Audrey Higgins

Capstone, Spr. 2015

Comparative Syncretism of Fatalism and Other Religious
Aspects between Ancient Greece, Ancient Egypt, and
Ancient Mesopotamia
Introduction
As is relatively well known, the Ancient Greeks were, not unlike many

other ancient cultures of the region, polytheistic. The Ancient Greek people

were deeply religious, and believed in their many polytheistic deities, many

of which are depicted in popular culture today. However, rarely accurately

depicted in modern times is the even more steadfast reliance of the ancient

Greeks on their concept of fate, destiny, and what happens as a result of this

fate in terms of the underworld. The historical precedent of these religious

tenets are evaluated here and will be set in contrast with the religions of the

ancient Egyptians and of the ancient Sumerians, respectively, to determine

whether a viable syncretic relationship between the three religions can be

linked.

Ancient Greek religion was based upon a hierarchical system that

dictated that gods held specific influence over very particular aspects of

nature, whether physical or abstract. However, dissimilar to a Christian vein

of thinking, Ancient Greek deities could not bend the rules of fate, and

were not omnipotent or omniscient.1 Instead, they ruled over very specific

1 Bolle, Kees W. "Fate." Encyclopedia of Religion. Ed. Lindsay Jones.

2nd ed. Vol. 5. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2005. 2998-3006. Gale
Virtual Reference Library. Web.

1
aspects in the universe, and only one god, Apollo, had even the briefest

semblance of predictive foreknowledge of prophecy. Even then, Apollo was

unable to change the destinies of man, but instead could only helplessly bear

witness to events as they occurred. In this way, the ancient Greeks ascribed

to a somewhat nuanced belief in fatalism, which is a philosophical doctrine

that subjugates all events that occur in existence to a predetermined destiny

or fate.2

Fatalism in Egypt

An understanding of ancient Egyptian beliefs of fatalism and fate must be

understood to allow the comparing of the ancient Greek considerations and

the ancient Egyptian considerations of fate. In Egypt, the ancient goddess

Nit, who is described as the weaver of souls, is said to possess early

semblances of omniscience and divine wisdom. At her temple in Sais, Egypt,

one inscription reads, I am all that has been, that is, and that will be. No

mortal yet has been able to lift the veil that covers me.3 Her position and

power allowed her to determine the futures of man daily, as each day a new

tapestry was begun by Nit and the process of fatalistic predeterminism was

renewed.

2 Taylor, Richard. "Fatalism". The Philosophical Review. Duke University

Pres, 1962, 71 (1): 5666. Print.

3 Redford, Donald B. Ed. The Ancient Gods Speak: A Guide to Egyptian

Religion. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2002. P 275.

2
 There are significant differences evident in this variety of fatalism and

the fatalism described above of the ancient Greeks. In ancient Egypt, Nit

began again the system of fate each day, and the daily occurrence of this

rendered fate somewhat meaningless to a modern understanding because

the tapestry of fate was short term. According to ancient Greek myths, the

three Fates had a long term tapestry, weaving, spinning, and cutting for the

duration of a humans life rather than for fate to play out over the course of

one day.

Interestingly, a syncretic relationship appears to be strong with Nit and

Greek goddess Athena for their sharing of divine spheres of influence:

weaving, war, and wisdom. Herodotus (c. 484 425 BC) was one of the

earliest Greek scholars to imply this relationship, which was then reinforced

in Platos Timaeus (c. 360 BC.) Plato writes in his dialogue: In the Delta of

Egypt, said Critias, where, at its head, the stream of the Nile parts in two,

there is a certain district called the Saiticthe founder of which, they say, is

a goddess whose Egyptian name is Neith, and in Greek, as they assert,

Athena.4 The key difference here is that Nits wisdom connotes

foreknowledge while Athenas wisdom connotes excellent judgment and

intelligence.

Observing the syncretic relationships between Egypt and Greece would

likely fill many books, and as such the similarities cannot all be addressed
4 Plato. Plato in Twelve Volumes, Vol. 9. Translated by W.R.M.
Lamb. Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press; London, William
Heinemann Ltd. 1925.

3
here. However, suffice it to say that the similarities of the veins of fate

considerations between the ancient Egyptians and ancient Greeks were not

limited to one goddess and one consideration. Athena, who is perceived

more as a wise protector than a prophetic goddess, shared many similarities

with Nit. Nonetheless, Athena played a relatively small role in terms of

prophecy and foreknowledge in ancient Greek religion, whereas Nits role

was relatively major in ancient Egyptian religious beliefs.

Nit was also not the only goddess who had control over or knowledge

of the universe this way. Heka, also, whose name literally means Activating

the Ka, Ka representing the segment of the soul in which a persons

personality lived, was another ancient Egyptian god whose influence

tapered into the omniscient. Ka, interestingly, also connoted an

understanding of magic, which existed inherently in all mortal and

immortal beings in the ancient Egyptian understanding of the world. Because

the soul was generally thought to be separated into distinct aspects, each

contributing different qualities to the entire soul at large, Hekas exertion of

Ka, and his influence over other aspects of the soul as well, in others,

including other deities, rendered him exceptionally powerful among his

immortal peers.5

According to the Encyclopedia of African Religion, compiled by M.K.

Asante and Ama Mazama, Heka also combined the principles of Sia, divine

5 "Heka." Encyclopedia of African Religion. Ed. Molefi Kete Asante and

Ama Mazama. Vol. 2. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE, 2009. 342-43. Print.

4
omniscience, and Hu, divine will, to cast spells that could alter the course of

the mortal world, the immortal world, and even the underworld or the

afterlife.6 This understanding of Hekas omniscience is somewhat

contradictory to the fatalism indicated by Nits temple in Sais because it

would seem as if, due to Hekas ability to manipulate the realities of both

mortals and immortals through magic, that Heka, instead, would be

considered more powerful than Nit. Hekas understanding of magic allows

him to temporarily manipulate the world to shift in his favor, rendering all

over predetermination null and void.

This doesnt appear to be the case, however, as Hekas worship

seemed to be somewhat secretive, even among Egyptian priests. In an

article written for the BBC, Geraldine Pinch writes, Priests were the main

practitioners of magic in pharaonic Egypt, where they were seen as

guardians of a secret knowledge given by the gods to humanity to ward off

the blows of fate.7 This indication of fate is tellingly different from the

ancient Greek considerations of fatalism, or the belief that events that occur

in daily life are predetermined. In ancient Greece, the three Fates wove fate

into the tapestry of life, in so doing wrapping mortal lives up with that

tapestry. It was determined by powerful beings beyond the understanding of

mortals and could not be changed. Here, it would seem as if the ancient

6 Heka, 343.

7 Pinch, Geraldine. "Ancient Egyptian Magic." BBC, Ancient

History (2011): n. pag.BBC. Web. 6 May 2015.

5
Egyptian belief in fate was not nearly as immutable. Heka appears to have

the ability to alter fate on his whim, and the existence of magic in that it can

serve to alter ones fate.

The simple fact that the ancient Egyptians fostered a belief in the

ability of man or god to alter the inexorable complexities of the fate of

existence suggests that the fatalism evident in ancient Egypt was far

different than the ancient Greek belief. Instead of perceiving fate as a long

term, predetermined set of beliefs, the destiny of man could be altered on a

daily basis in ancient Egypt, whereas in ancient Greece, only the Fates could

control destiny, and it was determined over a much larger, broader scale.

Fatalism in Sumeria

To further compare the ancient Greek belief in fatalism to other ancient

religious cultures, this paper will continue to date back to more distant

religions, turning next to Mesopotamia. The Sumerians held prominent rule

over the region in early times, and, in fact, serve as one of the earliest

examples of sophisticated human culture in the history of mankind. Enlil, the

Sky-God of the ancient Sumerians, was the most powerful deity of the

Sumerian religion, and it was his sole responsibility to decide fate, to

command the wills of others, and to grant kingship to humans he deemed

worthy.8 The term omniscience is even explicitly used to describe various

8 Stone, Adam. Enlil/Ellil (god), Ancient Mesopotamian Gods and

Goddesses, Oracc and the UK Higher Education Academy, 2013
[http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/amgg/listofdeities/enlil/]

6
significant human rulers of the time. One of the earliest texts of the Sumer

people can be found on a cuneiform slab on which a particular praise poem

of Sulgi (an ancient Sumerian warrior king, allegedly chosen by Enlil) can

be interpreted as: He [Sulgi]omniscient from birth, decrees judgments in

due order for the Land, and makes decisions in due order for the Land, so

that the strong does not abuse the weak, so that the mother speaks tenderly

with her child and the child answers truthfully to his father.9

This variation of fatalism differs from the ancient Greek fatalistic belief

also. Once again, the Fates serve to spin, measure, and cut. As they spin the

long-term tapestry of life, the determination of the fate of man is decided.

Fate of man does not arrive on an individual basis, but rather as the

inevitable result of mans necessity to live within the bounds of the natural

universe. Doing so requires man to be subjected to fate. However,

interestingly, the Sumerian belief seemed to support a different

understanding fate in which multiple deities controlled fate through their

omniscience.

Accepting the term omniscience used above at face value would be

an error in judgment for the modern scholar because of its varying degrees

of meaning in the present day. It would seem as if the Sumerians used the

term omniscience to indicate both the state of knowing all and the state of

being highly intelligent interchangeably, the latter of which would mean, if

9 Black, Jeremy A. The Literature of Ancient Sumer. Oxford: Oxford UP,

2004. Lines 141 150. Print.

7
intelligence was connoted, that the term omniscience in these praise

poems would be hyperbolic. In regards to Sulgi, it would seem as if, due to

his mortal nature, a high degree of intelligence is implied. In another text

entitled, Sulgi and Ninlils Barge, a praise poem describing a festival

celebrating Sulgis reign, Sulgi is described as, He, the wise one, who is

proficient in planning, he, the omniscient one10

This passage is problematic due to the interchangeable nature of the

word omniscient. If the term indicates foreknowledge or knowledge beyond

that which is regularly available to mortal men, it would seem as if the

Sumerian understanding of fatalism is only limited to those who fall under

the realm of influence of those who can control fate or to those who have the

knowledge to change it. If the term omniscience is interpreted this way, it

would remarkably exclude Sulgi. However, if the term indicates rather that

Ninlil, Enlils wife, acting under the banner of her husband, Enlil, simply

blessed Sulgi to be exceptionally intelligent, then he, too, regardless of his

knowledge, would fall under the same rules of fate as other mortals, despite

his above average intelligence. It would be difficult to distinguish the

nuances of each interpretation given the sheer age of the cuneiform texts, as

much of the cuneiform has faded with time. Jeremy Black, author of the book

The Literature of the Ancient Sumer, writes of this passage that Ninlil

herself blesses the king [Sulgi,] bestowing on him a long life and assured

10 Black, 114.

8
kingship, and implying the close personal relationship with the gods, which

rulers of this epoch claimed for themselves.11

Fatalism in Ancient Greece

Now, the paper will turn to the considerations of fate by the ancient

Greeks and will compare and contrast these ideas with those of the context

established for ancient Egyptian and Sumerian beliefs in fatalism and fate.

The Greek Moirae, or sometimes represented as the single goddess Moira

were the immutable weavers of fate. In Hesiods Theogony, the Moirae are

described as a triad Clotho, Lachesis, and Atropos. Near the beginning of

this account, they appear to precede all of the Olympians, the result of

parthenogenesis to Nyx.12 However, Hesiod later reveals that the Moirae are

the children of Zeus and Themis. Apollodorus, a Greek author of history of

uncertain origin but credible authenticity, corroborates this later sentiment in

the first book of his Bibliotheca entitled Epitome, which serves as a

compendium of ancient Greek myth sourced from epics and Tragedian plays.

Apollodorus writes, Now Zeus wedded Herabut he had intercourse with

many women, both mortals and immortals. By Themis, daughter of Sky, he

had daughtersthe Fates, to wit, Clotho, Lachesis, and Atropos13

11 Black, 114.

12 Hesiod, Theogony, Works and Days, Shield, trans. Apostolos

N. Athanasskis; The Johns Hopkins University Press. Print.

13 Apollodorus. The Library. Translated by Sir James George

Frazer. Loeb Classical Library Volumes 121 & 122. Cambridge, MA,
Harvard University Press; London, William Heinemann Ltd. 1921.

9
 While these three Fates were also said to be the three children of

Necessity, or Ananke, coming from the Greek noun , meaning force

or constraint, the female goddess who bore the three fates and from whom

all fated events were inevitably decided, they also represent the more

abstract concept of the same name.14 The ancient Greeks would have used

the term Ananke to identify what we recognize in our language as fate,

while, when discussing it in more of a logical sense, it signifies more of a

general law of nature.

They also served as the creators or sustainers of the natural order to

which all known life must adhere. In a way that is perhaps very relevant

given the predicated history of Greek fatalism as pertaining to ancient Egypt,

the Moirae also were strongly associated with the theme of weaving. Clotho,

who was the spinner, spun all life into being. Lachesis, the measurer,

determined how long one might remain in existence, and Atropos, the cutter,

determined when a persons life came to an end. This plays strongly into

many ancient Greek plays, which can be seen when evaluating ancient Greek

epics from Homers Iliad and Odyssey to Platos Epinomis.15,16

14 "Ker." Dictionary of Untranslatables: A Philosophical Lexicon. Ed.

Barbara Cassin, Steven Rendall, and Emily S. Apter. N.p.: Princeton UP, 2014.
536. Print.

15 Homerus. Homer, Iliad. Trans. Jasper Griffin. Oxford:

Clarendon, 1995. Print.

16 Plato. The Epinomis: Transl. with Introd. and Notes. Trans.

John Harward. Oxford: Clarendon Pr., 1928. Print.

10
 As a unit, this triad clearly wove the rules of ones life before they were

born, and, as such, were key players in the fates of each Greek. However,

it is important to note that, while they were the implementers of the events

that occurred into the tapestry of life, the Fates did not appear to be the ones

making the decisions about what certain events would be, nor could they or

would they necessarily exert control over specific individuals to alter or

choose their fate. They did not have a say in this manner. Rather, the Fates

were the facilitators that put into being the inevitable events that they

perceived as a result of the higher power they possessed, and the events

that they perceived were the events that were recorded and then, of

course, put into action in reality by man.

Comparisons between ancient Greece, Egypt, and Mesopotamia

It is reasonable to assert that the Greeks assimilated this aspect of

spinning from the Egyptians or even the Sumerians before them to

accompany schools of thought that link spinning or weaving with fate and

destiny. Athena and Nit, for example, are both represented as somewhat

androgynous females to whom weaving and spinning comes naturally, as

female deities. Nit, whose believers would have existed before the evolution

of the Greek religion, is also strongly associated with war and wisdom, as is

Athena. Plato, whose voice was likely that of popular belief in his time period,

also, like Hesiod in the Theogony, strongly associated spinning and weaving

with fate.

11
 It is important to note, however, that Athena was not regularly

associated with the Fates, or Fate in general. So, despite the common

interest in weaving of Nit and Athena, stating that Athenas characteristics

come from a direct syncretic relationship to her predecessor, Nit, would be

fallacious or at the very least require more analysis. So, instead, for the

purposes of this paper, it would seem as if Athenas wisdom stems from a

place of a high degree of knowledge and the practice of exemplary judgment

rather than an ability to decide fate in the same way that Nit can.

Perhaps it would be more appropriate to link the weaving of fate, then,

not with the specific aspect of weaving, but instead with women in general.

In this way, the ancient Greek belief can be more strongly linked to the

religious beliefs in fate that predate it. For example, in ancient Greece, the

facilitators of Fate are three sisters, all female supernatural beings, coming

from Nyx, a female deity, as a result of parthenogenesis. It is important to

recognize that there are no male deities in any part of that process. As such,

it would not be too far off-base to assert that the ancient Greek belief in fate

is strongly associated with women in general due to the obvious feminization

and emasculation of the process. This could be consistent with the ancient

Egyptian belief in Nit, a female deity who exerts direct control over fate, and

in the ancient Sumerian belief in Ninlil, wife of Enlil who acts with Enlils

omniscient powers on Enlils behalf. In every instance, a female plays a direct

part in either the deciding or the facilitating of the rules of fate. Despite the

fact that the Sumerian belief in womens part of fate is less marked than that

12
of the ancient Egyptian belief, the consistency in the role of females in their

religious context in this critical part in the Ancients ability to understanding

existence cannot be ignored.

More broadly in the case of ancient Egypt and Greece, also, is the

direct relationship between Greek deities and Egyptian deities, a study which

has been investigated for thousands of years. In Herodotus The Histories,

Herodotus, one of the first to do this, asserts that the Greek gods are

inherently linked to the ancient near eastern gods. Herodotus writes, In fact,

the names of nearly all the gods came to Hellas from Egypt. For I am

convinced by inquiry that they have come from foreign parts, and I believe

that they came chiefly from Egypt. Except the names of Poseidon and the

Dioscuri, as I have already said, and Hera, and Hestia, and Themis, and the

Graces, and the Nereids, the names of all the gods have always existed in

Egypt.17 This mention of the syncretism between the ancient Egyptians and

the ancient Greeks is especially significant considering that Herodotus

himself was loathe to mention religion at all, viewing mentions of it to be

wholly unscientific. Herodotus writes, If I were to explainI should be led to

speak of religious matters, which I particularly shrink from mentioning; the

points whereon I have touched slightly hitherto have all been introduced

from sheer necessity.18

17 Herodotus. "Book II." Herodotus: The Histories. Oxford:

Oxford UP, 1998. N. pag. Gutenberg.org. Web.

18 Herodotus, Book II.

13
 Though there is little concrete text to support this relationship, one of

the most remarkable possible examples of syncretism in this fashion is that

of the ancient Egyptian god Heka, and the later Greek goddess Hekate, the

goddess of magic, who can exert power over the heavens, the earth, and the

sea.19 Not only do the deities share phonetic pronunciation, each containing

a similar sounding heka, they also have very similar spheres of influence.

Death, Magic, and Fate in Ancient Egypt

Syncretism of magic in the ancient world between cultures like ancient

Greece and ancient Egypt likely also played a large role in shaping

understandings of fate and existence as the ancient Greeks came to

understand them. The relationship between fate, magic, and the underworld

had been in practice for hundreds if not thousands of years before the

Greeks employed this type of magic. One possible syncretic source for the

magic the ancient Greeks employed could lie in ancient Egypt, a society in

which magic played an integral religious role. It was said that magic simply

was before time was time, and that some force animated it into action,

inevitably yielding the world, the gods, and the underworld. Therefore,

creation was stirred by magic and also sustained by magic, strongly implying

that the fate of all existence is hugely impacted by the magic that exists in

the universe inherently.20 In fact, in an article written by Joseph Wegner for

the University of Pennsylvania, an Egyptian hieroglyphic coffin engraved with

19 Atsma, Aaron J., comp. "Hecate." Theoi Project. N.p., n.d. Web. 6
May 2015.

14
a spell, was mentioned. On the stone was this inscription: to me belonged

the universe before you gods had come into being. You have come

afterwards because I am Heka.21

The modern historian does not have to look far to find other

inscriptions of magic within hieroglyphs. Even the Book of the Dead

acknowledges that magic is more ancient, more unknowable, and more

powerful than any of the Egyptian gods combined: I am one with Atum

when he still floated alone in Nun, the waters of chaos, before any of his

strength had gone into creating the cosmos. I am Atum at his most

inexhaustible the potency and potential of all that is to be. This is my magic

protection and its older and greater than all the gods together!22

This relationship between magic and the universe likely influences

ancient Egyptian considerations of fate because of the immutable nature of

magic. As it exists, magic trumps fate and is the source of all, including fate.

Therefore, those who exert control over the universe with magic could also,

by the same logic, influence fate. This is likely why Nit has a tapestry of fate

the she weaves daily, as opposed to the long-term tapestry of fate found

with the ancient Greek Fates, because mortals were allowed and did

20 Wegner, Joseph, and Elizabeth Jean Walker. "Echoes of Power: The

Mayor's House of Ancient Wah-sut."Expedition 48.2 (2004): 35-
36. UPenn.org. Web.

21 Wegner, 35.

22 "New Kingdom." Book of the Dead. Ed. Patricia Daniels. Cornwell.

New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 2007. N. pag. Print.

15
frequently employ magic to influence the world around them and to change

their destiny.

Though, magic was not simply used to control a persons fate, whether

they be dead or alive. In fact, it was much more widely used as a means to

protect individuals from curses or the other inherently malevolent forces

which exist in tandem with the positive aspects of the magical universe. Birth

stones or birth bricks were used by mothers in labor, and were often

decorated with spells and depictions of the goddess Hathor to ward off evil

demons.23 Ancient tombs were inscribed with warding spells to prevent

ancient curses from taking hold of the dead, and amulets were even worn to

prevent possession of ancient Egyptians by demons.24

This daily use of magic suggests that magic was not limited into the

avenue of manipulation, as is often assumed by modern historians. Rather,

the ancient Egyptian practitioners of magic used magic in a non-exclusive

way. It could be used for a variety of tasks or goals, good or evil, and was not

habitually used to alter the universe but to stave off the natural nuances of

the world.

Death, Magic, and Fate in Ancient Greece

23 P. Berlin, J. H. Breasted. Development of Religion and Thought in

Ancient Egypt, p.291.

24 Wegner, 35.

16
 Hekate, who is first depicted in Hesiods Theogony in ancient Greek

literature, becomes a respected and feared goddess among deities and by

men. In a book by Rodney Lawrence Thomas entitled Magical Motifs in the

Book of Revelation, Thomas actually breaches this topic with some

thoroughness, writing, From the fifth century BC onward, there are abundant

references to Hekate in literature and in epigraphical sources. The goddess,

from an early period, had the role of transmitting disembodied souls on their

way to Hades, and, by the first century, she had become associated with the

moon in such a manner as to share the function of guiding or transmitting

disembodied souls or demons across the boundary between the earthly and

celestial spheres.25 Thomas goes on to write that Hekate is later known as

Mother of All, Mistress of All, and The Beginning and the End. While the

understanding of Hekate is obviously evolutionary over time in the ancient

Greek period, it was clear that belief in her powers, at least in the later

considerations of her spheres of influence, was strongly linked with fate,

since Hekate could influence events at a persons birth and also influence

how and when a person died and how that same persons soul could be

transported to Hades. The symbiotic relationship of magic and the rules of

fate in this instance is self-evident. Because a person is fated to die at some

point, Hekates convenient role of transporting those who have died as a

threshold-crosser, of sorts, her role is linked to the rules of fate.

25 Thomas, Rodney Lawrence. "Excursus on Hekate." Magical Motifs in

the Book of Revelation. London: T & T Clark, 2010. 85-92. Print.

17
 The understanding of ancient Greek magic, notably, is largely

influenced by the dead and by souls who have passed into the underworld.

This is likely why Hekate comes to play such a large role in the ancient Greek

polytheistic religion of transporting souls to the underworld: magic and death

are related because both are forces beyond the ultimate control of (most)

mortals. Despite this association, Greek understanding of magic and death

was eventually represented with a relatively positive conceptualization. The

study of necromancy, specifically, the recall or contact with souls of the dead

for divination, is a magic that was heavily employed in the Classical Greek

period and is written on prominently in the modern day.

In Greek and Roman Necromancy, professor at Princeton University

Daniel Ogden reinforces the supposition that magic and death werent

considered to be inherently evil, as sometimes is the case in the modern day.

Ogden writes, As we shall seenecromancy was heavily associated with the

laying of restless ghosts, a process that often entailed, paradoxically, an

initial evocation. If the ghosts body was already buried, albeit

unsatisfactorily, then the act of laying would take place at the site of this

burial.26 By employing magic to be used with death towards a positive end,

magic is again being used to alter or at the very least influence the fate

of a persons soul in Hades. This reaffirms the assumption that not all magic

26 Ogden, Daniel. "Chapter 1." Greek and Roman Necromancy.

Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 2004. 5-6. Print.

18
was necessarily considered evil in ancient Greece because the magic is being

paired with death as a means to accomplish a positive end.

Comparisons between Death, Magic, and Fate between Ancient

Greece and Egypt

Though it is difficult to ascertain a true perspective between which death,

magic, and fate are related, it is reasonable to assume that the ancient

Greeks took their general and eventual positivity of magic from the

ancient Egyptians. In fact, the understanding of magic as a means to

manipulate the world likely was an Egyptian habit at its most fundamental

due to the vast differences of realization of fate in the world. To the ancient

Egyptians, fate was something that was constantly in flux, which changed

daily. As such, magic implementation to influence fate could be used to

change things. However, very different to this is the Greek consideration of

fate: fate was a lifelong occurrence that was predetermined from before a

persons birth. Nothing anybody said or did would influence the inevitable

end of a persons life. Therefore, the existence of magic as a means to ward

off spirits or evils in ancient Greece could be construed as paradoxical. What

is fated to be, will be, and any attempt to alter that destiny with magic is

ultimately futile.

This is why the later beliefs of ancient Greeks in the Classical Greek

period likely took many strides from the ancient Egyptians who existed

before them. The ancient Egyptians employed magic in their daily routine

19
because magic and existence were parallel to each other. This is not so with

ancient Greek religious culture, whose beliefs left little room for the

manipulation of fate because the Greek understanding of fate was vastly

different than that of the ancient Egyptians. So, the use of magic by the

ancient Greeks in the Classical Period suggests that, perhaps, due to an

expanding inter-societal trade system, increased exposure by the Greeks to

the ancient Egyptians influenced the ancient Greeks to assimilate parts of

their magical culture.

Demons and Spirits in Ancient Egypt

Integral to the understanding of magic and fate is the ancient Egyptian

perception of the world beneath the world, in which spirits and demons

could frequently walk the Earth. Sekhmet, like the Erinyes before their

transformation into more benevolent creatures, was perceived as a being of

war and vengeance. In an almost directly relevant way, Sekhmet was seen

by the ancient Egyptians as existing to be a divine arbiter for justice and

order. Often depicted as vengeful and hateful, like the Furies, Sekhmets

name even carried the epithet The One Who Loves Maat (balance or

justice) and Who Detests Evil.

In one myth, high god Ra was angry with humanity for perverting the

natural order, Maat, and as such took the benevolent goddess Hathor and

flung her to the Earth. There, Hathor turned into Sekhmet, a vicious lioness

intent upon devouring the souls and bodies of humans. However, after days

20
of rampage, Ra became overcome with grief for his wrathful decision and

tried to stop Sekhmet, but Sekhmet was consumed by bloodlust and was

beyond reason. As a result, Ra dyed 7,000 jugs of beer red to trick her into

consuming the blood, which caused Sekhmet to sleep for three entire days.

Upon her waking, she never wanted to eat another human. Consequently,

however, the Maat of evilness in human hearts had been cured by her

consumption of human flesh, and the natural order of things was restored. 27

One of the more obscure gods of the Middle Kingdom of ancient Egypt

was Mysis, a solar war god who was not as widely worshipped as Sekhmet.

Similar to the Erinyes though, Mysis was recognized and invoked by a

tempering epithet to avoid the ancient deitys wrath. In so doing, Mysis was

more commonly known by his somewhat malevolent title, The Lord of the

Massacre. Despite also being known as Wielder of the Knife, The Scarlet

Lord, and Lord of the Slaughter, Mysis was not a malevolent deity. In fact,

similar to the Erinyes and Sekhmet, Mysis was a punisher of mortals who

violated the rules of Maat.28

Demons and Spirits in Ancient Greece

Similar to ancient Egyptian beliefs in vengeful spirits of vengeance who

were feared and respected are the Keres: spirits who ruled over cruel and

gruesome death, including death in battle, war, famine, or pestilence. They

27 Hill, J. "Sekhmet." Ancient Egypt Online, 2010. Web.

28 "Egyptian Goddess: Ma'at." Egyptian-gods.org, n.d. Web.

21
are the female offspring of Nyx and arguably the blood of Ouranos. 29 As

female spirits, they were called daimones, which is related, but not exact, to

the modern understanding of the word demon. They behaved as agents of

the Moirae, going out at the will of the Moirae to rip the human soul free of

his body upon the time of his death.30 While they were perceived in a

somewhat similar light to the Furies, who were also feared and respected, it

would seem as if the understanding of the Keres was that they were more

the bestial servants of the Furies and existed to carry out the bidding of the

Furies as the Furies saw fit.31

Aeschylus wrote of the Furies in his Oresteia as spirits of great anger who

sought to do evil to those who committed matricide or patricide, or who

committed other various heinous crimes, until Athena offered them positions

of honor in her court, at which point they morphed from the Furies to the

Eumenides, or Kindly Ones.32 Nevertheless, their role in separating the

deads souls from their bodies gave them the sense of immutability that is so

often associated with Fate. Even when their fearsome nature had been

somewhat ameliorated by Athenas blessing, the Eumenides were

29 Hesiod, Theogony.

30 Smith, William. A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and

Mythology. New York: AMS, 1967. Print.

31 Smith, A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology.

32 Aeschylus, Aeschylus I: Oresteia, eds. David Grene and

Richmond Lattimore; University of Chicago Press; ISBN: 0-226-
30778-6

22
perceived as goddesses of retribution, and it was not uncommon in ancient

literature to see descriptions of their vengeance and hateful nature in

relation to mortals. In fact, in Euripides Orestes, (the Eumenides are in this

play called the Erinyes,) Euripides emphasizes the fact that all mortals who

transgress the natural order of Necessity are to be subjected to torment both

physically and mentally, even if the transgression was fated to be by the

Moirae.33 Homer and Virgil, a Roman who came after Greek society writing on

Greek topics, describe the Furies in ancient Greek religion with very few

physical characteristics.34 However, Virgil does qualify the Furies as the

daughters of night, describing in the Aeneid only that they were indued

with windy wings to flit in air, with serpents girt alike, and crowned with

hissing hair.35 This theme of goddesses, or at the very least supernatural

beings, and serpents is perpetuated in ancient Greek literature. In fact, in

Ovid, another Roman writing on Greek topis, writes in his Metamorphosis

that the Greeks believed that Gaia had a daughter, Python, who appeared in

the form of a serpent dragon that would possess the oracle of Gaia. Ovid

writes, Indeed, though she [Gaia] would not have desired to, she then gave

33 Euripides. Euripides' Orestes. Trans. William Arrowsmith. Ed.

David Grene and Richard Lattimore. United States: U of Chicago,
1958. Print.

34 Peck, Harry Thurston. Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities.

New York. Harper and Brothers. 1898.

35 Virgil. "XII." Aeneid VII-XII ; Appendix Vergiliana. Trans. H.

Rushton Fairclough and G. P. Goold. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP,
2000. N. pag. Print.

23
birth to you, great Python, covering so great an area of the mountain slopes,

a snake not known before, a terror to the new race of men.36 The

relationship between snakes, women, and fate, most specifically, is not

isolated to ancient Greece.

Comparisons of Demon and Spirit Perceptions between Ancient

Egypt and Greece

Interestingly, in both considerations of demons and spirits by ancient

Egyptians and of ancient Greeks, both contained a mythical structure of

fearsome supernatural beings that existed inherently to damage or inflict

harm upon mankind. Subsequently, a deity intervenes, in both instances,

and essentially neuters the beings, preventing the beings from being

ultimately bad. In ancient Egypt, Sekhmet was doing evil by cleansing

the Earth in the name of the natural order. In ancient Greece, the Erinyes

were also doing evil by tearing the souls out of those who have committed

heinous crimes. However, it is very important to note that, while both myths

or stories recognize that the supernatural beings natural state is frightening

or retributive, neither paint these same beings as malevolent. Rather, in both

cultures, these deities or supernatural beings exist with a function: they must

rid the world of the evil that has perverted the natural order of the world. To

do this, the Erinyes and Sekhmet both must commit evil to rid the world of

evil.
36 Ovid. "Book I, Lines 438 - 439." Trans. Allen
Mandelbaum. The Metamorphoses of Ovid. New York: Harcourt
Brace, 1993. N. pag. Print.

24
 It would not be too far of a stretch for the modern historian to analyze

this as a duty in and of itself. In ancient Greece, the concept of duty was

paramount to ancient Greek men and women, perhaps because of the

ancient Greek perceptions of the immutability of fate. Men and women are

fated to commit wrongs, and, therefore, the Furies are fated to pursue those

whove committed these crimes. Each part represents a different aspect of a

complete whole. So, the Furies arent malevolent to be malevolent. Rather,

they are represented as a natural part of a system that is beyond the control

and comprehensibility of mortals. Therefore, despite invoking terror in those

who mention the Furies, they do not exist outside of the natural order and

then cannot be considered evil.

This is especially true when Athena steps in to temper the Furies. In a

way, it might almost seem as if Athena is taking pity on the beings that were

previously considered to be vicious. They are fated with the task of terrifying

those who have committed crimes, which cannot be an easy task. As such,

Athena removes some of the spite that is associated with the Furies and

influences their cause to be more just, granting these beings whove been

tormented with this task a place of honor in her court.

The same consideration can be made for the ancient Egyptian charter

myth for the retributive deities of Sekhmet and Mysis. Both are inherently

terrifying but both serve a purpose: they are to rid the world of the

perversions that corrupt it. To do this, they, too, must commit acts that might

otherwise be considered crimes of nature, but their crimes are overlooked for

25
the common good of all beings in existence because their evil exists to

overcome a greater evil done by mortals.

Somewhat notably, Mesopotamian demons were little more than minor

deities who took the form of animals or monsters to influence the world

around them. One of the first primordial goddesses who filled this role was

named Tiamut, whose epithets all revolve around dragons, snakes, or

serpents.37 However, there is very little credible information regarding the

study of ancient Mesopotamian demonology, and as such it was not

mentioned with significance in this section of the essay. It is interesting,

however, to note that, similar to this one aspect of Mesopotamian demons,

Egyptian mythology falls in line with this consistent progression of female,

serpent-related deities controlling the heavens and earth. In fact, the

hieroglyph in ancient Egyptian that signifies the word goddess looks like a

cobra. The most famous of these instances is Nit, mentioned earlier, who

appears in hieroglyphics as a golden snake. Also, a snake is often associated

with the ancient Greek goddess Athena for reasons unknown, and in her cult

statue in the Parthenon was represented there with a snake. Remarkably, all

of these instances of serpent-association also are somewhat related to

control of fate or destiny, or at the very least divine wisdom and superior

judgment. In Mesopotamia, Tiamut was the mother of all things, creator from

chaos, who gave birth to all that is. In Egypt, Nit was sometimes called, The

37 Cuneiform Texts. Trans. Leonard William King, The Seven

Tablets of Creation, Luzac and Co., London [online version]. 1903.

26
Oldest One, or The One who Originates in Herself.38 In ancient Greece, as

has already been mentioned, Athena is a goddess displaying superior

judgment.

Ananke and Maat

The natural order in the case of ancient Egypt is called Maat, and

syncretism between Maat and the Greek Ananke must be considered when

discussing possible syncretism between the two cultures. Maat was

personified as a goddess but generally interpreted as an idea to which all

ancient Egyptians ought to adhere. Maat means that which is straight, in

ancient Egyptian, and her names idea dictates that the universe must be

held in perfect balance. Therefore, harmony, truth, order, balance, and

justice are all implied by Maats rule, and the ancient Egyptians believed

that Maat insisted upon the universe being extremely ordered and rational

instead of chaotic. The implication of this states that chaos, known as Nun in

ancient Egyptian, constantly poses a threat to a perfect balance of Maat,

similar to the ancient Greek understanding of Ananke. When Maat, which is

also used commonly as a noun as well as a title and a name, is violated, that

is when Sekhmet, Mysis, and other minor deities step in to punish those who

have violated that which is fated to be. This necessitated the ancient

38 Budge, E. A. Wallis. The Egyptian Heaven and Hell. Open Court

Publishing Company, Illinios. 1905. P.107. Print.

27
Egyptians adherence to Maat, lest Nun overcome the Earth as it did before

time.39

Ananke, in a somewhat similar fashion, exists as a predetermined state

of being in which all decisions and occurrences in life have already been

decided. A violation of Ananke warrants divine punishment by the Furies.

Matricide or patricide, in this case, would serve as examples of violating

ones Ananke, or ones duty to existence in the natural order. To avoid

punishment, mortals must adhere to the rules of Ananke, like the rules of

Maat, to prevent the torment of the minor deities that enforce these rules. It

is not too far of a stretch for the modern historian to tie these similar

formulae together, though there are significant nuances.

For Hesiod, chaos is not the antithesis of necessity or disorder, but

rather, the void. It is nothingness. For the ancient Egyptians, however, Nun is

an actual ever encroaching idea or malevolent being that would overtake the

world if mortals didnt adhere to the rules of Maat, who prevents Nun from

encroaching when she is either worshipped prolifically or if her rules are

obeyed. In both instances, there are some moral implications to violating the

rules of the natural order. In ancient Greece, if one fails in ones duty, or in

ones Ananke, one will ultimately be punished by forces greater than mortal

understanding, punishment which often is reflected back on the larger Greek

community. In ancient Egypt, if one fails to adhere to the rules of Maat, the

ever encroaching Nun is that much closer to the world. In both instances, the
39 Hill, J. "Maat." Ancient Egypt Online, 2010. Web.

28
repercussions of implied social punishment are inherent because the failure

of ones duty also implies the failure of one to their community at large.

Therefore, if an ancient individual refused or didnt contribute to the rules of

the natural order that the rest of the community adhered to, the entire

community would be potentially punished. In ancient Greece, it could just be

a punishment from a vengeful god, like Apollo, who was known to be easily

angered. In ancient Egypt, it could be that Nun overtakes the world and that

all people everywhere are punished for that individuals negligence.

Conclusion

Comparatively, similarities are marked and definite between ancient

Mesopotamia and Greece, but especially between ancient Egypt and Greece.

Consistencies in the personification of deities and supernatural beings and

consistencies in the perceptions of fate and the natural order have been

explored between Greece and other ancient civilizations. With these

considerations, a few conclusions can be made. Firstly, it would seem as if

the most prolific form of fate and of the origin of being in the ancient world is

found in the image of the female. This is bizarre in the context of ancient

Greece, at the very least, because it was a culture in which patriarchy and

the ownership and control of woman was paramount to society. However,

despite this, Ananke, Gaia, Nyx, the Furies, among others, all had hands in

the creation of and control over the destiny of man.

29
 It would be erroneous for the modern historian to consider these

ancient female goddesses, deities, and supernatural beings outside of this,

their patriarchal, context, though. Perhaps significantly, most of the females

represented in their respective myths in ancient Greek culture are perceived

negatively, or at the very least, as a deterrent for bad behavior, lest they

suffer the results of offending these powerful beings. As such, an argument

could be made that females in the ancient world were ultimately responsible

for all of the negativity in the world.

However, then goddesses like Athena would have to be considered.

Generally looked upon favorably, Athenas wisdom sets her apart from other

gods and goddesses whose influence revolves around wisdom or

foreknowledge because she is generally perceived as a protector rather than

a punisher. This is peculiar and does not fit in the context of females being

the source of all evil. So, it stands to reason that females and their respective

imagery are largely associated with fate and destiny, but further assertions

in this field would require further analysis of female-specific perceptions of

supernatural deities.

Secondly, the natural order of religion is paramount to the

establishment and membership of ancient communities, which consider the

violation of the natural order to be abhorrent and punishable by torments

sometimes worse than death. In ancient Greece, if a person fails to adhere

properly to the duty of their society, it is likely that a god or goddess will be

angered and that, unfortunately, the entire community will be punished. As

30
such, the natural order almost serves as an influencer for individuals in an

ancient Greek society to contribute more largely to the community.

Adherence to religious aspects contributes to the larger community because

it staves off the repercussions of angering a god or goddess, which benefits

everybody. The same could be said in ancient Egyptian societies in their

considerations of Maat. A persons adherence to Maat also contributes to

the greater good. Adherence to Maat prevents Nun from encroaching on

the world, so following the rules and being a productive member of society

quite literally allows the world not to fall into disarray, which benefits

everybody.

Lastly, morality and the natural order cannot be considered without

first understanding the degree of acceptance of determinism in an ancient

culture. Fatalism in ancient society is dependent upon how the society

perceives fate and destiny, as well as what is right and what is wrong.

Morality is subjective to a given society, and a persons morality cannot be

judged without first understanding the repercussions or the rewards of a

course of action. Therefore, morality of a society must considered before

evaluating that same societys natural order, which, in turn, must be

evaluated in conjunction with the natural order to gauge how and why a

person can or has or has not violated it.

In short, syncretism seems to be clear between the fatalistic

understandings of the universe of ancient cultures like ancient Greece and

ancient Egypt or Mesopotamia, but understanding can never truly be

31
achieved without first establishing the context for religious belief that exists

across each culture.

Bibliography

Aeschylus, Aeschylus I: Oresteia, eds. David Grene and Richmond

Lattimore; University of Chicago Press; ISBN: 0-226-30778-6

Apollodorus. The Library. Translated by Sir James George Frazer.

Loeb Classical Library Volumes 121 & 122. Cambridge, MA,
Harvard University Press; London, William Heinemann Ltd.
1921.

Atsma, Aaron J., comp. "Hecate." Theoi Project. N.p., n.d. Web. 6 May 2015.

Black, Jeremy A. The Literature of Ancient Sumer. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2004.
Lines 141 150. Print.

32
Bolle, Kees W. "Fate." Encyclopedia of Religion. Ed. Lindsay Jones. 2nd ed.
Vol. 5. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2005. 2998-3006. Gale
Virtual Reference Library. Web.

Budge, E. A. Wallis. The Egyptian Heaven and Hell. Open Court Publishing
Company, Illinios. 1905. P.107. Print.

Cuneiform Texts. Trans. Leonard William King, The Seven Tablets

of Creation, Luzac and Co., London [online version]. 1903.

"Egyptian Goddess: Ma'at." Egyptian-gods.org, n.d. Web.

Euripides. Euripides' Orestes. Trans. William Arrowsmith. Ed. David

Grene and Richard Lattimore. United States: U of Chicago,
1958. Print.

"Heka." Encyclopedia of African Religion. Ed. Molefi Kete Asante and Ama
Mazama. Vol. 2. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE, 2009. 342-43. Print.

Herodotus. "Book II." Herodotus: The Histories. Oxford: Oxford UP,

1998. N. pag. Gutenberg.org. Web.

Hesiod, Theogony, Works and Days, Shield, trans. Apostolos N.

Athanasskis; The Johns Hopkins University Press. Print.

Hill, J. "Maat." Ancient Egypt Online, 2010. Web.

Hill, J. "Sekhmet." Ancient Egypt Online, 2010. Web.

Homerus. Homer, Iliad. Trans. Jasper Griffin. Oxford: Clarendon,

1995. Print.

"Ker." Dictionary of Untranslatables: A Philosophical Lexicon. Ed. Barbara

Cassin, Steven Rendall, and Emily S. Apter. N.p.: Princeton UP, 2014.
536. Print.

"New Kingdom." Book of the Dead. Ed. Patricia Daniels. Cornwell. New York:
G.P. Putnam's Sons, 2007. N. pag. Print.

Ogden, Daniel. "Chapter 1." Greek and Roman Necromancy. Princeton, NJ:
Princeton UP, 2004. 5-6. Print.

Ovid. "Book I, Lines 438 - 439." Trans. Allen Mandelbaum. The

Metamorphoses of Ovid. New York: Harcourt Brace, 1993. N.
pag. Print.

33
P. Berlin, J. H. Breasted. Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient
Egypt, p.291.

Peck, Harry Thurston. Harpers Dictionary of Classical Antiquities. New York.

Harper and Brothers. 1898.

Plato. Plato in Twelve Volumes, Vol. 9. Translated by W.R.M. Lamb.

Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press; London, William
Heinemann Ltd. 1925.

Plato. The Epinomis: Transl. with Introd. and Notes. Trans. John
Harward. Oxford: Clarendon Pr., 1928. Print.

Pinch, Geraldine. "Ancient Egyptian Magic." BBC, Ancient History (2011): n.

pag.BBC. Web. 6 May 2015.

Redford, Donald B. Ed. The Ancient Gods Speak: A Guide to Egyptian

Religion. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2002. P 275.

Smith, William. A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology.

New York: AMS, 1967. Print.

Stone, Adam. Enlil/Ellil (god), Ancient Mesopotamian Gods and Goddesses,

Oracc and the UK Higher Education Academy, 2013
[http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/amgg/listofdeities/enlil/]

Taylor, Richard. "Fatalism". The Philosophical Review. Duke University Pres,

1962, 71 (1): 5666. Print.

Thomas, Rodney Lawrence. "Excursus on Hekate." Magical Motifs in the Book

of Revelation. London: T & T Clark, 2010. 85-92. Print.

Virgil. "XII." Aeneid VII-XII ; Appendix Vergiliana. Trans. H. Rushton

Fairclough and G. P. Goold. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 2000.
N. pag. Print.

Wegner, Joseph, and Elizabeth Jean Walker. "Echoes of Power: The Mayor's
House of Ancient Wah-sut."Expedition 48.2 (2004): 35-36. UPenn.org.
Web.

34