Академический Документы
Профессиональный Документы
Культура Документы
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted
digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about
JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Brill is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to T'oung Pao
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
CAN WE TRACE THE EARLY DHARMAGUPTAKAS?
BY
ANN HEIRMAN*
Ghent University
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
CAN WE TRACE THE EARLY DHARMAGUPTAKAS? 397
School is particularly known for its vinaya texts. These texts, which
are almost exclusively preserved in their Chinese versions,3 are as
follows:
3 Only a few fragments of the Indian texts have been passed down. For an
overview, see Heirman (2002: 27-35). Chinese characters for these titles and their
authors are given in the Bibliography at the end of this article.
On the name Szu-fen (E 3d), see Heirman (2002: 54-55 note 93).
The term 'Gandharl,' introduced by H.W. Bailey ("Gandharil", Bulletin of the
School of Oriental and African Studies 1 1, No. 4, 1946: 764) and in general use by now,
refers to the language of the Kharosthi inscriptions of Northwestern India and of
the Kharo5thT documents of Central Asia. Fussman (1989: 439) points to the fact
that, although Gandhari texts are all written in Kharosthl, there is no necessary
connection between Gandharl and Kharosthi. There are a few texts in a nearly
correct Sanskrit, written in Kharoqhl, and there is no objection to writing Gandhari
in a script other than Kharoqthl. Fussman (1989: 439-440) further gives an over-
view of the regions where Gandhari has been attested, and distinguishes three groups:
Gandhari of the documents found in Niya; Gandhari used as a literary (and possibly
dead) language in Central Asia; and Gandharl spoken and written in Northwestern
India.
6 The Gandhari Dharmapada has been found in the region of Khotan. The text
has been published and commented upon byJ. Brough, The Gandh&rt Dharmapada,
London, 1962. It dates at the earliest from the end of the first century and at the
latest from the middle of the third century AD: see Fussman (1989: 438).
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
398 ANN HEIRMAN
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
CAN WE TRACE THE EARLY DHARMAGUPTAKAS? 399
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
400 ANN HEIRMAN
23 See also Beal (1969 [1884], Vol. I: 119-121, and particularly note 1); Watters
(1904, Vol. I: 226). Other schools mentioned in Ud.diyana include the Mahliasakas,
the KasyapTyas, the Sarvastivadins and the Mahasamghikas.
24 T.2125: 206c1-3. See also Takakusu (1896: 20). 1-ching adds that only in
these three places the Dharmaguptakas as well as the MahTsasakas and the K5syapiyas
have some followers. In North and Central India, the (Muila)sarvastivada School
prevails (T.2125: 205b4-6).
25 For further details, see Lamotte (1958: 602-603).
26 Brough (1961; on a mutilated inscription in Kharosthi script, probably from
the area of Lo-yang and dating from the late Eastern Han or the period immedi-
ately after, see 526), (1965: 586-589, 607-611); Bernhard (1970: 57); von Hinuber
(1983: 27), (1993 [1984]: 103). According to Pulleyblank (1983: 84-87), a study of
phonetic renderings of Buddhist terms dating from the last period of the Eastern
Han proves that they are most probably renderings of a Gandhari original. Fussman
(1989: 442), however, points to the fact that Sanskrit inscriptions dating from the
first century AD have been found in Northwest India. Consequently, Sanskrit might
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
CAN WE TRACE THE EARLY DHARMAGUPTAKAS? 401
also have been used during the early expansion of Buddhism from Central Asia to
China.
27 Bernhard (1970: 59-61); von Hinuber (1993 [1984]: 103-104).
28 Epigraphically attested in the Gandhara region are the Kasyaplya, the
Dharmaguptaka, the Sarvastivada and the Mahasamghika Schools. See Fussman
(1994: 20-21).
29 von Hinuber (1983: 33), (1985: 75), (1989: 348, 353-354); Fussman (1989:
441-442); von Simson (1997: 601); Salomon (1999: 171).
30 See Heirman (2002: 27-35).
31 Nishimura (1997: 260-265) has a slightly different opinion. He points out
that Waldschmidt's attribution of a Sanskrit fragment of the Mahdparinirvdnasiutra
to the Dharmaguptakas is certainly not final. If one does not count this fragment
among the Dharmaguptaka texts, only two linguistic phases can be discerned in
the Dharmaguptaka tradition: 1) Gandharli; 2) Buddhist Sanskrit.
32 Sadakata (1996: 311-312); Salomon (1997: 353-357), (1999: 20-22, 68, 141-
155, 171-175).
33 In (1993 [1984]:103), however, 0. von Hinuber points to the fact that docu-
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
402 ANN HEIRMAN
of the opinion that this evolution was completed in the sixth cen-
tury. It is therefore not impossible that the Indian Dharnaguptakavinaya,
translated into Chinese by Buddhayasas and Chu Fo-nien at the
beginning of the fifth century AD, is related to the Gandhari tradi-
tion.34
The date of the translation of the first vinaya texts is also used as
an argument to prove that the Dharmaguptakas were among the
earliest monks in China. According to Hui-chiao's Kao-seng Chuan,
compiled ca. AD 530,35 the earliest text translated into Chinese is a
text called Seng-ch'i-chieh-hsin f1 gr f 'U.36 This translation was done
by Dharmakala, a native of Central India, who arrived in Lo-yang
around AD 250. Dharmakala is recorded to have been able to re-
cite all the vinayas, to have translated the first vinaya text in China
and, further, to have started the ordination ritual.37 The title of his
translation, Seng-ch'i-chieh-hsin, probably refers to a prdtimoksa of the
Mahasamghika School.38 Since the text is no longer extant, and since
the text of the ordination ritual is not named, we cannot determine
which ordination ceremony or which school Dharmakala introduced.
It is not even certain that he ever translated a vinaya text, since the
Seng-ch'i-chieh-hsin is not mentioned in the earliest extant catalogue,
Seng-yu's Ch'u San-tsang Chi-chi (T.2145), compiled between 510 and
518 3. Later catalogues, however, do mention the Seng-ch'i-chieh-hsin.
They are:
ments found in Niya and in the region of Kuca prove that even until the seventh
century Gandhari was being used along the northern branch of the Silk Road.
34 A further indication is a reference to the Arapacana syllabary in the
Dharmaguptakavinaya, T. 1428: 639a1 4. In all probability, this "syllabary was origi-
nally formulated in a Gandhari-speaking environment and written in the Kharoqhi
script": see Salomon (1990: 271). E. Waldschmidt (1932: 229-234) has further shown
that the phonetic renderings in the Chinese Ch'ang A-han Ching (T. 1, Dfrgh&gama),
attributed to the Dharmaguptakas and translated by Buddhayasas and Chu Fo-
nien at the beginning of the fifth century AD, probably render Gandharl. See also
Boucher (1998: 471-475).
35 Wright (1954: 400).
36 T.2059: 325al-5.
37 E. Zurcher, following H. Maspero, presumes that already before that time a
monastic code concerning, among other things, the ordination ceremony must have
existed and was probably orally passed down. See Zurcher (1972 [1959], Vol.1:
55); Maspero (1910: 225-232).
38 Shih (1968: 19, note 68); Hirakawa (1970: 202).
39 For the dates of compilation of the catalogues, see Mizuno (1982: 187-206).
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
CAN WE TRACE THE EARLY DHARMAGUPTAKAS? 403
Fa-ching et al., T.2146 (AD 594), p. 140b7-9: Seng-ch'i-chieh-pen ef fiji Thtl 4;4O
Tao-hsuan, T.2149 (AD 664), p. 226c12-26; Ching-mai, T.2151 (AD 627-
649), p. 351a21-bl; Chih-sheng, T.2154 (AD 730), p. 486c3-24, p. 648b22-
23: the text is reported as lost; Yuan-chao, T.2157 (AD 800), pp. 783c20-784a13:
the text is lost.
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
404 ANN HEIRNLkN
al., T.2153 (AD 695), p. 432b20-22; Chih-sheng, T.2154 (AD 730), p. 487a8-
13, p. 619b9-10, p. 719b23-24; Yuan-chao, T.2157 (AD 800), p. 784 a25-bl,
p. 952bl7-18, p. 1042c16-17.
4 This is an area in which the formal acts are carried out by a harmonious (i.e.
entire) order in a legally valid way.
4 See also Chung and Kieffer-Pulz (1997).
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
CAN WE TRACE THE EARLY DHARMAGUPTAKAS? 405
45 A small simd within the area of a large sfm& enabling the carrying out of formal
acts without the presence of all the members belonging to the large sfmd (Kieffer-
Pulz [1992: 242-259]).
46 The numbers refer to the order of appearance of the formal acts in the chapter
on the posadha ceremony (T.1428: 816c5-830a23).
47 'The not-being-separated from the three robes': this procedure lays down
that, within a determined simd, a bhiksu is permitted to wear less than the three
obligatory robes (Kieffer-Pulz [1992: 72-82]).
48 See following note.
49 With a commentary saying that the exception is not necessary in case there
is no village.
50 With a commentary saying that the formula on the removal of a large sim& is
equally valid for the removal of a small sAmd.
51 Valid for the posadha and the pravdrand.
52 In the chapter on the pravdrand.
53 In the chapter on the ordination.
54 See Kieffer-Pulz (1992: 232).
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
406 ANN HEIRMAN
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
CAN WE TRACE THE EARLY DHARMAGUPTAKAS? 407
lier in the text, i.e., as a possibility for young monks who lose their
upddhydya (p. 803b7-9). The above procedures most probably have
to be considered as additions in T. 1432 and T. 1433, since it seems
very unlikely that a vinaya text would have reduced the length of a
ceremony as important as the ordination ceremony. This implies that
the longer Dharmaguptaka karmavdcand texts are, most probably, more
recent than the complete, but shorter Dharmaguptakavinaya. More-
over, the similarity of the Chinese terminology used by all three texts
indicates that the karmavacand texts probably have been compiled after
the Dharmaguptakavinaya was translated into Chinese in the early fifth
century. Yet, given the differences between T. 1428 and T. 1433 on
the one hand, and T. 1432 on the other, it is also clear that the two
karmavdcand texts have not been compiled in the same way. The
question still remains why T. 1432 presents so many dissimilarities.
Is it an inaccurate compilation?
Despite the fact that the two extant kannavdcand texts are more recent
than the Chinese Dharmaguptakavinaya, it remains remarkable that early
Chinese catalogues and, as we will show, early Chinese commenta-
tors all say to be aware of an early presence of the Dharmaguptakas
in China.
B. 3. Buddhist Biographies
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
408 ANN HEIRMAN
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
CAN WE TRACE THE EARLY DHARMAGUPTAKAS? 409
to the Hsu Kao-seng Chuan (T.2060: 425a27), Tao-hsuan criticizes the emphasis Hui-
chiao put on southern monks to the disadvantage of those from the north. In Tao-
hsuan's own compilation this is no longer the case (Wright [1954: 395, note 1]).
68 The first of these was Hui-yu M W. He was instructed in Chiang-ling fI W
(present-day Hupei) by Vimalaksa, an Indian monk of KasmTra who arrived in
Ch'ang-an in 406. There he met Kumarajiva. Vimalaksa then revised the Sarvdstiva-
davinaya translated by Kumarajiva and spread the text to Southern China (T.2059:
333b20-c14; Shih [1968: 84-85]). Later, Hui-yu wrote a commentary on this text.
The second monk mentioned is Seng-yeh ft -. Instructed by Kumarajiva in Ch'ang-
an, he studied the Sarvastivadavinaya and from then on followed this tradition. Five
other monks are said to have specialized in the same tradition: Seng-ch'u ff fs, a
disciple of Seng-yeh and author of a commentary; Seng-yin XR P; Fa-ying i; V,
compilator of a Sarvastivada (bhiksunF)prdtimoksa (i.e. T. 1437), also said to have com-
piled a karnavdcand text; Chih-ch'eng " f, author of a commentary; and the famous
compilator Seng-yu Xf *, who was instructed in vinaya by Fa-ying. For a detailed
biography of Seng-yu, see Schmidt-Glintzer (1976: 14-20). See also Ts'ao (1964:
475) for an overview of the commentaries written by the vinaya masters mentioned
in the Kao-seng Chuan.
69 T.2059: 403b21-23.
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
410 ANN HEIRMAN
The chapter on the vinaya masters in the Hsu Kao-seng Chuan (T.2060)70
can be divided into three parts: one dealing with monks who lived
prior to the reunification of China under the Sui Dynasty, one on
monks who worked mainly during the Sui, and a last one on monks
who worked in the early T'ang.
The first part contains six biographies. Four monks are situated in
the south, two in the north. The southern monks Fa-ch'ao jA ,
Tao-ch'an Xi $f, T'an-yuan e F and Chih-wen ~ Z all applied
themselves to the Sarvdstivddavinaya. The biography of the northern
monk Hui-kuang , ) 6 throws some light on the situation in the north.
Hui-kuang was born in Ting-chou, in present-day North Korea. He
followed his father to Lo-yang as a child. While he was studying in
preparation of his ordination, the Dharmaguptakavinaya was not very
well known yet, event though the vinaya master Tao-fu iO j propa-
gated this vinaya and commented on it.7" As Tao-fu's commentary
did not reach a large audience, however, Hui-kuang had to rely on
its oral transmission. He obtained his ordination in his native region,
where he also gave some lectures on the Mahdsdmghikavinaya. Later
he returned to the west, more precisely to Yeh,72 the capital of the
Ch'i Dynasty (550-577). He then applied himself to the Dharmagupta-
kavinaya and commented on it. This commentary was considered the
correct line of conduct by the following generations. In addition he
wrote other, often recited works on vinaya. The second northern monk
mentioned by Tao-hsuan is T'an-yin e [,, of whom we know that
he was a disciple of Tao-fu and Hui-kuang.
The second part contains six biographies of monks who lived and
worked under the Sui Dynasty. Different vinayas were studied dur-
ing this period. The first monk, Fa-yuan , j|g, is mentioned as a
commentator on the vinayas of the four schools.73 Of his works, only
the commentary on the Dharmaguptakavinaya is said to have been
preserved. We know of the second monk, Ling-ts'ang g R, that he
learned about the Mahdsdmghikavinaya. The third monk, T'ung-yu X
[, is mentioned without a specialization. The fourth, Tao-ch'eng
X Ft-, a disciple of Chih-wen, applied himself to the Sarvdstivddavinaya.
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
CAN WE TRACE THE EARLY DHARMAGUPTAKAS? 411
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
412 ANN HEIRMAN
The Hsii Kao-seng Chuan thus tells us that before the Sui Dynasty
the Sarvdstivddavinaya was generally followed in the south. In the north
some followed the Dharmaguptakavinaya, but it was not yet well known.
Its use was only stimulated by Tao-fu and, later, by Hui-kuang. During
the Sui the south continued to follow the Sarvdstivddavinaya, while in
the north two vinayas had followers, the Mahdsdmghikavinaya and the
Dharmaguptakavinaya. The latter gradually gained importance as it was
propagated by Hung-tsun. Finally, in the T'ang Dynasty the Dharma-
guptakavinaya became the most important vinaya.
In his commentary on the vinaya masters Tao-hsiian adds the fol-
lowing account. When the vinayas were spread into China, the Sar-
vdstivddavinaya was at first the most popular one. In the south, it was
propagated by Vimalaksa76 at the beginning of the fifth century and
Hui-yuan encouraged its use on Mount Lu in present-day Kiangsi.77
It was further spread by several famous vinaya masters, among them
Seng-ch'ti, Fa-ying, Seng-yu and T'an-ytian (see above). Thus, only
one vinaya was followed in the region of the Yangtze and Huai riv-
ers. Although it was a positive thing that there was no confusion,
Tao-hsuan still expresses his regret that one followed the Sarvastivada
School despite the fact that the first ordinations (in China) had been
based on the Dharmaguptaka School (p. 620b6). The former vinaya
had been translated during the Yao Ch'in (384-417), but it was spread
mainly during the (second half of the) Northern Wei (386-534). It
had been recited by Buddhayasas,78 but after the latter had returned
to the west the vinaya did not become popular. Later it was studied
again under the stimulation of Fa-ts'ung and Tao-fu. Tao-hsiian
supports this development since, according to him, it would be a good
thing that the receiving and the following (of the precepts) tally with
each other (p. 620c 1-2). Thus, when one investigates the basis of the
ordination in China one sees that it rested on the Dharmaguptaka
tradition (p. 620c2-3).79 And yet this fact was neglected by teachers
and disciples alike, creating an unhealthy situation and a deficiency
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
CAN WE TRACE THE EARLY DHARMAGUPTAKAS? 413
80 T.2061: 790b6-812bl.
81 Wagner (1995: 61-69); Kieschnick (1997: 7).
82Nan-shan Lu-tsung (j Li T$ ), named after the mountain where Tao-hsuan
lived in a monastery (Ch'en (1973 [1964]: 301).
83 T.1809 and T.1810.
84 Most probably T.1429 and T.1431 (Hirakawa [1970: 239-242]).
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
414 ANN HEIRMAN
the old commentary by Fa-li & AiN (see above). Of particular inter-
est is the biography of the fifth monk, Tao-an ' jg (654-717) (p.
793a 1-c27). At that time, the biography says, the Sarvastivddavinaya
was largely followed south of the Yangtze, while the monks of the
south neglected the Dharmaguptakavinaya. Tao-an then requested the
emperor to impose in person by imperial order that one should fol-
low the Nan-shan Vinaya School (and thus the Dharmaguptakavinaya).
Since there were frequent contacts between Tao-an and emperor
Hsiao-ho,85 we can assume that it was to him that he addressed his
request.86 Thereafter the Dharmaguptakavinaya was followed also in the
south.
The next biographies give less information about which vinaya was
followed by the monks. Still, when a vinaya text is mentioned it is
almost always the Dharmaguptakavinaya, or a commentary to it. An
exception is the biography of Ai-t'ung V [MJ (p. 796a22-b4), who is
said to have given lectures on the Mah/fs7asakavinaya and compiled a
karmavdcand87 and a commentary.
Still, a few biographies provide some more information. The bi-
ography of T'an-yi * -Z (pp. 798a21-799a 14) states that the Dharma-
guptakavinaya had been recited by Buddhayasas and translated with
the help of Kumarajiva (a detail that may have been added to stress
the importance of the translation). Later the monks Fa-ts'ung, Tao-
fu and Hui-kuang are reported to have propagated it. From the Sui
Dynasty it was commented on by several masters. The most influ-
ential of these was Tao-hsuan in the early T'ang. He wrote in detail
on the similarities and differences between the vinayas. The biogra-
phy of Yuan-chao i , (pp. 804b 1 7-805c5) also gives us the story
of the Dharmaguptakavinaya proceeding from the translators to the
commentators. One particularity appears in this story: the biogra-
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
CAN WE TRACE THE EARLY DHARMAGUPTAKAS? 415
phy states that the Dharmnaguptakavinaya had been introduced into China
twice: first the text had been recited by Buddhayasas; about six years
later the monk Chih Fa-ling 7 ip found an Indian text in the
west and brought it to Ch'ang-an. His version was subsequently used
to revise Buddhayasas' translation.88 Concerning the commentaries
on the Dharmaguptakavinaya, we read just as in the biography ofJu-
ching 4lJ 0 (p. 801 a t 6-b2) that the commentary made by Huai-su
(634-707) is considered to be the start of a new view on vinaya. It
took into account texts of the Malasarvastivadins that were popular
from the seventh century onwards.89 The old and the new views,
represented respectively by the commentary of Fa-li90 written in 626
and that of Huai-su completed in 682, were opposed to each other.
In the thirteenth year of the Ta-li period (778), emperor Tai-tsung
ordered that eminent monks discuss the matter and compile a de-
finitive commentary. Approximately three years later, it was decided
that both views contained valuable elements and a new synthetic
commentary was presented to emperor Te-tsung.9'
We find also the story of the vinaya in a commentary added by
Tsan-ning (p. 81 lb29ff.).92 This commentary likewise refers to the
two versions of the Dharnaguptakavinaya translated in the beginning
88 This story also appears in Ta-T'ang Chen-yuan Hsu K'ai-yian Shih-chiao Lu, a
catalogue compiled in 794 by Yuan-chao (T.2 156: 760a23-25). The story that Chih
Fa-ling actually brought a text from the west is apparently based on hearsay, as
mentioned in I'ai-yiian Shih-chiao Lu, a catalogue compiled by Chih-sheng in 730
(T.2154: 517b4-5) and in Chen-yuan Hsin-ting Shih-chiao Mu-lu, another catalogue
compiled by Yuan-chao in 800 (T.2157: 814a1 3). Chih Fa-ling is also mentioned
in the introduction to the Dharmaguptakavinaya (T. 1428: 567b3-4): based on the
translation of his disciple Hui-pien M * a revision is made of the first text. It is,
however, not said that Chih Fa-ling found an Indian version in the west. In the
Kao-seng Chuan (T.2059: 335c3-5) Chih Fa-ling is said to have found an Indian version
of the Avatamsakasultra in Khotan. This is one of the western regions where the
Dharmaguptaka monks exerted some influence (see note 6, and 1-ching's travel
account).
89 Cf. Willemen, Dessein and Cox (1998: 125).
90 The commentaries written by Tao-hsuan were also considered to belong to
the 'old commentaries' (cf. Sung Kao-seng Chuan, T.2061: 801 a25).
9' On this discussion, see also Ta-T'ang Chen-yuan Hsu K'ai-yiian Shih-chiao Lu,
T.2156: 760b4-762c17; Risshii-koyo, T.2348: 16b6ff. (translated by Pruden [1995:
115ff.]); Weinstein (1987: 86-88 and 97).
92 A. Dalia (1987: 148) notices that 'Tsan-ning recognized the weakened posi-
tion of Buddhism and its urgent need to stop internal and external squabbling.' A
unified harmonious Buddhism was the best garanty for the benevolence of the
emperor.
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
416 ANN HEIRMAN
of the fifth century, without stating, however, that Chih Fa-ling found
a text in the west. Tsan-ning also mentions the fact that, already
before the Northern Wei, ordinations were based on the Dharmagupta-
kavinaya tradition (p. 81 1 c 19-20).
The biographies thus give us the following picture. In the fifth
century, at least in the south, one usually followed the Sarvdstivddavinaya.
Translated by the famous monk Kumarajiva, it was promoted by
such monks as Vimalaksa and Hui-yuan. The south continued to
rely on this vinaya until the early T'ang. In the north, more than one
vinaya were followed. Initially it was mainly the Mahdsdmghikavinaya.
The Dharmaguptakavinaya came next, and gradually gained importance
until it became the most influential vinaya by the time the northern
monk Tao-hsuan (596-667) wrote his commentaries. The rise of this
vinaya seems to have been the result of the efforts of eminent monks,
such as Hung-tsun and Tao-hsuan. The latter explicitly states that
since the first Chinese ordinations were based on the Dharmaguptaka
tradition, it is the vinaya of that school that should be followed. The
south switched to the Dharmaguptakavinaya only later. Interesting in
this respect is the biography of Tao-an, which informs us that the
Dharmaguptakavinaya was firmly established in the south only after the
emperor was requested to impose it personally in the beginning of
the eighth century. Consequently, only one vinaya remained in the
T'ang Dynasty. It was the basis of the Nan-shan Vinaya School
founded by Tao-hsuan. His texts as well as texts by other commen-
tators such as Fa-li and Huai-su were later opposed to each other.
In the second half of the eighth century this even led to a debate
organized on imperial order.
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
CAN WE TRACE THE EARLY DHARMAGUPTAKAS? 417
pp. 15c7-17b I 1).93 He stresses the role of the prominent monk Tao-
hsuan in the spread of the Dharmaguptakavinaya. According to Gyonen,
two vinaya works were translated in Lo-yang during the Chia-p'ing
period (AD 249-254): the pratimoksa of the Mahasamghikas, by
Dharmakala, and the karmavacana of the Dharmaguptakas, by T'an-
ti. This explains why the Buddhist community originally applied the
ceremonial procedures of the Dharmaguptakas (like the ordination
rules), while adhering at the same time to the disciplinary rules of
the Mahasamghikas (p. 15c24-29). Only at the beginning of the fifth
century were complete vinayas translated, namely, the vinayas of the
Sarvastivadins, of the Dharmaguptakas, of the Mahasamghikas, and
of the MahTsasakas. At that time the most popular among them was
the Sarvdstivddavinaya, and the Dharmaguptakavinaya came next. But it
was the Dharmaguptakavinaya which eventually outranked all the others
(p. 16a16-18). According to Gyonen this is particularly clear from
an oral tradition that tells how, during the reign of Emperor Hsiao-
wen of the Northern Wei (fl. AD 471-499), the vinaya master Fa-ts'ung,
who had first studied the Mahasdmghikavinaya, changed later to the
Dharmaguptakavinaya because the procedures of the Dharmaguptaka
School had been the model for the first ordinations in China. After
Fa-ts'ung, his disciple Tao-fu wrote influential commentaries on the
Dharmaguptakavinaya.94 With the support of the monk Tao-hsuan, the
Dharmaguptakavinaya eventually became the only vinaya to be applied
in China (p. 16c13-14).
Approximately the same information, though in a much briefer
form, is given by the monk Nien-ch'ang t (d. AD 1341) in his
Fo-tsu Li-tai T'ung-tsai PK fi )_ M8RX (T.2036: 604al9-28): originally,
a karmavdcand of the Dharmaguptakas was translated and ordinations
took place following this text; then the complete Dharmaguptakavinaya
was translated in the eleventh year of the Hung-shih period (AD 409).
At that time, the Mahdsdamghikavinaya was followed by the monks ac-
tive in the Kuan-chung region and the Sarvdstivadavinaya by those in
South China (iI )f. The situation remained the same until Fa-ts'ung,
later followed by his disciple Tao-fu, promoted the Dharmaguptaka
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
418 ANN HEIRMAN
School under the Yuan Wei (or Northern Wei, AD 386-532). In this
way a genealogy of vinaya masters promoting the Dharmaguptakavinaya
arose, one of whom was Tao-hsuan.
Can this picture be confirmed by secular historical works? There
we are seriously hindered by the insufficient information that these
works offer. Official histories do not speak very often of the activi-
ties of foreigners in China, and certainly not when they are not re-
lated to the government. Since initially Buddhism spread among
foreigners, references to it are very few.95 Only when the Chinese
also became interested in the Buddhist community do we find more
information. As a result, it is in Buddhist literature that historians
have looked in search of historical evidence concerning early Chi-
nese Buddhism archeological findings also being of help in this
respect.96
The first monks in China were foreigners: Parthians like An Shih-
kao, who arrived in the country around AD 148, Scythians, Sogdians,
or Indians, the last mostly from Gandhara and Kasmira.97 Some of
them became monks only after their arrival in China, or were born
there as sons of immigrant families.98 They were sometimes assisted
by Chinese lay adherents. One finds only scarce references to Chi-
nese monks of the Eastern Han Dynasty. According to E. Zurcher,
K. Ch'en and Z. Tsukamoto, the first known Chinese monk was Yen
Fo-t'iao N fI gal (var. Fu-t'iao 4 / 4f N), a collaborator of An Shih-
kao.99 A. Forte, however, sees him as a layman.'00 According to the
Sui Shu,101 the first Chinese monk had been ordained in the Huang-
ch'u period (220-226) of the Wei kingdom. Of interest for a discus-
sion of the first Chinese monks is a memorial mentioned in the
biography of the monk Fo-t'u-teng f4 K M.102 The memorial had
95 For more information see Zurcher (1972 [1959], Vol. 1: 18-19), Zurcher (1990:
158-162).
96 Zurcher (1990: 164-166, 172-176).
97 Ch'en (1973 [1964]: 43-44); Zurcher (1990: 163).
98 Zurcher (1972 [1959], Vol. 1: 23-24).
99 See Zurcher (1972 [1959], Vol. 1: 34; Vol. 2: 331), Ch'en (1973 [1964]: 45-
46), and Tsukamoto (1985, Vol. 1: 64-65, 79, 92-93), respectively. Tsukamoto points
out two references essentially: (1) in the Kao-seng Chuan, T.2059: 324c2, Yen Fo-
t'iao is qualified as a sramana; (2) in the preface to a work compiled by Yen Fo-
t'iao himself (Sha-mi Shih-hui Chang-chu ? - + 9 'bJ, Tenfold Wisdom of the Sramanera)
he is said to be an dcGya (teacher) (cf. Ch'u San-tsang Chi-chi, T.2145: 69c20).
100 Forte (1995: 66).
101 Sui Shu 35 (Vol. 4: 1097).
lo' Kao-seng Chuan, T.2059: 383b15-387a29, translated by Wright, 1948.
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
CAN WE TRACE THE EARLY DHARMAGUPTAKAS? 419
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
420 ANN HEIRMAN
probably transmitted orally. 108 The first written texts are said to have
been translations made in the middle of the third century: a prdtimoksa
of the Mahasamghikas and two karnavacands of the Dharmaguptakas.
It is, however, far from certain that these texts were actually trans-
lated at that time (see above), or that they were available at all, at
least in a Chinese version. During the course of the fourth century,
when the community attracted many new followers in the south as
well as in the north, the insufficiency of vinaya texts became a growing
problem.'09 In the second half of the fourth century the monk Tao-
an X (312-385), who was staying in Hsiang-yang (present-day
Hupei), and who was aware of this insufficiency, made some rules of
his own to govern the Buddhist community; he also tried to encour-
age the translation of vinaya texts. Tao-an is sometimes said to have
translated a Pi-nai-yeh 3 ffi ! that was based on the Sarvdstivddavinaya.
He further suggested to invite KumarajTva to China,0lo but Kumarajiva
arrived in Ch'ang-an only sixteen years after Tao-an's death.
The insufficiency of the rules was also the reason why the monk
Fa-hsien left China in 399 in search of complete vinaya texts. In In-
dia he found copies of the Mahasda mghika- and Sarvastivddavinayas, and
a copy of the MaIa/s'asakavinaya in Sri Lanka. Back in China, Fa-hsien
translated the AIlzahdsdmghikavinaya with Buddhabhadra between 416
and 418. The Mahas'asakavinaya was later translated by Buddhajiva
108 Zurcher (1972 [1959], Vol.1: 32); Ch'en (1973 [1964]: 45). Still, some texts
written in a foreign language might also have been available: see Zurcher (1972
[1959], Vol. 1: 24). Transmitting texts orally was a common practice in India,
even as late as the beginning of the fifth century when Fa-hsien (Kao-seng Fa-hsien
Chuan, T.2085: 864b 1 7- 18) noted that in Northern India the vinaya texts were handed
down orally from master to master, which is why he could not obtain a copy of a
written text. He therefore had to go further south in order to find a written ver-
sion.
109 According to E. Zurcher (1990: 169-182), the many years that were neces-
sary before a Chinese monastic organization could finally be established are ex-
plained by the way Buddhism was spread during the first centuries AD: it was not
spread by "contact expansion", but was the result of "long-distance transmission".
It passed through present-day Sinkiang, but during the Eastern Han this area was
only a transit zone with no stable establishments. Consequently, the monks in eastern
centres like Lo-yang lost their feed-back and transmission was easily compromised.
110 Hui-chiao, T.2059: 353b23-27 (rules), 354al-3 (Kumarajiva); Seng-yu, T.2145:
80bl-2 (insufficiency of the rules); Tao-hsuan, T.2149: 300b3-4, 324al7-18 (Pi-
nai-yeh translated together with Chu Fo-nien; probably referring to the text trans-
lated in 383 by the latter, with a preface by Tao-an = T. 1464). See also T'ang
(1996 [1938], Vol.l: 212-216); Ch'en (1973 [1964]: 99-100); Tsukamoto (1985,
Vol. 2: 699-702).
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
CAN WE TRACE THE EARLY DHARMAGUPTAKAS? 421
III See T'ang (1996 [1938], Vol.2: 824-827); Tsukamoto (1985, Vol.2: 889-892).
Also, Fa-hsien (T.2085: 864b24) noted in the early fifth century that the
Sarvdstivddavinaya was being used by Chinese monks.
112 See also Wei Shou, the author of the Dynastic History of the Wei, who in
his essay on Buddhism and Taoism noted that the monks "of his time" (i.e., half-
way the sixth century) were observing the Mahasa nghikavinaya (Wei Shu 114 [Vol.
8: 3031]).
'13 Wright (1957: 93-95).
114 On the control of Buddhist monks and the search for unification, see Wright
(1957: 93-104); Weinstein (1973: 283). On the one hand, monks were required to
obtain official ordination certificates, and on the other hand the disciplinary rules
were promoted. See Wright (1959: 68): "It was no accident that the Sui founder
chose a Vinaya master as official head of the Buddhist communities of the realm.
... [his words] expressed his wish that this specialist in the monastic rules should
take full responsibility for controlling and disciplining the clergy of the whole realm."
115 Weinstein (1973), (1987).
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
422 ANN HEIRMAN
the T'ang emperors, who were less favorable to Buddhism than the
Sui, gradually tried to reduce its power. It is not surprising that in
that climate a unification of the ordination procedures should have
been seen with favor by the court."16 In the early T'ang we can see
that the Dharmaguptakavinaya gradually became the only vinaya, fol-
lowed both in the north and in the south. At the end of the seventh
century, the Chinese monk 1-ching (AD 635-713) records in his Nan-
hai Chi-kueiJNei-fa Chuan (T.2125: 205b26-c6) that the Dharmaguptaka
rules were generally applied in the east of China (I* _). In some
places, like the Kuan-chung region, both the Dharmaguptaka and
Mahasamghika rules had followers. 1-ching further mentions that
before, in the south, the Sarvdstivddavinaya was followed. He adds that
for a Buddhist community it is important strictly to observe only one
vinaya.17
Finally, the priority gained by the Dharmaguptakavinaya is also re-
corded in the accounts dealing with contacts between Chinese and
Korean orJapanese monks. Around 640, during the Silla Dynasty,
the Korean monk Chajang studied the vinaya at Tao-hsuan's Nan-
shan center. In 643, at a time when the Silla Dynasty was reunifying
Korea, he returned to Silla and emphasized the Dharmaguptakavinaya.1 18
In 733 theJapanese court at Nara dispatched the monks Fusho and
Eiei to China to invite Chinese Dharmaguptakavinaya masters to Ja-
pan in order to perform orthodox ordinations. Some Chinese monks
indeed accepted the invitation. Among them was the vinaya master
Chien-chen XK _. Injapan he advocated the commentaries of Tao-
hsuian's Nan-shan School. From Chien-chen's time on, theJapanese
Nara monks were ordained on the basis of the Dharmaguptakavinaya."19
Later on, Japanese monks like Saicha, who traveled in China be-
tween 804 and 805, noted that Chinese monks performed the ordi-
nation ceremony using the Dharmaguptaka precepts.'20 In 839 and in
840 theJapanese monk Ennin MI fi noted in the diary he kept during
116 The unification of vinayas was equally advocated by the vinaya master Tao-
hsuan in his Szu-fen Lu Shan-fan Pu-ch'ueh Hsing-shih Ch'ao, T. 1804: 2b 19-20: one
vinaya (the Dharmaguptakavinaya) is the basis, but other vinayas can be consulted if
needed.
117 See also Bareau (1992: 38).
118 Ahn (1 989: 19-20); Kim (1995: 43-46).
119 The Nara court (710-784) thus successfully established an orthodox ordina-
tion line based on the Dharmaguptaka precepts "as part of the court's program to
control and improve the educational system for candidates for the Buddhist order"
(Groner [1984: 9]).
120 Groner (1984: 49-50).
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
CAN WE TRACE THE EARLY DHARMAGUPTAKAS? 423
C. Conclusion
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
424 ANN HEIRMAN
Bibliography
Vol.22
No. 1425 : $j ~f, fij f $ Mo-ho-seng-ch'i Lii, trans. Buddhabhadra and ; , Fa-
hsien (Mahasamghikavinaya)
No.1428 : 3} 3$ Szu-fen Lii, trans. Buddhayasas and ^ f t, Chu Fo-nien
(Dharmaguptakavinaya)
No. 1432 : AE ,-* I g[3 Mf 4 1 T'an-wu-te Li-pu Tsa Chieh-mo, anonymous comp.
(karmavacand for bhiksus of the Dharmaguptakas)
No.1433: I t Chieh-mo, anonymous comp. (karmavdcand for bhiksus of the
Dharmaguptakas)
Vol.23
Vol.40
Vol. 49
Vol.50
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
CAN WE TRACE THE EARLY DHARMAGUPTAKAS? 425
Vol.51
No.2085 : :AU_q Fa-hsien, jqj _ f4 Kao-seng Fa-hsien Chuan
No.2087 : H s Hsuaan-tsang, J7k Mj, f gr ,E I Ta T'ang Hsi yii Chi
Vol.54
No.2125 : T 1-ching, lA f 4 Nan-hai Chi-kuei NAei-fa Chuan
Vol.55
No.2145 : Seng-yu, ~ Ch'u San-tsang Chi-chi
No.2146 : ij?,' Fa-ching et al., ~j ~ ~ ~ Chung-ching Mu lu
No.2147 : jj Yen-ts'ung et al., J . 4 C Chung-ching Mu lu
No.2148 : Ching-t'ai et al., ~X f ? fj Chung-ching Mu lu
No.2149 : M Tao-hsuian, Tk F Ta T'ang Nei-tien Lu
No.2151 : iYr'q Ching-mai, K ~- 1 i E Ku-chin I-ching Tu-chi
No.2153 : H~A f~ Ming-ch'iian et al., fJ frJ F. 9 iJ Z j_ Ta Chou K'an-ting Chung-
ching Mu lu
No.2154 : AV Chih-sheng, Jj RK 'ai-yiian Shih-chiao Lu
No.2156 : MI Yiian-chao, i t f f 7 ~ Ta T'ang Chen-yan Hsti
K'al-yiian Shih-chiao Lu
No.2 157 ~I ~t- Yuan-chao, J zth f Ai j1 Chen-yiian Hsin-ting Shih-chiao
Mu-lu
Vol. 74
No.2348 : rM V Gyonen, Risshu koyc
~ J& Wei Shou, kl - Wei Shu, Beijing, Chung-hua shu-chti, 1974, 8 vols.
f j:r Wei Cheng, P " Sui Shu, Beijing, Chung-hua shu-chii, 1973, 6 vols.
Ahn, K. (1989), "A Short History of Ancient Korean Buddhism", in L.R. Lancaster
and C.S. Yu (eds.), Introduction of Buddhism to Korea, New Cultural Patterns, Berke-
ley, Asian Humanities Press
Bailey, H.W. (1946), "Gandhari", Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies
I1, No. 4, pp. 764-797
Bareau, A. (1950), "Les origines du ti;riputrabhidharmaiastra", Le s useon 63, pp. 69-
95
(1955), Les sectes bouddhiques du Petit Vihzcule, Paris, Publications de I'Ecole Fran-
Caise d'Extr6me-Orient 38
(1992), "Le ritualisme bouddhique chez I-tsing", Etudes Asiatiques 46, No. 1,
pp. 37-48
Beal, S. (I 9692 [18841), Si-yu-ki, Ruddhist Records of the Western World, Translatedfrom
the Chinese of Hiuan Tsiang (A.D. 629), Delhi, Oriental Books Reprint Corpora-
tion (first edition: London, Triibner & Co.), 2 Vols.
Bechert, H. (1985), "Einleitung", in H. Bechert (ed.), Zur Schulzugehdrigkeit von Werken
der Hznayana-Literatur, Erster Teil, Gottingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht (AAWG
149), pp. 20-54
Bernard, F. (1970), "Gandhari and the Buddhist Mission in Central Asia", in J.
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
426 ANN HEIRMAN
Tilakasiri (ed.), An-jali, Papers on Indology and Buddhism, a Felicitation Volume Presented
to Oliver Hector De Alwis W#jesekera, Peradeniya, The Felicitation Volume Editorial
Committee, University of Ceylon, pp. 55-62
Boucher, D. (1998), "Gandhari and the Early Chinese Buddhist Translations
Reconsidered: the Case of the Saddharmapundarikasitra", Journal of the American
Oriental Society 118, No. 4, pp. 471-506
Brough, J. (1961), "A Kharosthi Inscription from China", Bulletin of the School of
Oriental and African Studies 24, pp. 517-530
(1965), "Comments on Third-Century Shan-shan and the History of Bud-
dhism", Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 28, No. 3, pp. 582-612
Ch'en, K. 1973 [1964], Buddhism in China, A Historical Survey, Princeton, Princeton
University Press (second paperback edition)
Chung, J. and P. Kieffer-Pulz (1997), 'The karmavdcands for the determination of
sTmd and ticTvarena avippavdsa', in Bhikkhu Tampalawela Dhammaratana and
Bhikkhu Pasadika (eds.), Dharma-dulta, Melanges offerts au Venerable Thich Huyen- Vi
2 l'occasion de son soixante-dixieme anniversaire, Paris, Editions You-feng, pp. 13-56
Chung, J. and K. Wille (1997), "Einige Bhiksuvinayavibhanga-Fragmente der
Dharmaguptakas in der Sammlung Pelliot", in H. Bechert, S. Bretfeld and P.
Kieffer-Pulz (eds.), Untersuchungen zur buddhistischen Literatur, Zweite Folge,
Gottingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht (SWTF, Beiheft 8), pp. 47-94
Chung-kuo Fo-chiao Hsieh-hui ql 4 k t (19912 [1989]), Chung-kuo Fo-chiao
4' 1I f3 ~, Shanghai: Chih-shih ch'u-pan-she, 4 vols.
Dalia, A. (1987), "The 'Political Career' of the Buddhist Historian Tsan-ning", in
D.W. Chappell (ed.), Buddhist and Taoist Practice in Medieval Chinese Sociey, Ho-
nolulu, University of Hawaii Press (Asian Studies at Hawaii 34), pp. 146-180
Demieville, P., H. Durt and A. Seidel (1978), Repertoire du canon bouddhique sino-japonais,
edition de Taisho (Taishi Shinshui Daizokyo), Paris, Librairie d'Amerrique et d'Orient,
Tokyo, Maison Franco-japonaise (publication de l'Academie des Inscriptions
et Belles-lettres, Institut de France)
Forte, A. (1995), The Hostage An Shigao and his Offspring, An Iranian Family in China,
Kyoto, Istituto Italiano di Cultura, Scuola di Studi sull'Asia Orientale (Italian
School of East Asian Studies, Occasional Papers 6)
Frauwallner, E. (1956), 7The Earliest Vinaya and the Beginnings of Buddhist Literature,
Roma, Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente (Serie Orientale Roma
8)
Fussman, G. (1989), "Gandharl ecrite, gandharl parlke", in C. Caillat (ed.), Dialectes
dans les litteratures indo-agyennes, Paris, College de France (Publications de l'Institut
de Civilisation Indienne 55), pp. 433-501
(1994), "Upaya-kausalya. L'implantation du bouddhisme au Gandhara", in
F. Fukui and G. Fussman (eds.), Bouddhisme et cultures locales, quelques cas de reciproques
adaptations, Paris, Ecole FranSaise d'Extreme-Orient, pp. 17-51
Gernet,J. (19902 [1972]), Le monde chinois, Paris, Armand Colin
Gombrich, R. (19932 [1984]), "Buddhism in Ancient India, The Evolution of the
Sangha", in H. Bechert and R. Gombrich (eds.), The World of Buddhism, Bud-
dhist Monks and Nuns in Sociey and Culture, London, Thames and Hudson (paper-
back edition of the hard-cover edition, 1984), pp. 77-89
Groner, P. (1984), Saicho: The Establishment of the Japanese Tendai School, Berkeley,
Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series 7
Heirman, A. (1999), "Vinaya: Perpetuum Mobile", EtudesAsiatiques 53, No. 4, pp.
849-871
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
CAN WE TRACE THE EARLY DHARMAGUPTAKAS? 427
(2002), The Discipline in Four Parts, Rulesfor Nuns according to the Dharma-guptakavinaya,
Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass
von Hinuber, 0. (1983), "Sanskrit und Gandhari in Zentralasien", in K. Rohrborn
and W. Veenker (eds.), Sprachen des Buddhismus in Zentralasien, Wiesbaden, Otto
Harrassowitz (Veroffentlichungen der Societas Uralo-Altaica 16), pp. 27-34
(1985), "Die Bestimmung der Schulzugehorigkeit buddhistischer Texte nach
sprachlichen Kriterien", in H. Bechert (ed.), Zur Schulzugehorigkeit von Werken der
Hznaydna-Literatur, Erster Teil, Gottingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht (AAWG
149), pp. 57-75
(1989), "Origin and Varieties of Buddhist Sanskrit", in C. Caillat (ed.), Dialectes
dans les litteratures indo-ayennes, Paris, College de France (Publications de l'Institut
de Civilisation Indienne 55), pp. 341-367
(19932 [1984]), "Expansion to the North: Afghanistan and Central Asia", in
H. Bechert and R. Gombrich (eds.), The World of Buddhism, Buddhist Monks and
Nuns in Society and Culture, London, Thames and Hudson (paperback edition of
the hardcover edition, 1984), pp. 99-107
Hirakawa, A. (1970), Ritsuzi no Kenkyi, A Study of the Vinaya-Pitaka, T6kyo, Sankibo
Busshorin
(1990), A Histoy of Indian Buddhism, From Sdkyamuni to Early Mahaydna, trans-
lated from Japanese (Indo Bukkyj-shi, Vol. 1, 1974) by P. Groner, Honolulu,
University of Hawaii Press (Asian Studies at Hawaii 36)
(1991), "An Evaluation of the Sources on the Date of the Buddha", in H.
Bechert (ed.), The Dating of the Historical Buddha, Part 1, Gottingen, Vandenhoeck
& Ruprecht (AAWG 189), pp. 252-295
Kieffer-Pulz, P. (1992), Die Szm&, Vorschriften zur Regelung der buddhistischen Gemeinde-
grenze in dlteren buddhistischen Texten, Berlin, Dietrich Reimer Verlag
(2000), "Die buddhistische Gemeinde", in H. Bechert et al., Der Buddhismus I,
Der indische Buddhismus und seine Verzweigungen, Stuttgart, Kohlhammer, pp. 281-
402
Kieschnick,J. (1997), 7he EminentMonk, Buddhist Ideals in Medieval Chinese Hagiography,
Honolulu, University of Hawaii Press (Kuroda Institute, Studies in East Asian
Buddhism 10)
Kim,J.M. (1995), "Chajang (fl. 636-650) and 'Buddhism as National Protector' in
Korea: a Reconsideration", in H.H. S0rensen (ed.), Religions in Traditional Korea,
Copenhagen, Seminar for Buddhist Studies (SBS Monographs 3), pp. 23-55
Lamotte, E. (1958), Histoire du bouddhisme indien des origines a lPere Saka, Louvain,
Bibliothieque du Museon 43
Maspero, H. (1910), "Communautes et moines bouddhistes chinois aux Ile et Ille
siecles", Bulletin de l'Ecole Franfaise d'Extreme-Orient 10, pp. 222-232
Mizuno, K. (19822 [1982]), Buddhist Sutras, Origin, Development, Transmission, Tokyo,
Kosei Publishing Co.
Nattier,JJ. and C.S. Prebish (1977), "Mahasamghika Origins: the Beginnings of
Buddhist Sectarianism", Histogy of Religions 16, No. 3, pp. 237-272
Nishimura, M. (1997), "Die Sprache der Dharmaguptaka", in H. Bechert, S. Bretfeld
and P. Kieffer-Pulz (eds.), Untersuchungen zur buddhistischen Literatur, Zweite Folge,
Gottingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht (SJTF, Beiheft 8), pp. 255-265
Pachow, W. (1955), A Comparative Study of the Pratimoksa on the Basis of Its Chinese,
Tibetan, Sanskrit and Pali Versions, Santiniketan, The Sino-Indian Cultural Society
Prebish, C.S. (1979), "Recent Progress in Vinaya Studies", in A.K. Narain and L.
Zwilling (eds.), Studies in Pali and Buddhism, A Memorial Volume in Honour of Bhikkhu
Jagdish Kashyap, Delhi, B.R. Publishing Corporation, pp. 297-306
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
428 ANN HEIRMAN
Pruden, L.M. (1995), The Essentials of the Vinaya Tradition by Gyonen, Berkeley, Numata
Center for Buddhist Translation and Research (Bukkyo Dendo Kyokai English
Tripitaka 97-I)
Pulleyblank, E.G. (1983), "Stages in the Transcription of Indian Words in Chinese
from Han to Tang", in K. Rohrbom and W. Veenker (eds.), Sprachen des Buddhismus
in Zentralasien, Wiesbaden, Otto Harrassowitz (Veroffentlichungen der Societas
Uralo-Altaica 16), pp. 73-102
(1991), Lexicon of Reconstructed Pronunciation in Early Middle, Late Middle Chinese,
and Early Mandarin, Vancouver, University of British Colombia Press
Reischauer, E. (1955), Ennin's Diary, 7he Record of a Pilgrimage to China in Search of the
Law, New York, Ronald Press Company
Sadakata, A. (1996), "Inscriptions kharosthi provenant du marche' aux antiquites
de Peshawar", Journal Asiatique 284, No. 2, pp. 301-324
Salomon, R. (1990), "New Evidence for a Gandhari Origin of the Arapacana
Syllabary", fJournal of the American Oriental Society 110, No. 2, pp. 255-273
(1997), "A Preliminary Survey of Some Early Buddhist Manuscripts Recently
Acquired by the British Library", Journal of the American Oriental Society 1 7, No.
2, pp. 353-358
(1999), Ancient Buddhist Scrollsfrom Gandh&ra, the British Library Kharostha Fragments,
London, The British Library
Schmidt-Glintzer, H. (1972), "Der Buddhismus im fruhen chinesischen Mittelalter
und der Wandel der Lebensfuhrung bei der Gentry im Suiden", Saeculum 23,
No. 3, pp. 269-294
(1976), Das Hung-ming Chi und die Aufnahme des Buddhismus in China, Wiesbaden,
Franz Steiner Verlag
Shih, R. (1968), Biographies des moines eminents (Kao seng tchouan) de Houei-kiao, Louvain,
Universite de Louvain, Institut orientaliste (Bibliotheque du Museon 54)
Shinohara, K. (1988), "Two Sources of Chinese Buddhist Biographies", in P. Granoff
and K. Shinohara (eds.), Monks and Magicians: Religious Biographies in Asia, Oakville,
Mosaic Press, pp. 119-229
Silk, J. (1999), "Marginal Notes on a Study of Buddhism, Economy and Society
on China", Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 22, No. 2, pp.
359-396
von Simson, G. (1997), "Eine Pratimoksasuitra-Handschrift in hybrider Sprache",
in P. Kieffer-Pulz andJ.-U. Hartmann (eds.), Bauddhavidydsudhdkarah, Studies in
Honour of Heinz Bechert on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday, Swisttal-Odendorf (In-
dica et Tibetica 30), pp. 583-604
Takakusu, J. (1896), A Record of the Buddhist Religion as Practised in India and the Malay
Archipelago (A.D. 671-695) by I-tsing, Oxford, Clarendon Press
T'ang t%, Y. (19962 [1987; reprint 1938]), Han Wei Liang-chin Nan-pei-ch'ao Fo-chiao-
shih A I A ; M AL J {$ R , Pan-ch'iao, Lo-t'o ch'u-pan-she, 2 vols.
Tsai, K.A. (1994), Lives of the Nuns, Biographies of Chinese Buddhist Nuns from the Fourth
to the Sixth Centuries, Honolulu, University of Hawaii Press (Ph.D. 1972)
Ts'ao M, S. (1964), "A Study on Chinese Buddhist Biographies and Bibliogra-
phies Derived from the Vinaya Sect" (in Chinese), The New Asia Journal 6, No.
1, pp. 415-486
Tsukamoto, Z., translated by G. Sargent (1957; originalJapanese version 1942),
"The Sramana Superintendent T'an-yao * RN and his Time", Monumenta Serica
16, pp. 363-396
(1985), A Histogy of Early Chinese Buddhism From Its Introduction to the Death of
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
CAN WE TRACE THE EARLY DHARMAGUPTAKAS? 429
This content downloaded from 220.135.158.15 on Thu, 19 May 2016 12:50:55 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms