebes: Come with us
to the great mansion that you may see your father* the lord of the
gods* that he may give to you the great kingship."
This representative survey of bs-nyswt scenes lends strong support
for Kees* contention that Montu and Atum formed a "GBtterpaax" as
presented at the beginning of this
chapter. In addition it must also be noted that? even in the Ramesside
Period; the two gods undoubtedly retained their function as paired

symbols of Opper and Lower Egypt first attested in Dynasty XII. This
is clearly demonstrated by the symmetrical composition on a lintel in
the entrance of the First Pylon in the Medinet Habu temple [Fig. 573 .
56
On the northern halfr Atum receives Ramesses III who wears the
hprS-crown: dd mdw in Tmw mi rj; m3.k it.k Imn- Rc nyswt nfcrw> "Words
spoken by Atum: Come that you may see your father; Amun-Rer king of
the gods." The King is then depicted running before the enthroned god
wearing appropriately the Red Crown and carrying two hs-vases. On the
southern halfr Montu receives the King who once again wears the blue
crown: dd mdw in Mnfcw nb W3st cnfe w3s fnd.k nb t3wy mr n R~r
"Words spoken by Montur Lord of Thebes: Life and dominion for your
noser 0 Lord of the Two Landsr beloved of Re." The King then runs
before Amun-Re wearing the White Crown of Upper Egypt and carrying an
oar and the hap. On the northr the goddess Wad jet is invoked; on the
southr the goddess Nekhebet. The iconographic intent is clear: Montu
and Atum are the divine representatives of Upper and Lower Egypt
respectively vis-S-vis the King. Amun-Re is "King of the Godsr" but
Montu and Atum remain the primordial lords of their traditional
regions of Egypt.
Hontu and the Theban Ennead
Montu's role as Upper Egyptian counterpart of Atum is most clearly
indicated by his position as Hc3 psflt/ ruler of the Ennead of the
Theban region. On the north wall of the Hypostyle Hall at Karnak/
Sethi I offers flowers to Montu who is in this instance styled Mnfcw
hry-ib W3st nfcr c3 bc3 pst/ "Montu who dwells in Thebes/ the great
god/ ruler of the Ennead."57 H. Brunner has analyzed this Ennead: "Die
thebanische ist deutlich von der heliopoli- tanischen abhSngig/
emgreift sie doch diese und erweitert sie urn einige im thebanischen
Gau verehrte G&tter: Month/ Horus und Hathor sowie Sobek, Tjenenet und
Iunit/ so dafi sie 15 Glieder umfafit."5 Lacau and Chevrier note that
"A Karnak/ c'est Montou/ le dieu de la province/ gui se place en tfite
de cette neuvaine importe d'Hfeliopolis et en devient le chef; Atoum
passe au second plan."59 Thus the essential Theban Ennead consists of
Montu/ Atum/ Shu/ Tefnut/ Geb/ Nut/ Osiris/ Isis/ Seth/ Nephthys/
Horus/ Hathor/ Sobek/ Tjenenet and lunyt. In the Southern Heliopolis
(Iwnw 5mcw), i.e. Thebes/ Montu enjoyed the honor accorded to Atum in
the northern Heliopolis (Iwnw).
What then was the relationship of the Theban Ennead to the "King of
the Gods/" Amun? In their study of the chapel of Senwosret 1/ Lacau
and Chevrier concluded that "Amon et Amonit restent en dehors de la
neuvaine qu'ils ont accueillie dans leur domaine & Karnak."60 Indeed/
the
fifteen-member Theban Ennead excluding Amun and Amunet is accepted by
most scholars to this dates61 However# Lacau and Chevrier appear to
have altered their interpretation based on the analysis of the blocks
from Hatshepsut's "Chapelle Rouge." They describe a number of scenes
as "offrandes d l'Ennfeade#" and specify that "cette 'Ennfeade' est
composfee de seize dieux et d&esses# en plus d'Amon# qui est honor le
premier et qui a re$u# & lui seul# plus d'offrandes que toutes les
autres divinits r&unies."62 it is important to note that these scenes
which they describe do not label the deities depicted specifically as

members of the Ennead# albeit that not all such scenes have the
identifier. This would appear to be a rare example with Amun and
Amunet as members of the Theban Ennead and therefore not conclusive.
When Montu is represented as seated with other members of his
Theban Ennead# he# like the other assembled deities# appears in fully
human form with divine beard. In this guise he recalls his earliest
attested iconography as found in the pyramid temple of Pepi II at
Saqqara [Fig. 41.63 In the "Birth Room" of the Luxor Temple Thothis
represented before the seated Ennead.64 Only psflt is preserved as a
label without its qualifier. In this example# Montu is accompanied by
seven other deities: Atum# Shu# Tefnut#
Geb# Nut# Osiris# Isis and one whose name is lost but who# based on
standard order# is most likely Seth. True to the iconographic format
for the seated Ennead# all members are
anthropomorphic* wear Rigs and hold w3s-scepters. Hale deities also
wear the divine beard.
An example of the seated Ennead is found on the north wall of the
Hypostyle Hall at Karnak from the reign of Sethi I [Fig. 581.65 Here
Montu is foremost of the complete fifteen-member Ennead, In the
uppermost register Montu is seated with Atum* Shu and Tefnut. In the
second register/ the paired deities sit beside one another: Geb with
Nut/ Osiris with Isis/ Seth with Nephthys/ and Horus with Hathor. The
third register/ which is compressed by the ornamentation of the
doorway/ is poorly preserved but includes the remains of three
deities. The first/ and
seated alone/ appears to be Sobek inasmuch as the ^ -sign

/
from his name can be read. Only the hands remain from the last two
figures who must be the goddesses Tjenenet and Iunyt. Montu is called
Lord of Thebes/ Lord of Heaven. Atum is Lord of the Two Lands/ the
Heliopolitan.
In the Karnak temple of Khonsu the seated Karnak Ennead with
fourteen members is represented from the end of the Ramesside Period
[Fig. 591.66 It is specifically named psflt c3t imy Ipt-swt/ "The Great
Ennead Which Is in Karnak." Once again/ in the top register
anthropomorphic Montu precedes Atum and the deities Shu and Tefnut/
and Geb and Nut/ who are seated in pairs. In the lower register the
seated pairs Osiris and Isis/ Seth and Nephthys/ Horus and Hathor/ and
Tjenenet and Iunyt appear. Only Sobek is missing. The names of Montu
and Atum are without title.
When the Theban Ennead is shown standing, Montu and Sobek resume
their hieracocephalic and crocodilocephalic forms. On the north half
of the west wall of the Hypostyle Hall at Karnak, Ramesses I offers
incense and libations before eight standing gods and goddesses.67
There is no inscription stating that they are members of the Ennead,
but from the order and composition it can be safely assumed. Montu is
in the lead with his hawk head crowned by his usual disk with plumes
and double uraeus. He is styled nb W3st hry-ib Iwny, "Lord of Thebes
who dwells in Armant." Atum follows wearing the Double Crown and
bearing his stock titles "Lord of the Two Lands, the Heliopolitan,
the Great God." Behind him are Shu, Tefnut, Geb, Nut,
/
Osiris, and Isis. In subsequent scenes,68 Sethi I offers bread to Seth
and Nephthys, Ramesses I offers wine to Horus and Hathor, and finally
the nmst-vase to Sobek, Tjenenet, and Iunyt [Fig. 60].'69 Sobek has
the head of a crocodile. The Great Ennead is present, albeit divided
into four scenes. Again from the reign of Sethi I the entire fifteen-
member Ennead is depicted with Montu in the lead in groups of five in
three registers on the north face of Pylon VIII of the Karnak
complex.70 Shu is here replaced by Onuris which is not extraordinary
inasmuch as the two gods often appear in the syncretized form Onuris-
Shu.71
Conclusions
This survey of Hontu and his relationship with Atum
suggests several conclusions. Aside from his post-Dynasty XI role as
war god# Montu was essentially# and undoubtedly began his divine
career as# a local sun god for the Theban region. His ubiquitous red
solar disk attests to this from his earliest iconographic appearance
in upper Egypt. As primordial solar lord of an important area of Upper
Egypt# he was paired as early as Dynasty XII with Atum# primordial
lord of Lower Egypt and its center of solar worship# Heliopolis. Both
gods served to represent his half of the Two Lands vis-a-vis the King
before Amun and in the ritual purification. In the Theban region Montu
was chief god of an Ennead composed of Atum together with his
Heliopolitan
Ennead to which were added five additional Upper Egyptian

/
deities. Despite Amun's rise to prominence as supreme god of Egypt
with his principal seat in the very heart of Montu's traditional
domain# Montu retained his exalted status among the gods of upper
Egypt# much as Atum did in Heliopolis despite the primacy of Re. It is
evident from the monuments that the Egyptians of the Theban region
established and fostered this parallel between Montu and Atum# and
that between Heliopolis (Iwnw) and the cult cities of their own
region# Armant (Iwny)# Thebes (Iwnw Smcw)# Dendera (Iwnt) and Esna
(Iwnyt).
Notes to Chapter 6 *W. C. Hayes# "The Middle Kingdom in Egypt:
Internal
History from the Rise of the Herakleopolitans to the Death of
Ammenemes IHr" chap. XX in CAH3* V. 1/ pt. 2 (Cambridge 1971)r p. 519.

2
Ibid.
3
See entry for Atum by L. K&kozy in LdX If cols. 550-552: "Seit den
Pyramidentexten wird A. oft mit Re identifiziert" (col. 551). Howeverr
he also notes:
"Obwohl die solare Seite des A. immer roehr in den Vordergrund tritt/
ist sein Kult selbst in Heliopolis nicht vollkommen mit dem des Re
verschmolzen" (col. 551). H. Bonnet made a similar observation: "Von
dem Sonnengott Re und dem diesem bereits im A. R. gleichgesetzten
'Horus vom Lichtland' war A. anfSnglich scharf unterschieden; er
stellt ihm gegenfiber ein bodenst&ndigeres Element dar und berOht sich
mit ihm nur in seinen kosmischen Ansprflchen" (jteallgxikon
5gyptischen Reliqjonsqeschichte [Berlin 15521# p. 72). See also K.
Mjsliwiec# Studien zum Gott Atum# Bd. I-II (H& 5# 8; Hildesheim 1978-
1979); and most recently W. Barta# "Zur Verb indung des Atum mit dem
Sonnengott Re#" 64 (1983) :15-18r and W. Westendorf# "Die

Sonnenscheibe auf dem Schlitten: Atum oder Re-Atum?" 62 OL983) :85-88/
with reference to W. Barta's comments (col. 171) in his extensive
entry for "Re" in LdX V/ cols. 156- 180.

4
flgry? liM Seth alS GStterpaarr 1. Teil (Leipzig 1923)r pp. 30-34.
5
EI G5tterglaube is Aegypten (Leipzig 1941)# p.
282 and n. 6 on the sane page.

6
J. F. Bourghouts simply makes note of ritual scenes in which Hontu
and Atum usually appear together leading the king before a deity
("Honth" in LdX I, col. 201 and col. 203r n. 37), but he makes no
mention of the iconographic significance or Kees* broader
interpretation.
7
Horus und Seth, p. 30.
8
Hmoire sur les fouilles de Licht (HIFAO 6; Cairo 1902), p. 97 and
fig. 108.
9
For the titles and epithets of Atum see H^sliwiec, Studien II, pp.
85-114. For ufc t3wy, see pp. 94-114.

10
P. Lacau and H. Chevrier, Une chapelle de Sfesostris Ier a Karnak
(Cairo 1956-1969), p. 175, 487.
Îbid., pl. 28, scenes 3' and 4*.

12
Lacau and Chevrier apparently supply the dependent pronoun for
their translation of this phrase: "Conduisez-Ie pour lui
renouveler ..." (Ibid., p. 104).
^3Ibid., p. 172.
14
H2 IIr 48 (159) 111,3; reproduced in line drawing as pl. 78 in
Great Hvpostvle Sail fit Karnak, vol. 1, pt.
1: The Wall Reliefs, by H. H. Nelson, ed. by W. J. Humane (OIP 106;

Chicago 1981).
15
JA 39 (1953):gg on p. 19.
*For this writing of iwt mt and a discussion of "coming and
going," see H. G. Fischer, The Orientation of Hieroglyphs, pt. 1:
Reversals (Egyptian Studies 2; New York 1977), 41, pp. 115-119.

17
Gardiner includes this unusual form of the verb ffl2. in his
discussions of the infinitive# imperfective and perfective sflm.f
forms (Grammar3# 299# 439 and 448).

18
A. Mariette# Abydos: description fouilles (Paris 1869)# vol. 1#
pi. 29. PH VI# p. 10 (99).

19
MSdamoud (1931) (FIFAO 9; Cairo 1933)# pi. VI.
20
2H2 II# 64-71. Texts# commentary and photographs of the blocks
reassembled into scenes are published by P.
Lacau and H. Chevrier in Pne chapelle d'Hatshepsout A Karnak I-II
(Cairo 1977-1979).
21
Lacau and Chevrier# Chapelle d'HatshePSout II# pi. 2# assise 9#
nos. 73/106 and 121/245.

22
Lacau and Chevrier# Chapelle d'Hatshepsout I# p. 66.
/
23
Ibid.# p. 65.
24
Idem# Chapelle d'Hatshepsout II# pi. 3# assise 2# nos. 24/110.
2o
Idem# Chapelle d'Hatshepsout I# p. 47.
26
Ibid.# p. 48. See also C. F. Nims# "Places about Thebes#" JNES 14
(1955) :122# fig. 1 (4b). Fig. (4a) is a similar formula from
elsewhere in the shrine still containing the original name of the
structure: iwt 5mt nyswt htp m hwt-nfcr M3ct-k3-Rc st-ib Imn# ^The
King's coming and going and resting in the temple of Maatkare#
Favorite Place of Amun" (cf. Nims# p. 113).

27
H2 II/ 115 (364) a2# where it is incorrectly stated that Thutmose
III is "crowned by Nekhbet and Buto before Amun." I should like to
thank the Oriental Institute of
the University of Chicago for providing roe with a photograph of the
central scene (P. 33509) and a photocopy of the photograph of the
adjoining relief to its right (P. 33510). Amun and the king embrace
with Nekhebet standing behind the king. Farther to the right a goddess
is seated who wears the Red Crown of Lower Egypt. The texts are poorly
preserved/ but I agree with the Oriental Institute archivists who
identify her as Amunet. The signs are legible above her head.
28
Ibid./ 115 (365) Pillar 1(c). Illustrated in L. fi. Abth. Ill, Bi.
35f.
29
EH2 Ilr 322 (129) II.
30
(Mmoires de la Mission archfeologique frangaise au
/
Caire XV; Paris 1894)r pi XLVIr fig. 110.

31
H2 Ilr 316.
32
Againr if Gayet is to be trusteo in cr&nscnp1xon of the text* the
form m3n occurs. See note 17.

33
Gayet transcribes the sign as ^^r but the context would seem to
require O'.
34pjj2 327 (154) ii. The scene is reproduced in Gayetr Tempie, pi.
LXXVr fig. 186.

35
Keesr Horus JJM Sethr p. 31.
36
K2 II# 45 (154) III.3. Reproduced in line drawing
in Great Hvpostyle Hall I1r pi. 199.

37
J
'There does not seem to be enough space to restore iwt mt to
introduce the formula.

38
H2 Ilr 44 (153) III.2. Reproduced in line drawing in Xll Great
Hvpostvle Ball I1, pl. 179.
39
EH2 Hr 417 Vest XXVIII (101r 102). Reproduced in L. .r Abth. Illr
Bl. 151.
40
For analysis of the forms of the names used by Ramesses II as a
criterion for dating his monuments see W. J. Murnaner "The Earlier
Reign of Ramesses II and His Coregency with Sethy Ir" JNES 34 (1975) :
153-190. A critical review of this article was later published by A.
J. Spalinger: "Traces of the Early Career of Ramesses Ilr" JNES 38
(1979):271-286.
41
The incomplete prenomen appears to read Wsr-m3ct-Rc stp-n-Rc.
42
U2 Ilf 47 (158) II.5; Ihs Great Hvpostvle Hall I1,
/
pl. 50.
43
PM2 Ilr 437 (13) Il.lr which forms part of a larger scene.
*4EM2 Ilf 490 (54e) Ilr and reproduced in Medinet Habu IVr pl. 246.
45
EM2 Ilf 501 (105) II.3r and reproduced in Medinet Habu Vr pl. 290.
46
usdijiet jaabu. vr pi. 291. ;
*'See note 43.
4
For whn translated as "to take anewr" see Dictionary Late
Egyptian Ir p. 125. In the context of the hb-sd the idea of Montu
taking the King again before the Theban triad for crowning is most
appropriate.
49
It would seem plausible that here 3htr "horizonr"
refers to Karnak where a coronation could well take place in Amun's
most sacred precinct. Indeed# an inscription of Queen Hatshepsut
states: iw.i rfe.kwi ntt 3&t pw Ipt-swt tp t3* "I know that Karnak is
the horizon on earth" (Urk. IV:364.1-2).

50
Wb. I* p. 319. The form of this verb is purely Late Egyptian; see
also Dictionary Late Egyptian If p. 116.

51
Note the use of the Late Egyptian possessive article (Cern^-Groll*
3.2r p. 43). Gardiner* who uses the term "possessive adjective*" does
state that the form does occur in popular writing before Late Egyptian
(Grammar3, 113.1* p. 87).

52
Literally "Behold* I am before you."
53
m2 Hr 230 (19) II.3; Temple Khonsu I* pi. 47.
54
See note 18.
55ihe Epigraphic Survey suggests "emending to jni r.k n*n* but it
is possible that the pronoun n is entirely otiose" (Temple of Khonsu
I* p. 24). However* the Abydos example previously cited seems to
indicate that the preposition hnc has most likely been omitted. The
Survey's translation* "come to us ..." based on their emendation is
awkward in context.
56
M2 II 491 (54 i-j); Medinet Habu V* pi. 251.
57
m2 lit (153) II.1; Great Hypostyle Hall I1* pi. 171.
58
Helmut Brunner* "Neunheit*" in LdX IV* col. 475.
59
Lacau and Chevrier* Chapelle de Sfesostris* p. 177.
60
Ibid.* pp. 177-178.
Kees/ GStterqlaube* p. 357? K. Sethe/ Amun und die Acfat UrgStter von
Hermopolis (Berlin 1929), p. 28/ 41; and H. Brunner/ "Neunheit/"

col. 475; cf. E. Otto* "Amun/" in Ld 1/ col. 244. W. Barta
concentrates his study (Pntersuch- 1UHH 21UB fiStteiXgeis Neunheit
[MSs 28; Munich 1973]) on the Ennead of Heliopolis with no reference
to a strictly Theban Ennead. In his lists of members of the Great
Ennead of Heliopolis (pp. 65-73) he includes numerous examples led by
Montu or Montu-Re (nos. 14/ 16-17/ 25-26/ 38/ 41/ 47-48/ 50-52/ 62-63/
67-71/ 74-75/ 77-79)/ others including Montu but led by Amun or Amun-
Re (nos. 21-24/ 43-44/ 76)/ by Amunet (no. 15)/ by Atum (nos. 10/ 82)/
or by Atum-Re (no. 8) .
62
Lacau and Chevrier/ Chapelle d'Hatshepsout 1/ p. 220. 63
G. J&guier/
Ls. monument funraire Repi II II (Cairo 1938)/ pi. 47.

$4EU2 II/ 327 (154) II.1; Gayet/ Le temple I, pi. LXXIII/ fig. 189.
65
M2 Ilf 45 (154) III.5; Great Hypostvle Hall I1/ pi.
201
-
66
m2 lit 231 (22) II.2; Temple Khonsu I, pi. 71. 67
H2 II/ 43 (152) 1.1.
68
Ibid./ 1.2-4.
69
Great Hypostvle Hall I1, pi. 140.
70
112 II/ 174 (518) I; L. fc. / Abth. Ill/ Bl. 125.
71 56; H.
I. Junker, nig Onurisleaende (Vienna 1917), pp. 55- Bonnet, Reallexikon,
p. 546.
Chapter 7 THE CONSORTS OF MONTU
The chronological scope of this study was chosen
deliberately in order to concentrate on the formative stages
of Montu's cult before the momentum of syncretism and
proliferation of animal worship in the Late Period obscured
his essential nature. It has been demonstrated in the
previous chapter that in the Ramesside Period Montu's
individuality had already begun to blur with Khonsu-in-
Thebes Neferhotep. The original identities and relationships
of Montu's consorts also become confused if viewed
from the vantage point of the reliefs and inscriptions of

/
the Ptolemaic Period. The omission of this late material
provides a clearer view of the evolution of the associated
goddesses at their cult centers.
From Dynasty XI to the end of the New Kingdom, Montu is
attested in the company of two consorts: Tjenenet and Iunyt.
A third consort, Rettawy, is first found only in the New
Kingdom. Each goddess is linked with a specific cultic site
and local manifestation of Montu. In addition to the
consorts, Montu is also associated to a certain extent with
four other goddesses: Neith, Renenutet, Maat and Meretseger.
An analysis of the significance of these relationships is an
integral part of this survey and concludes the chapter.

Tod: Tjenenet
The goddess Tjenenet1 is first attested in relief
representations at Tod dating to perhaps as early as the reign
of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep II of Dynasty XI* but no later than
that of his successor* Sankhkare Mentuhotep III. Goddesses
whose names are not preserved appear on two fragmentary
reliefs with Montu and a king identified by Bisson de la
Rogue as Mentuhotep II. The first sunk relief (inv. 1542)
features a goddess who wears a sheath-dress* broad collar and
26
5
tripartite wig surmounted by a solar disk with horns and
uraeus [Fig. 111.2 The second sunk relief (JE 66330) depicts
the coronation of the King by Montu and a goddess who wears a
sheath-dress and an unusual headdress composed of the White
Crown of Upper Egypt with the head and tail of a vulture at
the front and back respectively [Fig. 131.3 Bisson de la Roque
identifies her as Tjenenet.4 Her headdress is very similar to
the one worn by the goddess Satet in a relief dated to
Thutmose III in her temple at Elephantine [Fig. 611. In
Satets example a pair of horns has been added to the basic
White Crown with vulture head and tail. Perhaps the
combination signifies "Upper Egyptian goddess." Conversely*
the goddess in the coronation scene may actually be Satet
inasmuch as her name is preserved on a contemporary block
from Tod (inv. 1543).5
At least one of the goddesses from the Mentuhotep II
reliefs is most likely Tjenenet despite the loss of their
names. There is no doubtr however# that Tjenenet is present
on the reliefs of King Hentuhotep III. She appears in raised
relief on one side of a double-faced limestone block in the
Louvre (E 15114) and is clearly named:
Illnnti hryt-ib Brti# "ETjlenenet Who Dwells at Tod.*6 Only
her head and shoulders remain# revealing her broad collar and
tripartite vulture wig# a headdress whose origin H. Werbrouck
associated with the goddess Nekhebet.7 Tjenenet wears the same
headdress in three other Hentuhotep
111 relief fragments: inv. nos. 2119#8 2123#9 and 1523 [Fig.
161.10 She is clearly named on each of them. Other fragments
preserve her sheath-dress# once plain*-11 and
twice "feathered" like Hontu's tunic.12

/
Bisson de la Rogue attempted to link Tjenenet's name with
the Lower Egyptian god Tatenen who is freguently associated
with the Hemphite god Ptah.13 This alleged connection between
Tjenenet and Tatenen based only on the similarity of spelling
has recently been rejected by H. A. Schldgl on the grounds of
insufficient evidence.14 Proposing root meanings and
associations for divine names is risky business. Indeed#
Hornung has suggested that Hontu originally meant "the wild
one#" but without offering any etymological support.15
Unlike Hontu# Tjenenet appears twice in the Coffin Texts of
the Middle Kingdom. In both references (Spells
112 and 939)# she is named in the phrase "I am one who is in
front of Tjenenet."16 Unfortunately the context does not
reveal anything specific about her character or area of
divine activity.
Little is known about Tjenenet at Tod during the remainder
of the Middle Kingdom* the Second Intermediate Period* and
New Kingdom.
Medamud: Tjenenet
Virtually nothing remains to indicate who Montu's consort
was at Medamud before the end of the New Kingdom.
There are two blocks from the site decorated with relief on
four faces which date to the Second Intermediate Period*
possibly to Dynasty XVII. Despite the lack of an intermediate
block* Bisson de la Rogue and Clfere aligned the
faces* and revealed a divine name and the torso of a god-
dess.17 They tried to read the name as "Tatenen*" but were
then dismayed by the female torso. What remains is Inn
without the space supplied by the excavators for the t3- sign
(Gardiner N 16) in their restoration of the text. The most
logical conclusion based on the name elements Inn preserved
26
7
with a female torso is that the goddess Tjenenet was
represented on one of the faces of a pillar on which she
shared honors with Montu* Anubis and Amun-Re. This
circumstantial evidence is all that we have to identify
Medamud's divine patroness.1

Armant: Iunyt and Tjenenet
Montu's principal cult center* Armant* was the home of
2
6
two goddesses: Iunyt and Tjenenet, It is likely that Iunyt
9
was the primordial goddess of the city inasmuch as her name
means "She of Armant.1119 She is first attested in reliefs
dated to the reign of Sankhkare Mentuhotep III in Dynasty XI.
On a limestone corner block in the Cairo Museum (JE 68958)
her head and shoulders are preserved.20 Like Tjenenet at Tod/
Iunyt wears a broad collar and what at first appears to be
the same tripartite vulture wig. However# instead of the
vulture's head# a. uraeus is present above her brow# emerging
from the front edge of the vulture wings. This variation of
the wig joins the symbols of both Nekhebet and Wadjet# the
tutelary goddesses of Upper and Lower Egypt# and reflects the
theme of unification.
Iunyt's epithet/ "Lady of Ankhtawy/" implies a possible
connection with the god Ptah.21
Holmberg notes that the Memphite god Ptah is first attested
with his epithet "Lord of Ankhtawy" in the Middle Kingdom/
and specifically on an obelisk of Senwosret I at
Crocodilopolis in the Fayum where he is symmetrically paired
with Montu in the top register. "Possibly Ptah and Montu here
stand as the head gods for the North and South/
respectively."22 Montet identified Ankhtawy/ "Life of the Two
Lands/" as a district of Memphis/ while other Egyptologists
have rejected its geographical significance.23 The
juxtaposition of Ptah and Iunyt is brought home to Armant on
a block which preserves the captions for a scene in which
Ptah/ South of His Wall/ Lord of Ankhtawy/ was evi-
dently represented back to back with Iunyt/ Lady of Ankh-
tawy.24
The upper half of Iunytr Lady of Ankhtawy/ is also present
on another relief of King Hentuhotep III from Armant in the
Brooklyn Huseum (no. 37.16E) [Pig. 62].25 She wears a
"feathered" sheath-dress with trapezoidal bodice and
tripartite vulture-cobra wig.
Tjenenet Who Dwells in Armant (hryt-ib Iwn[yl) is attested

by name on blocks from Dynasty XII.26 She/ Iunyt and Hontu
form a pluralistic triad in Armant/ but their precise
relationship to one another is not certain.27 It has generally
been assumed that both goddesses serve as
Hontu's consorts/ and a parallel was made with the triad of

/
Elephantine: Khnum/ Satet and Anket.2 However/ the
Elephantine example may not be helpful inasmuch as Habachi
convincingly proved that Anket was the daughter of Khnum and
Satet/ not co-consort.25 As yet there is no evidence to
suggest that Iunyt was the daughter of Hontu and Tjenenet/ so
by iconographic juxtaposition it must be assumed that they
were co-consorts.
The two goddesses are symmetrically paired on the . Armant
stela of Thutmose III.30 Each wears a plain sheath- dress and
broad collar/ but the headdresses differ. Iunyt is
represented with a tripartite wig surmounted by a solar disk
with horns/ while Tjenenet is shown in the tripartite vulture
wig. Tjenenet and Iunyt are invoked with Montu in two Dynasty
XVIII htp-di-nyswt offering formulas inscribed
on stelae belonging to priests of Montu of Armant.31
In the previous chapter* it was demonstrated that during
the New Kingdom a basic Theban Ennead of fifteen members was
the norm consisting of Montu* Atum* Shu*
Tefnut* Geb* Nut* Osiris* Isis* Seth* Nephthys* Horus*
Hathor* Sobek* Tjenenet and Iunyt.32 The fact that the two
goddesses of Armant are placed at the end of the Ennead after
Sobek has led some scholars to suggest a cultic link and

2
7
1
possible triad.33 It would seem that they are reading a little
too much into this arrangement of deities. In variations of
the Theban Ennead* the only constant with regard to Tjenenet
and Iunyt is that they are always
paired. Sobek may be omitted as in the Great Karnak Ennead

/
represented in the Temple of Khonsu [Fig. 591.34 Their pairing
in the Ennead is attested as early as the reign of Queen
Hatshepsut in her mortuary temple at Deir el-Bahri.35 In her
"Chapelle Rouge" at Karnak* Tjenenet and Iunyt follow the
goddess Renenutet in a row of seated deities tc whom the
Queen makes offerings.36
In a series of four separate scenes on the north half of
the west wall of the Hypostyle Hall at Karnak* Ramesses I and
Sethi I alternate in offering to all the members of the
Theban Ennead.37 In the final scene* Ramesses I offers the
nmst-vase to Sobek* Tjenenet and Iunyt* all of whom stand and
assume their individual iconographic attributes [Fig. 60] ,38
Here we find an early example of Tjenenet wearing her
distinctive ^ -sign in the fillet with uraeus
atop her tripartite wig.39 Iunvt, who is called "Daughter of
Re,"40 keeps her usual tripartite wig surmounted with - solar
disk, horns and uraeus, in this instance attached by a low
platform.
In the Ptolemaic Period, the identities of the "twin"
goddesses of Armant merged,41 but, already in the Ramesside
Period, Tjenenet had begun to eclipse her partner when
represented in the company of Hontu of Armant in contexts not

related to the Theban Ennead. This independence is clearly
seen in temple reliefs from Dynasty XX which differentiate
between Montu of Thebes and Montu of Armant, each with his
respective consort. During the reign of Ramesses II, a high
priestess of Tjenenet of Armant, Ru, is attested among family
members represented in the Theban tomb of Khonsu-Ta.42
The new status of Tjenenet in the Ramesside Period is
accompanied perhaps by another phenomenon: the appearance at
Armant of a new goddess named Rettawy.43 A. Gutbub tries to
link the two goddesses, indicating that name Ret- tawy is an
epithet of Tjenenet in the Dynasty XVIII "Cha- pelle Rouge*
of Queen Hatshepsut.44 A second approach is to view Rettawy as
an aspect of Iunyt who is attested in the New Kingdom with
the epithet "Daughter of Re."45 This solarization would lend
itself to the new designation "Female Re of the Two Lands":
like father, like daughter. As will be demonstrated, Rettawy
and Iunyt do not normally occur in the same context, whereas
Rettawy and Tjenenet do.

2
7
3
Rettawy was unknown to Bisson de la Rogue before Dynasty
XX.46 However* the only evidence for Rettawy's appearance at
Armant dates to Dynasty XIX: a red granite colossus of
Ramesses II in the Cairo Museum (JE 44668) which includes the
dedication: ir.Inl.f jn_ mnw. tfl _n mwt.f Rct-t3wy* "He made
(it) as his monument for his mother* Rettawy." The King is
called "beloved of Rettawy."47 The statue was purportedly found
at Armant prior to the excavations of Mond and Myers and
bears the names of "Montu* Lord of Armant" and Montu Who
Dwells in Armant."48 The exact provenance of this monument is
crucial to tracing the origin of Rettawy whose principal
residence in the New
Kingdom was apparently Thebes.

/
Thebes: Rettawy
A temple in the Montu precinct at Karnak North attributable
by inscription specifically to Montu is first attested in
Dynasty XVIII.49 However* it is not until Dynasty XIX that
Montu*s Theban consort can be identified in a monument at
Karnak. On the dorsal pillar of a black granite block statue
from Karnak of the high priest of Amun* Roma-Roy* who served
under Merenptah* a htp-di-nyswt offering formula invokes both
Montu-Re Who Dwells in Thebes and Rettawy* Mistress of the
Gods (hnwt nfcrw).50
Rettawy is well attested in the Temple of Khonsu at Karnak
in the reliefs commissioned by Herihor at the end of that
dynasty. Rettawy accompanies "Montu the Great* Lord
of Thebes, the sovereign of the gods who dwells in the army,
the great god who lives [onl maat and dwells in Karnak."51
2
7
4
Rettawy Who Dwells in Thebes is the companion of "Montu-
Re /// Who Dwells in Karnak"52 and "[Montu] King of the Gods,
Lord of Thebes."53 In all three examples, Rettawy is clearly
acting as the consort of Theban Montu. Tjenenet appear once
as the consort of "Kontu, Lord of Thebes Who Dwells in Armant
[Fig. 401 ."54
This differentiation of the two consorts is also maintained
in representations at the Medinet Habu temple of Ramesses
III. On the north face in two adjoining panels Montu, Lord of
Thebes, is followed by Rettawy, and Montu,
Lord of Armant, is accompanied by Tjenenet Who Dwells in

/
Armant of upper Egypt (Iwny Smfw) [Fig. 39].55 Another panel
features Montu Who Dwells in Thebes with Rettawy.56 The two
goddesses are nearly iconographically identical. Both wear a
sheath-dress and tripartite wig with solar disk and horns
atop a low platform.
Two stelae from the workmen's village at Deir el- Medina
also indicate Rettawy's association with Thebes.
The stela of Nebimentet in the Voronezh Museum (no. 157)

t
dating to the reign of Raaesses II includes both Rettawy and
Tjenenet in -the upper register.57 Montu, Lord of Armant, the
great god, Lord of Everlastingness and Ruler of Eternity, is
seated with Rettawy on the right. Tjenenet, "the Beautiful
One of Armant," is seated opposite them.
She wears her distinctive uterus-sign in the fillet on her
tripartite wig. Rettawy wears the basic tripartite wig with
solar diskr horns and uraeus. Despite the presence of Hontu

2
7
5
of Armant* it is Rettawy who is honored by sitting with the
god. That she is associated more closely with the Theban
workmen is emphasized by the second stela in the Turin Huseum
(no. 50032) which dates to the reign of Ramesses IV.5 In the
first register* Amun-Re* Hontu and the deified King Amenhotep
I are worshipped. Rettawy and Queen Ahmose-Nefertary receive
adoration in the second register. Amenhotep I and his mother
were especially revered by the craftsmen of the Theban
necropolis and treated as patron deities.59 Hontu's Theban
consort was evidently a welcome guest in their domain.
Thus* before the end of the New Kingdom* specific consorts
were assigned to specific local manifestations of Hontu. The
older temples at Tod* Hedamud and Armant each maintained a
local version of Tjenenet. At Armant she shared her power
with Iunyt. Both goddesses appear together in the Great
Ennead of Thebes. A new goddess* Rettawy* possibly a local
manifestation of Iunyt* assumed the role of consort for
Theban Hontu.
I
Other Associated Goddesses
Aside from the three consorts* Hontu was also associated to
a lesser degree with several other goddesses.
A most unexpected appearance is made by Neith* Lady of Sais*
in the reliefs of Nebhepetre Hentuhotep II. She is
attested once on a limestone block found at Tod (inv
2114).60 Wearing the Red Crown of the North* Neith stands
behind the King who offers a conical loaf to Hontu. The
presence of this goddesses may be a purely political state-
ment at a crucial time for Egypt. In order to promote a

2
7
6
successful reunification of the Two Lands* the Theban king
must demonstrate his legitimacy in both Upper and Lower
Egypt. Neith evidently was invoked as the representative of
the Delta who counterbalances Hontu* patron of the kings of
Dynasty XI and consequently supreme god of the South at that
time.61
A similar need to extend Hontu's power and prestige to
both regions of Egypt as state god may account for his

/
double uraeus. This attribute became a standard iconographic
feature of the god when his hieracocephalic form was
established in the reign of Hentuhotep II. Russmann observed
that the two cobras were "usually Nekhbet and Wadjet* the
tutelary goddesses of Upper and Lower Egypt.
... Thus they would seem to invoke the ancient theme of
unification of the 'Two Lands' of Egypt ,.."62 The choice of
such an emblem for Hontu just prior to or immediately after
the reunification would seem most astute and politically
beneficial.
A second goddess whose relationship to Hontu is not certain
is Renenutet.63 Senenmut* the chief steward and architect of
Queen Hatshepsut* also held the title "overseer of priests of
Hontu in Armant."64 He is also

in
linked with Armant in an inscription on a kneeling granite
statue from that site in the Brooklyn Museum (no. 67.68).65 In
this example his titles all refer to Amun or Mut# but
Renenutet is invoked so that she might grant to him "all that
proceeds from the offering table of Montu# Lord of Armant."
She is called "Lady (pst) of Armant* as well as Renenutet
of the granary of the divine offerings of Montu# Lord of
Armant.* Excavations at Karnak North have also linked
Renenutet to the Montu temple at that site. A small serpent-
headed statue of the goddess carrying an infant in her lap is
inscribed: "Renenutet of the Temple of Montu."6
Unfortunately; no date was ventured for the statue by the
excavator.
y
Montur Lord of Thebes# the Bull Who Dwells in Armant# is
depicted on a pillar in the Theban tomb (no. 106) of the
vizier Paser who served under Sethi I and Ramesses II [Fig.
41] .v' Behind the seated god stands Maat# "daughter of Re#
fair of face# mistress of the realm of the dead (iwart)#"
wearing her distinctive plume,6 She also accompanies Montu#
Lord of Thebes# in a relief in Herihor's court in
the Karnak Temple of Khonsu.69 It should be remembered

I
that a temple to Maat was erectod within the Montu precinct
at Karnak North as early as the reign of Amenhotep III# and
that it shared the main axis of Montu's own temple.70 It is
also noteworthy that both Maat and Iunyt of Armant shared the
epithet "Daughter of Re."
The final goddess to be discussed is Meretseger. Her

2
7
8
name means "She-Who-Loves-Silence*" and she attends Kontu
in the Theban tomb (no. 51) of Woserhat* a contemporary of
Sethi I,H The tomb owner* tv?o other priests and three
priestesses offer to the seated god* while Keretseger* here
styled "mistress of the west* stands behind him. Her cult is
closely linked with the realm of the dead*72 not the usual
milieu for Montu. However* Woserhat's mother* Ta- wosret* was
a Chantress of Montu* so the deity's presence in the tomb
should not be unexpected.

Concluding Remarks
Montu's three consorts served a daily cultic purpose in his
temples in the Theban region. Nevertheless* before the end of
the New Kingdom* no divine issue is attested from any of
these goddesses. His association with Neith in Dynasty XI at
Tod was most likely a political statement legitimizing the
new Theban dynasts as they consolidated their power over all
of Egypt. The role of Renenutet at Armant cannot as yet be
explained by the evidence at hand. Montu's appearance with
Maat and Meretseger in Theban tombs is perhaps more easily
understood.
The necropolis was not a domain in which Montu's military
attributes could play a useful role. It is therefore not
surprising that he appears only rarely in tomb decoration.
When he must enter this rather alien terrain* he is attended
by goddesses who are quite at home in the necropolis. In
Paser's tomb Maat is called
"mistress of the realm of the dead*" and Meretseger is
intimately associated with the western cemeteries of Thebes.

2
7
9
She is therefore well qualified to accompany Hontu in the
tomb of Woserhat.
The foregoing survey of Hontu's consorts and the other
goddesses who entered his orbit brings to a close this study
of the Lord of the Theban Nome. By halting at the brink of
the Late Period and its rampant syncretism* it is hoped that
the essential and primordial Hontu has been revealed: a local
Upper Egyptian sun god who was catapulted to national
prominence by tife military victory of his princely
worshiper* an extraordinary feat for which he received the
credit through ensuing generations and the role of war god.

Notes to Chapter 7
^Tjenenet has been studied with emphasis on her iconography
in the Ptolemaic Period by H. T. Derchain- urtei* synkretisims
in agyptischer Ikonograpliigj. GSttin Tjenenet (G5ttinger
Orientforschungen. IV. Reihe: Xgypten 8; Wiesbaden 1979). See
also H. Bonnet* Rejallexikon der 3gyj>til?.chen
Religionsqeschichte (Berlin 1952)* "Zenenet*" p. 881.

2
F. Bisson de la Roque* T6d (1934 1936) (FIFAO 17; Cairo
1937)* p. 75 (fig. 27) and pl. XIX.2 (detail).

3
Ibid.* pp. 72-74 (fig. 26) and pl. XVIII (details).
4
Ibid.t p. 72.
5
Ibid. pp. 70-71 and fig. 24 (p. 73). For the iconography
of Satet during the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate
Period/ see Dominique Valbelle? satis et Anoukis (Mainz am
Rhein 1981)/ pp. 95-96. She also makes a brief reference to
an association between Montu and Satet (p. 97).

6
Ibid., pp. 87-88 (fig. 40) and pi. XVII.l (detail); un
2
8
0
sifede igw.jni.es franca is es & Egypt, 1880-1980:
l. exp.Qg it Aon! k l'occasion du centenaire l'Ecole dll Caire
(IFAQ) (Paris 1980)/ cat. no. 211/ pp. 161-163.

7
*La d&esse Nekhbet et la reine d'Egypte/" Archiv
OrientSlnl 20 (1952):197. He notes: *Si d'autres dSesses

/
portent cette coiffure c'est par assimilation h Nekhbet." See
also Jean Capart/ flMfilga.es observations silt la dfeesse d'el
Kak (Brussels 1946), p. 2.
Bisson de la Roquez T6dz pp. 79-81 (fig. 32) and pi.
XXII.
9
Ibid./ pp. 86-87 (fig. 38) and pi. XXIV.
10
Ibid./ pp. 92-93 (fig. 45) and pi. XXIII.
Îbid./ inv. nos. 1160 (one side/ pp. 91-92/ fig. 44)
12
ibid.z inv. nos. 1160 (other sidez p. 90/ fig. 43 and detail
pi. XXVIII.2) and 1522 (pp. 96-97z fig. 50 and detail pi.
XXVIII.1).
^"Notes sur le dieu Montou/" BIFAO 40 (1941) :48.
Drower made the same suggestion in R. Mond and O. H. Myers/
I&pple? Armant: a Pxeli-?ur>?ry Survey (London 1940) z p.
159. For Ptah-Tatenen/ see M. S. Holmberg/ The God Ptah (Lund
1946)/ p. 31.
14
Per Gott Tatenen: nach Texten und Bildern des Neuen
Reiches (Orbis biblicus et orientalis 29; Freiburg 1980)/ pp.
108-109.
1
Conceptions of God in Ancient Egypt; the One and the Many
(Ithaca/ N.Y. 1982)/ p. 279.

16
R. 0. Faulkner/ Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts (Warminster
2
8
1
1973-1978)/ vol. 1, p. 106 and vol. 3/ p. 79.
17
2BB2JLfc -SUX l fouilles & Mfedamoud (1928) (FIFAO 61;
Cairo 1929)/ pp. 72-77 (figs. 69-70).

18
Alt hough not using my evidence/ F. Goma& concurs
("Medamud/" in Ldfi III/ col. 1252)/ citing Derchain-Urtel
(Svnkretismus/ pp. 6-7).

19
A feminine nisbe-adjective based on the toponym Iwny. No
monograph has been written on the goddess; see Bonnet/
Reallexikon# p. 356/ and D. Jankuhn/ "Iunit/" in LdS III/
col. 212.
20
3Lemples af Armant/ p. 167 and pi. XCV.
21
Ibid./ p. 159.
22
Holmberg/ The God Ptah/ p. 29. The obelisk is published in
L. H. Abth. II/ Bl. 119. Montu's title on the south face is
simply "Lord of Thebes."

23
fi,fe<?.g.raphie l'Egypte ancienne I (Paris 1957)/ p.
32.
24
Temple jjf Armant/ p. 168 and pi. XCIX.8.
25
R. Fazzinir Images Eternity: Egyptian Alt from
Berkeley and Brooklyn (San Francisco and Brooklyn 1975)/ cat.
no. 35* p. 49; Temples Armant* p. 167 and pl. XCVI.l.

26
Temples sf Armant* pp. 169-170 and pl. XCIX.3-4.
27
H. te Velde* "Some Remarks on the Structure of Egyptian
Divine Triads*" JEA 57 (1971):84.

28
Ibid.; and Temples af. Armant* p. 158 (with a typos for
"Anubis*" read "Anukis").

29
"Was Anukis Considered as the Wife of Khnum or as His
Daughter?" ASAE 50 (1950^:501-507.

2
8
30
2
IgIBEl Armant* p. 182 and pl. CIII.
31The stelae of Ahmose in the Metropolitan Museum of
Art (no. 25.184.2) and Ipunefer in Cairo (CG 34123). Both

/
are discussed with references in Chapter 4* pp. 149-150.
32
Chapter 6* pp. 252-255. See H. Brunner* "Neunheit*"
in L3A IV* col. 475.

33 -
J
Bonnet* Reallexikon* p. 356; e. Legrain* "Notes sur le
dieu Montou*" BIEZLQ 12 (1916):117-118.

34
H2 II* 231 (22) II.2; The Temple of Khonsu* vol. I:
5ggD.es King Herihor in & CjMIt. Kitil Translations Texts
(OIP 100; Chicago 1979)* pl. 71.

35
E. Naville* The Temple of Deir El Bahari IV (EES Memoir
19; London 1901)* pl. Cl.

36
P. Lacau and H. Chevrier* Une chapelle d'Hatshepsout &
Karnak II (Cairo 1979)* pl. 19* assise 3* no. 129.

37
M2 II 43 (152) 1*1-4.
38
Ibid.* 43 (152) 1*4.; The Great Hypostyle Hall at
Kauaakr vol. 1/ pt. Is Zh Hall Bsllsfs (OIP 106; Chicago
1981)/ pi. 140.

39
For a discussion of the ^ -sign (Gardiner F 45/ "bicornate
uterus of a heifer") and Tjenenet/ see Dercbain- Ortelz
Svnkretismusz pp. 6-12. The very earliest example may be a
standing representation of Tjenenet in the "Chapelle Rouge"
of Hatshepsut (Lacau and Chevrier/ Chapelle d'Hatshepsout I/
p. 227 and II/ pi. 10/ block 251.

4
0 iunyt is also called "Daughter of Re" in the "Chapelle
Rouge" of Hatshepsut at Karnak (Lacau and Chevrier/ Chapelle

2
8
3
d'Hatshepsout II/ pi. 19/ assise 3/ no. 129. It should be
remembered that this is a common epithet ' of the goddess
Haat.
41
2EEl Q Armant/ pp. 158-159.
42
N. de G. Davies and A. H. Gardiner/ Seven Private Tombs at
Kurnah (Mond Excavations at Thebes 2; London 1948)/ p. 15 and
pi. XII? EEL III 402:5.

43
There is no monographic study of the goddess Rettawy; see
Bonnet/ Reallexikon/ pp. 623-624/ and A. Gutbub/ "Rat- taui/"
in V cols. 151-155.
44
"Rat-taui/" col. 151 and col. 152/ n.; 1: Lacau and
chevrier/ Chapelle d'Hatshepsout 1/ p. 227/ 359.

45
See note 40.
46
"Notes/" p. 27.
47
EI II 711:6/ 11.
4
2M V/ p. 161. Each edition of the Egyptian Museum's A
Blief BfiSSiiptAPn Principal Monuments (Cairo 1932/
1946, 1968, etc.) states that the statue (cat no. 664) was
"found at Armant."
49
See Chapter 4r pp. 143-145.
50
In the Cairo Museum, CG 42185: KRI IV 130:12.
51
lB12l OL Ktonsu I, pi. 37.
52
Ibid., pi. 88.
53
Ibid., pi. 93.
54
Ibid., pi. 32.
55
Medinet fiabll VII, pi. 583 B-C.
56
Ibid., pi. 581 C.
57
E. Bogoslovsky, "Pamiatnikh i dokumenty iz Der-el'-
2
8
4
Medina, khraniashchiesia v muzeiakh SSSR, vypusk 2 [Monuments
and Documents from Deir el-Medlna in the Museums of the
U.S.S.R., part 21," YgsinUs drevnei istorii 2 (120)
(1972):74-80 and pi. 5; A. Wiedemann, "Egyptian Monuments at
Dorpat," SM 16 (1894) -.150-151; and Kfil III 754-755.
M. Tosi and A. Roccati, Sfcfils & alttS epigrafi &i Dsit

58
Si Medina, u* 50001-n. 5Q262 (Catalogo del Museo egizio di

Torino, serie 2: collezioni 1; Turin, 1972), pp. 64-66, 273;
VI 196:3-8.
59
A. H. Gardiner, Egypt ifcs Pharaohs: an IntfidJar tion
(London 1961), p. 175.
PP. 71-72, fig. 25 (p. 74), and pi. XX.
*See Bisson de la Roque, "Notes," p. 7, n. 1.
b Representation ol King in Il XXVth Dynasty

62
(Monographies Reine Elisabeth 3; Brussels and Brooklyn 1974),
p. 40. She also refers to Jean Leclant's discussion
of Montu's double uraeus in "Une statuette d'Amon-R6-Montou
au nom de la divine adoratrice Chepenoupet*" in Mfelanqes
Maspero* Is Orient ancien (MIFAO 664; Cairo 1961)* pp, 76- 79.
63
The goddess has been the subject of a monographs J.
Broekhuis* godin Renenwetet (Bibliotheca classica van-
gorcumiana 19; Assen 1971); see also Bonnet* Reallexikon* pp.
803-804 (Thermuthis) * and C. Beinlich-Seeber* "Renenutet*" in
LdA v* cols. 232-236.

64
The title is attested on three of his statuess Cairo
Museum no. CG 579* a second in the collection of the Kim-
bell Art Museum in Forth Worth (acc. no. not available)*
and British Museum no. 174. A fourth statue in Berlin (no.

2
8
/ 5
15086) bears the abbreviated titles "overseer of priests of
Montu." All four are discussed in Chapter 4* pp. 145- 146 and
175-176* n. 178-181. Senenmut is called "beloved of Iunyt" on
a red camel ian Hathor-head amulet from Armant in the
Brooklyn Museum (no. 61.192). B. V. Bothmer ("More Statues of
Senenmut*" BMA 11 [1969-1970] sl26 and 130* figs. 9-11)
mistakenly refers to Iunyt as "the serpent goddess of
Armant*" based on the cobra determinative ^Gardiner I 12)
used with her name. The coiled cobra is not restricted to
determining the names of serpent-goddesses.
T. g. H. James* C.OIPUS QZ Hieroglyphic Inscriptions in

65
Brooklyn Museum I (Brooklyn 1974)* pp. 75-77 and pl. XLVI.
Bothmer observed that this is the first monument which
definitely associates the goddess with Armant ("Pri-
vate Sculpture of Dynasty XVIII in Brooklyn#" BMA 8 11966-
19671:63).
66
Jean Jacquet, "Fouilles de Karnak Nord: neuvifeme et
dixiSme campagnes (1975-1977) ," BIFAO 78 (1978) :49 and pi.
XIV (inv. no. A 3894).

67
112 I1/ p. 223, pillar E (d) I; MMA photograph no. T2954.
68
Maat was the subject of a thesis: C. J. Bleeker, De
feg.te.etelUJ5 zan Egyptische godin Ma-a-t (Leiden 1929); see
also W. Helck? "Mât," in LdS III, cols. 1110-1119, and
Bonnet, Reallexikon? pp. 432-434.

69
lffiEl Khonsu I, pi. 106.
2H2 Us pp. 11-13 and plan II.

70
71^2 Il/ gg (gj II; de G> Davies, Two Ramesside Tombs a Thebes
2
8
6
(Publications of the Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian
Expedition, Robb De Peyster Tytus Memorial Series 5; New York
1927), pp. 12-13 and pi. XI.
?2Meretseger is the subject of a monograph: B.
BruySre, Mfilfc Seger & Dsii l Mfedineh (MIFAO 58; Cairo
1930); see also D. Valbelle, "Meresger," in LdA III, cols.
79-80, and Bonnet, Reallexikon, pp. 455-456.
Appendix A
CATEGORIZED HONTU REFERENCES FROH ROYAL ENCOMIA IN KITCHEN'S
BftMESfilDE INSCRIPTIONS
The following 24 categories of Hontu references have been
gleaned from Kitchen's six-volume compilation of Ramesside
inscriptions.1 They basically fall into formulas employed as
epithets in royal encomia preserved in commemorative texts.
Some are common to the entire Ramesside Period, while others
are attested only during one reign. Non-formulaic texts
mentioning Hontu are discussed individually in Chapter 5, pp.
184-192.
(1) iw.f shmw mi Mnfcw m prw.f, "he being powerful like
Hontu in his going forth." One example from the Battle of
Qadesh "Poem" of Ramesses II (KRI II 12:30). A questionable
variant comes from the Medinet Habu inscriptions of Ramesses
Ills nb wc shmty mitt Mntw, "sole lord, powerful, the likeness
of Montu" (KRI V 23sll).
(2) ir m cc
wy.fy pdty mi Mntw, "who acts with his arms, an
archer like Montu" (KRI I 7:10, possibly IV 65:6). One
variant replaces pdty with pdty pdty, "he who draws the bow
(KRI II 166:6), and another omits it entirely, keeping only

2
8
7
the phrase "who acts with his arms" (KRI II 601:1, 603:13).
Two additional archery references involving Montu are
attested from the reign of Sethi I. The King is called pdty
nht-c mitt Hnfcw, "an archer, strong-armed, the likeness of
Montu" (KRI I 204:11), and his stela at the Sphinx Temple at
Giza includes the following narration: gnh.n.f dbw 3.n.f sr
ji Mntw pdt ji B3stt, "and when he saw a hippopotamus he
grabbed the arrow of Montu and the bow of Bastet ..." (KBI I
77:1).
(3) wr (var. c3) gfaty mi Mnfcw, "great of strength like
Montu." This epithet is found throughout the Ramesside Period
(I I 18:8; IV 267:5r 268:13, 269:13; V 37:2,
242:3, 304:6, 339:12; VI 47:12, 56:7-8, 711:11). Another
common variation is: phty.f mi Mnfcw, "his strength is like
Montu" or more simply jfrty mi Mnfew (KRI II 148:14, 212:9,
409:15, 711:5,7,9-11; III 203:12; IV 197:7; V 89:9; VI
41:15, 228:7, 461:8). Another variant substitutes mitt for

/
ml (KRI II 606:10; V 240:11). Related phrases would seem to
be: s^m phty pr-c mi Mnfcw, "powerful of strength and active
like Montu" (KRI V 282:15), ghty kni mi Mnfcw,
"strong and brave like Montu" (KRI II 181:6), and phty.f r-
h3t.sn mi Mnti, "his strength before them like Montu" (KRI
V 22:11). On the 3eth-Shan Stela of Year 18, Ramesses II is
given the epithet: tit Imn ghty Mnfc Jjn.ti hr.f, "image of
Amun, the strength of Montu having rested upon him" (KRI
II 151:13). 1
(4) pr-c kni mi Mnfcw, "active and brave like Montu" (mi
2
8
8
12:1, 17:12-13; II 157:3, 159:7, 179:4, 180:12, 221:9,
737:16; III 77:6; IV 207:11? V 57:3). Variants are attested
with only kni (KRI II 289:12) or pr-c (KRI I 80:8, 204:5; II
165:11), ca: pr-c in other combinations (KRI V
(5) mi it.f Mnfcwr "like his father Montu." Except for
two examples from the reigns of Sethi II (KRI IV 260:4) and
Ramesses IV (KRI VI 56:8)* this statement of filiation is
attested only in the military inscriptions of Ramesses II and
III.
Six occurrences are found in the Battle of Sadesh
inscriptions of Ramesses II: (i) y.n hm.f mw n hr.f mi it.f
Mnfcw nb W3st, "Then his majesty marched before like his
father Montu* Lord of Thebes" (KRI II 15:S37 11-41).
(ii) c
hc.n hm.f ljcw mi it.f Mnfcw Ssp.n.f bkrw ch3w* "Then his
majesty appeared in glory like his father Montu when he
took up the panoply of war" (KRI II 28:76-77)f and the

/
variant (iii) &c(t) hm.f mi wbn Rc Ssp.n.f bkrw nw it.f Mnfcw*
"His majesty appeared like the rising of Re when he took up
the panoply of his father Montu" (KRI II 103:5). (iv) &cr
r.sn mi it.f Mnfcw* "enraged at them like his father Montu"
(KRI II 119:85). (v) iw.f sfomw.f mi it.f Mnfcw* "he being
powerful like his father Montu" (KRI II 134:14). In the Wadi
es-Sebua temple Ramesses II is described as &cw mi it.f Mnfcw
nb W3st* "appearing in glory like his father Montu* Lord of
Thebes" (KRI II 200:16; and a variant omitting it.f* KRI II
201:12).
Six examples are preserved in the temple of Ramesses

2
8
9
III at Medinet Habu. In the description of the First Libyan
War * the King is called pr-c wr ghty mi it.f Mnfcw* active*
great of strength like his father Montu" (KRI v
19:2). Indeed, Ramesses Ill's Nbty-name begins with the
phrase wsr tfaty mi it.f Mntw, "powerful of strength like his
father Montu" (KRI V 37:11).2 Inscriptions of the Second
Libyan War include a greeting by priests and dignitaries in
which the following wish is stated to the King: di.f n.k t3
nb m fefc.k mitt it.k Mntw, "that he (Amun) may give to you
every land in your grasp (in) the likeness of your father
Montu" (KRI V 47:4). It is also said of the King: ib.f mtr mi
it.f Mntw, "his heart is renowned (?) like his father Montu"
(KRI v 50:11). And finally he is kni n&t~c mi it.f Mntw,
"brave and strong- armed like his father Montu" (KRI V 58:4).
Syrian prisoners praise Ramesses III: wr jhty.k nyswt mitt
it.k '
Mnt, "Great is your strength, 0 King, the likeness of your
father MontuI" (KRI v 82:2).
(6) [mi Mnt3 hf [tl n[5n.fl, "like Montu when he rages."
If Kitchen's restoration is correct, a unique attestation
from the First Libyan War inscriptions of Ramesses III at
Medinet Habu (KRI V 18:6). A fragmentary inscription of Sethi
I at Karnak includes: nnty /// pt Mntw hr [wnmy.f] ///,
"raging /// sky, Montu on his right

_ j ..." (fil I 24:10).
(7) mi Mntw ptpt sn in st.sn nb, "like Montu who crushes
them in their every place." Attested once in the inscriptions
of Ramesses II at Amarah West (KRI II 214:9).

2
9
0
(8) mi Mntw jn 3t.f, "like Montu in his moment." Three
examples from the reign of Ramesses II (KRI II 5:8, 12:16,
95:5321) and a variant with ct.f in place of 3t.f (KRI II
318:13-14).
(9) mi ki n Mnfcw, "like the form of Montu." This
epithet (KRI V 83:7, 30:5) and the following variants are
from the inscriptions of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu: m ki n
Mnfcw, "in the form of Montu" (KRI V 16:7); ki.f mitt Mnti,
"his form is the likeness of Montu" CKRI V 26:8); Mntiw m
ki.f, "Montu in his form" (KRI V 38:7).
(10) mry Mnfcw, "beloved of Montu." This common epithet
demonstrates the variations in the spelling of Montu's name.
The full writing Mnfcw is found (KRI I 62:9; II 134:2,
316:14-15; IV 72:15; V 260:15, 326:15), the shorter form Mnfc
(1 I 220:15; II 457:2; III 260:8; IV 72:15, 148:2, 202:9),
and a variant written Mnti using Gardiner sign 0 33 (EI II
711:9; VI 236:7). The hieroglyphic image of Montu (Gardiner C
17) can appear alone without an accompanying spelling (KEI II
434:12, 434:14; V 232:7). The variant mry Mnfc-Rc nyswt nfcrw,
"beloved of Montu-Re, King of the Gods," is also attested
(KRI VI 328:16).
(11) Mnfc n few, "Montu of millions." Attested once on
Ramesses II's Aswan Stela of Year 12 (KRI II 344:12).
(12) Mnfc hwi Pdt 9, "the Montu who smites the Nine Bows."
An epithet of Ramesses II in the Aksha Temple (KRI
II 210:15). A variant in Harnesses' First Hittite Marriage
inscription calls the King: s3 Mnfc hd Pdt 9, "son of Montu
who attacks the Nine Bows" (KRI II 256:14).

2
9
(13) Mnfcy n hc3w, "Montu of the rulers." Three examples from
1
the reigns of Ramesses II (KRI II 562:8* 563:11) and Ramesses
XI (KRI VI 726:8). A variant from the Deir el-Bahri
Rhetorical Stela of Ramesses II reads: Mnt hk3 hk3w* "the
Montu who rules the rulers* (KRI II 311:11).
(14) Mnfcw n t3 mk Kmt* "Montu of the land who protects
Egypt." Only attested once as a variant Nby-name of Sethi
I on his so-called "Flaminian Obelisk" in Rome (KRI I 118:10).
(15) Mnfcw s3 Mnfc* "Montu* the son of Montu (?)." This
probable juxtaposition of Montu and "his son/" the king*
occurs unfortunately in broken contexts* and the god's name
is not always spelled the same way in both instances (KRI
II 601:1* 603:13? IV 265:9* 290:10? V 274:4* 275:5). One

/
example features reversed order: ^3 Mnfc Mnfc (KRI II
311:11).
(16) Mnfcw hr nst.f* "Montu upon his throne." One
questionable example from the reign of Sethi I with Montu's
name restored by Kitchen (KRI I 60:6-7).
(17) Mnfcw hr l}3swt* "Montu upon the foreign lands."
Two examples from the reign of Ramesses II (KRI II 164:15*
563:5). In his Karnak military inscriptions* Sethi I is

_ I
once described as: r~ n Kmt i*n n t3w nb(w) Mnfcw hr 3swt*
"the sun of Egypt* the moon of all lands* the Montu upon the
foreign lands" (KRI I 6:15). The King is also told that he is
mi Mnfc hr h3st nb(t)* "like Montu upon every foreign land"
(KRI I 14:2-3).
(18) nb fep mi Mnfcw, "lord of the scimitar (strong arm)
29
2
(SB! I 231:9).
like Hontu" (KRI II 188:4/ 562:4# 646:9). These and other
references to the fep are limited to the reign of Ramesses
II. Other occurrences are: Mntw hr lypS.fr "Hontu with his
scimitar (KRI II 172:16); fepS.f wsr mi Mntr "his scimitar
powerful like Hontu" (KRI II 166:8); JjpSkni mi Hnfcr valiant
scimitar like Montu" (KRI II 206:14); s3 Mntw ir jn fep5.fr
"son of Hontu who acts with his scimitar" (KRI II 296:14/
457:14); wsr fep Hntwr "powerful of scimitarr Montu" (KRI II
408:13).
(19) nfetw ji Hntr "the victories of Hontu" (KRI II 354:5;
V 52:9). Variations include: nht.k mi Hntw/ "your victories
are like Hontu(*s)/" or "you are victorious like Hontu" (KRI
II 446:15); nt mi Hnt/ "victorious like Hontu" (KRI II 285:1;
V 89:7); nht mitt Hntiwz "victorious/ the likeness of Hontu"
(KBI V 31:12); and mi Mnti nht/ "like Montu the victorious"
(KRI V 29:9/ 70:10).
(20) hs tw Hntw/ "may Hontu favor you." This greeting is most
commonly found in the records of Dynasty XX (KRI
III 77:4; VI 352:15/ 353:3/ 456:2/ 457:8/ 457:16-458:1/
520:11).
(21) shm-ib mi Mntw [glyph]r "stout-hearted like Hontu." On
example from the reign of Ramesses II (KRI II 411:2).
(22) k3t Mntw/ "the work of Montu." This phrase is
attested once during the reign of Sethi I on a stela in the
British Museum (no. 1665) :3 di.f ck.sn hr k3t Mntw/ "He (the
King?) caused them to enter upon the work of Montu"
(23) tw.k mi Mnfcw, "you are like Montu." This direct
comparison of the king to Montu is first attested in the

2
9
3
reign of Tutankhamen (Ork. IV 2047:19-20). Courtiers#
soldiers, or even defeated enemies address the king and
celebrate his martial qualities which he shares with his
divine father (I I 14:2-3, 20:2; V 114:3; VI 711:3-4, and
circumstantial iw.k mi Mnfcw, KRI II 214:6). A third person
singular variant occurs when subordinates speak of the king:
sw mi Mnfcw, "he is like Montu" (KRI I 22:3; II 154:3- 4; III
203:14; V 79:15, 113:1, and circumstantial iw.f mi Mnfcw, V
29:9, 70:10, 80:14). The king was also ready to make the
comparison himself in the first person: tw.i mi

s
Mnfcw, "I am like Montu" (KI II 44:129, 72:225; V 17:12,
40:13, and circumstantial iw.i mi Mnfcw, KRI II 52:154;
V 34:10).
(24) Miscellaneous and fragmentary Montu references (RI I
210:4; II 155:5, 176:2, 304:9, 413:11, 568:9, 569:8, 575:14,
624:11, 633:7, 666:16, 734:2, 739:4; IV 39:2,
148:5; V 14:2, 31:10, 32:4 48:11, 49:2, 52:1, 59:12, 63:12,
64:7, 65:6, 82:13, 83:15, 84:10, 86:14, 89.*;13, 106:1,
112:6, 259:5, 278:5, 315:12, 566:8; VI 329:1, 540:15).

Notes to Appendix A
1
I&Si Inscription?; Historical and Biographical
(Oxford 1975-1983). A seventh volume destined to include
indexes and addenda is still in preparation.

2
J. von Beckerathf "KBnigsnaaen?" in LdA III, col.
552.
3
Alan W. Shorter* "A Stela of Seti I in the British
Museum," IEA 19 (1933):60-61.

Appendix B
PRIESTS AND OTHER STAFF OF THE MONTU TEMPLES DURING THE
RAMESSIDE PERIOD
The following classified list of Montu temple priests and
support staff in the Ramesside era is based primarily on K.
A. Kitchen's Ramesside Inscriptions: Historical and
Biographical.1 The KRI references provide the reader with
Kitchen's hieroglyphic text as well as his bibliographical
notations for further research. The primary list is arranged
by title with the names of individuals alphabetized by the
romanized form. The transliterated name appears in
parentheses# followed by the person's title in its fullest
form. Additional information is also provided: (a) the
dynasty and reign in which the staff member served# (b) the
KRI (or other) citations grouped by the attested variants of
the title which are included in transliterated form# and# if
necessary# (c) information about the individual's area of
service if not specified in his or her title.

A second list indexes the classified titles by the
I
specific temple if attested or probable. The reader should
also consult W. "Helck's discussion of each temple in the
New Kingdom which includes enumeration of the associated
priests and support staff.2
Temple Staff Classified by Title,3 High Priests (hm-nfcr
tpy).
Al. Amenwahsu (Imn-w3h-sw) t High Priest of Montu,
Lord of Thebes, and High Priest of Montu, Lord of Tod.
a. Dynasty XIX: Merenptah.
b. KRI IV 149:4-5, 149:12-13 (hm-nfcr tpy ji Mnfcw nb W3st
hm-nfcr tpy n Mnfcw nb Drty); KRI IV 149:7 (hm-nfcr tpy n

Mnfc nb W3st); KRI IV 149:9 (hm-nfcr tpy n Mnfc nb Drty).
A2. Djehutihotep flftwty-htp), High Priest of Montu, Lord of
Thebes Who Dwells in Armant.
a. Dynasty XX: Ramesses IV.

/
b. VI 93:3 (hm-nfcr tpy n Mnfc nb W3st hry-ib W3st).
A3. Hatiay (I) (H3t-i3y), High Priest of Montu.
a. Dynasty XIX: Ramesses II.
. b. ESI III 273:14 (hm-nfcr tpy Mnfc).
A4. Hatiay (II) (H3t-i3y), High Priest of Montu, Lord of
Armant [see also HI].
a. Dynasty XX: Ramesses VI.
b. KRI VI 360:2 (hm-nfcr tpy n Mnfc); KRI VI 359:6, 11-12
(hm-nfcr tpy n Mnfctwl).
A5. Huy (Hwy), High Priest of Montu, Lord of Armant.
b. ILBI III 401:2 (hm-nfcr tpy n Mnfc nb Iwny).
A6. Khonsu-Ta (gnsw/T3), High Priest of Montu, Lord
of Tod.
b. KBI HI 401:11# 409:16 (hm-nfcr tpy _n Mnfc nb Drby).
A7. Panebmentu (P3-nb-Mnt)# High Priest of Montu#
Lord of Thebes.
a Dynasty XX: Ramesses IV.
b. KJBl VI 95:7# 10# 96:11-12# 15 (hm-nfcr tpy n Mnfc nb
W3st).
A8. Pennut-Suner or Pennut-Sul (Pn-niwt/Sw-nw-r3)
High Priest of Montu# Lord of Armant.
a. Dynasty XX: Ramesses VII.
b. EI VI 421:5 (hm-nfcr tpy n Mnfc nb Iwny); KRI
VI 419:3# 7# 9# 14# 421:14 (hm-nfcr tpy n Mnfclw]).
29
5
A9. Ramose (Rc-ms)# High Priest of Montu.
b. EBI III 402:14 (hm-nfcr tpy n Mnfcw).
A10. Turo (Tw-r3)# High Priest of Montu# Lord of
Thebes.
a. Dynasty XX: Ramesses III-IV. ;

I
b. KB1 V 418:16# VI 94:12-14# 95:2 (hm-nfcr tpy n Mnt nb
W3st); 1 VI 2:10# 94:15-16# 95:14 (hm-nfcr tpy n^
Mnfc).
c. His statue found at Medamud suggests that he may have
served there as High Priest as well despite use of the
Theban title (Mfedamoud

2
9
7
119251/ pp. 46-47 and fig. 31).
All. Woserhat (Wsr-h3t)r High Priest of Montu/ Lord of
Thebes.
a. Dynasty XX.
b. Theban Tomb no. 235; A. Fakhry/ ASM 34 (1934):139 (hm-
nfcr tpy n Mnfc nb W3st).
A12. Wosermentu (Wsr-Hnfc) / High Priest of Montu/ Lord of
Thebes.
b. KBI III 302:3-4 (hm-nfcr tpy n Mnfc nb W3st). A13. NAME
HISSING/ High Priest of Hontu/ Lord of the
Gods.

/
b. KRI VI 96:9 (hm-nfcr tpy n Hnfc nb nfcrw).
B. Priests (hm-nfcr)c

Bl. Ameneminet (Imn-m-int)/ Priest of Hontu.
a. Dynasty XX: Ramesses XI.
b. Gardiner/ RAD# 38:5-6 (hm-nfcr n Hntiw).

* .
c. Possibly in Thebes inasmuch as there is a reference to
the temple of Hontu/ Lord of
Thebes (AIif 38:3). ;

I
B2. Thutmose flfrwty-ms) / Priest of Hontu/ Lord of Armant.
a. Dynasty XX: Ramesses III.
b. KRI V 387:15 (hm-nfcr n Hnfcw nb Iwny).
B3. NAHE HISSING/ Priest of Hontu/ Lord of Armant.

a. Dynasty XX: Ramesses IX.
God's Fathers (it-nfcr).
Cl. Khaemopet (gc-m-ipt)t God's Father of Montur Lord of
Thebes.
b. KEI VI 96:13-14 (it-nfcr n Mnfc nb W3st).
C2. Pawero (P3-wr-c3? t God's Father of Montur Lord of
Thebes.
b. KBI VI 96:14 (it-nfcr n Mnfc nb W3st).
C3. Sankhmentu (Scnh-Mntiw), God's Father of the Temple of
Montu.
b. KBI VI 794:13 (it-nfcr n r Mntiw).
Wab and Lector Priests (wcb fory-hbt).
Dl. Nebamen (Nb-Imn)f Wab and Lector Priest of the Temple of
Montu.
b. KBI III 407:10 (wcb frhry-hbt n pr Mnfc).
D2. Wosermentu (Wsr-Mnt) t Wab and Lector Priest of
Montu.
b. Kfil HI 405:12 (wcb bry-hbt n Mnfc). Wab-Priests (wcb).
El. Aha-o (^ti3-c3) t Wab-Priest of the Temples of Montur
Lord of Armant.

2
9
9
E2. Pashed (P3-d)? Wab-Priest of Montu.
b. KBI III 407:12 (wcb n Mnfc).
Chantresses (mcyt).
FI. Aati (c3.ti) Chantress of Montu.
b. KBI III 402:7 (5mcyt n Mnfc).
F2. Henutnefret (Hnwt-nfrt)r Chantress of Montu.
b. KBI III 407:2 (mcyt n Mnfc).
F3. lay (I3y)t Chantress of Montu.

/
b. KBI III 404:9r 406:15 (mcyt n Mnfc).
F4. Iuy (Iwyr Iwi) r Chantress of Montur Lord of
Armant.
b. KBI VI 359:5 (mcyt Mnfcw nb Iwny); KRI VI 359:12r 360:6
(mcyt n Mnfc).
F5. Mai (Mci)r Chantress of Montu.
a. Dynasty XIX: Ramesses II. ;
b. KBI III 402:5 (5mcyt n Mnfc). '
F6. Maia (Mci3)r Chantress of Montu.
F7. Mutiay (Mwt-i3y)t Chantress of Montu.

b. SSI III 407:1 (mcyt n Mnt?.
P8. Nefertary (Nfrt-iry)r Chantress of Montu.
a. Dynasty XX: Ramesses VI?
b. L. Habachi# 51 (1965):124 (5mcyt n Mnt).
c. The graffiti naming her were found at Aswan where no
Montu temple is known.
F9. Nessinebu (Ns-sy-nbw)/ Chantress of Montu.
b. KRI 402:6 (mcyt n Mntw).
F10. Nofret (Nfrt)> Chantress of Montu.
b. Kfil III 406:15 (Smcyt n Mnt).
Fll. Tawosret (T3-wsrt)/ Chantress of Montur Lord of Armant.
a. Dynasty XIX: Sethi I and Ramesses II.
b. KBI I 334:7/ III 402:2/ 404:8 (mcyt Mntw nb n Iwnw); KRI
I 338:8 (mcyt n Mntw nb Iwny); KRI
III 400:5/ 404:14/ 405:1-2/ 406:13/ 408:4
(Smcyt _n_ Mnt).
F12. Tjenetiunet (Int-Iwnt)/ Chantress of Montu.
b. EBL III 406:13 (mcvt n Mnt).
F13. Werner or Werel (Wr-nw-r3)/ Chantress of Montu.
b. Efil III 407:2 (mcyt n Mnt).
F14. Wiay (Wi3y)/ Chantress of Montu.
a. Dynasty .'fIX: Ramesses II.

3
0
1
G. Directresses of the Harem (wrt hnrt).
Gl. Maiay (Mci3y)r Directress of the Harem of Montur Lord of
Armant.
a. Dynasty XX: Ramesses VII,
b. KBI VI 420:10 (wrttl fenrt il Mnfc nb Iwny); KBI 419:4-5
7-8 (writ] hnrt n Mnfc).
G2. Tahenutpameteru (T3-hnwt-p3-mtrw) # Directress of the
Harem of Montu* Lord of Armant.
b. KRI VI 93:4 (wrt jinrt ji Mnfc nb Iwny).
G3. Tiy (2) r Directress of the Harem of Montu.

/
b. KBI III 302:4 (wrttl t)nrt n Mnfc).
G4. Wiay (Wi3y)r Directress of the Harem of Montu.
a. Dynasty XX: Ramesses III.
b. KBI V 418:16 (wrt hnrt n Mnfcw).
H. Scribes (s).
HI. Hatiay (B3t-i3y) r Scribe of the Divine Offerings in the
Temple of Montu [see also A41.
a. Dynasty XX: Ramesses VI. ;

I
b. KRI VI 359:6 (s htp-nfcr m pr Mnfc).
H2. Mentuemheb (Mnfc-m-hb) r Scribe of the Temple of Montut
Lord of Armant.

b. KRI III 306:2 (s hwt-nfcr n Mnfc nb Iwn[yl).
Overseers of Craftsmen (imy-r3 hmwt).
II. Huy (Hwy)r Overseer of Craftsmen of the
Temple of Montu [see also Kll.
> a. Dynasty XIX: Sethi II.

b. KBI IV 294:15-16 (imy-r3 hmt n pr Mnfc)? KBI
IV 295:6 (imy-r3 hmt wr n pr Mnfc); KBI IV 295:8 (imy-r3 hmt n
nb t3wy n pr Mnfc); KRI
IV 295:14 (imy-r3 hmt wr n nb t3wy n pr Mnfc).
c. The Qantir provenance suggests possible service in a
Montu temple at Piramesse.
Constables of the Temple (nc n j>r).
Jl. Djehutiemheb (Ifrwty-m-hb) r Constable of the
Temple of Montu# Lord of Armant.

/
b. KRI VI 794:2 (nc _n r Mntiw nb Iwny) ? KRI VI 825:16 (Snf
n pr Mntiw): KRI VI 820:3 (n r Mntiw).
J2. Iufenmentu (Iw.f-n-Mntiw)# Constable of the
Temple of Montu (Lord of Armant).
b. KRI VI 819:10 (nc n pr Mntiw): KRI VI 784:10# 825:4 (n r
Mntiw nb Iwny).
Deputy of the Temple (idnw ji jar).
Kl. Huy (Hwy)r Deputy of the Temple of Montu [see
also 111.
a. Dynasty XIX: Sethi II.

3
0
b. KRI IV 295:2# 12 (idnw n r Mnt). 3
c. The Qantir provenance suggests possible service in a
Montu temple at Piramesse.
L. Tenant-Farmers (chwty).
LI. Ad jar (c-33-y-r), Tenant-Farmer of the Temple of Montu.
b. KBI VI 767:3 (chwty n pr Mntiw); VI 785:1
(n pr Mntiv).
L2. Nesmentu (Ns-Mntiw) t Tenant-Farmer of the Temple of
Montu (Lord of Armant).
b. KRI VI 824:3 (chwty n pr Mntiw); KRI VI 804:14 (n r
Mntiw nb Iwny).
M. Coppersmiths (hmty).
Ml. Yetanefer (Y-t3-nfr)> Coppersmith of the Temple of
Montuf Lord of Tod.
b. KRI VI 494:2/ 495:4 (hmty (?) n pr Mntiw nb prtiw).
N. Mayors of the City in the Treasury of the Temple (h3ty-c
n^ niwt ii pr-hfl n pr).
Nl. Paser (P3-sr), Mayor of the City in the Treasury of the
Temple of Montut Lord of Thebes, a. Dynasty XX: Ramesses
IX. b KRI VI 482:8 (h3ty-c n niwt m pr-hfl n pr Mntiw nb
W3st).
3
0
II. List of Staff Attested for Specific Temples. 4
A. Armant: A2/ A4/ A5, A8/ B2, B3/ El/ F4r Fll/ Gl/ G2, 32/
Jlr J2f L2.
B. Medamud:4 A10.
C. Piramesse {?): 11/ Kl.
D. Thebes: Al/ A7/ A10/ All/ A12/ Bl/ Cl/ C2r Ml.
G. Tod: Al/ A6/ Ml.

Notes to Appendix B
1 (Oxford 1975-1983). Vols. 1-6 are now complete. A seventh
volume destined to include indexes and addenda is still in
preparation.
2
MteciflUen rn Wirtschaftsqeschichte Neuen Reiches I
(Wiesbaden 1961): Montu temple at Karnak/ no. 4/ pp. 64-65;
Tod/ no. 34/ pp. 158-159; Armant/ no. 36/ pp. 160-161; and
Medamud/ no. 37/ p. 162.
Ôbscure and incomplete references to Montu temple staff:
KBI VI 514:11/ 784:15/ 818:8/ 823:1.

4
Helck (Materialien 1/ p. 162) mentions a High Priest of
Montu at Medamud named Djehutiemheb and cites RAD 82:5.
However# the only name in that line is the Priest of the
Temple of Montu (hm-nfcr n pr Mntiw) Djehutihotep with nc
preserved reference to Medamud.

Appendix C
PRIESTS AND OTHER STAFF OF THE MONTU TEMPLES PRIOR TO THE
RAMESSIDE PERIOD
The following chronological list of Montu temple priests
and support staff prior to the advent of the Ramesside
Period is derived from Chapters 1-4. The names of staff
members are arranged alphabetically within the period

divisions and include their titles and the page references
where their monuments are discussed in detail.167 The second
list attempts to link the staff members with specific
temples. References to Thebes, however, may not necessarily
imply service in the Karnak temple inasmuch as it cannot be
securely attributed to Montu before Dynasty XVIII.
B4. Nesumontu: Overseer of priests of Montu* master (hry-tp)
in the Temple of Montu (p. 35).
B5. Samentu: Wab-priest and libationer of Montu* the Theban
Horus (p. 36-37).
C. Second Intermediate Period.
Cl. Amenemhat: Wab-priest of Montu (p. 87).
C2. Amenemkhau: Lector priest of Montu in Medamud (p. 87).
C3. Dedusobek-Dedi: Priest (hm-ntr) of Montu in Medamud (p.
87).
C4. Hori: Priest (hm-ntr) of Montu (p. 87).

*-----------------------------------------------
C5. Sitamun: Chantress of Montu in Medamud (p. 87).
C6. NAME LOST: Priest (hm-ntr) of Montu (p. 88).
167Chronological List of Temple Staff Alphabetized by
Name.Old Kingdom.
Al. NAME LOST: Overseer of priests of Montu (p. 13).

B. Middle Kingdom.
Bl. Hor: Priest (hm-ntr) of Montu, Lord of Thebes

(p. 37-38).
B2. Inyotef: Lector priest, chief lector, overseer of
priests, h3ty-c m pr-Mntw (p. 33-35).
B3. Mentuwoser: Overseer of the storehouse (imy-r3 st) in
the temple of Montu (p. 35).
30
5
3
a .....................................................................
0
6
D. New Kingdom: Dynasty XVIII.
Dl. Ahmose: Wab-priest with entrfee to Montu in Armant (p.
149).
D2. Denreg: Overseer of priests* high priest and steward of
Montu* Lord of Armant (p. 149).
D3. Humay: Chamberlain (imy font) of Montu* Lord of Tod (p.
147).
D4. Ipunefer: Third prophet of Montu in Armant (p. 150).
D5. Iunna: Chief of craftsman of the bark of Montu* Lord of
Thebes* and the bark of Montu* Lord of Armant (p. 150).
D6. Maanakhtef: Steward (imy-r3 r) of Montu* Lord

3
0
of Thebes (p. 148) 7
D7. Minmose: Overseer of priests of Montu/ Lord of Thebes
(p. 147).
D8. Padju: Servant (sdm-c) of Montu (p. 151).
D9. Resh: Great one of the temple of Montu/ Lord of Armant
(p. 150).
DIO. Semeniah: Steward (imv-r3 21? of Montu in Armant (p.
146-147).
Dll. Senenmut: Overseer of priests of Montu in Armant (p.
146).
D12. NAME LOST: Wab-priest of Montu in Tod (p5 150).
II. List of Staff Attested for Specific Temples.
A. Armant: Dir D2r D4/ D5/ D9/ DIO/ Dll.
B. Medamud: C2/ C3/ C5.
C. Thebes: Bl/ B5 D5/ D6r D7.
D. Tod: D3r D12.

Notes to Appendix C
*For titles related to the Montu temples of the Middle
Kingdom# see also William A. Ward/ Index of Egyptian
Administrative Religious Titles Ql ite Middle Kingdom
(Beirut 1982)/ nos. 20/ 182/ 320/ 667/ 668/ 872/ 915/ 916/
916a/ 1020/ 1070/ 1218.
Appendix D EPITHETS OF MONTU
Montu's epithets are subdivided by period* and a
distinction is made between "Thebes" and "Theban Nome" as
attested in the Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate
Period. Montu-Re and his epithets are subarranged at the end
of each period.
A. Old Kingdom.
Al. nb Iwny* Lord of Armant (p. 7/ 8* 10)
B. Middle Kingdom.
Bl. m M3dw* In Medamud (p. 30* 53)
B2. nb Iwny* Lord of Armant (p. 32/ 36)
B3. nb W3st/ Lord of Thebes (p. 32, 37/ 41-42/ 55/ 239/ 281)
B4. nb W3st nyswt t3wy k3 hry-ib M3dw/ Lord of Thebes/ King
of the Two Lands/ the Bull Who Dwells in Medamud (p. 39)
B5. nb W3st k3 Iwny pr ni Drty/ Lord of Thebes/ the Bull Who
Comes Forth from Tod (p. 28/ 39)
B6. nb W3st k3 hry-ib M3dw/ Lord of Thebes/ the Bull Who
Dwells in Armant (p. 28)
B7. nfe W3st/ Lord of the Theban Nome (p. 25/ 29-30/ 36-37/
53/ 55)
B8. nb W3st hry-ib Iwny/ Lord of the Theban Nome Who Dwells
in Armant (p. 28)
B9. nb W3st hry-ib M3dw/ Lord of the Theban Nome Who Dwells
in Medamud (p. 29r 52)
BIO. nb tt Lord of Heaven (p. 29)
Bli. nb M3dw/ Lord of Medamud (p. 29)
B12. nb t3wy# Lord of the Two Lands (p. 28# 238)
B13. Hr W3sty/ Theban Horus (p. 36-37/ 54)
B14. hry-ib Iwny/ Who Dwells in Armant (p. 26/ 28)
B15. k3 h3 m Drty/ The Bull Who Descends from Tod (p. 39/
45)
B16. k3 hry-ib M3dw/ The Bull Who Dwells in Medamud (p. 39)
B17. k3 hry-ib Drty/ The Bull Who Dwells in Tod (p.
39)
B18. Mnfcw-Rc nb W3st/ Montu-Re# Lord of the Theban Nome (p.
30
8
3
0
25) 9
C. Second Intermediate Period.
Cl. m M3dw In Medamud (p. 83-85/ 87-88)
C2. nb Ikn/ Lord of Iken (p. 58/ 94)
C3. i* W3st/ Lord of Thebes (p. 82)
C4. nb W3st in M3dw/ Lord of Thebes at Medamud (p. 80- 81)
C5. nb W3st nty m M3dw/ Lord of Thebes Who Is in Medamud (p.
84-85)
C6. nb W3st/ Lord of the Theban Nome (p. 84/ 92)
Cl. nb W3st hry-ib Iwny/ Lord of the Theban Nome Who Dwells
in Armant (p. 89)
C8. nb W3st hry-ib M3dw/ Lord of the Theban Nome Who Dwells
in Medamud (p. 81-82/ 90-92)
C9. nb W3st k3 hry-ib M3dw/ Lord of the Theban Nome/ the
Bull Who Dwells in Medamud (p. 82)
CIO. nb M3dWf Lord of Medamud (p. 81-82)
Cll. Drtyr Of Tod (p. 94)
D. The New Kingdom: Dynasty XVIII.
DI. W3styy The Theban (p. 107)
D2. m Iwny/ In Armant (p. 146/ 149-150)
D3. m Ipt-swt m W3st/ In Karnak in Thebes (p. 107/ 121-122/
131/ 148)
D4. nb Iwnv/ Lord of Armant (p. 106/ 109/ 130-132/ 138/ 141/
146/ 149-153/ 155/ 277)
D5. nb W3st/ Lord of Thebes (p. 106-107/ 114/ 130/ 132/ 142/
147-148/ 246)
D6- nb W3st nb pt/ Lord of Thebes,- Lord of Heaven (p. 132)
D7. nb W3st hry-ib Iwny/ Lord of Thebes Who Dwells in Armant

(p. 108/ 150)
D8. nb W3st k3 hry-ib Iwny/ Lord of the Thebes/ the Bull Who
Dwells in Armant (p. 106-107/ 140/ 146/ 156)
D9. nb W3st k3 hry-ib M3dw/ Lord of Thebes* the Bull Who
Dwells in Medamud (p. 147/ 156)
D10. nb M3dw/ Lord of Medamud (p. 131-132/ 142)
Dll. nb nfcrw nb Iwny/ Lord of the Gods/ Lord of Armant
D12. nb Drty* Lord of Tod (p. 131-132# 138* 147)
D13. Hr W3sty* Theban Horus (p. 114)
D14. hry-ib W3st* Who Dwells in Thebes (p. 107* 121- 122,
131r 148r 244)
D15. Mnfcw-Rc* Montu-Re (p. 114)
D16. Mnfcw-Rc imy W3st* Montu-Re Who Is in Thebes (p. 140)
D17. Mnfcw-Rc nyswt nfcrw nb W3st* Montu-Re* King of the
Gods* Lord of Thebes (p. 132)
D18. Mnfcw-Rc nyswt nfcrw hry-ib M3dw* Montu-Re* King of the
Gods Who Dwells in Thebes (p. 142)
D19. Mnfcw-Rc nb W3st/ Montu-Re* Lord of Thebes (p.
128)
D20. Mnfcw-Rc nb pt hry-ib W3st* Montu-Re Lord of Heaven Who
Dwells in Thebes (p. 124)
D21. Mnfcw-Rc hry-ib W3st nb pt* Montu-Re Who Dwells in
Thebes* Lord of Heaven (p. 124)
E. The New Kingdom: Ramesside Period.
El. c3 nb W3st ity nfcrw hry-ib mc nfcr c3 cnh [m] m3ct hry-ib
Ipt-swt* The Great* Lord of Thebes* Sovereign of the Gods
Who Dwells in the Army* the Great God Who Lives [on] Maat
and Dwells in Karnak (p. 273-274)
31
0
3
1
E2. n Iwny* Of Armant (p. 200) 1
E3. nyswt nfcrw nb W3st* King of the Gods* Lord of
E4. nb Iwny# Lord of Armant (p. 193-195# 200# 203# 273-274)
E5. nb Iwny nfcr c3 nb nhh hk3 dt# Lord of Armant# the Great
God# Lord of Eternity and Ruler of Everlastingness (p.
274)
E6. nb W3st# Lord of Thebes (p. 189# 191# 198-199# 203# 212-
213# 219# 241# 247# 249# 250-251)
E7. nb W3st nb t# Lord of Thebes# Lord of Heaven (p. 254)
E8. nb W3st nfcr c3 nb pt.- Lord of Thebes# the Great God#
Lord of Heaven (p. 202)
E9. nb W3st hry-ib Iwny# Lord of Thebes Who Dwells in Armant
(p. 199-200# 203# 212-213# 255# 274)
E10. nb W3st hry-ib Drty# Lord of Thebes Who Dwells in Tod
(p. 201)
Ell. nb W3st k3 wr hnty Drty# Lord of Thebes# the Great
Bull# Foremost of Tod (p. 196)
E12. nb W3st k3 hry-ib Iwny# Lord of Thebes# the Bull Who
Dwells in Armant (p. 195# 203# 277)
E13. nb Drty# Lord of Tod (p. 193# 201)
E14. hry-ib Iwny# Who Dwells in Armant (p. 273)
E15. hry-ib W3st nfcr c3 hc3 psdt# Who Dwells in
Thebes# the Great God# Ruler of the Ennead (p. 252)
E16. Mnfcw-Rc# Montu-Re (p. 212# 250)
E17. Mnfcw-Rc nyswt nfcrw k3 nfct hry-ib Iwny# Montu-Re#
King of the Godsr the Mighty Bull Who Dwells in Armant (p.
196)
E18. Mnw-Rc hry-ib Ipt-swtr Montu-Re Who Dwells in Karnak

(p. 274)
E19. Mnw-Rc hry-ib W3st Montu-Re Who Dwells in Thebes (p.
273)
Appendix E MUSEUM OBJECTS DISCUSSED IN THE TEXT
Berlin Museum.
13272 (p. 33)
15086 (p. 146* 285) 21685 (p. 114* 126-127) 23719 (p. 171)
Pap. 3022 (p. 55)
Pap. 10499 (p. 75)
British Museum* London.
12 (p. 124-125)
100 [6141 (p. 32* 64) 122 [13131 (p. 89)
134 [11641 (p. 34)
174 (p. 146* 285)
216 [9031 (p. 87)
1332 (p. 150)
1665 (p. 293)
10549 (p. 41)
Brooklyn Museum.
37.16E (p. 270)
67.68 (p. 146)
31
2
Egyptian Museum of Turin. 107 (p. 38)
1310 (p. 31)
1447 (p. 25)

Egyptian Museum/ Cairo.
C 579 (p. 146/ 285)
G
C 843 (p. 150)
G
C 494 (p 131-132/
G 4 . 138)
C 494 (p 132/ 138)
G 5 .
C 494 (p 132/ 138)
G 6 .
C 503 (p 133)
G 7 .
C 504 <P 133)
G 9
C 505 (p 133)
G 3 .
C 505 (p 133)
G 4 .
C 505 (p 133)
G 5 .
C 200 (p 32)
G 05 .
C 200 (p . 87)
G 30 .
C 201 (p 32)
G 73 .
C 205 (p 82)
G 55 .
C 206 (p 87)
G 61 .
C 206 (p 89)
G 94 .
C 207 (p 35)
G 12 .
C 241 (p 111/ 160)
G 20 .
C 241 (p 111/ 160)
G 21 .
C 241 (p 138)
G 37 .
C 340 (p 150-151)
G 05 .
Egyptian Museum* Cairo (continued)
C 3412 (p 150 282)
G 3 . *
C 4180 (p 118
G 6 . )
C 4202 (p 94)
G 9 .
C 4609 (p 114 125-
G 7 . * 126)
C 52Q0 (p 137
G 2 . )
C 5284 (p 139
G 5 . )
C 5963 (p 92)
G 5 .
J 4466 (p 200 273)
E 8 . *
J 6544 (p 44)
E 1 .
J 6632 (p 46* 48)
E 9 .
J 6633 (p 46)
E 0 .
J 8663 (p 198
E 7 . )
Florence Archaeological Museum. 1774
[63651 (p. 35/ 65) 2540 (p. 50)
Louvre* Paris.
C 2 (p. 37)
C 15 (p. 38)
E 3462 (p. 35* 67)
E 13983 (p. 52* 91)
E 15110 (p. 43)
E 15123 (p. 151)
Luxor Museum of Ancient Egyptian Art.
J. 129 (p. Ill)
Metropolitan Museum of Art* New York.
04.2.745 (p. 128)
05.3.367 (p. 134* 170)
05.3.368 (p. 134* 170)
05.3.380 (p. 128)
10.130.766 (p. 128)
14.2.7 (p. 31-32)
14.7.15 (p. 142)
22.3.128 (p. 25)
22.3.187 (p. 25)
22.3.517 (p. 40-41)
25.184.2 (p. 149)

26.2.29 (p. 149)
27.3.497 (p. 106)
28.9.4 (p. 41)
30.8.535 (p. 134)
Museum of Cultural History* Lund.
32.165 (p. 51)
Museum of Fine Arts* Boston.
63.260 (p. 135* 170)
64.521 (p. 135* 170)

Ny Carlsberg Glyptotekr Copenhagen.
1241 (p. 34)
Pelizaeus Museum/ Hildesheim.
374 (p. 186)
410 (p. 186-187)
1079 (p. 187)
1085 (p. 186)
1086 (p. 187)
Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts?
Moscow. 5603 [40711 (p. 64)
State Collection of Egyptian Artr
Munich. 27 (p. 38)

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3
4
2
Fig. 1. Map of the Theban Region.

// A
Fig. 3. Cylinder seal from the Piers collection.

Fig. 2., Dynasty II ink inscription.
Fig. 4. Relief from the mortuary temple of Pepi

3
4
4
II at Saqqara.
Fig. 6. Plan of the Old Kingdom temple at

Medamud,
Fig. 7. Sed-festival lintel of Senwosret III
from Medamud.
3
4
6
Fig. 8. Interior left wall of the "porche" of

Senwosret III at Medamud.
Fig. 9. Plan of the Temple of Senwosret I at
Tod.
3
4
8
Fig. 5. Relief fragment from the pyramid

causeway of Pepi II at Saqqara.
T'S
3
5
0
Pig. 10. Fragmentary relief of Montu from Todr

Dynasty XI (Louvre no. E 15110).
Fig. 11. Fragmentary relief from Tod/ Dynasty XI (inv.
1542).
Fig. 12. Mentuhotep II offers to Montu at Tod (JE 66329).
iitiHiirfi-
3
7
7
Fig. 13. Mentuhotep II crowned by Montu and Tjenenet at Tod

(JE 66330).
I Fig. 14. Montu in a relief from Todr reign of

| Mentuhotep III (Louvre no. E 15114).
3
7
8
3
7
9
I. St)iihi4Uf M>nl<*uftrtep enirr MODIOU rt TaneM, .nr
1
3
8
0
3
8
1
Fig. 19. Lintel from the facade of Sobekhotep il's "porche" at

Medamud.
3
8
2
Pig. 16. Montu gives life to Mentuhotep III at Tod (inv.

1523).
3
8
3
Fig. 20. Another lintel of Sobekhotep II at Medamud.

Fig. 21. Interior left wall of the porch of
Sobekhotep II at Medamud.
Fig. 22. Damaged figures of Montu and Shu* middle

colonnade? Temple of Hatshepsut? Deir el-Bahri.
Fig. 23. Karnak talatat with Akhenaten and fully

armed rays of the Aten.
Fig. 24. Thutmose III censing damaged figures of
Hontu and Atum/ temple sanctuary/ Deir el-Bahri.
1 NRM
Fig. 25. British Museum no. 12: Montu-Re (right)
accompanying Thutmose III.
1 NRM
Fig. 27. Exterior right side of the war chariot
of Thutmose IV.
THE CHARIOT
I P C X c i n e nc t w p n m p i n r i i N T i n s
Fig. 28. Left interior of the war chariot of
Thutmose IV.
Fig. 29. MMA scarab no. 04.2.745: Head of Montu-
Re.
Fig. 30. MMA scarab no. 10.13;0.766: Head of

Montu.
A-'A
Fig. 32. Detail of the stern of Huy's warship.

Fig. 33. Hontu representations on the stern of model boat CG 4944
from the tomb of Amenhotep II.
3
9
3
Fig. 35. HHA scarab no. 30.8.535

363
J
Fig. 37. Representation of the Armant pylon of Thutmose III in
the tomb of Khonsu called Ta.
3
9
5
Fig. 39. Montus of Thebes and Armant on the north face of
Medinet Habu temple.
Fig. 40. Montu in the Court of Herihor in the Temple of Khonsu

at Karnak.
Fig. 41. Montu in the Theban tomb of Paser (no. 106).
Partie superieure dc lavenue. Paroi sud. II.
Fig. 42. Khonsu in a relief from the mortuary temple of Pepi II
at Saqqara.
3
9
8
3
9
9
Fig. 44. Hieracocephalic Khonsu with lunar disk and

crescent.
4
0
0
towingbyLotgUy
Fig. 45. Anthropomorphic Khonsu with lunar disk and
crescent.
4
0
1
Pig. 46. Khonsu-in-Thebes Neferhotep on the doorway of

Pylon VIII at Karnak,
!
4
0
2
Fig. 47. Khonsu-in-Thebes Neferhotep/ Horus Lord of Joy* in

the Temple of Khonsu at Karnak.
4
0
3
Pig. 48. Khonsu-in-Thebes Neferhotep in the Temple of Amun-

Re-Horakhty at Karnak.
Fig. 49. Ramesses IV and Isis before Khonsu-in- Thebes

4
0
4
Neferhotep in the Temple of Khonsu at Karnak.
Fig. 50. Khonsu-in-Thebes Neferhotep in the Court of

Herihor in the Temple of Khonsu at Karnak.
4
0
5
Fig. 51. Hontu between Amun and Khonsu on the south tower of
Pylon III at Karnak.
Fig. 52. Relief from the pyramid complex of Amenemhat I at Lisht

with Hontu and Atum.
I
4
0
6
4
0
7
I KK Saif.
SCtSZ y SCfeNE 4*
Pig. 53. Montu and Atum on the bark shrine of Senwosret I at
Karnak.
4
0
8
Fig. 54. Bs-nvswt scene from the Great Hypostyle Hall at Karnak
with Hontu and Atum.
4
Fig. 55. Second court of the Ramesseum. 0
9
Fig. 56. Second court in the Medinet Habu temple.

4
1
0
[ Fig. 57. Lintel of the First Pylon at Medinet

i Habu.
s
I
I
4
1
1
Fig* 58. Seated Ennead of Karnak in the Great Hypostyle Hall.

4
1
2
Fig. 59. Great Karnak Ennead in the Temple of Khonsu

4
1
3
Fig. 60. Tjenenet and Iunyt behind Sobek in the Hypostyle Hall at
Karnak.
4
1
4
4
1
5
st.f pw ronh mr.n.f wn.i m M3dw hr irt (11) ht //t
///n /// pfcr.nlsicln.i81 ch.f nb hr irt hsst (12) k3.f

c
k.n.i hr //
a^
iw.[i] m_ sflty stw.noz srw irt.n.i;
Translation:
(1) [Words spolken b[y] the wab-priest who has entrfee
SaEmentu]: I am a sab-priest of the Lord of Armant/ a
libationer (2) of the King of the Gods who enters by the
door of "Enduring of Years/"83 who richly provides for the
bread offerings in the Pr-Wrz (3) who cleanses the abode
I of] /// who decorates //// with his (own) hands/ who (4)
instructs those in his charge84/ who fulfills his duties
as aab-priest/ he who is broad of actions in the temple/
(5) Ipure of] hands performing rituals/ strong of voice/
who
(141) over his back while every Asiatic shouted. I gave
praise (142) to Hontu while his people mourned for
him."167
The intent of the passage is clear in context: Sinuhe
is offering praise to Hontu for his help in mortal
combat. ith the prominence of Amun in Dynasty XII he
could just as easily have praised that god if he had been
the appropriate deity to receive his gratitude.
Consequently Blackman (for Erman) ? Simpson and Wilson
all note Hontu as war god in their translations of the
text.168 Bisson de la Roque reiterates that before the New
Kingdom the role of Hontu in

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Werner, Edward Karl

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From the Earliest Attestations to the End of the New Kingdom

A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate

Yale University in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of

Edward Karl Werner December 1985 Copyright bv Edvard Karl

Werner 1986 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

ABSTRACT THE GOD MONTU:

FROM THE EARLIEST ATTESTATIONS TO THE END OF THE NEW KINGDOM

Edward Karl Werner Yale University 1985

This study traces the divine career of Montu# a primordial

god of the Theban region of Upper Egypt# through the end of

the New Kingdom. The chronological scope was chosen in order

to concentrate on the formative stages of Montu's cult before

the momentum of syncretism and the proliferation of animal

worship in the later periods obscured his essential na ture.

The evidence indicates that Montu was first worshipped as a

local Upper Egyptian solar deity# and that he rose to

national prominence because of his patronage of the victory

of King Nebhepetre Mentuhotep II of Dynasty XI in his war to

reunify Egypt under Theban supremacy. Apparently as early as

his participation in that victory# a role attributed to him

until the end of native Egyptian civilization.

The first five chapters present a chronological analysis of

Montu with reference to the inscriptions# inconogra- phy#

temple development at the four major cult centers (Tod#

Armant# Medamud and Karnak)/ and the priesthood which served

the cult at those sites. Among the special topics discussed

ships" of Dynasty XVIII# Montu as a griffin in the New

Kingdom# the iconographic confusion between Montu and Khonsu

during the Ramesside Period# and the special relationship

between Montu and Ramesses II which was most dramatically

expressed in the cult statue# "Usermaatre Setepenre# Montu-

in-the-Two Lands#" which he erected in his Delta capital.

Chapter 6 explores the concept of Montu and Atum of

Heliopolis as a "divine pair" used iconographically to

represent Upper and Lower Egypt. Chapter 7 assesses Montu's

three consorts: Tjenenet of Tod# Armant and Medamud; Iunyt of

Armant; and Rettawy of Thebes# and Karnak in particular.

Appendices provide direct access to categorized Montu

references from Kitchen*s Ramesside Inscriptions# the

priesthood and other Montu temple staff prior to the

Ramesside Period# the priesthood and other temple staff

during the Ramesside Period# and the epithets of Montu as

attested in each period.

from his earliest attestations to the end of the New Kingdom.

The chronological scope was chosen in order to concentrate on

the formative stages of Montu's cult before the momentum of

syncretism and the proliferation of animal worship in the

later periods obscured his essential nature. Due to the fact