THE OXFORD HANDBOOK OF

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CHILDREN'S
MUSICAL
CULTURES
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Edited by
PATRICIA SHEHAN CAMPBELL
and
TREVOR WIGGINS

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PART 1. ENGAGEMENTS WITH CULTURE:
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5 Songs ofJapanese Schoolchildren during World War II

NORIKO MANABE

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5 ,~twpre taught in schools, sung in official ceremonies and rituals, and
........................................................................................
SONGS OF JAPANESE
SCHOOLCHILDREN
DURING WORLD
WAR 11
...............................................................................................
NORIKO MANABE
It may seem like North Korea to you now. But at the time,
we were just kids. We wanted to have fun. We sang these
songs for fun.
(Chieko, World War II survivor, now in her late seventies)
AMONG the vast repertoire of Japanese school songs, perhaps the most
provoking-and least well known-are those songs taught during World
Soaked with propagandistic messages, they assert the superiority ofJapan
nations, the glory of dying for one's country, the romantic imagery of
territories, and the joys of toiling in weapons factories, among other things.
I asked informants who had attended Japanese elementary school during
War II about these songs, they instantly and instinctively sang them, even
these songs had been banned after the war, some Sixty-five years ago. Fllrth,ern
they remembered the gunka (military marches) that they sang at send-off
for soldiers and other official ceremonies; when shown Kindaichi H",rnliliko's
lection of gunka (Kindaichi and Anzai 1982), one informant sang almost all
thirty-five songs from the period 1938-1945 with zest.
Clearly, songs were an important part of the wartime propaganda
For children, what values were these songs reinforcing? What behaviors were
SCHOOLCHILDREN DURING WORLD WAR II 97
?Whatleg,acy did they leave in the minds of the children who sang them
ended? This chapter explores these issues through a discussion of
radio from 1937 to 1945, as analyzed from their texts, the directives
Istl:uctors' manuals, and personal testimonies .
personal stories come from interviews with informants-identified
in this chapter. They include two sisters, Chieko and Naoko, who
and fifth grades, respectively, in an elementary school in Kyoto at the
Naoko's husband, Akira, who attended elementary school in Osaka
war; and Shinichi, who was a third-grade boy when he was evacuated to
'efelctuJre from Yokohama to avoid air raids. In addition, I refer to personal
in published collections of diaries (e.g., Yamashita 2005).
C IN JAPANESE SCHOOLS, 1877-1933
.......................................................................................................
beg,innling of the Meiji Period (1868-1912), the newly restored imperial gov-
nt--w"U aware that two hundred years of isolation had left Japan vulner-
~dmcllo!\ic~,lly, economically, and militarily-initiated reforms to Westernize
lod"rnjize, including the creation of a national educational system. The gov-
advocated shoka (school songs) as a way to cultivate moral character in
The first such collection, the hoiku shoka (nursery songs), began to be
in 1877- The music was composed by Imperial Court musicians in gagaku
music) modes; the lyriCS, by female instructors of the Tokyo Women's Normal
drew inspiration from Japanese classical poetry. The collection was not dis-
widely and was quickly supplanted by songbooks in Western musical
Isawa Shuji (1851-1917) and the Ministry of Education. While a student in
Isawa had been tutored by Luther Whiting Mason (1818-1896), who com-
the National Music Course, a graded series of songbooks in extensive use in
nineteenth century. Isawa proposed the establishment of a similar course in
,JalPanlese educational system, arguing that music was conducive to the forma-
moral character. He also argued that traditional Japanese music was unsuit-
education, as music such as gagaku was "too refined;' while popular music,
shamisen-based music for geisha, was "too vulgar"; he deemed a newly cre-
music for all classes to be more suitable (Eppstein 1994: 30-36). To
pJenrrent the program, Mason was brought over to Japan.
songbooks of the 1880s consisted almost entirely of preexisting Western
--".,--, Japanese texts; of the thirty-three songs in the first volume (1881),
were newly composed, neither of which was truly in a Japanese mode.'
rts,adcire!:sed nature, famous places in Japan, and historical topics as well as the
values ofloyalty to the emperor, filial piety, and advancement through
One such song was "Kazoe uta" (Counting Song, from the 1887 collection).
 ENGAGEMENTS WITH CULTURE: SOCIALIZATION AND
Adapted from a warabeuta (traditional Japanese children's song), the
of Isawa's version reminded children to be grateful to their parents. Ullsse:m
widely by the Ministry of Education, these songbooks contributed to
familiarity with Western music-and established a pattern of inculcation
music.
By the time the Ministry of Education released its next set of
Japan had emerged as a world power, having defeated imperial China in
Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895) and czarist Russia in the Russo- Jaloan.es~i
(1904-1905). Accordingly, the songbooks of '910-'9'5 included texts of
militaristic tone than the 1880s songbooks. In "Suishiei no kaiken"
at Shuishiying), an account of Russian Major-General Stoessel's sUJrrelld
Japanese General Nogi at Port Arthur (1905), Nogi says that his two
honored to die in battle; "Tachibana Chusa" (Lt. Colonel Tachibana) and
Chusa" (Commander Hirose) recount the deaths in battle of two heroes
Russo- Japanese War. Meanwhile, the rewritten verses to "Counting Song"
children that loyalty to the emperor and the country was their first .
the music in the Ministry of Education songbooks of the 1910S (except
Song") was composed anew by Japanese musicians in Western scales,
the regular phrase structure, use of motives, and hierarchical cadences of
songwriting. Practically all schoolchildren from first to sixth grades beltw"pn
and '94' sang these songs, which were also heard outside the classroom in
concerts, playgrounds, and on radio broadcasts.
In '932-'933, the Ministry of Education issued small revisions to these
tions. These years were volatile ones: Japan's invasion of Manchuria (1931)
Shanghai Incident (1932) marked the beginning of protracted hostilities in
that some historians call the Fifteen-Year War. Right-wing naval officers
nated Prime Minister Inukai (1932), which helped to precipitate a bn~akd0111l1
party politics and increased military influence in government. The addition
song "Heitai-san" (Soldiers), which taught second graders to admire soldiers,
harbinger of dramatic changes to come.
THE WARTIME PROPAGANDA MACHINE
As the conflict in China that had begun in Manchuria erupted into the
Sino-Japanese War in '937, the Japanese military government took control
media. The Ministries of Foreign Affair:s andComrnu.nicati,oml establisl1edl ili,eDoI
Tsushin newswire service in 1936, which controlled news distribution to ne'wsr,al
and radio stations. By 1937, newspaper articles on military actions or
needed prior approval, and the government shut down smaller papers.
by the Defense Bureau, popular magazines valorized overseas expansion,
of battlefield heroics, and upheld the belief in Japan's unique national polity.
SCHOOLCHILDREN DURING WORLD WAR II 99
also set up movie theaters to show propaganda films, while curtailing
of foreign movies. The Ministry of Communications oversaw the
programs, which was filled wiili gunka military marches. Koyama
I-1'90JII, the propaganda mastermind in the Cabinet Planning Agency,
could be an effective means of propaganda (Kushner 2006: 33).
The Predominant Music
'miilitaJry marches) had been played since military brass bands were formed
"id-1S,)OS. The popularity of gunka rose wiili the Sino-Japanese War and
~(Hrap'rnese War. By the second Sino-Japanese War in '937, gunka prolifer-
~JaIPane~le soundscape, due to not only government control of communica-
growth in the diffusion of radios and phonographs. Many gunka were
selling hundreds of thousands-and sometimes millions-of copies.
in materials became more severe after '94', record production was
:cu.rtaile,l, leaving gunka over the radio as one of few entertainment choices
were effective in co-opting the people because they were perceived
te(IOlfle from their own ranks. To produce new gunka, contests were held,
iglresiidents throughout the Japanese empire to submit lyrics and music. In
1937, the Cabinet Information Office advertised such a contest to write the
a march that, "the people will love to sing for eternity:' Lyrics by a young
worker in Tottori prefecture were chosen out of 57,578 entries. Another
. was held for the music; the gunka composer Setoguchi Tokichi won out of
(Kindaichi 1979: 232). With six record companies releaSing different
''Aikoku koshin kyoku" (March of Patriotism, 1937) sold more than one
copies. The lyrics stirred pride in Japan, described the emperor's mission
establishment of a "just" peace (an "ideal blooming Iilce a fragrant flower"),
"hakko ichiyu" -a slogan, translated as "universal brotherhood;' which
to the Greater East Co-Prosperity Sphere, where Japan would lead an Asian
'inde]Ien.dentfrom Western powers.
such as these were sung at send-off ceremonies when soldiers were going
front. Schoolchildren were summoned to participate in these send-offs. My
Chieko and Naoko remembered parades at which all ilie schoolchildren
I:oe:ighbo'rs lined the streets, singing gunka and waving Japanese flags (see Web
G. The diary of Nakane Mihoko, a rural schoolgirl, describes an involved
for her teacher: he was first treated to a celebratory meal and a prayer ser-
"ne slm then sent off at the train station, while schoolchildren and villagers
199:unica and shouted "Banzai!" (Long live the emperorl) until the train disap-
(Yamashita 2005: 298-299). Similarly, Saito Keiichi, then a boy in rural Kyoto
".'LUre, describes saying long prayers at the shrine before sending soldiers off at
station, singing "Roei no uta" (Song of the Camp, 1937; Saito 2008).
100 ENGAGEMENTS WITH CULTURE: SOCIALlZATION AND
Another ceremony in which students were required to participate
homecoming of deceased soldiers, called "mugon no gaisen" (literally,
umphant return"). A procession was led by a white banner decorated with
(a sacred tree in Shintoism); then came the military men holding an
box, wrapped in white cloth, which contained the ashes of the deceased,
by their families. Students, teachers, and neighbors bowed their heads
the procession passed by, sometimes playing sad music ("Furusato to sensa"
Oba 1995: 99-101; Saita zo08).
While both Naoko and Akira said that gunka were not sung during
class time, these songs played a part in school-related activities. Whenever
went on a school outing, they sang gunka as they marched. Gunka were
during assemblies and in the gym during physical training, which often .
military-style drills. As more men were called to war, causing a labor
schoolchildren were made to work at planting tea, potatoes, soybeans, and
foodstuffs; they sang gunka or shoka as they worked. On an informal
children sang these songs frequently among themselves. Akira said that he
sang gunka on the way to school and on the way home. From third grade
he spent time after school with fifth and sixth graders, and these boys
whenever they engaged in group activities or military drill games. Their
songs included "Chichi yo, anata wa tsuyokatta" (Father, You Were Strong,
"Getsu getsu ka sui moku kin kin" (Throughout the Week, without We,ek,mdls, I!
"Sora no shinhei" (Paratroopers, 194z), and the Kato Falcon Fighting
(1943). Chieko and Naoko also sanggunka at home, particularly when the
policy at night (to prevent air raids from targeting populated areas) left them
little else to do. With their constant play on the radio and singing by citizens,
were ubiquitous.
Gunka Texts
~docllment also addressed the uniqueness of japanese culture and its superior-
Gunka typically address a small number of recurring themes. Most m,mtion
glory of the emperor, the need to follow his will, and pride in japan, alluding
divine origins and beauty. Some gunka, such as "Getsu getsu ka sui moku kin
paint an idealized portrait of male camaraderie in the navy. Most, however,
orize fighting to the death and are replete with images of death: in "Roei no
for example, a fellow soldier dies, smiling as he bids banzai. In "Daki no
(Cherry Blossoms of the Same Class, 1944), a pilot mourns a classmate who
ceded him in death and looks forward to meeting him again as "cllerwbl{)ss,)m:
the same branch in Yasukuni Shrine;' where falling cherry blossoms are a
for young soldiers dying in battle3; and the Kata Falcon Fighting Song
Colonel Kata Tateo's death in battle over the Bay of Bengal in 1942.
One gunka that became particularly familiar was "Umi yukaba" <n.'CWO".
Seas, 1937, Web Figures 5-2 (!) and 5.3 G). Based on a poem byOtomo no Yal<:amc
SCHOOLCHILDREN DURING WORLD WAR II 101
~;Ghthl-c'mttlry poetry collection Manyashu, the best-known version was
bvNolbutoki Kiyoshi to stir fighting spirit, so that soldiers would not fear
c.;.,I,,>r the emperor's goals. The song was sung at send-off parades and
irlollncement of victory at Pearl Harbor. It was officially designated as the
lationalanthem in 1943. The song came to be strongly associated with hon-
as it was always played at the start of official radio announcements
Across the seas, there are corpses in the water.
Across the mountains, there are corpses in the grass.
We shall die at the side of our emperor.
We shall not turn back.
sOl~rces of the recordings and their japanese texts can be found in Web
S. Recordings of several of the songs discussed can be found on the
'Web'site: "Umi yukaba" (Web Figure 53 G), "Nippon" (Web Figure 54 G),
;,'m,1<1<.," (Web Figure 5.5 G), "Hotaru koi" (Web Figures 5.6 and 5.7 G),
(Web Figure 5.8 G).
Education in Wartime
jeJap~lllese ,~dtlcation had taught children to revere the emperor and admire the
since the Meiji Period, the tone of textbooks became increasingly chauvin-
'.torth'G in the 1930S. In 1937, the Ministry of Education published Kokutai no
(Cardinal Principles of National Essence), an official statement of the theory
leJapame:;e state. The document emphasized the divine origins of the imperial
emperor's place as a living deity, and his love for his subjects. Citizens were
to cast aside their own wishes and follow the emperor; individualism was
discouraged. The mission of the armed forces was to serve the emperor.
'0 other c>,l"lre, (Ministry of Education 1937). Widely distributed, it became the
educational philosophy during wartime, instilling nationalism with the
.ofunifyirlg the population in the military cause (!ritani 1991: 161-167).
;llllVlarcn '94', the niilitary government issued ordinances to reorganize schools
,onfor:m to the goals of the empire:' Schools were to educate students on "the
aspects of our national culture in relation to conditions in Asia and the
build awareness of the emperor's position, and cultivate knowledge on the
our country" (Cabinet Office 1941). Music was to be taught to inspire
develop an aesthetic sensibility, teach correct pronunciation, and
mental acuity by developing the abilitY to recall sounds. Lyrics and music
be "national" (kokuminteki) in nature.
of Education issued a new set of six songbooks between March
April '943 titled Uta no hon (Songbook) and Shotaka ongaku (Elementary
102 ENGAGEMENTS WITH CULTURE: SOCIALIZATION AND
Music Course). The committee included well-known composers and
doyo (commercial children's songs with artistic aspirations) and gunka,
Komatsu Kosuke (1884-1966), Hashimoto Kunihiko (1904-1949), tiayashil
(1892-1974), and Shimofusa Kan'ichi (1898-1962). Several had studied in
including Shimofusa, who had studied with Paul Hindemith in Berlin.
The 1941-1943 songbooks were a substantial rewrite of earlier
retaining only 17 percent of the songs from these collections. While cOrnmlej
produced textbooks had been allowed in previous years (as long as the
Education approved them), all schools in Japan were now obliged to use
new textbooks. Out of the twenty songs included for each grade, eight
itly marked as mandatory. These inflexible requirements made school songs
more effective means of government propaganda than previously. The
booklets were similarly explicit regarding how and why music was to be
First, the purpose of education was to instruct children in the "way of the
The booklets told instructors to "follow the guidelines" and warned against
ing children to follow their own course"; education was to "form children
cooperate and work together" -not individuals. In teaching school songs,
was "not so much to teach musical capabilities as to inculcate them in nal:iotlal
timent; that is the real purpose of music education:' The primary purpose
texts was "to ensure the absolute purity of national sentiment and train the
of the Japanese empire" (Ministry of Education 1942a: 15).
TEXTS OF THE 1941SONGBOOKS
Instilling the National Spirit
The instructor's booklets spelled out the reasons for teaching each song. The
common purpose for a song was to cultivate the "national sentiment:'
pose was met by invoking national symbols (e.g., "Hi no maru;' the national
"Fuji no yama;' Mt. Fuji), old fables ("Momotaro;' Peach Boy), and traditional
days and their customs ("OshOgatsu;' New Year's Day; "Mochitsuld;' Poun,jin:gl
Cakes; "Mura matsuri;' Village Festival). Several songs whose stated purpose
"instill the national spirit" were adapted from warabeuta (traditional Japane,.e (
dren's song) or were newly composed, modeled after warabeuta. Unlike in
Ministry of Education songbooks, which tended to take a few stock phrases
warabeuta, augment them with more poetic text, and set them to West'errtize,d rm
the 1941-1943 collection preserved the original warabeuta texts and folk
traditional games. In "Temari uta" (Song of the Handball Game), the op"niIlg1j
"Ten, ten, ten, Tenjin-sama" (Tenmangii shrine) are common to various
warabeuta, as are the words "Pettan, pettan" (onomatopoeic for pounding
make rice cakes), which open "Mochitsuki" (Pounding Rice Cakes). Si'lmf'lady,
SCHOOLCHILDREN DURING WORLD WAR II 103
lkulrenlbd' (Hide-and-Seek) include the familiar call to potential players,
mono, yottoide" (Those who want to play hide-and-seek, come
repeated call-and-response, "Mo ii kai" (Can I come out now?) and
(Not yet), all commonly heard among children playing this game, This
III Cif tile (;Onlmon, folksy language of the warabeuta reflected a change in
nnHn, a1Na1{ fr'om elitism toward a homogenous, everyman orientation;
may have been considered too lowly for inclusion in previous
being embraced as national expression.
texts also addressed the significance of the emperor (e.g., "Mitami
divine origins ("Kuni hikl;' Forming the Country), and the good-
str"nglth of the country. These sentiments are most clearly expressed in
""r-'-" a song for second graders. The first verse alludes to the Shinto
m1<cn ]:,," gods created the Japanese archipelago, while the second addresses
other nations. Instructors were directed to "ralse nationalistic spirit
patriotic ardor by making the children sing about the national polity of
for which there is no comparison in the world:'
. ----" (Japan, 1941; Web Figures 5.2 G) and 5-4 G)
is a good country, a noble country.
only country in the world tilat is the country of god.
is a good country, a strong country.
an admirable country that outshines others in the world. (Ministry
)fEducatic)ll 1941b: 129-130)
EXlpanldirlg Empire
rnll.rv nflheassumption ofjapan's superiority was its right to rule the rest of Asia
Greater East Co-Prosperity Sphere, which is referenced in tile final verse of tile
mting ;Sorlg:' In the first verse of tilis refitted version, tile child is counseled to get
am'. w,.<n up, and sweep the yard by him or herself-at a time when most fatilers
war and/or motilers were needed at munitions factories. In the tentil and
tile change in the political env:ironment since 1932 is revealed:
"Kazoe uta" (1942), Verse 10 (Web Figure 5.9 G)
Those who bear the burden
of protecting Greater East Asia
are the children of righteous Japan;
tiley are we. (Ministry of Education 1942b: 142-143)
and sixth-grade songbooks, songs address the beauties of the acquired
.(e.g., "Dai Toa;' Greater East Asia; "Yosuko;' Yangtze River; "Manshfi no
Manchurian Field) and the expanses of Dai Toa in relation to "god's coun-
, Ministry of Education 1943a, 1943b).
104 ENGAGEMENTS WITH CULTURE: SOCIALIZATION AND
Related to this purpose of arousing children's interest in the empire
songs that encourage adventurousness. Some songs address historical
and activities in Asia by Japanese ("Momoyama;' a period in the late sixteen!
tury: "Yamada Nagamasa;' a seventeenth-century adventurer in Thailand)
temporary military advances ("Sekido koete;' Crossing the Equator).
the songs that simply encourage children to look outward. For example,
grader's song "Umi" (Sea, Web Figure 5.10 G) starts by remarking on how'
ocean is and how large the waves are. The last verse is "I want to put a boat
sea and go to another country:' According to the instructor's book, this
intended to "express the spirit of the people ofJapan as a seafaring COI"ntrv:'
song was to "stimulate interest in maritime affairs" and promote a clleertu
osity toward far-away places" -the easier to make subjects go off to conquer
territories (Ministry of Education 1941a: 85-88).
Glorifying the Military
The '94'-'943 songbooks contain a marked increase in the number of songs
ling the military. For all six grades, about thirty-five songs, or 29 percent
explicitly refer to the military: for the fifth and sixth grades, this pe1'cerlta1:e
percent. This increase is particularly noticeable in the lower grades, in which
for first and second graders teach them to admire soldiers ("Heitai-san;'
and take interest in the objects of war ("Gunkan;' Battleship: "Hikoki;'
Children were prodded to play war games, pretending to kill devils as "M,erne
playing with model warships and planes, and participating in mock cavalry
(Iritani 1991: 178-179): school songs encouraged them to play soldiers in
the songs "Heitai gokko" (Role-Playing as Soldiers) and "Omocha no sensha"
Tanks), The lyrics to these songs feature onomatopoeia for the sound of
as illustrated in "Heitai gokko" (Figure 5,11, Web Figures 5,2 G): and 55 f));
instructor's book explains in its matter-of-fact way, '''Gata gata' is the
machine guns. 'Ban pon' is the sound of firearms" (Ministry of Education
Words (and their particles or auxiliary verbs) are separated by a "f;' while
separated by "f J:'
From the third grade on up, children sang songs that depicted
lauded the role of skilled military men. Several songs also recount heroic
in battle: the third-grade song "San yiishi" (Three Brave Soldiers) glorifies
suicide bombers who attacked the camp of the Chinese National Army
the Shanghai Incident of 1932, praising them for their willingness to die
emperor and their country. Indeed, children were taught that fighting to
and dying bravely were desired outcomes, The fourth-grade song "Yasukuni
(Yasukuni Shrine) states, "Even if you die in battle, your loyal, honorable,
soul will find rest at Yasukuni Shrine;' using the metaphor "hana to chirite"
leaves blown away). The books contain many songs that glorify the roles that
nary citizens play in the war, as seen in "Nyii ei" (Joining the Army) and
SCHOOLCHILDREN DURING WORLD WAR II 105
tSlI ka-Isu l; ban p(ltl ball ponl; lie i-Ill - ii g<>. k . k\1j!
. {m,"'h!,',,' g,m.I)1 [Ballg, hang!] {We're prclimding /0 he soldiers)
.15U ka-Isu ka-Lsu!/ ban - pon ,ban - pOlvf 80 - ku . ra wai tsu - yo - LIf
. , (machine glllt~).l {naf/I!. h(III!!.,} {Wear.: .1'lrmlg!!
Figure 5,11: "Heitai gokko" (1941), Shimofusa Kan'ichi.
(Young Soldier of the Tank Unit). Women were expected to contribute
'M.,-ettorlr as well, as seen in "Hakui no tsntome" (The Duty ofNnrses). Their
role, however, was to produce and raise future soldiers, as shown in the
song "Haha no uta" (A Song about Mothers: Web Figure 512 G):
\tIolthers are the strength of the country.
a brave heart, she sends her children
the battlefield far away,
;Dc,esr,tthe mother look brave? (Ministry of Education '943a: 154-155)
addition to instilling adoration of the military and heroic acts, the songs
cultivate behavior desirable in soldiers. According to descriptions in the
books, about a fifth of all school songs were included to engender
of intense loyalty to the country, its emperor, and its rulers. As a third
my informant Chieko acted in a play and sang a song about Tajimamori,
leg,mdary court official who sailed to distant lands for ten years in search
fruit of immortality for Emperor Suinin, only to discover upon his return
emperor had already died. In addition, about a quarter of the songs
,,,pmoont to inspire children to be brave, while another quarter was to instill a
spirit:' Since the war effort had led to a shortage of able-bodied men on
front, children and older students were made to work: the songbooks
not only to raise children's spirits about doing various tasks but also to
them. The second-grade song "Takigi hiroi" (Collecting Firewood)
this chore as a cheerful game: in the third-grade song "Kodomo no
(Children's Greengrocer), three young siblings, whose father has gone off
work together to push a heavy cart to the market, in order to purchase
for their family store.
. evident that the texts of these 194'-1943 songbooks sought to teach children
h"I; ,""",,- desired f~r waging war effectively: the superiority of Japan, loyalty
country and its rulers, respect for the military and its heroes, the denial of
dividual wants to achieve a common goal, and the glorification of heroic deaths.
military-centric vision was instilled from an early age, encouraging children
rrole-):,lav as soldiers and young teenagers to work in munitions factories, while
in military service was shown as honorable-and probable,
106 ENGAGEMENTS WITH CULTURE: SOCIALIZATION AND
Musical Nationalism in the 1941-1943 Songbooks
Not only the texts but also the music of the 1941-1943 songbooks was
This characteristic in part reflected worldwide interest in musical natlO:nalis
exoticism, which had also been extant in Japan since at least the 1920S;
the 1920S and early 1930S, such as "Toryanse" (Checkpoint, Motoori Nagavo.
incorporated warabeuta in a Westernized harmonic setting. Foreign
sored composers in this syncretic style: the Russian composer and pianist
Tcherepnin (1899-1977) and the Austrian conductor Felix Weingartner
each sponsored competitions for Japanese composers; winners included
Akira's (1914-2006) Nihon Kyoshikyaku (Japanese Rhapsody, 1935) for the
and Hayasaka Fumio's (1914-1955) Kodai no bukyoku (Ancient Dances, 1937)
latter (GaIliano 2002: 80-83, 116).
In addition, Japanese government directives served as a powerful
favor a nationalistic musical blend. In 1936, Matsumoto Manabu, the
Section for Supreme Control of the Ministry for the Interior, gave a 01-"""C11 "'Y'
music written in Japanese style and stressing the importance of following
ment guidelines. The government supported musical compositions that
nationalist sentiments, often by using Japanese melodies within Western
forms, and sponsored the recording, publication, and broadcast of such
After 1938, national broadcaster NHK required commissioned works to
nationalistic sentiments (GaIliano 2002: 92, 115-116). At least one composer
1941-1943 songbooks, Shimofusa, participated in this trend of musical na:tiolla
composing works such as Shamisen kyosokyaku (Shamisen Concerto,
Kota dokuso na tame no sonata (Sonata for Solo Koto, 1941). By 1941, mllsicians.,
obliged to apply for special licenses to continue working as musicians and
comply with government directives. Musicians who were critical of the gO\'errlm
were repressed through censorship, raids, and arrests (Galliano 2002: 120).
government coercion and European approval of this style, it is not stlI'pri.singl
the 1941-1943 songbooks show a high level of musical nationalism,
Comments in the instructors' books for the 1941-1943 songbooks co:ntilrm
political intent of musical nationalism. For most of the songs discussed
instructor's books explain that by "singing Japanese songs from time immemo:
children will absorb the national spirit:'
Traditional Songs
These wartime songbooks are noteworthy for their preservation of warabeuta,
had been considered lowly in earlier eras. Unlike the Ministry of Education
books of the 1880s and 191OS, which include only the "Counting Song" from the.
repertory of warabeuta, the 1941-1943 songbooks include several warabeuta and
traditional songs. In previous songbooks by the Ministry of Education, there
several instances in which some lyrics from a warabeuta had been taken and
SCHOOLCHILDREN DURING WORLD WAR II 107
ho la - rul koiJ! Chii sa- na! chi) - chi - nl sa- go: - IC! k,} - iJI
{Collie here with Cl small paper {an/em.]
zui ho- dol ton dei ko - iJ! Ho. ho, ho la rol koU!
'Ivh,'" ;'.n,,,,,/w,'.,"'., large IJS fhe sltJrs.j
:ur<' 5.14: "Hotaru koi" (Come, Firefly, 1941), arrangement by Shimofusa, score,
Western European scales, For example, the lyrics to "ChOchii" (Butterfly,
set to the melody of "Hanschen Klein" f"Lightly Row;' while "Yuki" (Snow,
newly composed with Western harmonies. In contrast, the songs in the
songbooks retained both the texts and melodic outlines of the original
One such example is "Hotaru kof' (Come, Firefly), an ancient warabeuta
different regional versions that share its characteristic opening. A version
Yokohama area (Web Figures 5,2 (D, 5,6 ~, and 5.13 (D) has a melody that
to the [B-D] interval in the second phrase (Obara 1994: vo!. 1, 153),
a.version from Tottori prefecture, the lyric begins,
Ho, ho, hotaru koi. Firefly, come here.
Chiisana chOchin sagete koi, Come here with a small paper lantern,
:il.o!fus:as arrangement of "Hotaru koi" for the 1941 Ministry of Education song-
k(I'igure 5.14, Web Figures 5,2~; and 5.7 (D) contains the familiar beginning,
melodic contour of the second phrase in the Yokohama version, and the text of
velcsicm (Ministry of Education 1941a: 82-85).
Composed Songs on Japanese Scales
mentioned, several newly composed songs-"Nawatobi" (Jump
"Mochitsuki" (Pounding Rice Cakes), and."Temari uta" (Handball Song)-
,eirlsPired by warabeuta, with lyrics similar to the songs and chants surrounding
sel(anles. These songs were written in traditional scales that approach the sound
wmeab.euta, using traditional Japanese scales-the first time since the 1880s that
108 ENGAGEMENTS WITH CULTURE: SOCIALIZATION AND
newly composed songs from the Ministry of Education did not use Western
Furthermore, their melodies tended to outline perfect fourths, which is
tic of traditional Japanese melodies.
Eleven other newly composed songs use Japanese scales, so Japanese
the musical basis for twenty-two songs-about a fifth of the collection, a
cantly higher percentage than in the more Western-influenced previous
Recognizing that most Japanese music teachers had been trained in Western
but not Japanese music, the instructors' hooks contained explanations of
scales (Ministry of Education 1941a: 15-16).
Harmonization of Traditional Scales
In addition, the accompaniment for most of these songs harmonizes them in
that does not attempt to force a Western V-I cadence. As shown in .. !-l.,', ..
(Figure 5.14), some songs are harmonized using only the pitch sets in the
tional modes of their melodies, often beginning and ending with unisons or
fifths. Several songs in ya mode [C-D-F-G-Bb J are harmonized as
Dorian; as for songs in miyako-bushi [E-F-A-B-C], "Sakura" is set as ifin A
while "Usagi" and "Temari uta" are set in Phrygian mode. Wiili the use of
scales in such a large group of songs and accompaniments that do not
Western tonal paradigms, the songs retain their modal qualities while
within the Western practice of harmony-oriented ensembles. Hence, these
express nationalism in a musical manner not evident in previous collections.
Songs in Western Pentatonic Scales
About 40 percent of the songs in the '94'-'943 collections are in Western
tonic scales (i.e., [C-D-E-G-AJ or [C-D-Eb-G-Ab]). However, unlike eari.ierc,
lections, in which pentatonic melodies strongly imply a Western tonality
melodic patterns (such as the melodic descent 3-2-1 to the tonic or aq.eggial
triads), many songs in ilie '94'-'943 songbooks emphasize outlines of the
fourth characteristic in Japanese melodies. About half of the songs in a
pentatonic scale exhibit this pattern.
An example of a song with a Western pentatonic scale and a m,~lo,dycOJlstlruct
around perfect fourths is "Hikoki" (Airplane, Figure 5.15, Web Figures 5.8 6);
G), a first graders' song intended to "awaken and develop interest in airplanes
flying" (Ministry of Education 1941a: 136). The melody is entirely constructed
a series of perfect-fourth spans, as shown in brackets. While ostensibly in C
the song has no 3-2-1 descent; instead, the tonic is approached from scale
5 (G) or 6 (A) below, as in many of the gagaku-based hoiku shaka.
Between their use of revised traditional songs, traditional scales, and
tonic melodies outlining the perfect fourth, about 40 percent of the songs in
SCHOOLCHILDREN DURING WORLD WAR Il 109
na.!/ A - 0 - if SO-fa- nif gi - n noi ISlt-ba- sa.ll
[On the background o/b/Ult skies. silver wings.}
I",: IV I" IV J"! V
hi - ko - 0 kif ha-ya-i r1<l.ll
;"1".,,. a;'pl",,,. """ J'''' if is!].V v
Figure 5.15: "Hik6ki" (Airplanes, 1941), score.
songbooks have a melody reminiscent of a traditional Japanese one-a
percentage than in earlier collections, which are more Western in
In particular, close to 60 percent of the songs for the first through third
the 1941-1943 songhooks have melodies of a Japanese quality. They con-
to notions of "Japanese-sounding" music-which, as in postwar enka, is
.SjIllcr,etic than traditional Japanese music.
ldrtm's Experiences with Singing in School
.instmctolrs' guidelines recommended that children be taught music for four
a week in first grade, five hours for second grade, and two hours a week in sub-
grades; Naoko remembered the music classes taking up about three hours
The teachers-a singer and a pianist-taught the children to sing by ear,
performing the songs and then having children imitate them. Children were
to memorize these songs and sing them from memory in later classes. In
schools, songs were sung at assemblies or school concerts, but these perfor-
become rarer as the war progressed; Naoko was picked to sing
a.regional choral contest, but it was cancelled as wartime conditions worsened.
the militaristic songs) such as "Dai T6a;) "Nippon;> "Gunken Tone" (Tone) the
-,.",-, "Shonen sensha hei;' and "Gunkan"; ilie older songs about war heroes, such
'Sui"hit.ei 110 kaikan" arid "Hirose Chiisa"; and ilie lament-like "Mugon no gaisen' and
no Itsutom.e:' As she explained, "Having learned everyiliing by ear and sung iliem
jieatedlly, V<e rememclieJred iliese songs easily. We didfit feel iliat we were being forced to
(Naoko, interview by ilie auilior, Yokohama, January 2010).
Naoko said that the music teachers simply wrote the lyrics on the board without
. their meaning. "We just sang them lightheartedly.lt wasn't the same seri-
with which we had to memorize the emperor's words:' Thus, she claimed
songs did not have much impact on her thinking later in life (Naoko 2010).
in several cases, the song texts were taken straight off ilie pages of the
'an,jat'lrv reading textbooks and hence required little additional explanation.
llO ENGAGEMENTS WITH CULTURE: SOCIALIZATION AND
Therefore, these songs were reinforcing lessons already taught elsewhere in
riculum-japan's superiority, duty to the emperor, glorification of the milital'Y
the war dead-through the recreational act of singing.
POSTWAR DEVELOPMENTS AND
THE WARTIME LEGACY
japan's defeat in World War II and the ensuing allied occupation
brought about a profound change in its ideological landscape. With the
forced to reject the State Shinto claim that he was an incarnate divinity,
of its cities reduced to rubble through American firebombing campaigns,
quarter of its wealth destroyed, the people were suddenly told to accept
and occupation by the former enemy, so that the nation could rebuild Itse!!.,'
hands of censorship and propaganda shifted from the japanese military
ernment to the supreme command for the allied powers, who employed
of the same propagandists as the wartime government, including Koyama
These men used the same mechanisms that galvanized the japanese to
the death, to unify them for the purposes of rebuilding the country
2006: 180).
The musical landscape changed too: the Far East Network Radio, op,,,atled
the US Armed Forces, invaded the airwaves, and American and British
music, which had been banned during the war, was heard again on the radio
in bars and dance halls catering to occupation soldiers. Meanwhile, the
that had played a key role in the propaganda machine was no longer heard, '
children were severely punished for singing gunka or the more ideological
songs (Alora, interview by the author, Yokohama, january 2010). This turn
also seen in the educational realm, where, as Chieko remarked, "Our teachers
us that everything they'd taught us was wrong, but there was nothing to
the vacuum" (Chieko, interview by the author, Philadelphia, November
Students were instructed to strike out, in black ink, those texts and songs
occupation officials regarded as militaristic or overly nationalistic or that
to Shintoism.
In '947, the Ky6iku kihon h6 (Fundamental Law of Education) decreed
schools were to be remodeled according to the American system, with the
of shaping children into citizens of a peaceful, democratic nation. That same
the Ministry of Education issued its last set of national music textbooks.
songs from previous collections were excluded because their texts were
as nationalistic. Lyrics to other songs were changed; for example, in "Hi no
(Japanese Flag), a song for first graders, the description of the flag was
from "heroic" (isamashii) in the 1941 version to "beautiful" (utsukushii) in the
version. Militaristic texts were replaced with texts that emphasize cheerlUl[lt
SCHOOLCHILDREN DURING WORLD WAR II III
and getting along with others; frequently occurring words in these
include nakayoku (get along), niko niko (smiling), tanoshii (enjoyable), ure-
'happy), and iiko (good boy/girl). These changes are apparent in the 1947 ver-
"Counting Song" (Web Figure 5.16 0, in which the second verse, which
physical fitness, has been changed to eliminate the patriotic imperative:
(lKazoe uta;' 1942, second verse, last two lines
Become a person, a national subject,
who is useful to the nation. (Ministry of Education 1942b: 142-143)
"Kazoe uta;' 1947) second verse, last two lines
Always smile;
be cheerful and energetic. (Ministry of Education '947: 46-47)
verse, which had been about japan's right to rule in East Asia in 1942, was
to a message of "study hard, and let your learning accumulate with time:'
1947 songbooks also signaled a reversal of the trend toward a musi-
/ap;mes identity that had taken place since the early 1900s. While the 1911,
and '94' collections of the Ministry of Education had consisted completely
composed by japanese, about half of the songs in the 1947 collection
translations of Western songs with mostly Western scales, just as they had
,milaat,ed Isawa's textbooks in the 1880s. Such a reversal-a rejection of things
natural in the early postwar years, when poverty, displace-
and malnutrition were still rampant. Many among the disillusioned popu-
wanted to turn away from "japanese" culture: "I didn't like japan. Rather,
to learn about Western styles and culture" (Chieko 2009). Indeed, 1947
saw the beginning of the postwar boom in japanese popular songs based on
:he,Am,erilcan boogie-woogie rhythm, beginning with Hattori Ry6ichi's "Tokyo
looeie-Wool!ie:"
Even with such sentiments, however, an egg cannot be unscrambled; given
pervasive wartime propaganda was in the schools and media, and how
most children would have been, it would seem likely that these
Iildlhoold teachings somehow affected the way these children thought as adults.
propaganda machine may have been reinvented to promote cooperation
Americans, but the apparatus they used-radio, print media, popular cul-
music, the education system-were the same as in wartime. To achieve their
of unifying the people for reconstruction, the propagandists played on the
social ideologies that they had employed during the war and that had been
lessons in japanese schools since the Meiji Period: the uniqueness (and
Diiriorih" of japanese culture, loyalty to a superior, and the need to work for
leCommclll good or the Japanese nation. These ideologies fit well with the proj-
reconstruction and fed seamlessly into the rapid economic growth of the
powered by employees who sacrificed personal lives to work long
for a single company.
 112 ENGAGEMENTS WITH CULTURE: SOCIALIZATION AND
Hence, the children that grew up during the war internalized these
and acted upon them as adults; they also passed it on to their own children.
an adult, Chieko, along with her husband and two elementary school aallghte.
moved from Japan to the United States, where they were the only Japanese
ily in their school. She impressed upon her daughters that the family
sented Japan" to their American neighbors, requiring them to uphold the
standards of behavi or and achievement-lest the Americans consider them,
Japan more generally, to be backward. And her daughters-in collecting the
grades, school prizes, and recognition for community works that she
aged them to obtain-demonstrated those values of discipline and hard
that Chieko had been taught in those school songs and that she passed on to
next generation.
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
.....................................................................................................
Research for this chapter was funded by a fellowship from SSRC/JSPS. I
Professor Hosokawa Shiihei and the staff at the Nichibunken and National
Libraries for their help in collecting materials. This chapter was ofJigiIlally 1<Vrittell,
part of my doctoral dissertation; I thank my committee-Professors Peter
Williarn Rothstein, Mark Spicer, and Jane Sugarman-for their comments, I
my CUNY colleagues Becky O'Donoghue and Andrew Pau for re<:or,:iing tllese s(rn~
I thank my mother, uncles, and late aunt for their insights and encouragement.
NOTES
...................................................................................................
1 Manabe (2009) provides a description of the texts and music of school songs from
to 1947.
2 Recordings of all school songs published by the Ministry of Education between 1881
1947 are available on Yamato (2000), The collection also includes a book with a short
historical explanation and facsimiles of the songbooks,
3 The pilot is expecting an honorable death for himself, so that both classmates, as war
dead, would be enshrined in Yasnkuni Shrine, The song was a favorite of kamikaze
(Yamashita 2005: 232),
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