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Purpose: To determine whether phonological processing in adults judgment accuracy of either group. Significant group differences
who stutter (AWS) is disrupted by increased amounts of cognitive were found in RTs (delays by AWS were 241 ms greater). RTs of
load in a concurrent attention-demanding task. AWS were also slower in the most demanding rhyme condition
Method: Nine AWS and 9 adults who do not stutter (AWNS) par- and varied with the complexity of the memory task. Accuracy of
ticipated. Using a dual-task paradigm, the authors presented letter recall of AWS was comparatively worse in the most demand-
word pairs for rhyme judgments and, concurrently, letter strings ing 5-letter condition.
for memory recall. The rhyme judgment task manipulated rhyming Conclusion: Phonological and cognitive processing of AWS is
type (rhyming/nonrhyming) and orthographic representation more vulnerable to disruptions caused by increased amounts of
(similar/dissimilar). The memory recall task varied stimulus com- cognitive load in concurrent attention-demanding tasks.
plexity (no letters, 3 letters, 5 letters). Rhyme judgment accuracy
and reaction time (RT) were used to assess phonological processing,
and letter recall accuracy was used to measure memory recall.
Results: For rhyme judgments, AWS were as accurate as AWNS, Key Words: stuttering, phonological processing, cognitive load,
and the increase in the cognitive load did not affect rhyme memory recall, reaction time
S
ince the 1940s, linguistic aspects of stuttering speech-language difficulties (measured by standardized
have been explored (e.g., Brown, 1945) and con- tests) as much as they differ in more subtle aspects of
tinue to receive considerable attention (for recent speech-language processingfor example, elements of
reviews, see Byrd, Wolk, & Davis, 2007; Hall, Wagovich, speech-language planning and production essential for
& Bernstein-Ratner, 2007; Ntourou, Conture, & Lipsey, rapid, efficient real-time production (e.g., Anderson &
2011). Likewise, linguistic aspects of stuttering have Conture, 2004; Byrd, Conture, & Ohde, 2007; Cuadrado
been incorporated into theoretical models of stuttering & Weber-Fox, 2003; Hartfield & Conture, 2006; Pellowski
(e.g., Conture et al., 2006; Perkins, Kent, & Curlee, & Conture, 2005). Kleinow and Smiths (2000) findings that
1991; Postma & Kolk, 1993), even though some have increased linguistic complexity contributes to disruptions
noted nonsignificant differences in speech-language in the spatiotemporal stability of speech-motor control of
abilities between children who stutter and those who adults who stutter (AWS) seem to support this assertion,
do not (e.g., Hall et al., 2007; Nippold, 1990, 2001, as do similar findings with children who stutter (e.g.,
2002, 2004). Indeed, it has been suggested that peo- Zackheim & Conture, 2003).
ple who stutter may not differ markedly from people
who do not stutter in terms of clinically significant
Phonological Processing
a
The Ohio State University, Columbus The present study focuses on phonological process-
Correspondence to Robin M. Jones: jones.1640@osu.edu ing, a component that has been frequently studied in
Editor: Sid Bacon children who stutter (see Byrd, Wolk, & Davis, 2007, for
Associate Editor: Julie Liss a review). One factor that has motivated research in pho-
Received January 1, 2012 nological processing in children is the observation that
Accepted April 12, 2012 co-occurring phonological disorders occur at a higher
DOI: 10.1044/1092-4388(2012/12-0014) rate in the population of children who stutter than in
1862 Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research Vol. 55 18621875 December 2012 D American Speech-Language-Hearing Association
the general population (e.g., Blood, Ridenour, Qualls, & process/rule-based) errors. However, the covert-repair
Hammer, 2003). Furthermore, children who stutter who hypothesis prediction that more speech disfluencies, or
also display delays in phonological development are speech errors, would occur when speaking rate was fas-
more likely to exhibit persistent stuttering (Paden, ter or when shorter response-time latencies were present
Yairi, & Ambrose, 1999). Findings such as these, however, was not supported. Yaruss and Contures (1996) findings
have been tempered by Nippold (2001, 2002, 2004), who suggested that speech disfluencies may represent self-
argued that methodological approaches and rates of co- repairs of nonsystematic speech errors; this suggestion,
occurrence of stuttering and phonological disorders vary in turn, supports the possibility that phonological pro-
markedly, which emphasizes the need for further re- cessing may be involved with stuttering.
search. Thus, the apparent differences between children In addition to Yaruss and Conture (1996), Weber-Fox,
who stutter and those who do not have led to the contin- Spencer, Spruill, and Smith (2004) tested the predictions
ued assessment of sound-based or phonological abilities of the covert-repair hypothesis in the adult population
of the former (e.g., Anderson, Wagovich, & Hall, 2006; using a rhyme judgment task that did not involve overt
Coalson, 2008; Hakim & Ratner, 2004; Melnick, Conture, speech production. In this task, cognitive loads were var-
& Ohde, 2003; Weber-Fox, Spruill, Spencer, & Smith, ied via manipulation of the rhyme condition (i.e., rhyming
2008). For example, children who stutter were found to or nonrhyming) and orthographical condition (i.e., sim-
produce significantly fewer correct two- and three-syllable ilar or dissimilar). To make rhyme judgments of pairs
nonword repetitions and made significantly more pho- of words (i.e., prime and target), Weber-Fox et al. (2004)
neme errors on three-syllable nonwords as compared posited that the participant must retrieve the phono-
with children who do not stutter (Anderson et al., 2006). logical representation of the prime, hold it in working
Children who stutter were also reported to display lower memory, segment it into its onset and rime elements
accuracy on rhyme judgments compared with children (both phonological and orthographical information con-
who do not stutter, which may be attributable to atypical sidered), and then make the rhyme judgment (Baddeley,
neural processes related to the phonological encoding 1986; Besner, 1987). Using event-related brain potentials
mediating rhyming decisions (Weber-Fox et al., 2008). (ERPs), Weber-Fox et al. (2004) reported no significant
Overall, children who stutter, compared with children between-group differences in phonological encoding sys-
who do not, exhibit salient deficits of phonological pro- tems. However, based on reaction time (RT) measurements,
cessing that may contribute to the onset and develop- it was suggested that for AWS, compared with adults who
ment of the disorder. do not stutter (AWNS), the late stages of phonological pro-
A formal account of how difficulties with phonologi- cessing were more vulnerable to increased cognitive loads
cal processing may contribute to stutteringin both and operate less efficiently (Weber-Fox et al., 2004).
children and adultsadmits the possibility that the dis- The findings of Weber-Fox et al. (2004) motivated
fluencies of individuals who stutter originate as a deficit the present investigation of phonological processing in
of phonological encoding (Postma & Kolk, 1993; Kolk & AWS. Specifically, cognitive loads in that study were
Postma, 1997). For example, the covert-repair hypothesis shown to affect the efficacy of the phonological processing
(Postma & Kolk, 1993), which is based on Levelt, Roelofs, in adults only when the task demands were high. How-
and Meyers (1999) three-stage model of language produc- ever, in this study, we varied the amounts of cognitive
tion, proposes that the deficit occurs during the creation load in a single task and varied the combination of
of the articulatory plan (i.e., the formulation stage). The rhyme and orthographic representation. It could be the
proposed deficit of phonological encoding is thought to case that phonological processing in AWS is even more
produce vulnerabilities of the phonetic plan, resulting in disturbed when such rhyme and orthography combina-
errors such as phonemic and phonetic distortions (Kolk tions are presented in a dual-task paradigm that imposes
& Postma, 1997). In turn, the high frequency of errors in additional cognitive demands on the processing system.
the phonetic plan produces many opportunities for covert
self-repair. Speech fluency is then disrupted when errors
are detected through internal self-monitoring, and real- Cognitive Load
time covert repairs of the speech plan are attempted. The notion that the linguistic processes of people
Yaruss and Conture (1996) empirically assessed the who stutter are more vulnerable to increased cognitive
predictions of the covert-repair hypothesis in a group of load is not novel. The disruptive effects of increased cog-
nine boys who stuttered but exhibited normal phonology nitive load on speech-language planning and production
(36 years old) versus nine boys who stuttered and have been studied empirically in the stuttering population
exhibited disordered phonology (36 years old). Predic- (e.g., Bosshardt, 2006; Caruso, Chodzko-Zajko, Bidinger,
tions that speech disfluencies and speech errors would & Sommers, 1994). The differences in processing of cogni-
co-occur were supported for nonsystematic (slip-of- tive load by these individuals are not thought to repre-
the-tongue) errors but not systematic (phonological sent clinically significant cognitive delays or disorders.
1864 Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research Vol. 55 18621875 December 2012
speech-motor performance (e.g., Dromey & Benson, was not within 2 SDs of the mean for the designated talker
2003), an effect that seems to influence AWS to a greater group. All participants were paid volunteers naBve to the
degree than it does AWNS (e.g., Kleinow & Smith, 2000). purpose and methods of the study. They were recruited
Ultimately, such differences in the speech-motor abili- using a printed advertisement/recruitment flyer distrib-
ties of AWS may account for findings that AWS are uted to (a) clinicians working with AWS at The Ohio State
more likely to stutter as processing loads increase via University Speech-Language-Hearing Clinic, (b) the clinic
complexity (Caruso et al., 1994) or dual-task situations waiting room, and (c) members during a meeting of the
(Bosshardt, 2002). On the basis of this line of reasoning, National Stuttering Association. After written and verbal
it is possible that slower and more error-laden phonolog- explanation of the study, all participants signed an in-
ical processing during dual-task conditions for AWS, formed consent. The institutional review board at The
compared with AWNS, represent processing deficits Ohio State University, Columbus, approved this studys
that may in turn influence speech-motor performance protocol as well as the consent form.
and contribute to stuttering. Such findings would contrib- Classification and inclusion criteria. An adult was
ute to a comprehensive understanding of stuttering and considered an AWS if he or she (a) reported a history of
would support accounts of stuttering that posit important diagnosed developmental stuttering that persisted into
contributions from processing load (Bosshardt, 2006). adulthood (i.e., onset during early childhood) and (b) re-
In the present investigation of the additive effects ceived a total score of 9 or above (a severity equivalent of
of concurrent cognitive loads, the participants were at least very mild) on the Stuttering Severity Instru-
required to process both phonological and orthographic ment for Children and AdultsThird Edition (SSI3;
information while attending to additional nonlexical Riley, 1994); see Table 1 for details. Each AWS reported
stimuli. To determine the effects of the additional cogni- a treatment history characterized by considerable vari-
tive load on phonological processing, in the present ability in prior treatments, including differences in type
experiment, we used the original rhyming paradigm in of treatment, duration, and frequency. We are unaware
Weber-Fox et al. (2004) but presented their word pairs of evidence that stuttering treatment influences the
and additional stimuli (three- and five-letter combinations) phonological processing of AWS, specifically during
under dual-task conditions. We expected this modifica- dual-task conditions; however, this possibility cannot
tion to increase the differences between the performance be ruled out. An adult was considered an AWNS if he
of AWS and AWNS. In particular, we expected the addi- or she reported no history of developmental stuttering
tional cognitive load to decrease the overall accuracy and no stuttering in adulthood.
and speed of phonological processing of AWS compared Speech, language, hearing abilities, and visual acuity.
with AWNS. We also expected that the increased cogni- As seen in Table 2, all participants scored at the 16th
tive load would negatively affect AWSs memory recall of percentile or higher on at least three subtests of the
the strings of letters presented concurrently with the Test of Adolescent and Adult LanguageThird Edition
rhyming words. The results contribute to a better under- (TOAL3; Hammill, Brown, Larsen, & Wiederholt,
standing of processing abilities of AWS under real-time 1994) and the Oral Speech Motor ExaminationRevised
constraints. They are informative with regard to whether (OSMER; St. Louis & Ruscello, 1987). These standard-
the phonological processing in AWS, when compared ized tests are used to assess language abilities and the
with that in AWNS, operates less efficiently during con- structure and function of the oral speech mechanism. Par-
current attention-demanding cognitive tasks, which are ticipants also passed a bilateral pure-tone hearing screening
typically encountered in real-life situations. (American Speech-Language-Hearing Association, 1990).
No neurological, speech, language, or hearing impairments
were reported by the participants, and all reported and
demonstrated adequate visual acuity for task performance.
Method These evaluations were made during each participants
visit to The Ohio State University Speech-Language-
Participants Hearing Clinic on the day of experimental testing.
Participants were nine AWS and nine AWNS, all of Education level. Each participants education level
whom were speakers of Standard American English and was obtained by self-report and was scored based on a
were matched for gender and educational background. seven-point scale, taken from the Hollingshead (1975)
As depicted in Table 1, participants were between ages Index. A one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) with talker
19 and 52 years (AWS: M = 32.33 years, SD = 12.00; group (i.e., AWS vs. AWNS) as the factor was used to
AWNS: M = 32.33 years, SD = 12.13) with no statistically compare scores of education level. There was no statisti-
significant between-group difference in chronological age. cally significant difference in education level between
From an initial group of 10 AWNS, one AWNS was excluded AWS (M = 5.78, SD = 0.97) and AWNS (M = 6.22, SD =
during data analysis because the participants mean RT 0.67), F(1, 16) = 1.28, p = .275.
Participant Age Gender Education SSI3 total score Severity rating from SSI3 Age Gender Education
Note. SSI3 = Stuttering Severity InstrumentThird Edition; F = female; M = male; BA= bachelor of arts; C5+ = graduate degree
training; HS = completed high school; C3 = completed 3 years of college; C1 = completed 1 year of college.
1866 Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research Vol. 55 18621875 December 2012
four sets of rhyme-matching words and the target words A given trial began with a display of the word Ready
as assessed by a one-way ANOVA, F(4, 281) = 1.57, on the screen, and the sequence began 1,000 ms after
p = .183. this display was presented. The Ready screen was fol-
Stimuli for letter recall. The stimuli for the second lowed by the MT stimulus (e.g., CKM), which remained
taska memory task (MT)consisted of easily recog- on the screen for 1,000 ms. The participant then viewed a
nizable and frequently occurring capital letters: B, C, countdown of numbers from 10 to 1, each flashing on the
D, F, G, H, J, K, L, M, P, R, S, and T. When no letters screen individually for a total countdown time period
of 5,000 ms. A blank screen then appeared for 500 ms,
were presented prior to the pair of rhyming words, the
after which the first word in the pair (prime/ Rword1)
participant was shown five dashes, - - - - - (MT1).
was presented for 300 ms. Following Rword1, a blank
The letters for the remaining two conditions were ran-
screen appeared for 900 ms, and then the second word
domly presented in groups of three-letter (MT2) or five-
(target/ Rword2) was presented for 300 ms. As soon
letter (MT3) combinations. Each of these conditions
as Rword2 was presented, the participant made the
occurred one third of the time in the entire stimulus set
rhyme judgment using a yes or no keystroke. Partic-
of 240 word pairs. Following the response to the rhyming
ipants were allowed 3,500 ms for their rhyme decisions.
pair, the participant was shown another three- or five-
Following the keystroke, a second letter string was shown,
letter string that was either identical to the first letter
consisting of three or five letters that were either identi-
string or differed by a single letter. When the string of
cal to the initial MT stimulus (e.g., CKM) or dissimilar
letters differed by a single letter, both the position of
by one letter (e.g., BKM). The participant indicated
that letter in the sequence and the alternate replace-
whether the MT stimuli were the same using a yes
ment letter were randomly chosen. No individual letter
or no keystroke. There was no time constraint for the
was repeated in any of the three- or five-letter strings.
MT stimulus recall. Response keys alternated yes
and no position between right and left hand evenly
across groups.
Procedure Prior to the experiment, each participant performed
The participant was seated in a sound-conditioned a familiarization task, consisting of 20 trials that in-
booth and was positioned 36 in. from a 17-in. computer cluded at least one instance of each rhyming pair cou-
monitor. The participants were informed of the impor- pled with one of the concurrent MT conditions. None
tance of making the rhyme judgment as quickly and of the word pairs used in the familiarization task rep-
accurately as possible. The experiment followed the resented pairs found in the actual rhyme judgment
sequence shown in Figure 1. task. The experiment then followed. The complete set
Figure 1. Time course of an individual experimental trial, including the rhyming decision and short-
term memory tasks that were used to elicit reaction times and judgment accuracy. MT = letter
sequence for memory task; Rword1 = first word of rhyme decision task; Rword2 = second
word of rhyme decision task.
1868 Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research Vol. 55 18621875 December 2012
findings. In particular, neither the main effect of mem- find any group differences in RT for rhyme judgments.
ory condition, F(3, 32) = 0.716, p = .496, h2 = .043, nor the The main effect of rhyme was also significant, F(3, 48) =
Group Memory Condition interaction, F(3, 32) = 0.39, 49.0, p < .001, h2 = .754, and post hoc tests revealed that
p = .962, h2 = .002, were significant. This shows that both RT for the RO+ condition were slower compared with
AWS and AWNS performed similarly in each memory those for the other three conditions. A significant Group
condition (i.e., the recall of the three-letter and five-letter Rhyme interaction was obtained because AWS had sig-
strings) and that the increase in the cognitive load did nificantly slower RT in the RO+ condition than did
not significantly affect rhyme judgments of either partic- AWNS, F(3, 48) = 3.64, p = .019, h2 = .185, which is illus-
ipant group. However, there was a significant Rhyme trated in Figure 4. The results for the Group Rhyme
Memory Condition interaction, F(6, 96) = 3.93, p = .001, interaction correspond to those reported by Weber-Fox
h2 = .197, illustrated in Figure 3. Accordingly, the increase et al. (2004).
in cognitive load had a significant effect on rhyme accu- Overall, different cognitive loads (MT1, MT2, and
racy in the RO+ condition but did not affect the three MT3) did not affect RT, as indicated by the lack of a sig-
remaining conditions. In the RO+ condition, the accuracy nificant main effect of memory condition, F(3, 32) = 1.81,
was lower when the participants were asked to recall the p = .179, h2 = .102. However, a significant memory Con-
three-letter string (MT2) and was even lower when the dition Rhyme interaction revealed that RT increased
participants were asked to recall the five-letter string for the RO+ condition when the demands on letter re-
(MT3). These results indicate that the increased cogni- call were highest (MT3), F(3.69, 96.00) = 5.81, p < .001, h2 =
tive load in the present experiment further reduced ac- .266, GreenhouseGeiser. Furthermore, there were sig-
curacy in the phonological processing condition that is nificant group differences in RT as a function of memory
already the most demanding. However, even when rhyme condition, as indicated by a significant Group Memory
judgment decisions were most cognitively taxing, accuracy Condition interaction, F(3, 32) = 3.69, p = .036, h2 = .188. As
was not significantly different for AWS and AWNS, as illustrated in Figure 5, this interaction showed that RT
shown in a lack of significant interaction between group, for the AWNS did not differ significantly across the three
rhyme, and memory condition, F(6, 96) = 0.803, p = .568, memory conditions, but the RTs for AWS varied and were
h2 = .048. significantly shorter for MT2 (the three-letter string)
RT. Overall group differences in reaction time were relative to either MT1 or MT3. However, even when
found, showing that RTs for AWS were significantly slower the letter recall task and rhyme judgment decisions
(the delays were 241 ms greater) than those for AWNS, were most cognitively taxing, the RTs were not signifi-
F(1, 16) = 6.3, p = .023, h2 = .283. This result is different cantly different for AWS and AWNS, as shown by the
from that noted in Weber-Fox et al. (2004), who did not lack of significant interaction between group, rhyme, and
memory condition, F(6, 96) = 0.615, p = .72, h2 = .037.
Figure 3. Mean percent rhyme accuracy ( standard error) collapsed
across all participants (N = 18), by rhyme (R+O+ = rhyme and ortho- Figure 4. Mean ( standard error) reaction time for AWS (n = 9)
graphically congruent, RO+ = nonrhyme and orthographically con- and AWNS (n = 9) across rhyme conditions (R+O+ = rhyme and
gruent, R+O = rhyme and orthographically noncongruent, RO = orthographically congruent, RO+ = nonrhyme and orthographically
nonrhyme and orthographically noncongruent) and memory (MT1 = congruent, R+O = rhyme and orthographically noncongruent, RO =
no letter recall, MT2 = 3-letter recall, MT3 = 5-letter recall) conditions. nonrhyme and orthographically noncongruent).
1870 Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research Vol. 55 18621875 December 2012
compared with those in their study (about 100 ms). This attention to the task and improved the performance of
suggests that the dual-task demands additionally affect- AWS, whereas they tended to drift off more when there
ed the speed of phonological processing of AWS when were no letters (MT1) to recall. This interpretation is con-
rhyme decisions were already cognitively taxing. Given sistent with findings that AWS require greater sustained
that the responses of the current AWS participants attention to perform linguistic and cognitive tasks in dual-
were also slower, compared with those of AWNS, in this task paradigms (for a summary, see Bosshardt, 2006) and
most demanding rhyme condition, we may conclude that display impaired skills to focus attention (Heitmann,
the speech-language processing systems of AWS are Asbjrnsen, & Helland, 2004). It is also consistent, albeit
more susceptible to interference from co-occurring pro- to a lesser degree, with findings that children who do and
cessing demands (e.g., Bosshardt, 2002, 2006; Bosshardt do not stutter differ on measures of attention (e.g.,
et al., 2002; Caruso et al., 1994; Kleinow & Smith, 2000). Eggers, De Nil, & Vanden Bergh, 2010; Felsenfeld, van
Kramer and Donchin (1987) suggested that one pos- Beijsterveldt, & Boomsma, 2010; Karrass et al., 2006).
sible (but not only) source of the response delays in the It was also of interest to the study whether memory
rhyme matching taskeven with AWNScould be a ten- recall of AWS for stimuli presented concurrently with
dency to withhold a response when an orthographic/phono- the rhyming words is more susceptible to increased cog-
logical code conflict was discovered. This tendency thus nitive loads. We expected an overall decrease in accuracy
may be exacerbated in AWS. If increased delays come for the recall of letter strings regardless of their complex-
when there is an information conflict between the ortho- ity. Instead, it was found that responses of AWS were
graphic code and phonological code activated in the word less accurate compared with those of AWNS only for
recognition process, at what point in the process does the more complex five-letter combination when consid-
this occur? Kramer and Donchin (1987) used a task sim- ering only those cases in which rhyme judgments for
ilar to that used here (but without the memory task) both groups were correct. This indicates that the accu-
measuring ERPs (N200 and P300 latencies) as well as rate cognitive processing of AWS, when compared with
RTs and percent errors. They found a similar increase in that of AWNS, is more vulnerable to errors as task diffi-
RTs to the (RO+) pairs. Looking at the pattern of P300 culty increases, especially during a dual-task paradigm.
latencies and RTs, they suggested that the interaction As Bosshardt (2006) suggested, if the speech-language
(and, thus, the interference) of the orthographic and and other central executive systems are less modular-
phonological codes began during the stimulus evalua- ized (i.e., concurrent tasks draw on the same neuro-
tion stage, but the effect of the interaction was magnified cognitive resources) for AWS than for AWNS, then
during the later stages of processingthe latter perhaps concurrent tasks would be more likely to have detrimental
a result of a cascading effect in mental processing effects on the performance of AWS during dual-task situa-
(McClelland, 1979). However, although Weber-Fox et al. tions (for a review, see Bajaj, 2007). Notably, a mounting
(2004) also found an increase in P300 latencies in the body of evidence indicates that concurrent tasks involving
RO+ condition, they reported that these early neural the central executive affect the performance of AWS to a
processes operated similarly for AWS and AWNS. It is greater degree than those of AWNS on a variety of speech
tempting, then, to speculate that at least some of the in- (e.g., Bosshardt, 1999, 2002; Bosshardt et al., 2002; Caruso
creased RTs in AWS stems from increased interference et al., 1994; De Nil & Bosshardt, 2000; cf. Arends, Povel, &
in the later stages of word recognition (and, perhaps, Kolk, 1988; Vasic & Wijnen, 2005) and nonspeech
that they are more likely to process irrelevant informa- (e.g., Brutten & Trotter, 1986; Greiner, Fitzgerald, &
tion). However, our data cannot speak directly to that Cooke, 1986; Smits-Bandstra, De Nil, & Rochon, 2006;
question. Sussman, 1982) tasks. If true, this may explain why accu-
The speed of phonological processing of AWS com- racy on the recall of five-letter combinations degraded at a
pared with that of AWNS also varied as a function of com- greater rate for AWS than for AWNS as the difficulty
plexity of the letter string that the participants were to within the dual-task paradigm increased.
recall. Greater delays were found (a) when rhyme judg-
ments were made concurrently while preserving in mem-
ory a more complex five-letter combination compared
with a three-letter combination and (b) when no letters
Conclusion
(i.e., five dashes) were shown prior to the rhyming pair. The present study explored differences between AWS
Although the slower responses in conjunction with the and AWNS in phonological processing using a rhyme de-
longer letter string can be expected, obtaining the slower cision task, while concurrently varying degrees of cogni-
responses with no letters is surprising. One explanation tive load. The results showed that AWS, compared with
may be that the cognitive load associated with the three- AWNS, displayed poorer performance on RT and selected
letter recall task did not tax the AWS sufficiently to slow accuracy measures during phonological and cognitive pro-
responding; rather, it may have enhanced sustained cessing tasks, especially as the cognitive load increased.
1872 Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research Vol. 55 18621875 December 2012
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1874 Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research Vol. 55 18621875 December 2012
Appendix (p. 2 of 2). Word pairs.
R+O+ RO+ R+O RO