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III.
The Graeco-Egyptian Traditions about the
"Cadmean" Colonization of the ?Egean during
Fig. 10.
(By kind permission of the British School of Athens.)
1 ?t&ru="bank "
of a river", "shore of sea ; lcibratu, "region,
territory," Muss-Arnold, 367 f.
1 Title to the Pharaoh in the A mama letters the Palestinian
given by
e.g. No. 83, Kundtzon ;mat, akkad. "land" is written with
princes;
" " as h?wt as h$ h?wt,
the same ideograph X\ mountains ????. ?fian
? ? ? *"*"
Budge, Book ofKings, London, 1908,i,p. 100; ^^ !? (JljK^
Q?VQ i
J?p hiiwt The Old Babylonian title far kiUati, "king of the
?{?lin.
universe," is applied in the Egyptian form nbrdr, "lord of the
universe" (?Suvaarhs rod S\ov, Diod., i, 53), to King Senwosret I in the
"
so-called "instructions of Amenemmes I (Setho, Untersuch, z. Gesch.
Fig. 11.
an life even
long and absolute interruption of all intellectual
under the sway of harsh foreign rulers, especially since in
itself no such break of was caused
Egypt literary activity
by the alien irruption, I should prefer to explain the fact
2. A on a Phoenician
Neglected Fragment of Conon
Dynasty ruling over Egypt and Western Asia.
It moreover,
has, been overlooked by most modern
Egyptologists5 that Professor Breasted's
world-empire
of the Hylcsos and its Aigean extension was presupposed
also by a number of A lexandrian scholars, both Egyptian
and Greek, who had every opportunity of consulting the
native records in tho great Ptolemaic library, and who
connect these traditions with the legends about Cadmus
in such a manner that we are forcibly reminded of the
above-stated chronological coincidence of the Cnossian
1 This would be to the use of papyrus
analogous (with Aramean
alphabetic writing) and parchment in tho chancery of the Persian world
empire.
* The
historicity of this iEgean expedition of Thutmosis III is
questioned for entirely insufficient reasons by the extremely prejudiced
Professor R. v. M VAG., 1911, 2, p. 7.
Lichtenberg,
See, however, M as p?ro, Hist. Ane. des Peuples d'Orient, p. 162j.
Pietschmann, Gesch. d. Ph?niz., Berlin, 1889, pp. 251-2.
palaces.
The most important of these texts is a fragment of the
Greek mythologist Conon,1 a contemporary of Mark
Antony, concerning the colonization of the island of
Thasos, where Herodotus still admired the great Phoenician
1 In Bibl.
Photios, A5.
1 See
above, p. 63 f., n. 4.
As a matter
of fact, there is no difficulty in recon
"
the J?no-Tyrsenian ni *w* v
( t?ft |Q??] \ p-n-Hwdtr
= tt-nt Htt, "she Mdr?, "the
heofgazor; ofHatti"2;
Mu?rite,8 etc., quite analogous to modern Jew's names
" " u "
like Lissauer ", Berliner ", Leipziger ", Pariser ",
"
Lemberger ", Torino, Milano, etc.
Now it is very characteristic of the period between
dyns. xii and xviii, the so-called Hyksos period, that in it,
"
and almost only in it, such undistinguished barbarous"
slaves' or rather soldiers' names?most probably simply
the current titles of the chiefs or of the
popular generals
respective foreign mercenary regiments locally who had
and the throne?occur as names,
temporarily usurped
surrounded with the magic cartouches and pompous titles
of Egyptian Pharaohs. We find a "[p t] Nhst", or "Nl^s?",
son of the Sun, king of both South and North Egypt
^ us of
nheNegro"~reminding
(l?P^i?Ml
other famouscondottiere-tyrants, e.g. of the Roman
?=> i = 6 Pai0t)v?<;
^I (
\^ WAAA ;ftjc J\J he of Redeneh
AA/WNA I I #1^
" "
= the Sinai
te; a whole dynasty (xvii) of Nomad kings2
Peninsula, the 'PaiBrjvol of Pbolemy, 5, 16, 3. The name was laber on?
" " "
in the New Empire?extended all over Upper and Lower
? '*
Redenneh" Syria (somewhat like the French Allemagne", which is
meant for the whole land up to the Memel, not only for the real south
western Alemanian districts).
* Cf. the Q?dj?r till quite over Persia, if
dynasty reigning lately
Father A nos tase (at Machriq, p. 868 ff.) is right in identifying this
greatest historic
consequence, because the descendant of these three
"Nomad" kings is the very 'A'h-mose who expelled the dynasty of
Avaris from Upper and became the founder of Dyn. 18, which is
Egypt
consequently by no means an autochthonous house, bub itself a Beduin
family of Semitic usurpers. This
explains the imperialistic Asiatic
of the New
Empire, the frequent new Semitic loan-words of its
policy
language, the SuteS cult of Dyn. 19, etc.
4 Cf. the Arabian tribe Tijdha from T?h et Tih,
(sing. Tihi) (Badiet
4*
Wilderness of Wandering") = " in the Sinai?the
Wandering" " ?
Biblical 'eres n?d?from ?VIT) "to wander about "the erring",
"wandering " ones". There is also a dialectic variant W19. HPtS "to
"
err about ; from this is derived Talm. XJP? Arabian nomad ".
"
pronoun Skenjen-Re', whom Re* has made
Egyptian "
" '
brave," his successor, the great Nomad (Tiw't j), with
the same Egyptian pronoun Skenjen-Re'" and Tiw't 't kn III
"
?the great strenuous Nomad Skenjen-Re', whose
"
apparently, pt Kn'ni,the Cana'an an," a name which
has not yet on any native monument.
been found
In Josephus, I.e., the name reads?na^pa^, and it is quite
Senwoart or 1
'\\\<=> "f<=> *& S-n-W?rt.?
names formerly pronounced Usertesen by modern Egypto
logists, the puzzling problem has remained unsolved, how
the "comparatively insignificant military exploits" of
Sn-W?r-t III 2 could have led to the detailed legend of
Sesostris' world-wide conquests, especially in Asia.
Besides there remained as a minor formal difficulty
the second sigma in SeaaaTpis, which Sethe himself calls
"inorganic".
The solution of this puzzle is offered in a very simple
way by the monuments of Hian's world-empire,8 taken
in connexion with the above-quoted Conon (Manetho)
fragment as to the Asiatic empire of the Phoenician kings
residing in the Egyptian Thebes, if we consider that
gian's Egyptian prenomen is : the good god, Son of Re*
"
Sw?r n Re made mighty by Re\" This would
1
Louvre, C. 14.
Sethe, I.e., 7* ="Man of (the goddess) Wsrt."
This explains form 2a><rrpif, for the wwU
the n could be omitted and
"
S-wfrt would equally mean Man of Wort ". This seems to decide the
question of etymology discussed by Sethe, p. 7,' I.e.
*
Sethe's hypothesis that the tradition may have been derived by
Herodotus from what he believed to be Sesostrian trophies in Asia and
Europe is impossible. This arch ologic or method be
epigraphic may
credited to Professor Breasted, who infers a world-empire of (fian from
the dispersion of his monuments, but never to Herodotus. The Sesostris
legend must have been as popular wherever Herodotus went as the
story of Alexander Dhu'l Karnain (Iskender Rumi) in the whole modern
Orient, or he would not have beon shown the Hittite of
rock-inscriptions
Karabeldere and Bel Kaivo and countless other monuments as Sesostrian
inscriptions. Or if the attribution of these monuments and countless
"
other "Sesostrian columns was his own idea,?which is quite possible,
for he criticizes (II, 106) people who attributed them to Memnon
(Humbanumennu of Elam) ? he must have known the Sesostris-tale
before such an idea could have occurred to him. We must not forget
that Herodotus could not read hieroglyphs, nor even them
" distinguish
from Hittite" script 1
Cf. basalt lion of Bagdad, Brit. Mus. 987, our ; colossal mutilated
fig.
sitting statue from Bubastis in Cairo, i, 95.
Budge, Kings,
1 See n. 2, p. 182.
2 Cf. n war
Sethe, I.e., p. 8: "das wohl weggefallen, wie das im
Aegyptischen ?fter der Fall ist.**
* Book of Kings,
Budge, i, 86 f.
4 and Lower Prof. H. me
Upper Egypt. Schttfer kindly writes
(20.4.21) that neither he nor Sethe have any grammatical explanation
to offer either for a form with II, ml, tat alone III. Could it be
a foreigner's barbaric for st R* ?war ttw?, "son of Re4, made
orthography
mighty of both lands" and si R* st ?war ttwi, "son of Re', son of
'*
the one, made mighty over both lands ?
* see Sethe, Urk.
K?nigsbuch, Taf. xv, No. 33. But 18, Dyn. iv, 609,
Vtdl'w (I *?\ ^*? the " pestilent" ones (e.g. Pap. Saluer, i, 1 ;
empire?its extension
into Thracia, Scythia?enter into
the domain of sober historic probability. Having subdued
the Minyan 2 of Crete, the Phoenician
thalassocracy galle}'s
would certainly not fail to sail through the Bosphorus
into the Black Sea and to take up the former sea-trade
1
Sayce, PSBA, xxiii, 1001, 90; Littmann, SBAW, 1911, 985;
Lidzbarski, Eph., 1915, iii, 225. 2008.
2 a different
Tho Cretan Minos, that is MlvFws, is only spelling of
Mennwas, M?vuas, the "Miny'in" (Fick, Griech. PN1, 429; F. Hoimnel,
"
(?rundr., 684). Ah PN Mcniius" oecurs in tho Chaldic inscriptions of
Van about 800 ii.u. (Hoimnel, I.e.) and ?most characteristically?as
a prince ^^ ^ " ^^~ "
? ? 0 1 V^ ^\ ? @ <><=>^M,nv"
from the lands of tho Ph nicians
", in the Sinuho story (age of
Sesostris I). The Armenian landscape Mtwds (Nicol. Damasc, cf.
(statue B, 0, 4). Cf. the Mii>u?s yrj round Orchomenos, Mivua in Thessaly,
in Phrygia, the island Mtvvia between Pathinos and Lade with the
different islands and towns called Mw?a.
1
Pindar, 01., 4, 69.
2
Hence the genealogical connexion of "Cadmus" and "Phoenix"
with Phineus of Salmydessos and *it>6*o\is.
3 n. h. 33, 15.
Strabo, 11, p. 499 ; Appian, b. Mithr., 103 ; Plin.
4 After of the Egyptian rite of circumcision
speaking practised by
the Phoenicians and the Egypto-Colchians, Herodotus says (ii, 105) :
"
I will add a further proof of the identity of the Egyptians and the
Colchians. These two nations weave their linen in exactly the same
way, and this is a way entirely unknown to the rest of the world. . . .
The Colchian linen is called by the Greeks 'XapZoviK?v." Evidently the
1
Sethe, I.e., p. 13, cf. p. 3. The fact that Josephus (Antiq.,
viii, 10, 2, 3) ascribes the Asiatic campaign of Sesostris, as related by
Herodotus, to Sheshonk of Dyn. 22 is no reason for doubting with
Sethe, I.e., the Manethonian origin of Syncellus' extracts about
"Sesostris". For Josophus
certainly used other Egyptian sources
besides Manetho and
certainly several editions of Manetho. The use of
the form 2,ov<raKos?instead of the Manethonian 2/<rarvx<s or ZhtOjxwis?
shows that Josephus has used a Jewish-Egyptian source dependent on
the LXX in this place. See also Wiedemann, Theol. Lit. Zeit., 1901, 186 f.
* Thus Hiller von Ga?itringen in Pauly-Wissowa, iii, 1076, 1. 12. Cf.
Steph. Byz., s.v. Busiris.
* ruf
Kar* A?yvwrov Ot?v Upbs \6yos,
?ltp? Clemens, str?m., i, 21 ;
Augustin, Civ.
Dei, xii, i; Jacoby in Pauly-Wiss., vi, 968, 1.59. Cf.
E. Schwartz, ibid., v, 671, 11. 43-59.
A of his campaigns is exactly to the descrip
The description parallel
tion of those of Sesostris. He passes through ^Ethiopia and Arabia to
India's frontiers, through the lands of Asia and over the Hellespont into
Thracia. He, too, erects everywhere his inscribed victory-pillars. The
of the Hellenistic author becomes transparent where he gives
tendency
the names of Osiris' two sons?one clad in a dog's, the other in a wolf's
skin, who accompany their father as leaders of his army?as Anubisand
MoW?ok (for the correct wolf-god's name Wp-wtt, with
possibly regard
"
to mkt, protection ") and makes him Osiris* viceroy for Macedonia.
1 Plut,
dels., 37, 43.
*
Budge, i, p. 93 ; Rhind. Pap., pi. i ; Cairo-door Rec. Trav., xiv,
27, No. xxx ; Navillo, Bubastis, 22, 35.
*Whether the names Uavaipit and Uavaipat are pt Usiri or pt W?r-t or
Pt W?rR1 I do not know. The initial B iov pt is analogous to Bo?aipis =
pr Usiri, the place-name of the four Egyptian towns of this name
(Sethe, Pauly-Wiss, iii, 1073f.).
4 It has been an mistake of modern historians to follow the
egregious
opinion of Eratosthenes (Strabo, 17, p. 802) that there never was an
Iwntjw (Capart, Rev. hist, rel., 43, 1901, pp. 203, 2271), i.e. the Syrian
'Iwfrai, the sacrifice of the "Typhonian" men (?ttj'w!) (Plut, dels.,
73 ; Di od., i, 84) may well have given rise to the legend of Greek (Ionian)
prisoners sacrificed regularly by a cruel Egyptian king. If the
" "
Conon (or Manetho) connecting Cadmus with the
of the Hyksos we shall not be
world-empire
" " dynasty,
surprised to find Cadmus treated by other ancient
"
historians as a contemporary of Busiris".
In the Chronicle of Eusebius1?where we should apriori
expect to discover Manetho's version of the Cadmus
1 Chronic?
Migne, Patrolog?a Graeca, xix, 383, cf. Patrol. Lat., xxvii,
-
Hieronymianum ad ann. 560. Synkell., p. 1520.
8
Note the difference against fU'Aaavplav in Nonnos, above, p. 180, n. L
*
Konon, Greifswald, 1890, p. 55.
4 Cf.
fragm. 6, Fragm. Hist. Graec, 4, 424.
1
Ginzel, Hdb. d. Chronol. Leipz., 1911, ?i, 359. Manetho makes the
fall of Troy coincide with the last king of dyn. 19 (Qouopis), Pliny (36, 65)
with Ramses II, others with 2?'0a>? (Schol. 14, 278; Eustath.
Odyss.,
Cram. Anccd. Paris., iii, 488 ; Sethe, Sesostris, 55).
3
Sethe, ibid.
*
Ci. Diodor. i, 64. Cf. Hecat us, K4<ppr?y for Herodotus (2, 127),
=
Xfoprjr ////?'.
IIp(?T ?<;?as also see the Semitic KciS/io? ^tolp, literally the
"fore "man, the man "at the front".1 The function of
such a title as a kind of personal name?as people used to
call Bismarck "der F?rst", Luitpold of Bavaria "der
Regent", and Wellington "the Duke"?is not unheard of
in Egyptian. We know e.g. one prince and governor of
1 = "
Therefore the Eastern one", because of the kibla towards
sun-iise.
2
Budge, I.e., i, 153.
*
Ibid., i, 69.
4 Hist, of Egypt,
Budge, iii, 146^
*
Schob Lycophr. Alex. ed. Scheer, ii, 60.
Queen Hatshepsut, the story of Seknen Re's fight against Apophis, who
knew none of the gods but his lord Seth of A varis and the Setnekht
= ? into -Nile
Akawas Aqa?Foi1 the Western delta
during the old age of
II,2 Ramses the with
king
the countless above, p. 176, n. 1?and
sons, of their
subsequent expulsion under Merneptah (about 1220 u.c.).
Nothing could be more plausible# than the flight
of the vanquished pirates in their galleys to the
shore of the Peloponnesus, where they seem to have
name "
imported the Egyptian Alyvirro^, flooded land," to
a certain Argive cape, still known to the age of Hecat us of
and the Egyptian names
Miletus,3 wii/a^o?, "I , vJE7ra</>o?,
181, n. and also v-s
(above, p. 1), $op-a>-v-
Ay^?p?rj
" "perhaps
Pr 'tn iw king of the coastland into the genealogy of the
" "
Argive kings. The connexion of this exodus with the
ayayn "be powerful ", Muss-Am., 136?the tuvacrrfis is the title of the
Amalekite kings (Num. xxiv, 7 ; 1 Sam. xv, 8, 9, 20, 32 f.) and 'Agagi
in the Book of Esther is synonymous with Amalekite.
2
?lo\4fuay iv rj? wp?ry r?v 'EWrjviaK?v ?(rropi?v, Ps. Justin, Coh. ad
Graec, c. 9.
3 Cf.
above, p. 198, n. 1, and Schol. Eurip. Ph niss., 638 ff. ; Tzetzes,
Lycophr., 1206 ; Etym. Magn., 450, 41 ; Eustath., Ilias, 2, 503, where
the name of Thebes is said to be taken from the cow, which led Cadmus
to the spot, for B^?a avpurrX \4ytrai r??ovt. As a matter of fact, there is
no such word for cow in Syrian or Aramean, except ?ebah, rQX.
a "sacrificial victim" of any kind, not necessarily a cow. But there is,
in fact, as E. Assmann has observed in an otherwise very hazardous
essay, Berl. Phil. Wochenschr., 1920, 3/1, c. 18, in Egyptian (Brugsch,
Wb. 7, 1347), a word s=> tb, "young cattle," "calf,"
J ^^
written with determinative
the of a fettered sacrificial victim. This
would seem to suggest an Alexandrian origin for the said of
etymology
Thebes, and it might be well to remember that Manetho's birthplace
paradox.
On the contrary, the theory about the Hyksos empire's
1 between
According to Herodot., ii, 44, there are five generations
Herakles and Cadmus ; ii, 142, he says that three generations are about
100 years ; ii, 145, he gives 900 years as the period between Herakles
and his own age (about 450 B.c.). This gives about 1060 years?not
1600 as the MSS, of Herodot., ii, 148, have?because the later scribes
X = 60 for the Eastern = 600,
misread the western (?-sign x'*s>gn X
which would have been written \J> in Thurioi?as the period between
Herodotus and Cadmus. Cf. Wiedemann, Herodot's, ii. B., p. 517.
2 to Manetho the last year of Ahraose is 1657 B.c. Euseb.
According
ann. Abrahaj 294 = 1722 b.c. -318 = 1698 b.c. for 'Apeum. Julius
gives
Africanus the "exodus" and the expulsion of the Hyksos
places
1797 b.c. Breasted Ahmose 1580-1567 B.c. according to good
places
astronomical evidence. For Herodotus Euseb. 468/7 as ?*/u^, which
gives
would Cadmus in 1532/3 b.c., and not into the year 1456 B.c.,
place
where he places him (above, p. 1974). Evidently Herodotus' date was not
considered by Alexandrian chronologists.
1V
R., 33, 38a. Rogers, Outlines of the Hist, of Early Babylonia,
1895, p. 40. Hommel, Grundr., 190.
2 " Minos " " "
of Crete (see above, p. 187, n. 2) wars against Sarpadon
"
because of Milatos "?eponymous hero of the homonymous towns in
Crete and Karia?and drives him from Crete to Lycia (Herod., i, 173).
As ruler of Lycia (and Cilicia, Immisch in Roscher's Lex., s.v. c. 395 f.)
he is mentioned among the allies of Troy in Homer. In Thrace a
"
Sarpedon ", son of Europa and Poseidon, is mentioned by the same
Hegesippusof Pallene, who speaks of the?*oiK?aof "Cadmus'1 and Proteus
to Pallene (Schol. Eurip. Rhesos, 29, cf. Lykophr. 1284, and Schol.
Scheor, ii, 362). He is said to have been killed by Herakles (Apollod.
Bibl., 2, 5, 9, 13), that is by the representative of the immigrating
Dorians. The search for the sister (Basilios, Migue, Patrol. Graeca, 85,
" "
478 ff.), the victorious fight of Minos in Crete and of "Heracles" in
"
Thrace against "Sar Padan may be an echo of the later downfall of
the Hyksos empire over Crete and the coast of Thrace through the
attack of the Minyans and Dorians, provided that the Kassito title
".far Padan'* was borne already by the Hyksos predecessors of the
Kassito rulers. The different landmarks and promontories called
I.e.) after a demon, whom Ed.
2apwr?B(uv{iov) ; Immisch, Schwartz,
Quaest. Herod., 13, correctly explains as the mythic representative of a
" . . . nantis promontoria
venina rapa x et procellosus, circum vehentibus
periculosn8'\ suggest a plausible for this place-name : as the
etymology
"
son of Europa" (above, p. 66, n. 1) by the Greek genea
and credited with a similar search for an abducted
logists "
" "
sister as Cadmus and Cilix ".
The traces of this short-lived Ph
nico-Egyptian world
1
We should remember that the Abyssinian and the Indian gram
marians preferred a simple to the ordinary at a time
syllabary alphabet
when the latter was used over the whole o\kov^4vt).
2
See above, p. 180, on the new Sargon text discovered by Dr. E. Forrer.
Cf. my note in the review Janus, i, 1921, p. 21j.
J
Tins characterization of the alphabet will be amply in my
justified
forthcoming book on the origin of the alphabet to appear as the next
supplementary volume of the review Klio, Beitrage z. alt. Geseh.
through the kindness of Prof. Lehmann Haupt.
1
Kenitische Weihinschriften, Freiburg, iii, 1919, pp. 100 ff. This is
to the idea that the alphabet \v?8 evolved from the hieroglyph?.
contrary
2
Ibid., pp. 1I3??.