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political power despite the economic divisions between the rich and the
poor. But in the same spirit, we must avoid taking what has been achieved
as just fine, and acknowledge inter alia the adverse effects of economic
inequality on effective political participation.
Social inequalities too can seriously interfere with equality of political
participation. Divisions of power and influence related to caste, gender
and even education can, in nlany situations, make the sociaUy w1derprivi-
leged also politicaUy marginalized. Here again, it is important to rec-
ognize the adverse effects of inequality on political participation, and
also the possibility of countering this by promoting greater social equality
as well as by overcoming the association between social privilege and
political power. We shaU have more to say on these issues later on in this
volume.
Participation and equality are extremely important also in extending
the use of economic and social facilities that a nation can offer. For example,
those who are solicitous of the idea that opportunities of market transaction
should be open rather than restricted have good reason to consider not
only the liberty of the rich to participate in market activities, but a.lso the
opportunity of the poor to join in what the market can offer. This is one
reason, among others, why initiatives geared to the economic participation
of disadvantaged groups (e.g. through asset redistribution, or the creation
of m.icrocredit facilities, or the diffusion of skills) can be very significant.
Similarly, the ability of the underprivileged to make use of public services
such as health centres, government offices and the courts is often undermined
by the social distance that separates them from those who run these services.
This type of participation, too, can be promoted through means such as
educational advancement and political organization.
Participation also plays a crucial role in the formation of values and in
generating social understanding. An analogy may be useful here. Aside from
their role in modifying or countering existing policies and practices, 'public
interest litigations' (or 'class actions suits') also provide an opportunity
for wider hearing of the problems of the underdogs, and this can be very
important in shaping public understanding and even lead to some
reexanlination ofvalues. Similarly, participatory discussion about traditional
disparities in the nledia and in political platforms can lead to more social
attention being paid to these inequalities. So can collective agitations against
specific inequities and deprivations- they influence not only actions and
rules but also thought and perceptions. For example, in fostering a greater
awareness of the existence and perniciousness of gender-based inequality
(one of the more positive developments that have been occurring in recent
years in India is an expansion of this awareness), participatory processes
of public discussion as well as 'agitprop' have been portentous, in spreading
INTRODUCTION AND APPROACH / 11
12 For further information, see the Statistical Appendi"< of this book, which also
presents other development indicators and discusses the statistical sources.
12 / I NDIA: DEVELOPMENT AND PARTICIPATION
coday is that they are as high for girls as for boys, in sharp contrast with India where
a large gender gap remains. On these matters, see the data presented in Filmer ( 1999).
14 / INDIA: DEVELOPM E NT AND PARTICIPATION
15 See chapter 4.
INTROD UCTION ANO APPROA C H / 15
R egional Contrasts
One of the most interesting aspects of India's development record is its
ren1arkable regional diversity in the elimination of basic deprivations. For
example, while India's life expectancy figure ofaround 63 years compares
quite unfavourably \vith China's 70 years, Kerala's life expectancy-about
74 years-appears on the other side of China's achievement. Similarly,
the infant mortality rate of71 per thousand Live births in India is much
higher than China's 30, butKerala's rate of l4 is less than half that of
China. 16 Again, while India's literacy rate is much lower than that of China,
Kerala's is substantially higher than China's. In fact, Kerala's female literacy
rate is higher than that of every individual province in China (see chapter
4 ). On the other side, some of the Indian states (for example, U ttar Pradesh,
Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar) have much lower achievements than
even the low Indian average. 17
These contrasts within India are important to study for their own
interest. But there is also much to be learned, we argue, from the Light
that is thrown by these comparative experiences on what can or cannot
be achieved e.lsewhere in the country. This applies to learning from high
achievements in some fields (as in Kerala) as well as from low ones in
those very fields (as in Uttar Pradesh), and also from the rather mixed
cases (as in West Bengal ).18 One of the main the1nes of this work is the
importance of the lessons to be learned by India from India, and this can
be just as important as learning from the achievements of other countries.
In many respects, the lessons arising from international comparisons
19 See the srudy by V.K. Ramachandran (1996) in the companion volume, and
also the literature cited there and in chapter 3 of this book.
INTRODUCTION AND APPROACH / 17
20 See the paper by Sunil Sengupta and Haris Gazclar (1996) in the companion
volume; also chapter 3, and the literature cited there.
21 Sec:: Statistical Appendix, Table A3 , Part L
18 / INDIA : DEVELOPMENT AND PARTICIPATION
22 See chapter 7, where the empirical e\-idence relating to other issues discussed
in this section is also reviewed.
23 See Omvedt( l980,1989, 1993), K Bardhan (1985), Poite\-in and Rairkar{l985),
Desai ( 1988), Duvvury ( 1989), Srree Shakti Sanghatana (1989), Kishwar and Vanita
(1991), I. Sen ( 1990), Dietrich (1992), Rose (1992), D.K.S. Roy (1992), Chaudhuri
(1993), Ray and Basu ( 1999), among others.
24 See section 7.3, and the sturues cited there. It is worth emphasizing that the
INTRODUCTION AND APPROAC H / 19
positive link between female education and child survival is likely co relate not only
to the agency of women within the family, but also to their role in politics and public
life. In particular, a more active and informed public role of women in society tends
to be associated with greater pressure in the direction of expanding health care and
related public services. This link has been observed in contexts as diverse as the Total
Literacy Campaign (Ghosh et al. , 1994, p. 38), collective action by self-employed
women (Rose, 1992, p. 249), and the participation of women in village panchayats
(Chattopadhyay and Duflo, 2001 ).
20 / INDIA: DEVELOPMENT AND PARTI C IPATION
25 See chapters 3 and 5; also Drczc (1999) and Probe Team (1999).
26 See Ghosh et al. (1994), who observe that 'women have invariably been the
large majority of the participants' (p. 22 ). The authors also note that the C3mpaign has
led to 'greater and more vociferous demand for (eduC3tion and] other services to meet
[the participants'] basic needs in regard to employment, housing, health, etc. ' (p . 38).
On these matters, see also Sundararaman (1996).
27 Sec e.g. Anvesbi (1993).
INTRODUCTION AND APPROACH / 21
We would argue that the need for focusing on these issues has not
diminished despite the changes-some of them positive and promising-
that have occurred over the last decade. This is both because economic
reforms, while badly needed, have been inadequate, and because the creation
ofsocial opportunities, no less strongly needed, has been painfully slow.
It is not that nothing has happened in the 1990s. There have been
removal ofsome counterproductive controls and opening up ofeconomic
opportunities. These changes have often been particularly helpful to the
middle classes, who have had the opportunity to be more gainfully active
than before. These gains, which have often been very substantial, should
not be dismissed, since India's middle classes are large, and there have been
benefits for some others as well, who have been involved in the newly
prospering sectors of the economy. Further reform, with fuller use of trade
opportunities and technology development, can potentially be combined
with a greater sharing of the economic opportunities anlong the Indian
labour force. That, however, requires much greater emphasis on policies
and initiatives that facilitate broad-based economic participation, such as
employment programmes, educational expansion, health care, land reform,
microcredit facilities and social security arrangements.
Compared with clearly articulated policies of econonlic reform,
originally initiated in 1991, there has been relatively little departure in
expanding social facilities of this type. In particular, social policies in
the 1990s have been confined, in 1nost states, to a tinlid continuation of
earlier approaches. 28 While there have been new initiatives in some states
(particularly in the field ofelementary education), the general condition
of basic public services in India remains abys1nal. In some cases, there
has even been an erosion of government comniitment in this respect. For
instance, while every major political party is now, in theory, committed to
raising public expenditure on education to 6 per cent of GDP, the share
ofeducation expenditure in GDP actually felt in the 1990s, from a peak of
4.4 per cent in 1989 to 3.6 per cent or so towards the end of the decade
(seep. 166). This is a significant reversal of earlier trends, involving a
slow but steady increase in public expenditure on education as a share of
GDP in earlier decades.29 A similar pattern applies to public expendirure on
health, which is now below one per cent of GDP, an astonishingly low
30 The improved performance of the Indian economy in the 1990s may create
an impression that these concerns are redundant, given the powerful effects of
economic growth. This claim requires close scrutiny, which will be undertaken in
chapter 9. As discussed there, India's recent development e:q>erience actually gives
further reason to cmphasi7.c the need for achieving participatory growth, as well as
the crucial role of public action in promoting social opportunities.
24 / !NOIA: DEVELOPMEN T AND PARTI C IPAT ION
to more radical changes in social priorities, and its reach depends on the
extent to which the opportw1ities offered by democratic institutions are
seized and utilized. Third, the practice of den1ocracy gives the citizens an
opporntnity to learn from each other, and can also profoundly influence
the values and priorities of the society. Even the idea of'needs' (including
the w1derstanding of'economic needs'), which is often taken to be fixed
and well-defined, can respond to public discussion and exchange of
information, views and analyses. In this sense, democracy has a constn"tive
importance, in addition to the intrinsic value it has in the lives of the
citizens and its instrwnental role in political decisions. Value formation is
as much a democratic activity as is the use ofsocial values in the determination
of public policy and social response.
The success of a democracy has to be judged by taking into account
the fulfihnent or otherwise of these distinct functions. This requires a
more probing look at democratic practices-and their successes and
failures-in India, and to this \Ve have devoted some additional attention
(in chapter 10). The connection with environmental as well as nlllitary
concerns, discussed more ft.illy in chapters 6 and 8, 1nay deserve some
early pointers here.
Environmental Problems
Belief in the robustness of narure has been a long-standing conviction
of humanity. 'Though you drive Nantre out with a pitchfork', Horace
had assured us, 'she 'vill still find her way back'. That comforting belief
was nice and reassuring. But environmental smugness is difficult to sustain
given the scientific evidence that is now available, and it bas given way, in
recent decades, to the increasing recognition that the environment in
which we live is, in many ways, quite fragile. We can not only rapidly
deplete our exhaustible resources and drive many species to extinction,
we can also heat up the globe, decimate the ozone layer, and foul up our
rivers in ways that are not easy to reverse.
India's environmental record has many alarming features. Even if we
leave out the contribution that India increasingly makes to global atmo-
spheric damage (this is still comparatively small, but can expand rapidly
through the growing consltmption level ofa large population), the local
environment shows many signs of being under stress, and in son1e cases,
thoroughly ravaged. This applies to the air that we breathe in lndian cities
(and often even in small towns), the water that people are forced to drink
in the absence of any alternative, the barrenness of vegetation and the
decimation of plants that impoverish rural life, and a variety of other
26 / CNDIA : D EV ELOPME N T A N D PART CC IPATIO N
During the first half of the nineties, India's defence budget increased
at a modest rate of about 1.5 per cent per year in real terms. Since
1996-7, however, the defence budget has doubled in nominal terms,
which corresponds to an armual increase of about .10 per cent per year in
real terms. 32 This pattern of accelerated increase stands in sharp contrast
with the world-wide decline in military expenditure in the nineties. 33 In
fuct, India's military spending has also accelerated compared with Pakistan's.
India spent somewhat more than twice as much as Pakistan on defence
at the beginning of the nineties. The ratio now is closer to four tin1es as
much (seep. 297).
We shall have more to say on this deflection of resources, as well as on
other social costs of military expansion, in the text of the book (chapter
8), but we should note here the need to have more public discussion of
India's military policies and priorities. We are very aware that many com-
mentators on this subject, whose expertise we respect, have taken a very
different view on the increasing burden of military expenditure as well
as on what we would argue is the resulting increase in insecurity, rather
than greater security. But there should be agreement at least on the need
to discuss and debate these subjects more fully. It is not adequate to be
told that there are 'compelling' reasons for Indian official policy to go in
one direction or another. It is also far from reassuring to find that the
vocal advocates of higher spending on military research or combat prepa-
rations are often experts whose own career and bounty arc heavily de-
pendent on those same resources. Military 1natters call not only for more
discussion in the public domain but also for more objective scrutiny.
Ultimately, in democratic India, there is a basic necessity to bring the
'constructive' as well as 'instrumental' roles ofdemocracy to bear on these
questions, as on any other matter ofpublic policy (especially one that involves
sud1 heavy public expen~ture and which has such strong in1plications-
one way or the other-for lndia's peace and security). The constructive
role relates to understanding more clearly what the options arc and what
32 See chapter 8. The current budget allocation for 'defence' is Rs 62,000 crores
per ~ear, or about chree times as much as public expenditure on health.
3 Between 1990 and 1999, world-wide military expenditure declined by nearly
30 per cent in real terms (from over US$ 1,000 billion tO US$ 719 billion, at 1995
prices). The decline was particularly sharp in eastern Europe and the former Soviet
Union, but also occurred in most other regions except A~ia, e.g. 16 per cent in
western Europe, 27 per cent in north America, and 30 per cent in sub-Saharan Africa.
lo Asia, military expenditure increased by 21 per cent in real terms. Sec SIPRJ Yearbook
2000, p. 234. There are, however, signs of an impending reversal of this broad-based
decline in world militar)' expenditure, led by big increases in defence spending in rhc
United States.
28 / I NDIA: DEVELOPMENT AND PARTICIPATION
values most compel our loyalty and determination. The instrumental role
carries the fruits of public discussion and scrutiny into policy decisions.
Both are essential for the integrity of India's democratic polity.
34 On this issue, see e.g. Fernandes and T hukral ( 1989), Dreze, Samson and
Singh (1997), Roy (1999).
INTROD UCTI ON ANO APPROA CH / 33
that analysis, applied it over a wider domain, and tried to analyse the
recent developments and their implications in this tight.
There are, we bave argued, rich lesso ns here, which can.not be seized
without taking an interest in the ends and means of development in general
and in the intrinsic value, constructive role and instrun1ental importance
of public participation in particular. The basic approach involves an
overarching interest in the role ofbwnan beings~n their own and in
cooperation with each other-in running their lives and in using and
expanding their freedoms. The integrated nature ofhuman Living suggests
the need for a correspondingly consolidated approach. We have attempted
to investigate the nature, promise and reach of such an approach.