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Professor Casper
PLSC 300
28 October 2016
I: Research Question
What are the institutional factors that effect voter turnout in developing democracies?
This is an important question to address because institutional factors are a focus of much of the
research surrounding voter turnout. However, the effect of some institutions, such as
unicameralism and proportional representation, are disputed, as their effect is supported by some
research but placed in doubt by other research. Furthermore, the effect of institutions on voter
research on the effect of institutions on developing democracies is lacking. Furthermore, the little
research that has focused on developing democracies has lacked high levels of variance. Thus,
Political Institutions are the focus of much of the research surrounding voter turnout. It is
a widely held belief that political institutions have a major impact on voter turnout. However,
there is considerable disagreement regarding what institutional factors influence voter turnout.
Furthermore, there is considerable disagreement regarding whether the same institutional factors
have an impact on industrial democracies impact voter turnout in developing democracies. For
example, there is no consensus the impact of PR electoral systems on the voter turnout in
democracies. In Does Proportional Representation Foster Voter Turnout by Andr Blais and
R.K. Carty, Blais and Carty represented their dependent variable, voter turnout, as the number of
votes cast divided by the number of registered voters. The authors defined their independent
compulsory voting, unicameralism, universal male suffrage, female suffrage, direct presidential
elections, and federalism (Blais and Carty 1990, 169-172). Furthermore, the authors developed
intervening variables in order to test explanations for the impact of PR systems on voter turnout.
These variables include competitiveness, electoral disproportionality, number of parties, and one-
party majority government (Blais and Carty 1990, 172-174). To test for the effects of PR
systems, the authors, first, use their main independent variable, electoral system, to explain voter
turnout without any control variables. They found that PR systems foster turnout that is about ten
percent greater than turnout in either majority systems or plurality system (Blais and Carty 1990,
174). Furthermore, when they added their control variable, they found that PR systems still had a
significant positive effect on turnout (Blais and Carty 1990, 174). Then, the Blais and Carty
tested the effect of their intervening variables, but they found that, with the addition of these
variables, PR systems still showed a great impact on turnout (Blais and Carty 1990,177). These
result indicate that, while many claim PR systems increase turnout by increasing
traditional explanations for the effect of PR systems do not hold under their analysis. Therefore,
although the authors show that PR systems have a significant effect on turnout, they cannot
provide an explanation of why this is the case. In his paper Political Institutions and Voter
Turnout in the Industrial Democracies, Robert Jackman also studies the effect of political
institutions on voter turnout in developed democracies. However, Jackman, in contrast to Blais
and Carty, defines voter turnout as the percentage of the eligible voting population that cast a
vote (Jackman 1987, 407). In his analysis, Jackman examines the effect of a number of variables,
different from that of Blais and Carty. Jackman chose to measure nationally competitive districts
based on a scale from one to four developed by Bingham Powell (Jackman 1987, 411). Jackman
found that nationally competitive districts, another measure of electoral system, are positively
related to voter turnout (Jackman 1987, 416). Jackman explains the effect of nationally
competitive districts by claiming that they create a more competitive environment that is
attractive to voters; however, Blais and Carty show that this explanation is insufficient in their
analysis (Jackman 1987, 407). Therefore, the authors agree in their conclusion that PR systems
foster turnout, but disagree on the reason for why this is the case. In Turnout in Electoral
Democracies by Andr and Agnieszka Dobrzynska, the authors examine the effects of three
groups of factors, socioeconomic factors, institutional factors, and party factors, on voter turnout.
The institutional factors, which they examined, include compulsory voting, decisiveness of
elections, voting age, PR systems, and political rights (Blais and Dobrzynska 1998, 244-246). In
their analysis, the authors defined voter turnout in the same manner as Blais and Carty. They
defined PR systems as a set of dummy variables that represent the presence of PR, plurality,
majority and mixed systems (Blais and Dobrzynska 1998, 245). The results of the authors
analysis of institutional effects on turnout indicate that PR systems have an effect on voter
turnout; however, the authors found that this effect is only minimal (Blais and Dobrynska 1998,
247). Their results correspond with those of previous works; however, they show PR systems to
be less substantively significant than the previous two works. In her their work Explaining Voter
Turnout in Latin America, 1980 to 2000, Carolina Fornos, Timothy Power, and James Garand
focus specifically the institutional, political, and socioeconomic factors that influence turnout in
American from 1980 to 2000. They measured their key dependent variable, voter turnout, by
dividing the number of those, who cast a vote, by those, who are eligible to vote. Their
institutional model measures the effect of their key independent variables: nationally competitive
concurrent elections (Fornos et al. 2004, 918-920). The authors use Powells measure of
nationally competitive districts to measure this variable (Fornos et al. 2004, 918). The results of
their analysis indicated that PR systems actually had a negative effect on voter turnout in Latin
America in both presidential and legislative elections (Fornos et al. 2004, 925-926). These results
contrast with those in the previous studies on the effects of PR systems. Therefore, PR systems
may only have a significant effect on turnout in industrial democracies. Finally, in Voter
Turnout Dynamics in Post Communist Europe, Tatiana Kostadinova, studied the effect of the
early sequence of elections, electoral system, party characteristics, and economic development
on voter turnout. Kostadinova measured voter turnout as the percentage of registered voters that
cast a vote (Kostadinova 2003, 743). Furthemore, she coded PR systems as a dummy variable in
which one represents the presence of a PR system and zero represents the absence of one
(Kostadinova 2003, 744). Her analysis of institutional variables shows that the presence of PR
systems bolster voter turnout in post communist democracies (Kostadinova 2003, 753).
Therefore, Kostadinovas result imply that PR systems have a positive effect on voter turnout in
developing democracies. Furthermore, these result conflict with those of Fornos, Power, and
Garand, who found that PR systems had a negative effect on developing democracies in Latin
America. As is evident from the literature, there is a great deal of debate surrounding the effects
and Voter Turnout in the Industrial Democracies. In his analysis of the effect of institutional
factors on voter turnout, Jackman gauged unicameralism using an index, which ranks
unicameralism on a scale from one to four, from strong bicameralism to strong unicameralism
(Jackman 1987, 408). After his analysis of institutional factors effect on turnout, Jackman found
that unicameralism had a strong positive effect on turnout (Jackman 1987, 416). Blais and Carty
also examine the effect of unicameralism on voter turnout in their work Does Proportional
Representation Foster Voter Turnout? In their research, Blais and Carty looked primarily at the
effects PR systems on voter turnout; however, they use unicameralism as a control variable and
come up with interesting findings. Blais and Carty defined unicameralism as a dummy variable
coded as one for countries with unicameralism and zero for those without it (Blais and Carty
1990, 170). After their analysis of the effect of PR systems on turnout using control variables, the
authors found that the presence of unicameralism, contrary to previous findings, had no
significant effect on voter turnout (Blais and Carty 1990, 175). Therefore, the findings of Blais
and Carty conflict with those of Jackman, who found that unicameralism has a strong positive
effect on voter turnout. Carolina Fornos, Timothy Power, and James Garand also study the
effects of unicameralism on voter turnout; however, they confine their study to developing
voter turnout the authors include unicameralism, which they replicate using Jackmans index for
unicameralism (Fornos et al. 2004, 919). Through their analysis, the authors concluded that
unicameralism has a strong positive effect on voter turnout in Latin American democracies
(Fornos et al. 2004, 925-926). Therefore, they provide evidence that unicameralism has a strong
positive impact on voter turnout in new democracies. Further, their research supports the findings
of Jackman, but disputes the findings of Blais and Carty. There is evidence to suggest that
unicameralism both does and does not have an effect on voter turnout. Therefore, unicameralism
influences voter turnout. Compulsory voting is often cited as a strong positive determinant of
voter turnout. For example, in his article Political Institutions and Voter Turnout in the
factor affecting voter turnout. Jackman measures compulsory voting as a dichotomous variable in
which one signifies the presence of compulsory voting laws and zero does not (Jackman 1987,
409). Through his analysis, Jackman concluded that compulsory voting has a strong positive
effect on turnout. In fact, he found that compulsory voting increased voter turnout by thirteen
percent (Jackman 1987, 416). Blais and Dobrzynska also examine the effect of compulsory
voting on turnout in their work Turnout in Electoral Democracies. The authors, like Jackman,
measured compulsory voting as a dichotomous variable. Furthermore, the findings of Blais and
Dobrzynska support those of Jackman. That is, they found that there is a strong positive
relationship between compulsory voting laws and voter turnout (Blais and Dobrzynska 1998,
247). Furthermore, in Explaining Voter Turnout in Latin America, 1980 to 2000, Fornos,
Power, and Garand study the effect compulsory voting on voter turnout as part of their
examination of institutional, political, and socioeconomic factors that effect turnout in Latin
America. However, unlike Jackman, Blais, and Dobrzynska, the authors use a four-point index to
capture the severity of sanctions within compulsory voting laws (Fornos et al. 2004, 919).
Fornos, Power, and Garand found that compulsory voting has a considerable positive effect on
voter turnout in both presidential and legislative elections (Fornos et al. 2004 925-926). Finally,
in her book Electoral Engineering: Voting Rules and Political Behavior, Pippa Norris disputes
the previous findings that compulsory voting positively impacts voter turnout. Norris reinforces
the findings of Jackman, Blais, and Dobrzynska with her examination of the effect of
compulsory turnout in established democracies. She found that compulsory voting laws had a
considerable positive impact on voter turnout in established democracies (Norris 2004, 8).
However, she found that, in newer democracies, the presence of mandatory voting laws had a
slightly negative impact on voter turnout (Norris 2004, 8). This result conflicts with the findings
of Fornos, Power, and Garand, who concluded that compulsory voting had a large positive
impact on turnout in the newer Latin American democracies. While there is considerable
consensus in the literature that compulsory voting laws have a strong positive impact on voter
turnout in older democracies, there is conflicting evidence on the impact of these laws on turnout
in newer democracies.
on voter turnout. First, I plan to test the hypothesis that PR electoral systems positively affect
voter turnout. As I have shown in my literature review, the effect of PR systems on electoral
participation is a widely studied and debated topic. Much of the research on established
democracies supports the theory that PR systems foster, at least, small increases in voter turnout.
For example, Blais and Carty, Jackman, and Blais and Dobrzysnka found that PR systems has a
positive impact on established democracies. Jackman believes that this impact is a result of PR
systems increasing the competitiveness of elections (Jackman 1987, 407). However, Blais and
Carty find that this explanation is inaccurate (Blais and Carty 1990,177). There is also some
debate on the electoral impact of PR systems in new democracies. While Kostadinova found
evidence to support the hypothesis that PR systems also foster turnout in new democracies,
Fornos, Power, and Garand found that PR systems actually have a slightly negative impact on
voter turnout rates in young Latin American democracies (Kostadinova 2003, 753; Fornos et al.
2004, 925-926). Therefore, I plan to test the hypothesis that the PR systems foster turnout on
developing democracies in order to determine whether the effects the PR systems on established
democracies also hold in new democracies. Finally, I would like to replicate the study of
intervening variables by Blais and Carty in order to determine whether the PR systems increase
turnout in developing democracies because they bring about more competitive elections.
Next, I plan to test the hypothesis that unicameralism is positively related to voter
turnout. This hypothesis is also a commonly researched and often debated topic in the literature
surrounding voter turnout. Jackman believed that unicameralism brings about greater turnout
rates because there are fewer checks on the legislative institution in policy-making. Therefore,
the benefits of voting or the benefit of the victory of ones candidate is greater in unicameral
legislatures (Jackman 1987, 408). Jackman finds support for his theory in his analysis and
concludes that unicameralism has a positive effect on turnout (Jackman 1987, 416). Furthermore,
Fornos, Power, and Garand, using the same measure of unicameralism, find similar effects of
unicameralism in early democracies in Latin America (Fornos et al. 2004, 919). However, Blais
and Carty tested this hypothesis and found that unicameralism had no significant effect on the
countries in their sample (Blais and Carty 1990, 175). Consequently, I would like to test the
hypothesis that unicameralism is an institutional factor that fosters increases in voter turnout on
early democracies.
Finally, there is much support in the literature for the hypothesis that compulsory voting
dramatically increases voter turnout. For example, Jackman, Blais, and Dobryznska found that
mandatory voting laws have a large and statistically significant positive effect on turnout in
established democracies (Jackman 1987, 416; Blais and Dobrzynska 1998, 247). Furthermore,
Fornos, Power, and Garand replicated these results in their study of turnout in Latin American
democracies (Fornos et al. 2004 925-926). However, Norris contests these findings in her book
Electoral Engineering: Voting Rules and Political Behavior. She found that compulsory voting
laws only showed positive effect on voter turnout in established democracies. But, compulsory
voting laws showed a slightly negative impact on turnout in her analysis of newer democracies
(Norris 2004, 8). Therefore, I would like to test the hypothesis that compulsory voting laws
foster large increases in turnout on newer democracies in order to contribute to a debate in the
literature.
To test these hypotheses, I will need to create variables that represent voter turnout, PR
electoral systems, unicameralism, and compulsory voting. So, to measure voter turnout I will use
the percentage of registered voter that cast a vote. To measure PR systems, I will use the coding
will use a set of dummy variables for PR, majority, plurality, and mixed systems (Blais and
Dobrzynska 1998, 245). One will represent the use of an electoral system and zero will represent
the absence of that electoral system. To test the effect of unicameralism on voter turnout, I will
measure unicameralism as a dichotomous variable. This method is utilized by Blais and Carty in
Does Proportional Representation Foster Voter Turnout? (Blais and Carty 1990, 170). Finally,
to test the impact of compulsory voting, I will also use a dichotomous variable. This method is
consistent with the work of Jackman, Blais, and Dobryznska (Jackman 1987, 409; Blais and
Carty 1990, 244). Finally, I will use the measures of competitiveness, electoral
disproportionality, and one-party majority government that were developed by Blais and Carty to
test common explanations for the impact of PR systems on turnout (Blais and Carty 1990, 172-
174).
In my analysis I will also need to use control variables to mitigate possible bias in the
data that can be attributed to the effects of other factors. Therefore, I will control for
socioeconomic impacts on voter turnout. I will use a number of the variables studied by Fornos,
Power, and Garand (Fornos et al. 2004, 920-921). These include literacy, GDP per capita, and
change in GDP per capita. I will obtain data for literacy from United Nations publications.
Furthermore, I will obtain data for GDP per capita from The World Bank. Next, I will control for
corruption in the countries in my dataset, as new democracies often have higher rates of
corruption than do established democracies. I will use measures of corruption obtained from the
corruption index developed by Transparency International. Finally, I plan to control for the
possible effects of party factors. Therefore, I will control for the effective number of parties in
each country. In order to measure the effective number of parties, I will use the measure of
number of parties, created by Laasko and Taagepera, that Jackman utilizes in Political
Institutions and Voter Turnout in the Industrial Democracies (Jackman 1987, 410).
variation in voter turnout in new democracies. I will also use the control variables above in my
analysis to ensure that my results are not skewed. I plan to run a regression using my three
primary independent variables, electoral system, unicameralism, and compulsory voting to
predict voter turnout, my dependent variable. In my regression, I will control for the possible
effects of corruption, socioeconomic, and party factors. Finally, if I find that PR systems have a
significant positive effect on voter turnout, I will test for the intervening variables used by Blais
and Carty.
To select my cases, I will use all democracies that have been added to the list of
electoral democracies by Freedom House in the past twenty years. Therefore, my time period
will contain data from 1995 to 2015. To be classified as an electoral democracy, a democracy
must must have an electoral process score of seven or greater and a political rights score of
twenty or greater to be considered an electoral democracy. Political rights scores are represented
by ten political rights indicators, which can be scored from zero to four. Electoral process is one
of the subcategories that comprises the political rights scores. It is comprised of three indicators,
which can also be scored from zero to four. Since I am exploring attributes of government
V: Feasibility
The necessary data to conduct my research design is available and accessible. As I have
mentioned, I will use data from Freedom in the World 1989-90 to 2016 in order to select my
sample of democracies. Furthermore, I can use data from the IDEA Voter Turnout Database to
measure voter turnout. Because the database contains data on voter turnout from 1945 to 2016, I
can use this data for my sample, which only spans from 1995 to 2015. Furthermore, I can use
data from the IDEA Voter Turnout Database to measure compulsory voting from 1945 to 2016.
Again, this will be sufficient to run my analysis because it covers the entire time period of my
research design. Furthermore, the IDEA Electoral Systems Design Database contains information
for 51 democracies on whether a country employs a PR, majority, plurality, or mixed system.
However, this dataset only contains information on the current electoral systems employed by a
country. Therefore, I will have to identify whether any of my countries underwent a change in
electoral systems during the time period in order to account for these changes in my analysis.
Finally, the PARLINE Database on National Parliaments contains data on the structure of the
legislatures in 193 countries. Further, this dataset contains data from the 1960s to the present;
therefore, I will be able to use this data to in my analysis of the effect of unicameralism.
I will also be able to find readily accessible data for my research design. I have found
data on literacy from 1995 to the present in the United Nations Educational Characteristics
Dataset. Furthermore, I can draw data on GDP per capita from the World Bank from 1960 to
2015. I will also be able to obtain data on corruption by using Transparency Internationals
Corruption Perceptions Index, which contains data on corruption in 178 countries since 1995.
Finally, I have yet to find data on the number of parties in each countrys legislatures. However, I
am certain that I will be able to find data on this information by talking to Political Science
faculty.
I believe it is reasonable to implement my research design for the topic of voter turnout.
Regression analysis has been the method implemented by the authors of the majority of the
literature that I have read on my topic. One difficulty that I anticipate may be a lack of variance
in some of my variables. Fornos, Power, and Garand consider that their result of a negative
relationship between PR systems and voter turnout may be due to a lack of variance, because
Latin American democracies are predominantly PR systems (Fornos et al. 2004, 926). Therefore,
I believe that a lack of variance in one or more of my variables could potentially hinder my
results.
VI: Advice
I plan to seek out Political Science faculty to solve two problems that I have. First, I
would like any possible advice on finding an alternative dataset on electoral systems, because I
have only been able to find data on current electoral systems. Therefore, I will not have data on
this variable for the entire time period of my dataset. Next, I would appreciate any advice on
finding data on the number of effective political parties in the legislatures of democracies.
Finally, I am open to any advice on potential flaws in my research design that I have not
identified.
VII: Works Cited
Blais, Andre, and R. K. Carty. "Does Proportional Representation Foster Voter Turnout?"
European Journal of Political Research Eur J Political Res 18.2 (1990): 167-81. Web.
/.latest_citation_text
Jackman, Robert W. "Political Institutions and Voter Turnout in the Industrial Democracies."
The American Political Science Review 81.2 (1987): 405. Web.
/.latest_citation_text
Norris, Pippa. "The Consequences of Voting Behavior: Turnout." Electoral Engineering: Voting
Rules and Political Behavior. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge UP, 2004. N. pag. Print.
United Nations. (2016). United Nations Educational Characteristics Dataset. Retrieved from
http://unstats.un.org/unsd/demographic/products/dyb/dybcensusdata.htm