Environmental Management (2014) 53:481495
DOI 10.1007/s00267-014-0230-1
PROFILE
Mining Communities from a Resilience Perspective: Managing
Disturbance and Vulnerability in Itabira, Brazil
Joseph Wasylycia-Leis Patricia Fitzpatrick
Alberto Fonseca
Received: 1 April 2013 / Accepted: 3 January 2014 / Published online: 28 January 2014
 Springer Science+Business Media New York 2014
Abstract This paper applies the resilience lens to a
socialecological system characterized by the presence of
large-scale mineral extraction operations. The system in
question is the Brazilian community of Itabira, Minas
Gerais, host to an iron ore operation of Vale, the worlds
second largest mining corporation. Utilizing a resilience
assessment framework, this study describes the various
components of the Itabira socialecological system
revealing the challenges brought about by minings domi-
nance. Data collection included literature reviews and
semi-structured interviews with 29 individuals representing
different stakeholder groups. Findings revealed that,
despite recent efforts by government to regulate the
industry, the mine continues to generate press and pulse
disturbances that impact the resilience of the community.
Operating from the standpoint that resilience depends lar-
gely upon the management capacity of stakeholders, the
research identifies three ways to improve mining gover-
nance in Itabira. First, there is a need for local government
to have more power in dealings with the corporation.
Concurrent with this power, however, the municipality
must demonstrate ownership over its fate, ideally through
the creation of a sustainability plan. Finally, all key parties
must demonstrate commitment to cooperating to resolve
outstanding disturbances, even when these fall outside the
J. Wasylycia-Leis (&)
P. Fitzpatrick
Department of Geography, University of Winnipeg, Winnipeg,
MB R3B 2E0, Canada
e-mail: joseph.hw.leis@gmail.com
A. Fonseca
Department of Environmental Engineering, Federal University
of Ouro Preto, Morro do Cruzeiro, Ouro Preto, MG 35400-000,
Brazil
regulatory approval process. While Itabira will remain a
mining town for the foreseeable future, actions taken now
to address challenges will only strengthen community well-
being and sustainability moving forward.
Keywords Mining community
Resilience

Sustainability
Governance
Disturbance
Itabira
Brazil
Introduction
The resilience approach is a valuable tool for understand-
ing the needs and challenges of human settlements in
relation to the ecosystems within which they are embedded.
It provides a lens for viewing the vulnerabilities generated
by humanenvironmental interaction, providing helpful
insights for sustainable community planning. Resilience is
commonly applied to socialecological systems (SESs)
characterized by the use of renewable resources and the
presence of highly dynamic ecosystems where the benefits
and vulnerabilities to human populations may seem obvi-
ous. For example, recent studies have examined the resil-
ience of coastal fisheries (e.g., Healey 2009) or of
particular rivers or watersheds (e.g., Forbis et al. 2006).
However, when it comes to systems dominated by the
extraction of non-renewable resources such as mining
communities, resilience remains underutilized as a man-
agement tool.
This paper considers the impact of large-scale mining on
the well-being and sustainability of single-industry com-
munities. In presenting a case study of the Brazilian city of
Itabira, Minas Gerais, this research documents the impacts
of the operations of Vale, a multinational mining corpo-
ration, on the community and identifies the challenges and
threats to community sustainability. Through a resilience
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assessment, the paper discusses five press and pulse dis-
turbances1 in Itabira related to the mining industry, high-
lighting the actions taken by different stakeholders to
manage these challenges.
The resilience lens reveals valuable lessons about how
the mining industry benefits and limits sustainable devel-
opment and socioeconomic vitality in places like Itabira. In
particular, the inclusion of temporal dynamics associated
with system disturbances as well as a focus on governance
adds more depth to an analysis that could otherwise be
reduced to pitting the company against the community. In
this regard, the paper proposes that corporate actions can-
not be the sole means through which communities such as
Itabira pursue sustainability and that a long-term commu-
nity-focused strategy is important for securing resilience.
Background
Mining: Challenges and Opportunities
for Sustainability
Minings negative environmental impacts are numerous
and well-documented. Among the most notorious are: acid
mine drainage; erosion and sedimentation; release of toxic
chemicals; reduction of air quality; habitat modification;
and pollution and over-consumption of fresh water. Min-
eral extraction also brings with it socioeconomic chal-
lenges, with environmental impacts translating into health
concerns for residents such as polluted air and contami-
nated drinking water (Shandro et al. 2011). Furthermore,
pollution burdens and environmental destruction can pre-
clude employment in traditional livelihoods and non-mar-
ket activities (MMSD 2002). Mining communities must
also manage challenges associated with employment and
opportunity. Notably, wage gaps may arise between those
who work for the mine and those who do not. Workplace
health and safety, job quality and security, wages and
benefits, and the contracting out of work to non-local res-
idents are also serious concerns in communities with a high
rate of mining employment (Azapagic 2004).
Host communities must also cope with the market
uncertainties of mineral commodities. The cyclical nature of
demand in minerals and metals markets means that mining
companies may be forced to temporarily scale back or stop
operations at mine sites (Neil et al 1992; Freudenburg 1992).
Such downswings reduce employment in mining commu-
nities and slow the overall generation of wealth therein
1
Disturbances are characterized by a number of elements, including
duration. Temporally, press disturbances are chronically occurring
and thus exert compounding pressure on systems. Pulse disturbances
are discrete, meaning these types of disturbances impact a system for
a shorter period of time.
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Environmental Management (2014) 53:481495
(Bradbury 1984). Furthermore, all mines will eventually
close for good. Mining towns with little economic diversi-
fication cannot be considered economically or socially
secure in the long-term, because when the resource disap-
pears so does the primary means of wealth and wellbeing.
Despite the many social and environmental challenges
associated with mineral extraction, the mining industry
increasingly promotes a vision of sustainable mining. This
approach emphasizes the opportunity for a mine to gener-
ate a net improvement to both human populations and
ecosystems (MMSD 2002). It hinges on commitment at the
community level to generating long-term economic wealth
and opportunity without creating irreversible environmen-
tal burdens.
A range of frameworks are used to pursue sustainability
in the mining industry, with a broad separation drawn
between government-mandated and voluntary-enacted
approaches. Since the 1980s, governments throughout the
world have increased their control on the mining sector,
responding to a growing environmental movement of
which concern over resource extraction is a central theme
(e.g., Eggert 1994). Government mining policies vary in
scope and purpose, reflecting a concern for specific issues
such as pollution, or embodying a broader vision of sus-
tainability. However, mining corporations are taking it
upon themselves to manage their operations in pursuit of
sustainable outcomes. This is a result of a growing wave of
international social and environmental advocacy propelled
by NGOs, indigenous groups, and social movements (e.g.,
Kapelus 2002; Clausen and McAllister 2001) and the fact
that governments are, for a variety of reasons, experiencing
a devolution of their power and ability to manage economic
and environmental realities within the ethos of neoliberal
globalization (Sagebien et al. 2008; Dashwood 2007).
Mining corporations have turned to the corporate social
responsibility (CSR) model as a way of demonstrating that
their practices are environmentally sound and ethical in the
face of ongoing scrutiny.
While government-led and corporate-led approaches are
abundant, integrated frameworks to facilitate sustainability
and resilience in mining-based towns are more limited.
Nonetheless, both groups have actions that contribute to
sustainability. For these reasons, there is a clear need to
make communities the central and explicit focus for
facilitating sustainable mining.
Resilience: Applying the Lens to Sustainable Mining
Resilience is most commonly defined as the ability of a
system to absorb disturbance or restructure itself in the face
of change while still retaining core functions and feedbacks
(Walker and Salt 2006). As noted by Plieninger and Bieling
(2012), resilience is an interesting framework in that it
Environmental Management (2014) 53:481495
includes both the structures to organize and understand a
system and a pathway for managing potential challenges to
that system. With respect to the former, resilience con-
ceptualizes communities as part of SESs, geographically
defined places where patterns of interactions take place
(Berkes 2007). An SES is shaped by variables, operating at
different spatial and temporal scales. Of particular interest
are disturbances, which have the potential to negatively
impact a systems structure and essential functions. As
noted above, disturbances are temporally categorized as
either pulsethose that occur as discrete eventsor press
eventsthose that persist for extended periods of time
(Resilience Alliance 2010). Analyzing press and pulse
disturbances, then, can reveal a systems vulnerability both
to the loss of individual functions and to an unanticipated
regime shift (Walker and Salt 2006).
Resilience also provides a framework for pursuing sus-
tainable outcomes. The lens recognizes the adaptive
capacity of SESs and the role of human agencies in fos-
tering change (Gunderson 2000). From this perspective,
resilience emphasizes the role of institutions to foster
adaptations to disturbances. In resilient communities,
institutions work to recognize and harness the transfor-
mative properties of systems, continually reshaping poli-
cies and actions to reflect changing circumstances
(Gunderson 2000; Folke et al. 2002; Plummer and Armit-
age 2007). In doing so, resilience is seen to be a strong fit
for contemplating healthy and sustainable communities
(e.g., Berkes and Ross 2012; Barr and Devine-Wright
2012).
Resilience is increasingly applied to consider the
dynamics of resource-based communities. The boom and
bust dynamics of single-industry resource towns can be
significant, and thus, transformation is often the only
alternative to abandonment. Indeed, there are studies con-
templating community resilience post-transformation from
resource dependence (e.g., Smith and Parkins 2011).
However, there is also a growing body of research that
considers resilience dimensions in single-industry towns
prior to crisis. For example, research related to forest-based
towns confirmed the assumption that reliance on a single-
resource industry has negative implications for stability,
which can be mitigated through institutional adaptations
(Smith et al 2012) and considers the potential for shadow
networks as a tool for increased adaptation to mobilize
alternative forest production (e.g., Bullock et al. 2012).
Less, well-developed literature focuses on on-going resil-
ience challenges surrounding large-scale mining commu-
nities. Like forest-based communities, viability and
stability of mining towns are strongly linked to resource
extraction. Thus, fluctuations in the global market generate
vulnerability for the site. Unlike forestry, mining tends to
be capital intensive. The adoption of small-scale or
483
community-owned alternatives, while feasible for gem-
stones, precious metals, and construction material, is a far
more challenging approach to replace multinational cor-
porate industries that focus on capital intensive extraction
such as iron, copper, and nickel. As such, it is important to
consider building adaptive capacity in single-industry
towns while the mine continues to operate. Identifying
press and pulse disturbances as well as the (in)actions of
governance institutions can help illustrate the same path-
way toward resilience, before the crisis point.
This research is built around a modified version of the
resilience assessment framework developed by the Resil-
ience Alliance (2010). It consists of three main elements
used to analyze the community of Itabira: (1) describing
the system; (2) issues and management; and (3) resilience
implications (see Fig. 1). The first element enabled the
identification of central ecological and economic processes
in Itabira, as well as the social and political institutions that
exert power and control over these elements. Next, the
assessment identifies the main challenging issues within
the system, while simultaneously exploring the responsi-
bility of governance actors around each issue. The third
step adds another layer by considering what these chal-
lenges mean in terms of disturbance, vulnerability, and
long-term resilience and by identifying ways in which
governance and adaptive capacity can be strengthened.
This approach differs from the model put forward by the
Resilience Alliance in that it deemphasizes drastic system
transformation. This omission is purposeful, because the
reality is that the system in question is likely to remain in
its mining-dominated configuration for at least 50 more
years, as discussed below. Thus, resilience is utilized as a
means of identifying key issues and disturbances and their
impacts on core functions, making way for a discussion on
how resilience can be fostered while mining activity
remains a major part of Itabiras dynamics.
Data collection focused on a combination of a literature
review and semi-structured interviews with 29 informants
(see Table 1). Interviews canvassed a range of topics
important to understanding the adaptive capacity of the
community. This included questions that focused on the
following: interactions among Vale, the government, and
the broader community; recent changes to mine site oper-
ations that positively impacted the environmental, social,
and economic conditions in Itabira; discussion on the
driver(s) of those change(s); and an assessment of out-
standing concerns. Literature included academic sources,
government and corporate documents, and community
newspapers and websites published in either Brazilian
Portuguese or English. This data informed the identification
of research participants, selected using purposeful sam-
pling. Informants represented industry, industrial associa-
tions, unions, all three levels of government, local media,
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Fig. 1 The resilience
assessment framework. The
process begins with a
description of the system and
proceeds clockwise through the
steps (modified from Resilience
Alliance 2010)
and environmental nongovernmental organizations, all of
whom expressed interest in Vales Itabira operation. The
coding system differentiates between membership in broad
stakeholder groups: the local community of Itabira (C); the
mining industry (I); the state and local government (G); and
environmental nongovernmental organizations (N).
Interviews, lasting between 30 and 120 min, were con-
ducted in Portuguese, tape recorded and transcribed into
English for analysis. Data analysis employed the qualita-
tive data analysis software program NVivo9 (QSR Inter-
national 2010). Using a selective coding process (Bryman
et al. 2009), responses were grouped according to the three
stages of the resilience assessment and then categorized
broadly under social, ecological, and economic issues.
These codes provided the platform for the resilience
assessment of Itabira. The expertise and knowledge of
participants, the open-ended nature of interviews, the
incorporation of a wide range of stakeholder viewpoints,
and a commitment by the researchers to triangulate find-
ings all reflect upon the reliability and validity of the data.
Located in south-eastern Brazil, Itabira sits approxi-
mately 100 km northeast of the Minas Gerais state-capital,
Belo Horizonte. Its name applies both to the city as well as
its larger municipal district (IBGE 2010). The city and the
surrounding district, with its natural, agricultural, and
mineral extraction developments, form a complex social
ecological system that is the focus of this research. As seen
in Fig. 2, the Itabira SES has a distinct set of urban, rural,
ecological, and economic components.
According to the 2010 Brazilian federal census, the It-
abira municipal district or county has a population of
109,783 inhabitants with 93.2 % living in urban areas
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(IBGE 2010). Itabiras demographic profile indicates that
the community is relatively young (Wasylycia-Leis 2012).
Only 10 % of the population is 60 years of age or older.
Furthermore, 25.1 % of the population is between 25 and
39 years of age while 31.6 % are between the ages of 6 and
24 (IBGE 2010). With such a large contingent of people at
or nearing an age in which new families are started, the
population of the community will likely see sustained
growth in the decades to come. From a resilience per-
spective, the ability of the local economy to provide for this
young and growing population is a serious concern.
Employment opportunities must be fostered and main-
tained if young residents are able to achieve their full
potential. Healthcare and education services must also be
maintained to support new families as well as the aging
cohort of the population. High rates of depression, alco-
holism, divorce, and even suicide present challenges for
social and mental health in Itabira (Minayo et al. 2006) and
also highlight the need for community-based services. An
analysis of the period following Vales privatization by
Minayo et al. (2006) suggests that disturbances within the
company have adverse impacts on the workforce that, in
turn, have negative impacts on community health.
Although the citys population is 90 % literate, rates of
post-secondary education are low. Only 12 % of residents
over the age of 25 have a post-secondary education, while
5 % of people aged 1824 attend university or college
(Prefeitura Municipal de Itabira (PMI) 2006, p. 20). These
low rates of post-secondary education have labor force
implications for Itabira, especially since economic diver-
sification away from the mining industry is a primary goal
of the community. It is difficult to foster new industries,
Environmental Management (2014) 53:481495 485

Table 1 List of organizations represented in the interviews grouped into four broad stakeholder categories and described according to their roles
and interests in mining governance
Organization Profile Number of
interviewees

Local Government and Municipal Council for Environmental Municipal committee for environmental protection that 1
Community Protection (CODEMA) serves a forum for the discussion of environmental issues in
Stakeholders (C) Itabira
Itabira Municipal Government The elected officials and the Municipal Secretaries of the 6
Environment, Planning, and Economic Development have
an interest in the social, economic, and environmental
aspects of mining
Sindicato Metabase Local union representing Vales employees; mobilizes 2
around issues such as labor rights and mine revenue sharing
Retired Vale Employee Retired Vale employee who worked for the company before 1
and after its privatization and lives in Itabira
Local newspaper One of several local newspapers 1
Regional and State Minas Gerais Secretary of State for the State department responsible for the management of natural 3
Governments (G) Environment and Sustainable resources and administering licensing agreements for
Production (SEMAD) industrial operations including mining
Federal Ministry of Mines and Energy Federal department responsible for the oversight and 2
sustainable development of Brazils mining and energy
industry
Mining industry (I) Sindiextra (Minas Gerais Mineral Industry association representing mineral producers operating 4
Industry Association) in Minas Gerais and helping them align with social and
environmental sustainability standards
Brazilian Mining Association (IBRAM) A private, non-profit organization advocating for Brazils 2
mining industry and promoting sustainable development
within the sector
Vale The second largest mining company, with operations in 38 6
countries. Itabira is the site of Vales first mine in 1942.
Over 8 % of the total population of Itabira is employed at
Vale, either directly by the company or through sub-
contractors
Environmental Association of Mining and Environmental organization concerned with sustainable 1
nongovernmental Environmental Protection (AMDA) consumption and the protection of natural resource in the
organization (N) Minas Gerias Region

commercial enterprises, or entrepreneurial endeavors
without the presence of higher education within a
community.
Another key characteristic of Itabiras population is the
existence of significant wealth polarization. The average
per capita income in Itabira is R $264.52 per month, or
roughly US $1764.00 per year. Furthermore, 44.6 % of
people living in Itabira are below the poverty line, with
10.7 % of the population living on less than R $37.50 per
month (Prefeitura Municipal de Itabira (PMI) 2006, p. 28).
One statistic which shows the acuteness of wealth
inequality in Itabira is that the poorest 20 % of the popu-
lation holds only 2.5 % of all income in the city while the
richest 20 % accounts for just under 60 % (Portal 2010).
Income disparity in the community means that not all
residents have equal access to the necessities and amenities
of life. For example, 12 % of the population lives in semi-
inadequate or inadequate housing. In the context of this
demographic profile, it is easier to understand the signifi-
cant role that Vale plays within the community.
Itabira has a long history of mining owing to its location
within the mineral-rich Iron Quadrangle region (Ralph and
Chau 2011). The Minas Gerais gold rush in the eighteenth
century fuelled the development of artisanal gold mining
operations by Portuguese colonizers along with agrarian
homesteading and livestock practices (Enrquez 2008;
Bergad 1999). In fact, Itabira of the nineteenth century, as
described by Bergad (1999), could be considered eco-
nomically resilient with output in a diverse range of
industries. However, this dynamic was significantly altered
when extraction shifted from artesian gold to large-scale
iron ore.
In 1942, the Brazilian government created the Com-
panhia Vale do Rio Doce (CVRD) to capitalize on the rich
mineral deposits of the Iron Quadrangle region of Minas
Gerais, including Itabira (Enrquez 2008). Vale, the name

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Fig. 2 Landsat 8 panchromatic band for August 2, 2013 showing the
location of Vale mining operations in relation to the city of Itabira.
Landsat 8 data courtesy of the United States Geological Survey. Inset
by which the company is known today, chose Itabiras
Mount Caue as the site of its first operation. The second
operation at Conceicao Peak fuelled demand for an urban
industrial workforce in the 1950s (Olivo et al 2001). By the
1960s, the population of Itabira had doubled relative to the
pre-Vale era and mining accounted for the vast majority of
jobs in the community (Tubino et al. 2011).
In 1997, a majority of the companys shares were sold to
a private consortium (IBRAM 2010). The company
remains a massive force within the Itabira SES in the post-
privatization period, now operating a third iron ore devel-
opment at Minas do Meio (Vale 2009). One of the most
recent statistics on Vales economic impact indicates that
the companys dominance is significant (Prefeitura Muni-
cipal de Itabira (PMI) 2006). Mining makes up 54 % of all
industrial activity in the community with Vale (informants
12-C; 17-C) employing close to 3,000 full-time workers in
addition to more than 7,000 contractors throughout the year
(Prefeitura Municipal de Itabira (PMI) 2006). Itabiras iron
ore reserves totaled 1.03 billion tons as of 2006 and may
take up to 50 years to deplete at current extraction rates
(Prefeitura Municipal de Itabira (PMI) 2006, p. 87). Prior
to the new processing facility, it was thought mining could
continue in Itabira until 2019, while it is now expected to
carry on until 2075 (informant 21-I).
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map data courtesy of ESRI Canada ARCWorld Supplement. Cartog-
raphy by Christopher D Storie
Concurrent with Vales transition to a public corpora-
tion, the Government of Brazil increased its regulation over
the environment. In 1990, the State of Minas Gerais
established the State Council for Environmental Policy
(COPAM) (Devlin and Tubino 2012). The agency carries
out the regulation and licensing of all industrial activity
within the state. All industrial projects, including mining
operations, must be granted an environmental license from
COPAM to operate and meet its standards on an ongoing
basis (SEMAD 2011).
Increased regulation in Minas Gerais proved to be a
major turning point for the environmental management of
the mine. Vale applied for its Corrective Operational
License (LOC) in 1995. The details of this process and
subsequent LOC are described by Tubino et al. (2011),
Devlin and Turbino (2012), and Fonseca et al. (2013). A
noted feature of this process was the role of the public.
Over 800 people attended a public hearing, with citizens
voicing concerns over Vales impact on social, economic,
and environmental sustainability in the community. The
meeting resulted in 2 years of negotiation between Vale,
Itabiras municipal government, FEAM, and the City
Council of Environmental Defence in Itabira (CODEMA).
The subsequent LOC proved to be the cornerstone for the
management of mining activity in Itabira for much of the
Environmental Management (2014) 53:481495
Fig. 3 A map of the stakeholder interactions governing the mining industry in Itabira
2000s. In addition to addressing concerns relating directly
to mine site operations, the LOC also reflects several
concerns surrounding privatization that were raised during
the public consultation process. As noted by Devlin and
Tubino (2012) and one research participant (informant
13C), the LOC contains conditions that address job secu-
rity, wages and benefits, and the uncertain time horizon for
the end of mining operations in the region.
The LOC provides a clear outline of the communitys
expectations of Vale at the time, and, therefore, its
importance as a governance mechanism in Itabira cannot
be overstated. Findings from the semi-structured interviews
make clear that city officials, Vale representatives, and
members of Itabiras civil society all use the LOC as a
point of reference when looking to clarify responsibility
around keys issues in the community. However, unfulfilled
commitments, and subsequent revisions to the license
behind closed doors, among other issues, mean that the
LOC has less credibility in the eyes of many in the com-
munity (Tubino et al. 2011; informant 18-N).
The needs of Itabiras residents exist within a complex
governance arena, where a range of other agents exert influ-
ence on community outcomes. Table 1, above, summarizes
the functions of key actors and their roles in managing social,
economic, and environmental outcomes in mining relative to
487
Itabira. Figure 3 illustrates, in brief, interactions between key
organizations. The most obvious governance actors in Itabira
are the formal government institutions that have a stake in the
community. First, the federal government implicates itself at
the local level via federal mining and environmental regula-
tions. Second, as the administrator of mine licensing agree-
ments, the Minas Gerais state government has significant
impact on mining-related outcomes in Itabira. The munici-
pality has less regulatory muscle than these higher levels of
government yet faces major corporate influence from Vale.
This reality presents dilemmas for local representatives. For
example, most taxation and environmental regulation are
outside the purview of City Hall, yet the city counts on mining
revenues and a healthy environment. The municipality must
cater to the companys development plans with only a limited
capacity to protect the local environment autonomously.
Beyond governments and their agencies, civil society actors
also influence mining decision making in the community.
However, outside of influencing elections and public opinion,
or mobilizing protests, the power of civil society rests largely
with the discretion of government and the corporation.
Vale is of course a major player in the governance of
Itabira. Given its economic status, the company garners a
lot of attention within the political sphere of Itabira and no
doubt exerts considerable influence at this level. When
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Vale was a publicly-owned company, it provided many
social and municipal services directly to the community
(Tubino et al. 2011). Itabira is now a small part of Vales
massive, globally expanding business plan and the com-
pany makes decisions in its best interests not in those of the
community. The political culture in Itabira remains char-
acterized by an uneasy tension among local government,
civil society, and Vale, specifically regarding their roles
and responsibilities. No doubt a history of service provision
by Vale means the local government and community as a
whole retain high expectations of the company (Tubino
et al. 2011; informants 11-C; 15-C; 25-C). As Vale tran-
sitions from a provider to an enabler of social welfare in
Itabira, other institutions must assume a leadership role. A
lack of clarity regarding expectations and responsibilities
of Vale and the local government stands as a commonality
among many of Itabiras resilience challenges (informants
12-C; 17-C; 21-I; 22-I). These concerns also draw on the
question as to whether or not City Hall has the ability to
carry out its municipal duties independently of Vale
(informants 12-C; 13-C; 14-C; 20-I; 21-I).
Resilience Issues
This study reveals seven major socioeconomic and bio-
physical challenges to resilience within Itabira (see
Table 2). The challenges manifest themselves in the form
of both press and pulse disturbances and result from pro-
cesses both inside and outside of the local system. Table 2
presents the causes of these issues alongside concerns
about how they are managed. Importantly, the governance
column reveals that, while LOC directives have generated
some positive results, overall the responses to these chal-
lenges are piecemeal without collaboration among
stakeholders.
A comprehensive analysis of the Itabira SES is not
possible in the context of this paper (see Wasylycia-
Leis 2012). Given this, findings presented in this
document focus on different press and pulse distur-
bances most strongly emphasized by participants
representing a range of stakeholders. The discussion
below focuses on five of these resilience concerns,
which include a selection of economic, environmen-
tal, and social challenges: economic diversity, eco-
nomic dependence, environmental impacts, potable
water, and challenges to overall quality of life.
Economic Diversity
Diversity is one of the core requirements for fostering
resilience within SESs. It enhances a systems ability to
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Environmental Management (2014) 53:481495
cope with change by reducing its overall vulnerability to
the loss of specific elements (Norberg and Cumming 2008).
Within Itabira, however, economic diversity remains lim-
ited. Wealth generation, and subsequently the generation of
social welfare, depends primarily upon the ongoing pre-
sence of Vale. The company is not only the leading
employer in the community, but also the leading source of
municipal revenue. Some estimates suggest that taxes and
royalties from Vale amount to as much as 80 % of muni-
cipal revenue (informant 17-C). However, with a range of
local, state, and national taxes placed on Vale, as well as
inter-jurisdictional transfers, city officials could not confi-
dently identify all of the companys financial inputs.
The municipal government states its desire to encourage
industrial diversification by: creating a climate suitable for
new development; fostering partnerships between busi-
nesses and institutions; emphasizing education and entre-
preneurship; and promoting the citys industrial park
district (Municipio De Itabira and Minas 2006, p. 39).
Research by Enrquez (2008) revealed that Itabira invests
in technical and post-secondary education facilities, as well
as dedicated spaces for industrial and technological
development. Vale, for its part, partnered with the muni-
cipal government in the development of the Community
Foundation of Higher Education, Itabiras community
college, and the Universidade Federal de Itajuba, the citys
federal university campus. Both institutions aim to diver-
sify the skill and knowledge sets of residents as one way of
fuelling economic diversification.
Although there is a great deal of political attention
devoted to economic diversification in Itabira, the com-
munity finds it difficult to outrun the economic momentum
of the mining industry. An expansion currently underway
at Vales Caue mine site will cement the companys
position of economic dominance for possibly another
60 years (informant 21-I). While city officials preach
diversification as the future path to sustainability in Itabira,
the Caue project suggests that they support the mining
industry as a means to securing short- and long-term eco-
nomic stability in the community.
Economic Dependence
From a resilience perspective, single-industry dependence
means Itabira experiences pulse disturbances during times
of global economic downturn, which naturally impact iron
ore prices or corporate restructuring within Vale (infor-
mants 5-I; 13-C; 15-C; 21-I; 28-I). As summarized by
informant 13-C: If there is a crisis many jobs are lost.
Vale doesnt have a buffer process to be prepared for that.
Sustainability depends on the iron ore market. This per-
spective was illustrated during the 200809 economic
downturn. Over 1,000 were laid off at Vale and resulted in
Environmental Management (2014) 53:481495
Table 2 Key economic and socio-environmental disturbances within Itabira, resilience implications, and governance actions
Issues Main causes
Economic Growth of mining activity in Itabira since
dependence the 1940s monopolized the labor force of
a traditionally diverse economy. Today,
mining is the primary employer in the
community and Vale contributes the vast
majority of municipal revenue
Lack of The industry has a great deal of inertia in
diversification the community. A new concentration
plant will increase production and will
enable mining to continue for at least 50
more years limiting the incentive to
diversify
A cultural perception of Itabira as a mining
community dampens the ability to create
an entrepreneurial climate
Depletion of Intensive water use by the mining sector
water supply lowers the water table in the Itabira
region. Infrastructure for a new water
supply is needed in the near future
Environmental Dust and air pollution generated by mining
degradation activities
Mining requires large areas of natural
habitat and geographic features to be
destroyed and contributes to the pollution
of the local watershed
Prevalence of environmental issues in
urban areas resulting from the close
proximity of mine and tailings sites to
Itabiras neighborhoods
Reduced Minimal regulation of the mining industry
quality of life and land-use planning in Itabira prior to
the 1980s resulted in the development of
urban neighborhoods and mine sites
within close proximity
Vales employees comprise a large
segment of Itabiras population, and
challenges among the workforce have
adverse impacts on the social well-being
of the community
Resilience implications
Wealth and social welfare are dependent
upon the continued presence of Vale
Basic civic services rely upon mining
revenue
Local government must keep Vales
interest in the forefront, potentially
limiting its ability to develop long-term
strategies for the environment and
diversification
Socioeconomic well-being is vulnerable to
intermittent declines and eventual
cessation of mining activity
Access to affordable drinking water for all
members of the community is threatened.
Water also limits the potential for growth
of other industrial sectors
Residents denied access to clean air and
exposed to health risks
Loss of biodiversity, agricultural land, and
landforms of cultural significance to the
community
The location of mine sites relative to urban
neighborhoods generates a number of
barriers to quality of life for residents
including air and noise pollution and an
esthetically displeasing urban
environment
The locality of mine sites relative to urban
neighborhoods generates a number of
barriers to quality of life for residents
including air and noise pollution and an
esthetically displeasing urban
environment
For example, Vales restructuring at the
end of the 1990s contributed to an
increase of depression, alcoholism,
divorce, and possibly even suicide in the
following years (Minayo et al. 2006)
489
Governance
Vale moved away from the provision of
civic services with privatization,
resulting in unmet expectations by the
population
Debates over Vales funding responsibility
often impeded the implementation for
new civic projects.
Metabase and the local government
advocate for increased royalties from
Vale to the municipality as
compensation. Vale is skeptical of the
local governments capacity to properly
manage revenues
Through the development of industrial
districts and investment in postsecondary
education, local government has
attempted to foster diversification. These
actions illustrate collaboration between
the company and the municipality
A comprehensive long-term strategy for
diversification with clear objectives and
clarification of responsibilities remains
outstanding, despite the fact that
condition 52 of the LOC requires Vale to
assist in the development of such a plan
LOC condition 12 indicates that Vale must
play a role in securing a new water
supply. Disputes between local
government and Vale regarding the
companys specific obligations slow
progress on this front
LOC Conditions 2329 require Vale to
monitor and control its emission levels.
However, the company uses its political
leverage to evade penalties for over-
polluting
Municipal government spearheads
environmental protection through a
conservation initiative. Under the
requirements of the LOC (condition 33),
Vale carried out the restoration of some
mine sites with native plant species
As mandated by the LOC (condition 34),
Vale developed a number of green and
recreational spaces to improve the urban
environment, but today the maintenance
of these spaces is a point of contention
among stakeholders
Governance action addressing this
disturbance remains piecemeal. A
comprehensive strategy is required
needing the input of the community, the
corporation, and the state
123
490 Environmental Management (2014) 53:481495

Table 2 continued
Issues Main causes Resilience implications Governance

Job security Downswings in the mining industry and the
global economy result in layoffs at Vale
Workplace There are a high number of occupational
health safety hazards associated with iron ore mining
Uncertain job security, dictated by global
demands, has negative impacts on social
and economic welfare in the community
These hazards negatively impact the
quality and security of life for mine
workers and their families
Local government welcomes the forecast
of Vales presence in the community to
2075 as mid-term solution to concerns
about job security
Plans for the development of a diverse
labor force are sparse, and Vales
commitment to skills training focuses
primarily on the needs of the mining
sector
Metabase advocates for the rights of Vale
workers. Vale must adhere to state and
federal labor laws and stand up to
international security and global CSR
norms

considerable social unrest in the community (Devlin and
Tubino 2012).
In addition to these intermittent shocks, economic reli-
ance on Vale presents a looming, long-term challenge, or
press disturbance for Itabira. Continuing to pursue mining
as the primary economic driver likely means Itabira will
have difficulty coping with the inevitable depletion of iron
ore in the region. Several participants (informants 25-C;
13-C; 11-C) worry about the prospects for long-term eco-
nomic stability in Itabira. They suggest that by putting all
its eggs in the mining basket, so to speak, the community
leaves itself few options for economic development in its
post-mining era. One interviewee states: The economy of
the municipality gravitates around the mining company.
When the company finishes its activities, we do not know
the future of the municipality (informant 25-C).
The economic magnetism of Vale also hinders the
organic rise of different types of development within Ita-
bira. Residents tend to accept that the communitys fate is
sealed as a mining community dampening the pursuit of
new economic endeavors. Tradition has given way to
expectation and, as informant 21-I suggests, the Itabirano
does not have a culture of entrepreneurship we are raised
to become a Vale Employee. Furthermore tension exists
between Vale and the municipality when it comes to
longer-term diversification strategies. There is continued
debate over the fairness of Vales financial compensation
levels (e.g., royalties), the ability of local authorities to
manage these revenues, and what both mean for the pros-
pects of diversification. The impetus for new economic
initiatives, such as schools and industrial parks which
attract new sectors to the community, comes primarily in
the form of revenue generated by Vale. From this per-
spective, a recent push by the community to see Vales
royalty payments increased makes sense. These payments,
it is argued, will enable Itabira to invest much more in
development sectors, in order to reach sustainability
(informant 16-C). Vale, however, responds hesitantly to
call for increased royalties, highlighting concerns over the
capacity of the local government to show fiscal responsi-
bility. The debate over corporate compensation and gov-
ernment competence stands as a clear obstacle to the
successful governance of diversification in the community.
The economic reliance of Itabira on Vale, then, comes
with both press and pulse implications. Partnerships
between the community and the company that focus on
education appear promising. However, the community has
not yet realized the net benefits. Recognizing the downfalls
associated with a single-industry town, local actor must
work to overcome the allure of a mine-based job and foster
alternative forms of employment. A landscape scarred by
decades of environmental impacts and challenges to a
healthy quality of life present in the community make
diversification an even greater challenge.
Environmental Impacts
Unpacking ecological disturbances is somewhat more
challenging from a resilience perspective. As informants
12-C, 16-C, and 21-I and Souza e Silva and Guimaraes
(2002) explain, many of the most serious impacts were
compounded during a long period of largely unregulated
mining activity in Itabira that lasted until the 1980s. As
stated by informant 12-C, [Vale] started its mining
operations in 1942, when there was no environmental
legislation. Vale could do everything it wanted with no
concern. The result is a landscape impacted by soil ero-
sion, the loss of local plant and animal species, and the
pollution of rivers. Itabira must also manage the on-going
environmental challenge of dust and air pollution generated
from Vales operations. Both the dust generated from
mining vehicles and the emission of particulate matter from

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extraction and refining operations contribute to a reduction
in air quality in the community. This is a significant con-
cern for the local community (informants 9-C, 10-C, 14-C,
16-C, and 18-C).
Efforts to minimize on-going environmental impacts are
frequently tabled to the LOC. Several of the LOC condi-
tions aim to undo or address environmental hardships
incurred in the past. As one city official (informant 16-C)
explains, many of the regulatory policies and management
practices in effect today are based on the lessons learned
from the 40-year period, where little regard was shown for
the environment. For example, conditions 23 through 29 of
the licensing agreement require Vale to execute a range of
activities in relation to improving and maintaining air
quality in Itabira. Notably, the conditions resulted in Vale
producing a number of reports on air pollution in the city
and the company developing an air quality monitoring
network that relays information to different players (Devlin
and Tubino 2012; informant 14-C). This network not only
includes Vale and the state, but also CODEMA and City
Hall.
Beyond the LOC, the town introduced a penalty system,
whereby Vale is given a fine whenever the monitoring
system detects that the level of suspended particulate
matter exceeds safe levels. It might appear that the moni-
toring coupled with the fine system is an effective gover-
nance mechanism, as Vale has only been charged once
since 2007 (informant 14-C). However, Vale still uses its
political and legal power to appeal the fines and have them
reduced or eliminated (informant 12-C).
Furthermore, Itabiras municipal government is taking
some steps toward expanding environmental protection in
the region. Notably, City Hall operates the Mosaic Project
for the Conservation of Nature in Itabira (Projeto Mosaico
de Unidades de Conservacao da Natureza de Itabira).
Recognizing that Itabiras urban form reflects a period of
disorderly city growth and mining development during
which little regard was shown for biodiversity, the local
government sees an urgent need to protect natural resour-
ces and to use them to foster sustainable development (PMI
2012). The Mosaic Project seeks to consolidate the Itabira
regions existing parks and conservation areas into a single
system in order to strengthen environmental protection
while simultaneously contributing to economic diversifi-
cation by helping the local population foster sustainable
production chains from the areas biodiversity (informant
12-C; PMI 2012).
Outside the LOC, Vales efforts to deal with outstanding
environmental impacts are not well defined. The company
argues that it meets the terms and conditions of its state
license, but there was little evidence of exceeding these
requirements. This position can be illustrated by a closer
examination of water scarcity.
491
Potable Water
A long-standing concern is the impact of mining on potable
water which remains unresolved despite the LOC. Souza e
Siva and Guimaraes (2002) found that Vales operations
resulted in a lowering of the water table in the region,
potentially jeopardizing residents access to drinking water.
Tubino et al. (2011) also concluded that water scarcity in
Itabira has resulted in a doubling of water prices for resi-
dents. Informants 9-C, 10-C, 11-C, 15-C, 16-C, and 18-N
expressed concern over Itabiras water supply. Informant
10-C states: the experts say the water table is endan-
gered Theres a lot of talk about how Itabira will get
water.
For its part, Vale downplays the severity of the water
concern, suggesting that it makes a conscious effort to
reuse the resource (informant 20-I). Vale officials suggest
the water problem in Itabira is not so much about a
shortage per se, but a lack of infrastructure (informant
21-I).
The question of water infrastructure connects to an
ongoing debate over condition 12 of the LOC stipulating
that Vale must assist the community in securing surface
and groundwater sources. Presently, Vale and the munici-
pality have different opinions about what the condition
specifically requires of the company. City Hall expects
Vale to find and develop new water sources for the com-
munity (Tubino et al 2011; informant BI-15). However, as
informant 21-I states, Vale believes that it is responsible
only for researching the location and feasibility: Vale
understands that we were responsible only for the study. It
is written in the license. The municipality argues that we
are responsible for implementing the project as well. This
is the conflict.
One industry observer feels that water supply issues
remain unresolved because there is a lack of political
pressure on Vale (informant 18-N). Vale is able to skirt the
question of establishing a new water supply, because there
is an absence of accountability and because it can hide
behind the LOC which lacks clarity and specifics regarding
Itabiras water supply. For the water issue to be resolved,
civil society, local government, and Vale must work to
develop a consensus on the role each stakeholder must play
in developing the new water supply.
The continued strain on water resources in the region by
mining activity stands as a significant press disturbance.
Obviously, if Itabiras current water supply is depleted
without the community securing an alternative, a major
threshold would be crossed. The loss of a reliable water
supply could generate cascading impacts through the social
and economic realms of the Itabira SES. It would stand as a
major challenge for social welfare and community health
and well-being. Indeed, water scarcity is already posing
123
492
some limitations on economic diversification by deterring
other industrial sectors (informant 9-C).
Quality of Life and Well-Being
A final set of disturbances challenge the quality of life
experienced by residents. The proximity of the mine rela-
tive to urban neighborhoods has tangible impacts on those
living within the community. Our research participants
(informants 8-N; 9-C; 10-C; 13-C; 14-C; 16-C; 21-I) spoke
of disruptions to the social welfare and esthetics of the
community. In the words of informant 16-C, here in
Itabira there is a unique feature, you cannot tell if the
municipality is inside the mine or if the mine is inside the
municipality. The limited separation between mine and
community (as visualized in Fig. 2) resulted from a period
of unregulated mining that occurred in Itabira prior to the
1980s (Souza e Siva and Guimaraes 2002) and a history of
poor city planning (informants 8-N; 12-C; 14-C). At the
time, CVRD established its operations in Itabira, many of
the most-valued iron ore deposits were close to or under
existing urban areas. The company did not refrain from
mining these ore bodies, developing mine sites very near to
existing communities and, in a few cases, even relocating
neighborhoods to access the iron (informant 8-N). The
rapid growth of the city in the decades following the arrival
of CVRD only exacerbated challenges of community-mine
proximity (Souza e Siva and Guimaraes 2002).
Informants 13-C and 14-C discussed the neighborhood
of Vila Paciencia as an example of social disturbance
resulting from this proximity. In Vila Paciencia, debris
occasionally falls on houses and noise from mining activ-
ities is an ongoing disruption. Informant 14-C adds that
Vale plans to displace residents in order to establish a
buffer zone around the nearby mine. These realities strain
relationship between members of the neighborhood and
Vale. These findings are consistent with the work of Gui-
maraes and Teixeira (2003) who suggest noise, debris, and
damage to the foundations of buildings resulting from
mining activity represent serious reductions to the quality
of residents lives. Without doubt, the reduction in air
quality, the existence of noise pollution, the potential for
property damage, and even the threat of relocating homes
and neighborhoods are all realities that have serious neg-
ative implications for community health and social well-
being in Itabira. They stand as periodic and compounding
disturbances to social resilience.
Furthermore, the degradation of nearby landscapes
troubles residents not only because of its negative impact
on biodiversity and renewable resources (informants 9-C;
11-C; 12-C), but also because of its effect on socially
valued landscapes. Informants 8-N, 11-C, and 14-C all
cited the removal of Caue Peak through mining as a sore
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Environmental Management (2014) 53:481495
spot within the community. Informant 11-C states: Caue
was still there. Before you could get to Caue, and climb the
hill to Caue and youd see the whole thing. It was beautiful,
such a pretty thing. And then, mining because when
mining started here It changed so much.
The destruction of natural landscapes, such as Caue
Peak, appreciated for both ecological value and esthetic
and recreational benefits, is a serious concern for residents.
Institutional actions to deal with this disturbance are very
problematic. There is a strong sense in the community that
Vale has an obligation to provide restitution for the damage
to important landscape features. However, restitution
presently falls outside government regulation or corporate
actions. For example, condition seven of the original LOC
requires Vale to fill in the sterile pile of the mine, but this
falls far short of the communitys notion of remediation.
Furthermore, one might question the degree to which Vale,
a private company, must complete remediation for histor-
ical actions that were legally done by a state-owned com-
pany. The lack of a clear institutional leadership, however,
does not mean there is no disturbance, nor does it minimize
the repercussions of living in the shadow of a large mine.
To this end, the municipality launched a lawsuit to address
long-term impacts of ecological degradation related to
mining. However, scholars suggest that this suit will not
likely find in favor of the community (Fonseca et al. 2013).
Resilience Implications
Although it has a long-term, stable employer, the Itabira
system is a long way from possessing the adaptive capacity
needed to create a healthy, sustainable environment. An
overarching theme emerging from this research is that a
fragmented resource governance regime hinders the man-
agement of disturbances and overall resilience in Itabira.
There is a clear upsurge of social and environmental ini-
tiatives developed and implemented by government and
Vale over the last 20 years. Nonetheless, as illustrated by
the above discussion, the challenges facing Itabira are not
insignificant.
In Itabira, the situation is complicated by the fact that
resource management and environmental protection fall
under state control, and the presence of a large industrial
employer limits the degree to which the community can act
independently. The LOC, while a major governance mile-
stone (informants 8-N, 12-C, 13-C, and 14-C), has fallen
short of expectations that it would redress sustainable
development and environmental protection. Several of the
conditions of the environmental license remain unmet,
largely because of waning state interest and limited
enforcement capability on the behalf of local authorities
(Devlin and Tubino 2012; informants 12-C, 18-N, and
Environmental Management (2014) 53:481495
7-C). The credibility of the LOC eroded further after
reaffirmations of the agreement in 2004 and 2011 occurred
behind closed doors, devoid of the public participation that
gave merit to the original license (Devlin and Tubino 2012;
informants 12-C and 14-C). Rather than stand as a central
framework for sustainability, the LOC is a soft legal
agreement within Itabiras patchy environmental gover-
nance terrain.
Vale, as the key employer, has a significant role to play
in community resilience. Since privatization, the company
has moved away from directly providing government-type
responsibilities. Vales actions, as outlined in this paper,
seem to focus on its regulatory requirements. As Tubino
et al. (2011) explains, there are three important areas where
the capacity of Vale to influence the community becomes
highly apparent: environmental care, sharing economic
benefits, and working toward economic diversification. At
the same time, Vales rise as a global multinational results
in residents seeing the company less as a local institution
always prepared to act with the communitys interest in
mind. With Vale openly voicing its belief in values of CSR
and sustainable mining, the company could move beyond
these actions to actively contribute to other systems
disturbances.
However, responsibility for a resilient community does
not, and cannot, rest with Vale. Findings indicate that
mining governance and adaptive capacity can be
strengthened in three ways. First, an important feature of
resilient systems is that the local-level institutions are able
to effectively manage disturbances and uncertainty and
initiate adaptation with relative independence from actors
at other scales. Unfortunately, while there is a wealth of
literature assessing the relationship between Vale and Ita-
bira, analysis focuses predominately on the role of the
company (e.g., Minayo et al. 2006). When it comes to the
pursuit of desirable community outcomes in relation to
mining activity, the capacities of local government are
equally, if not more, important than those of corporations.
While Itabiras municipal government occupies a lead-
ing role in some resilience-building initiativesnotably
the push for economic diversificationit lacks true
autonomy over community management. Some stake-
holders (informants 12-C, 13-C, 14-C, 20-I, and 21) sense a
lack of comprehensive planning at the municipal level,
particularly when it comes to directing the large revenues
generated from Vale toward long-term sustainability
planning. These realities indicate a need for a compre-
hensive management strategy in Itabira.
If the challenges of the mining sector are going to be
effectively managed in Itabira, the local government must
find a way to have meaningful influence over Vales
activities. This could be achieved by reworking the LOC
system to clarify company obligations and give a greater
493
role to local government in enforcement. Since Vales top
priority is its bottom line, this could be achieved by
establishing a broader financial penalization framework
connected to LOC violations within the local legal system.
Second, concurrent with new enforcement powers, the
municipality should demonstrate more transparency. The
findings indicate a major deterrent to Vale being more
willing to share economic resources is decisive and trans-
parent management of those resources by the municipality.
The local government must develop detailed strategies for
insuring revenue from Vale is spent in pursuit of resilience
and diversification. This planning must move beyond a
project-by-project basis to encompass a broad vision shared
by citizens, Vale, and the local government.
Third, the next step, involves more consistent coopera-
tion outside specific regulatory tools. Armitage and
Plummer (2010, p. 294) advocate that networked
arrangements involving both public and private actors
enable the effective redressing of challenges through
coordinated responses, information sharing, and the trans-
ferring of knowledge about feedbacks among social, eco-
nomic, and ecological system components. However, our
research shows that when it comes to the management of
mining-related challenges and planning for a diverse future
in Itabira, interaction among key community stakeholders
is suboptimal. There is little evidence to suggest that
organizations are consistently collaborating on pressing
social, economic, and environmental issues in Itabira, even
though all voiced their commitment to maintaining and
enhancing socioeconomic and biophysical well-being in
the community and region. This stands as a major missed
opportunity for building adaptive capacity and fostering
resilience within the Itabira SES.
Itabira has the seeds to achieve such networked plan-
ning and management arrangements, with different orga-
nizations each grasping an understanding of different
realms within the community. Beyond Vale and the local
government, CODEMA has a focused understanding of
past and present ecological challenges facing the region
and the Metabase Union works on the social challenges
confronting Vales workforce, their families and neigh-
borhoods, and Itabira society as a whole. Indeed, on some
issues such as air quality, described above, specific case
collaboration has proven effective. However, ongoing
collaboration among key institutions on the range of
issues impacting the community has the potential to
greatly enhance the capacity to manage and plan for
resilience outcomes in the community. Currently, these
institutions appear to be arranged in silos within their
respective sectors when an integrated arrangement is
needed.
While not traditionally applied to single-industry mining
communities, a resilience analysis can clearly inform
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494
discussion on sustainability. The approach allows for chal-
lenges to be understood as a disturbance regime made up of
both press and pulse disturbances, giving context to the cause
and effect relationships among different social, economic,
and ecological components. The concepts of collapse and
reorganization are important in terms of understanding the
inevitable depletion of ore bodies in resource-based places.
These ideas become somewhat less critical when consider-
ing immediate or short-term resilience at a site where the ore
body remains economically viable. Nonetheless, consider-
ations of governance dynamics remain important regardless
of lifecycle. The holistic view of multi-stakeholder gover-
nance allows for nuanced consideration of the responsibili-
ties of local government, the impact of state, national, and
local policies, and the capacity of the community to identify
challenges and goals in a participatory manner. Thus, resil-
ience enables an understanding of how a mining-dominated
SES can insure their most crucial functionthe well-being
and vitality of the community in conjunction with ecological
sustainability.
Conclusion
The research presented here used a resilience framework to
show how the mining industry maintains a particular con-
figuration of the Itabira SES. It is clear that the Itabira
system operates around a single, highly important cogthe
mining operations of Vale. Operations in the region gen-
erate significant wealth, employment opportunity, and
spin-offs for the community, a situation that may continue
for the next 60 years due to the ongoing expansion of the
processing facilities. However, the continued presence of
the industry does not guarantee that the community will
persist in a sustainable manner. A lack of economic
diversity makes the community reliant upon uninterrupted
and unending mining for socio-economic well-being. But,
mining activity puts a strain on other core functions. It
limits several ecological functions, including the guarantee
of a sustainable water supply, healthy air, biodiversity, and
agricultural subsistence. From a social outlook, the popu-
lation of Itabira must cope with stresses including limited
opportunities outside mining, job insecurity, and living
next to the mine. These challenges indicate that, from a
holistic view, there are serious threats to resilience in
Itabira.
As this resilience assessment reveals, there are a range
of governance agents with the ability to recognize the
vulnerabilities of the system and begin planning accord-
ingly. Unfortunately, moving from planning to action
outside specific conditions of the state-led LOC is stalled.
Little collaboration is evident among key players, and
without collaboration, resilience remains elusive.
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Environmental Management (2014) 53:481495
Acknowledgments The authors acknowledge the stakeholders
involved in Vales mining operations in Itabira. Their efforts over the
last 20 years have resulted in the improvements in mine-community
relations described in this paper. We are grateful that so many took
the time to meet with us and share their experiences. We also thank
the anonymous reviewers, the Editor-in-Chief, and the Editorial
Board, whose extensive feedback strengthened the presentation and
analysis in the paper. Funding for this research was provided by the
Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the
University of Winnipeg.
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