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Introduction
relevant to the subject of political ambition of the youth. Such a review identifies potential
research problems (i.e., research gaps) on the same topic while being contextualized in the
Philippines, one of which is the question that this research seeks to answer. It further aims to
synthesize a viable research framework (or frameworks) that is grounded on the work of scholars
who investigated the same topic, which can be used to answer the present research problem.
This review proceeds under various sections. This introduction is followed by a section
that discusses political participation as well as other attendant topics that helps in situating it in
conceptualized and studied under this area5. Thereafter, I will present a limited survey of studies
on the political participation of the youth, emphasizing how these studies considered the
political participation will be briefly enumerated, and the discussion will end by introducing the
reader to the concept of political ambition as, arguably, the ultimate form of political
participation. The discussion will proceed to defining and comparing types of political ambition.
Special attention will be given to discussing nascent political ambition, which is central to the
The next section consists of looking more closely at the concept of political ambition,
particularly, the different ways it has been conceptualized. Specifically, political ambition will be
5
Political ambition has also been studied under the subtopics electoral politics, candidate recruitment, and party
politics. A brief explanation of how different the present problematization of political ambition from a participation
standpoint will be made.
11
discussed by explaining how different scholars who used different approaches and/or theories
conceptualized and operationalized political participation and ambition. This will be followed by
a section that reviews the research design and methodology that were used by several researches
After that is a section devoted to discussing how the concepts of political participation
and socialization have been operationalized in the Philippine context. This will be done by
providing a limited survey of the studies that problematized them, focusing on literature on the
youth. Also included is a brief description of the political context where such phenomena
happen. The last part of this section will look into relevant literature that concerns political
ambition itself: While present researches are arguably silent on political ambition6 in the
Philippines, some literature on two areas local government and the party-list system will be
looked into as possible subtopics where the concept of political ambition is implicitly discussed7.
The last section will attempt to synthesize the concepts from the preceding sections to
produce two frameworks that could be used in studying political ambition of the youth in the
Philippines. I have mentioned this briefly in the research question subsection of the previous
chapter.
6
As conceptualized in this paper
7
The researcher intended to include even narrowly relevant materials that implicitly or even passingly discussed
political ambition in the Philippines. However, there is really nothing to be had in the current literature (at least to
the best of the researchers knowledge) that discusses political ambition the way the concept is used in foreign
researchers. As such, no actual literature concerning local government and the party-list system in the Philippines is
included in this paper. That is also the reason why a stronger connection between political ambition and political
participation will be made here.
12
Political Participation, Political Participation of the Youth, and Political Ambition
What is remarkable about reference materials from which to draw and compare
normative concerns about it. Schlozman (2011), for example, describes the essentiality of
participation in a democracy, saying, in the vein of Almond and Verba, that it is hard to maintain
stability in a democracy on a national scale without the citizens right to vote for their political
leaders and to take part freely in politics in many other ways (2011, 1260).
Kaase (2011) on the other hand posits the central importance of citizen participation to
the very existence of a society, be it traditional or modern. He emphasized a reality that also
dictates how much of political participation research has been accomplished in terms of units of
analysis: that in a given society, every member, though expected to participate in some way, is
not expected to participate in every way, or in each domain in the society. Domain refers to
the locus of participation the individual (microlevel), the structure that links these individuals
as well as institutions (mesolevel), and the elements crystalized in rules and institutions that
Schlozman and Kaase define it differently. Kaase, for instance, provides a definition that can be
content of political participation, especially in the context of a democracy. Both are insightful
and elucidatory.
13
According to Kaase (2011, 1777), participation, broadly defined, refers first, to activities
of individual members of any given meso- or macro-unit of analysis. Note here the immediacy
of identifying the locus and context (the meso and the macro) of the individual behavior
expressed in actions the core of participation from which the phenomenon of participation
can be studied. This emphasis on having a definition that can be easily operationalized in
research is also evident when he said how dynamics and change, as they relate to political
participation, have obvious implications for research design (2011, 1777, emphasis added).
On the other hand, Schlozmans definition focuses more on the content of political
According to Schlozman (2011, 1260) voluntary political participation refers to any activities of
citizens that intend to influence government action, either directly, by influencing the policy
process, or indirectly, by choosing the people who will create those policies. These activities can
candidate, and can occur at any level from the local, to the national, and, increasingly,
It is worth noting how both deal with ambiguities in their definitions of participation.
Kaase acknowledges that political participation is quite different from social participation (2011,
1778); indeed, his own survey on the topic reflects this by devoting separate sections on both.
Schlozman, on the other hand, wrestled first with the blurry boundary between the political and
the religious, recognizing how both the religious and secular domains outside of politics
intersects with politics in many ways (2011, 1260), and this is true for political participation.
Second, she wrestled with the ambiguity of the word activity itself that is present in her
definition: is voluntary political participation limited to activities that are clearly political such as
14
volunteering for a political party or attending a peace rally, or does it also include private
actions such as political discussions with friends or researching for political information? (2011,
1261).
Much of the motivation to survey the political participation of the youth from a normative
standpoint comes from the belief that the participation of the youth in political processes,
whether formal or informal, is of utmost important for the survival and flourishing of a regime,
especially a democratic one. This is acknowledged by Mycock and Tonge (2012), Fox and
Lawless (2013), and Velasco (2007a). This is also reflected by the abundant literature that
explores the topic of youth and politics in terms of their level of engagement in politics and how
Kyranakis and Nurvala (2013) and Strama (1998) acknowledge a widespread sense of
disengagement and cynicism among qualified youth voters in the European Union and the
United States, respectively. What has been clearly established in these studies is that the youth in
these places are not necessarily uninterested in politics per se; they just feel disengaged and
cynical specifically with electoral politics. To elaborate, these studies contend that the youth
were especially active in their participation and membership in civic organizations and fund-
raising charities (Kyranakis and Nurvala 2013; Strama 1998) they have not lost their civic
spirit and democratic impulse (Strama 1998), so to speak. What they lost was interest in
voting, as evidenced in low youth voter turnout in the elections that immediately preceded the
studies (Kyranakis and Nurvala 2013; Strama 1998). In short, the youth tended to value other
kinds of participation (Kyranakis and Nurvala 2013); indeed they substitute these forms for
electoral participation which they feel cannot make a difference (Strama 1998).
15
But the more significant parts of both studies come from normative arguments that they
raise about the importance of electoral participation of the youth to their respective political
systems, and hence, their proposed measures to alleviate the problem. Kyranakis and Nurvala,
for one, believe that the indifference of young people in voting presents a serious threat to the
legitimacy of [the European Union] democratic system (2013, 264, emphasis added), adding
that the participation of young people in electoral politics is important to safeguard, for
posteritys sake, the system and its institutions (2013, 265). Strama, on the other hand, ties faith
in the political process itself to the level of democratic participation, including voting, of the
At the heels of these normative arguments are proposed measures that are deemed
necessary if youth turnout in elections are to improve. Among others, one of the most remarkable
suggestions of Kyranakis and Nurvala, remarkable because many attempt but few succeed
(Grover 2011), is to lower the statutory voting age to 16 years old. This, according to them, is not
an easy solution, but they see how opportune this is considering the young will still be at
school and can be more formally encouraged and informed about politics (2013, 266). Strama
also has a handful of proposals to solve the problem, but the most remarkable is his suggestion to
open up the political system to alternative political parties (i.e., parties other than the GOP or the
Democratic Party). This is partly because in the elections that preceded his study, independent
candidates for president, and even for local or state positions, performed best among the eighteen
to twenty-four year-olds showing that a substantial number of young people in America are
searching for alternative ways of accessing the political system (1998, 77).
Henn, Weinstein, and Forrest (2005), in assessing the disengagement of the youth in
the United Kingdom from electoral politics, suggest that such disaffection by the young people
16
will eventually spill out in the future when they replace their more civic-oriented elders,
undermining and threatening the legitimacy of the political system (citing Mulgan and Wilkinson
1997, 558). This is also a normative concern that guides their study on the attitudes of young
people towards party politics. What did they find? Contrary to assertions of previous literature,
Henn, Weinstein, and Forrest found out that the youth are actually interested in political matters,
and they are also still committed to and approve the idea of elections and the democratic process
(2005, 573). This seems to echo the sentiment in the literature reviewed above, where the young
are willing to uphold democracy and the values and processes it entails, but are somewhat
Mycock and Tonges study also express a normative concern in their article that sought to
explore how the different political parties in the United Kingdom engaged with young people
and the concepts of youth citizenship and democratic engagement in the aftermath of the youth
riots in England in 2011 (2012, 139). Specifically, they contend that effective citizenship and
political participation are seen as prerequisites for a functioning society (2012, 155), and that
young people populate a uniquely strategic position within society and in party political
debate about the future development of citizenship and the national community (2012, 138).
Mycock and Tonge sought to understand how political parties understand the concepts
youth citizenship and democratic engagement, and how their understanding translate to their
relationships with the youth. All-in-all, their findings can be summarized into two points (2012,
156). First, the political parties in the United Kingdom have systematically engaged the youth in
engagement that empower the youth politically or socially. This means that these parties expect
the youth to limit their demands to rights that were already enjoyed by their elders. Second,
17
political parties continue to consider young people as distinct from the rest of society, and in
effect, the ways they interact with them is reflected by exclusion and uncertainty The youth in
turn would not engage more substantially with these parties (2012, 157).
These four studies that were reviewed, though just a small sampling of abundant
literature on youth political participation available, emphasize the normative concerns about such
kind of participation. The next section digresses from the topic of the youth for a while to discuss
Although it has been operationalized and refined differently in various studies, scholars
seem to have an implicit, general agreement that political ambition refers the desire to run for
and hold an elective office (Bashevkin 1985; Fox and Lawless 2004, 2005, 2008, 2010, 2011;
Frederick 2013). It should be noted that arguably much, if not all, of existing political ambition
studies have focused on political ambition in connection with elections. This means that the
locus of political ambition as it has been studied is democracies. For the purpose of this paper, a
brief explanation of how the concept of political ambition has been studied in connection to other
The research problem behind this paper intends to investigate political ambition mainly in
the context of political participation. This means it considers political ambition as a precursor (an
attitude) to a form of political participation (behavior) that which involves deciding to run for
public office and mounting an electoral campaign. To put it more clearly, consider what Lawless
18
Running for public office represents the ultimate act of political participation; it signals
an individuals willingness to put himself or herself before the voters and vie to become a
Interestingly, this way of situating political ambition as a topic of study within the realm
of political participation has yielded research questions regarding gender and ethnic differences
and the level of political ambition (see Clark, Hadley, and Darcy 1989; Frederick 2013;
Greenlee, Holman, and Vansickle-Ward 2014; Lawless and Fox 2010; Mansbridge 1999; Merritt
1982; Palmer and Simon 2003), with slight variations on specific concerns. This reflects the
general interest in political participation as a whole in the extent of how different, for example,
the level of political participation between men and women is, and what factors causes such
difference (see Burns, Schlozman, and Verba 2001), and how such differences affect normative
concerns such as adequacy of representation (see Mansbridge 1999). A recent study by Lawless
and Fox (2013) focuses on the surprising early-stage gender gap in political ambition of young
Political ambition has also been studied in the context of candidate recruitment and party
politics (see Herrick 2001). It is important to note that in these contexts, the unit of analysis is the
party. The research questions revolve around what factors parties take into consideration in
choosing which party members should be fielded as candidates, and whether the political
ambition of individual party members affect party choices of candidates to field or not (see
Lawless and Fox 2010, 89-90 for example). It can be said that in these contexts political
This is clearly different from the way political ambition in the context of political
participation is studied. The unit of analysis is the individual, and one of the frequent goals of
19
analysis is to identify which and how sociopolitical factors create or transform political ambition
Four types of political ambition are briefly discussed below: expressive ambition,
progressive ambition, dynamic ambition, and nascent ambition. These types of ambition differ
mainly on when they occur in individuals, and, based on researches, what types of factors (e.g.,
Expressive ambition refers to the actual decision of an individual to run for a public
office (Fox and Lawless 2005). The same authors contend that much of the literature that has
generated broad contributions to the understanding of political ambition revolves around the
study of political and structural circumstances that directly affect expressive ambition (2005,
644). Progressive ambition, on the other hand, refers to the desire of a current office holder to
seek re-election or to run for higher office. This desire is either predicated on structural
incentives (see Black 1972; Maestas 2003; Keane and Merlo 2010) or individual personalities
that shape such desire (Rohde 1979 in Fox and Lawless 2005).
Both dynamic ambition and nascent ambition are original propositions of Richard L. Fox
and Jennifer L. Lawless (2011 and 2005, respectively). Dynamic ambition is an innovation over
what Fox and Lawless (2011) said has been the treatment of scholars of political ambition in
their researches for the past 60 years: that it is a trait that is relatively static. Contending that
thinking about political ambition as a trait that fluctuates has an intuitive appeal, Fox and
Lawless define dynamic ambition as the process by which an individual gains or loses political
ambition over time (2011, 445), affected by myriad factors [working] systematically to
20
encourage and suppress [it] (2011, 444). These factors include, among others, changes in
political efficacy and changes in predictors of political engagement (2011, 446, 447).
Nascent ambition, on the other hand, is the initial inclination of an individual to consider
running for office, the embryonic or potential interest in office seeking that precedes the actual
decision to enter a specific political contest (2005, 643). To further elucidate this concept, Fox
A distinct, yet vitally important phase of the development of political ambition occurs
well before the actual decision to enter a specific race ever transpires. If the notion of a
candidacy has never even crossed an individuals mind, then he/she never actually faces
necessary to step back and assess nascent ambition (2005, 644, emphasis added).
Lawless (2005, 2011) have tended to focus on either rationality of the individual, or the political
focuses on a plurality of factors to explain how it comes about (2011, 644-647). This same
consideration is reflected in a research framework presented in the last section of this paper.
Political ambition, just like many other topics in political science, has been studied using
various theoretical approaches. Indeed, the just-discussed different types of political ambition
likely came to be conceptualized in those ways because of the differences in factors that play in
each of them, which in turn demand different approaches so they can be studied more
21
appropriately (see Fox and Lawless 2005 for difference in approach in studying expressive
ambition and nascent ambition). There is a point in highlighting the important differences that
these approaches effect on the study of political ambition8 these theoretical approaches can
affect how researchers conceive of political ambition, and they themselves are implicated in the
way some of the researchers discussed below operationalized the concepts from these macro
approaches to create a micro theory that explains political ambition. But it should also be taken
well how the arguments and eventual results of the studies that used these different approaches
can help in gaining a holistic understanding of the factors that determine the emergence of
Lasswell and proceeding finally to the contemporary political ambition project of Jennifer
Lawless and Richard Fox, highlighting how the concept of political ambition was appropriated in
different studies that used different theoretical approaches, and thus a presenting a kind an of
Before delving deeper, all of the materials surveyed below were empirical studies
conducted in the United States, with the exception of Harold Lasswells chapter on his book
Power and Personality. As such, it is important to bear in mind the context where the
8
Admittedly, not all of the studies included here directly studied political ambition per se (i.e., one was about
political participation in general and another looked into representation), but they are deemed as paramount to
generating a sufficient understanding of how political ambition can be potentially studied that is consistent and
conversant (see next footnote) with how political ambition was conceived by scholars who are more focused on
the topic. For example, Black mentioned how political socialization and psychoanalytic explanations of ambition are
insufficient, thus his study on political opportunity structures and structural incentives. Fox and Lawless study on
nascent political ambition harks back to different scholars work, including Blacks, to synthesize a plurality
model that shows the many facets of political ambition.
9
Some scholars, though, converse with previous works by saying that what they did in their study improves upon,
or at most, rebuffs what previous scholars have concluded in their investigations that used a different theoretical
approach.
22
Looking at political ambition through a psychoanalytic lens
Harold Dwight Lasswell might be more famous for his work on political propaganda and
political communication, which set the trail for future work in communication theory (Holst
2011), than for his work on political ambition, so to speak. Nevertheless, he deems his analyses
in his works such as Power and Personality, which applies Freudian theory in the explanation of
political behavior, as pressing and necessary if one wants to survive in the political realm
(Holst 2011). More importantly, his work might be quite old, but it is acknowledged as the
groundwork of most, if not all, research on political ambition in the United States (Fox and
Lawless 2005).
With that said, Lasswells concept of political ambition revolves around the political
type, or the person who is inclined to politics. According to Lasswell, The political type is
characterized by an intense and ungratified craving for deference, someone who naturally
concept of the political type harks back to psychology, psychoanalysis, and theory of personality
through and through: the conception of the political type is that some personalities are power
seekers, searching out the power institutions of the society and devoting themselves to the
Interestingly, Lasswell highlights people who have power without wanting it those born
in high positions in society but relinquish it for some enterprise other than politics (e.g., love,
religion, scholarship) (1948, 20). By mentioning historical examples, especially heirs apparent or
even monarchs who forewent the throne to follow some other passion (e.g., Edward VIII of the
10
This term and its contemporary definition does not seem to appear on Power and Personality.
23
United Kingdom), Lasswell highlights the fact that the desire for power does not come from an
individuals rationality, nor from the availability of political opportunity structures, but from his
or her personality. The political type then, is a person who artfully navigates his or her way
through the different stages of life and prefers11 to capture (and consciously search for) the
Lasswell also mentions the relationship between the political type and the contexts where
such type of individuals emerge. He notes that when power is highly valued in a culture,
individuals of the political type appropriate it according to the same measure (1948, 33). He also
notes that a persons social position at birth can affect a persons accentuation to power although
not definitively, for even those born in constrictive positions with respect to attaining power can
become all the more intensely devoted to the pursuit of it (1948, 36). Finally, he remarks from
historical examples that the wealthy tend to accentuate to power in times of social crises (1948,
37).
ambition research, has not been without challenge. Indeed, the next approach directly challenged
Lasswells assumption.
Reviewing Gordon Blacks groundbreaking study on the political ambition of some 430
city councilmen from San Francisco Bay Area in 1972 might as well begin with the very last
11
The keyword is prefer such preference is rooted from personality, not from external structures.
24
[My] description of the development of ambition differs markedly from the view that
sees the politician as a driven man who decides his course early on and plans his life
accordingly. Perhaps there are such men, but we suspect they are a distinct minority. The
tides of politics are too great to permit men to chart an undeviating route through the
uncertain and troubled waters of political life (Black 1972, 144, emphasis added).
For a scholar in the vein of Lasswell who approaches the phenomenon of political
Nevertheless, they provide a springboard from which to understand the study that Black
undertook, especially its context. Black believes that political ambition is at the heart of
American political lore, and that the American public is aware and is cautious of politicians
ambitions. But he wonders why political ambition has not evolved into a primary research
subject in the study of politics during his time. His study sought to fill that hole by conceiving
of a theory of political ambition based on career choices and the roles of structural incentives
(1972, 145).
For Black, people with political ambition attempt to behave in a rational manner in
selecting among alternative offices; that rather than being driven by excessive ambition, they
tend to develop ambition slowly as a result of their changing circumstances (1972, 145), which
The first assumption is that people with political ambition are rational office-seekers
(1972, 145). Black however distanced his concept of rationality from that which is generally
decision, examine the choices they are confronted with, and that they will evaluate the choices in
terms of how likely they will succeed and how valuable they are for them. They also choose the
25
alternative which will yield them the greatest return. Black is aware that rational office-seekers
are utility maximizers but not to the point of having perfect knowledge to guide their choices so
The second assumption is that structural factors (in Blacks study, the size of a city and
the competitiveness of a citys elections) systematically affect most individuals who seek public
office, that is, their impact is both pervasive and critical so that some men are led to pursue
public offices and some are led to avoid them. This is in stark contrast to the idiosyncratic
nature of other factors, such as an individuals previous public prominence or his need for
Blacks key research question is this: Does the structure of the political system in which
would-be politicians are recruited to run determine the type of people who emerge as candidates
(i.e., those who actually decide to run)? Blacks study answers the question in the affirmative,
but he raised two important points about the answer. First, the structure(s) of a political system
decide the types of candidates that eventually emerge, but only indirectly. These structures can
be seen as creating barriers to election that only some types of people overcome. Others relent
or choose less risky and costly directions (i.e., non-political careers). Second, the structure of
the political system also shape both the risks that politicians face and the investments they
need to make to capture political office (1972, 158), thus showing how the effect of the structure
is two-fold and influences beyond the emergence of the office-seeker to his actions in his
campaign.
Two examples of studies that used a rational-structural approach that is similar to Blacks
are Cherie Maestas, and Michael Keane and Antonio Merlos. Maestas (2003) argues for the
rationality of ambitious politicians by testing how they use structures such as public opinion
26
monitoring to gauge their prospects for higher offices. Her research showed that legislators who
are progressively ambitious spend more time monitoring public opinion than legislators who are
either non- or statically ambitious (2003, 39). Keane and Merlo (2010), on the other hand, uses
the rational-structural approach in making the case for how policies such as those concerned with
congressional wage affect the decisions of members of the US Congress to either run for
reelection, for the higher office, or leave. They found out that these kinds of policies do affect
legislators decisions, though in different capacities skilled politicians, Democrats, and those
who were first elected when they were young would leave Congress if their salaries are reduced,
while politicians with the most accomplishment would not care and stay (2010, 186).
Going back to Black, it should be noted that his study is not just a reaction to approaching
political ambition from a psychoanalytic perspective. Amongst his conclusions is that studying
political ambition from a rational-structural standpoint can generally benefit the research
enterprise itself, because, among other reasons, his findings suggest that the more immediate
structural forces around an individual play more powerful roles in shaping that individuals
political ambition, than say, his or her political socialization during childhood or early
The span of Paul Beck, M. Kent Jennings, et al.s study on political participation from a
political socialization perspective is a feat on its own it spanned three generations from the first
batch of respondents in 1965, their parents, and eventually, the offspring of the 1965 respondents
(a fourth batch/generation can be considered if the spouses of the 1965 respondents were to be
included) (Jennings 2000). This longitudinal study has borne much fruit in terms of researches
27
produced, and one of these researches is reviewed in this paper for the approach to political
It should be noted that while political ambition is not the specific topic of Beck and
Jennings journal article (1982), their study is included here for review because first, it is
implicitly reactive against researches that do not seriously consider or altogether disregards
political socialization as viable explanation for adult political participation behavior, including
political ambition (e.g., Blacks study reviewed above). Second, Beck and Jennings work
substantially influences more recent scholars on political participation and political ambition (see
Burns, Schlozman, and Verba 2000 and Fox and Lawless 2005).
With that said, Beck and Jennings identified and tested in their study four pathways of
political socialization that influences and/or leads to adult participation. They used the
longitudinal method to analyze eight years worth of data (1965-1973). They clarify that these
pathways are not the only means of socialization, but a careful examination of them should
suffice to show how the political socialization process contributes to adult political attitudes
The first of the four pathways is called the Intergenerational Socioeconomic Status
model. This model posits that parents SES determines the SES of their children (which in turn
shape their political attitudes and behaviors), through class-specific child rearing practices and
The second pathway is called the Parent Civic Orientations model, which posits a purely
political explanation as to why adults participate in politics, and how their parents have an
28
influence on this. That is, the political and civic orientations of parents leave a lasting
adults (1982, 98). Similarly, the third pathway, which is called the Parent Political Participation
model, draws on such strong influence of parents on their children that their children follow their
footsteps when it comes to the political activities that they partake into (such as activism) (1982,
98-99).
The last pathway is generally considered unrelated to the first three. Called the School
school has a strong impact on young adult political participation, even exceeding the effects of
One of the major works on this vein is by Burns, Schlozman, and Verba (2001) on the
private roots of public action. They investigated how socialization in relatively private settings
such as the home and the church, as well as the school, induce gender differences in political
behavior. They discovered for example that experiences at school, more than the level of
educational attainment itself, has a meaningful effect on future political participation (2001, 147-
149). They also found out that even the fact that the US political environment has been more
open to women (i.e., women are more present in prominent government positions except the
presidency), has led other women to get more psychologically involved in politics. They
attribute this to socialization by the media who reports heavily on women candidates (2001,
351).
Returning to Beck and Jennings, one of the major takeaways of their work is that any
29
specifically an individuals political socialization process from the previous stages of his or her
political culture, reveals other factors that are contingent to the shaping of a persons political
behavior, than say, more parsimonious approaches such as rational choice, though, as it will be
seen below, it is not impossible to synthesize the two to create a more comprehensive model.
The normative lens is vital because it helps scholars make sense of the practical and real-
world application of the products of research endeavors. But in the case of political ambition, a
normative concern can stand as an explanation (not just a ground for prescription) as to why
people seek public office. Jane Mansbridges article (1999), though more prescriptive than
explanatory, can be very helpful in providing an approach or research framework to scholars that
always necessary, but rather the best approach to descriptive representation is contextual (1999,
654), that is, when benefits of such kind of representation outweigh the cost. Especially on her
mind is the question of whether women and blacks should be represented by women and blacks,
same as his or her constituents. Descriptive similarity entails similarity of race, gender, religion,
occupation, etc., so that a black should represent blacks, and a farmer should represent farmers
(1999, 629).
Mansbridge tries to elucidate her concern about descriptive representation of women and
blacks by tackling the question of selective representation which groups should be represented,
30
why and how many from each (1999, 633), to bring out the concepts of deliberative and
aggregative functions of democracy (1999, 634). The deliberative function of democracy aims
at understanding which policies are good both for the whole polity and the representatives
constituents (1999, 634). The aggregative function of democracy on the other hand aims at
producing some form of relatively legitimate decision, taking into account fundamentally
conflicting interests among various groups (1999, 634). She synergizes these concepts to provide
gives communicative and informational advantages to representatives especially for issues that
are close to their and their constituents hearts (1999, 635-636), and that it gives the political
process more legitimacy because minorities are more willing to speak their positions when
virtue of deliberative democracy, all the while acknowledging that there are also harms that if not
properly mitigated, might be detrimental to the participation and representation of other groups
in the political process. She concludes by saying that, many contexts considered, descriptive
representation has benefits that extend throughout the political system (1999, 654).
Richard Fox and Jennifer Lawless work on political ambition, which can be considered
as the most lucid and most comprehensive contemporary corpus, spans different subareas of
interest from gender differences with regards to political ambition, to the fluctuation of ambition
in individuals, to the political ambition of the youth in the United States. The specific article
reviewed in this section of the paper is about Fox and Lawless study on nascent political
31
This particular study is important because it attempts to include all of the most important
factors involved in the approaches (except for one) above into a single model that attempts to
explain the emergence of political ambition in an individual. They derive six expectations that
foment ambition in individuals in its critical and intricate initial stages, and which they
anticipate to separately affect individuals likelihood of running for office in the future (2005,
644). First is called the strategic consideration expectation, which centers on individuals self-
The second is called the ideological and political interest expectation, which refers to
individuals ideological or political drive, especially regarding certain issues (2005, 646). The
third is called politicized upbringing expectation, which refers to the political socialization of
individuals in their respective families (2005, 646), and is borrowed from the political
socialization approach. The fourth is called the minority status expectation, which refers to the
effect, albeit negatively, of sexual and/or racial minority status to political ambition (2005, 646).
This quite related to the normative-representation approach above that was put forward by
Mansbridge.
The fifth is called the competitive traits expectation, which centers on the notion that
those who ultimately seek public office are naturally competitive, ambitious and driven (2005,
646), and recalls Lasswells idea of the political type. The last is called the stage in life
expectation, which suggests that age and marital status can also influence an individuals desire
It should be noted that early on in explaining the essence of nascent ambition, Fox and
Lawless explicitly differentiates it from expressive ambition which focused on the political and
structural circumstances involved in running for a particular office that determines whether
32
individuals will choose to enter specific political contests (2005, 644). But if the idea of
running for public office never crossed the mind of a person, he or she is not faced by political
and structural circumstances (i.e., political opportunity structures) that will help him or
determine which race to enter. Nascent ambition is exactly concerned with the first moment that
idea crosses the mind of an individual, and it can be surmised that a plurality of factors is
invoked to help explain it (rather than just personality, political socialization or normativity)
Methodologies and Research Designs Used in Selected Political Participation and Political
Ambition Researches
methodologies of some researches on political participation and political ambition. Two major
(bodies of) works will be reviewed in this section. Burns, Schlozman, and Verbas book will be
discussed at length first, as they have reflected much upon the way [their] methods grow out of
[their] theoretical understanding (2001, 39) of their research problem. There is much to be had
in the richness of their discussion of their methods, which is also a presentation of an overall
strategy for studyingpolitical activity (2001, 39), something that cannot be frequently found
in the shorter journal article format. The corpus of Fox and Lawless will also be discussed, as it
is interesting to note how they implemented varying research methods from study to study.
These researches are, in terms of their methodology and research design, considered
Like much of Fox and Lawless work, Burns, Schlozman and Verbas book centers on
their study on the gender differences on political participation at large. This is reviewed at length
33
even though it does not deal directly with political ambition, because, as explained in the
preceding sections, the researcher would like to study political ambition as a form of political
participation.
In the chapter dedicated to explaining the methods they used for their study12, the authors
explained at the outset that their approach is rooted in quantitative techniques used in social
science, as well as from concepts of feminist theorists (2001, 39). For example, they borrowed
from feminist theory the idea that any study on gender differences between men and women
must take into consideration the heterogeneity within these groups. This concept guided them to
use separate regression analyses for men and women in their study (2001, 39). Ultimately, their
use of a variety of methods is guided by their desire to measure the political participation, in all
its forms, of a large number of citizens; to compare women and men, while paying attention to
the diversity within each group; and to generalize to the population as a whole on the basis of
To this end they used a mix of methods, but relying more heavily on the quantitative
types. Specifically, they used sample surveys as the foundation of their research. For Burns,
Schlozman, and Verba, sample surveys are predicated on the democratic principle of equal
voice (2001, 41) and they permit researchers to study individuals and groups who might not
otherwise have a voice (2001, 44), making them particularly appropriate in studying the subject
of gender gap in political participation (2001, 43). Sample surveys also allow researchers to
12
Dubbed The Citizen Participation Study, this multi-wave major survey of civic engagement in a variety of
domains (Burns, Schlozman, and Verba 2001, 54-56) was conducted in four waves from 1989 to 1990, starting
from a large nationwide sample of 15,000 which served as a baseline for several proceeding samples depending on
the aspect of the research being investigated.
34
eliminate bias and draw important generalizations on the patterns of behavior and belief that are
not directly observable, especially when drawn from a large sample (2001, 42).
This is not to say that sample surveys are the be-all, end-all of all social scientific inquiry.
They also acknowledged the fact that surveys cannot capture the rich texture of individuals
thinking and experiences (2001, 44-45), and thus also conducted less superficial but also less
popular culture, etc. through the use of qualitative methods (2001, 45). This is evidenced by
opening anecdotes in each chapter of their book that reveal more in-depth details about the
aspect of the phenomenon being studied. In using a plurality of methods, Burns, Schlozman, and
Verba believes that they are not simple being methodological pluralists, but that their desire to
use a set of techniques is informed by their topic of gender and politics (2001, 45).
Aside from sample surveys, the authors also used multivariate analysis, acknowledging
that research on political participation has always involved looking into multiple factors to help
in explanations (2001, 45-46). Specifically, Burns, Schlozman, and Verba used multiple
regression to help understand better how factors influence the outcome being studied how
they affect individually and jointly (2001, 46). A key component of regression analysis is the
regression coefficient, which helps researchers see how much influence an individual factor
exerts on the outcome if all other factors remain controlled or constant (2001, 46).
But the authors did not use multivariate analysis as it has been standardly used in
previous social science inquiry. An important aspect of their use of the method is to implement
separate regression equations, which is rooted in the fact that the social processes considered as
variables in studies on gender do not have the same effect on men and women: Our common-
sense understandingsand theorizing about gendersuggest that women and men often have
35
different experiences within social institutions (2001, 49). This defied previous convention that
used only one regression equation for the whole sample, regardless of gender (2001, 48).
Burns, Schlozman, and Verba further elaborated their method by using multiple
regression analysis for each institution analyzed in relation to their effects on political
participation. They broke down their analysis of institutions by separately analyzing factors that
led to the selection of the samples into the institutions and how they are treated by these
institutions when they get in (2001, 51-52). Finally, they linked individual regression analyses of
institutions to each other to be able to weigh their effect on political participation individually
and jointly. In the process, they were also able to observe how these institutions affect not just
All-in-all, two key takeaways could be emphasized from the work of these three scholars.
First, attention to methodological detail can bear much fruit in terms of what new or insightful
knowledge can be had from a research enterprise. Second, methodological pluralism should be
informed not by the belief that more is better, but by its appropriateness to the research problem.
In Burns, Schlozman, and Verbas case, their use of quantitative, and to some extent, qualitative
methods has provided a more lucid (but at the same time empirical) account of the phenomenon.
Fox and Lawless corpus is remarkable in two ways. First, the first study was conceived
to look into the gender differences in the decision to run for public office. But because of the
richness of the data they were able to gather, their work grew to include other aspects of political
ambition (e.g., nascent ambition), and how major social structures such as family and political
opportunity structures affect political ambition across genders. Second, the study has become
36
longitudinal the first panel study in 2001 has been followed up in 2008, revealing insights on
how political ambition can change through time. This panel study bore much fruit in terms of
journal articles published by the authors, four of which are surveyed here. Another study by Fox
and Lawless included in this survey but not based on the same data set as above, looks into
gender differences in political ambition among high school students in the U.S. Yet another
survey looks into the effect of traditional family structures and sex-roles in womens political
ambition. These are also surveyed together with the first four.
The empirical basis for most of Fox and Lawless work together on political ambition is
called The Political Ambition Study, whose first wave was conducted in 2001. They sought to
conduct a national survey of citizens about their decision (or indecision) to run for office, and the
gender differences that affect such decision. Because their research entails looking into gender
differences, the researchers prevented sampling problems such as reputational bias (in which
the selection of respondents is skewed towards those who are already holding public offices or
skewed against gender, race, or class, 2004, 266) by developing what they called the eligibility
pool, which is a sex-stratified national sample of citizens who have occupations that usually
precedes a career in politics (based on data from the U.S. Congress). This pool is a national
sample of 6,800 men and women who were each sent a four-page survey, with an eventual final
sample size of 3,765 (those who mailed back responses) (2004, 266). The second wave of The
Citizen Political Ambition Study was conducted in 2008, with 2,036 completely responding to
The main research problem that the authors sought to answer in the first article (2004)
that is based on The Citizen Political Ambition Study was about the gender differences in the
manner in which women and men emerge as candidates for the first public office they seek
37
(2004, 266). Specifically, they sought to understand who considers running and who actually
runs from four professions that usually precedes an elective career law, business, education,
and politics (i.e., public policy and activism). To this end, Fox and Lawless used quantitative
methods to compute probability and interaction of multiple variables, such as mean, standard
The succeeding articles (2005, 2010 and 2011) which looked into the initial desire to run
for public office, the role of gender in the political recruitment process (nascent ambition), and
the changes in the desire to run for public office (dynamic ambition) respectively also used the
same quantitative methods to analyze the data they gathered from the panel study (the second
wave of which was already complete by 2008). Most notable however is the 2011 study on
dynamic ambition, which explained at length the multivariate analysis that it used (2011, 451).
It should be noted that much of the findings from the two waves of The Citizen Political
Ambition Study by Fox and Lawless are discussed in their 2010 book It Still Takes a Candidate:
Why Women Dont Run for Office. While the journal articles give the impression that what the
researchers used in their study were solely quantitative methods, it is revealed in their book that
part of their data collection process was in-depth interviews with a representative sample of 200
from their respondents (2010, 15). In essence, Fox and Lawless study mirrors that of Burns,
Schlozman, and Verbas in that they used quantitative methods extensively to ground their
analysis, and then add nuancing and augmenting data using qualitative methods.
Also worth noting in this section are studies by Maisel and Stone (1997) and Greenlee,
38
Maisel and Stone explored the attributes of strong contenders against incumbent U.S.
representatives who decided not to pursue a candidacy to shed light on the challenger side of the
incumbency problem (1997, 82).. Unlike most research on political ambition that sought to
explain, Maisel and Stones research is exploratory in nature (1997, 81). This has some
the researchers also believe that a random sample is not necessary as their research is exploratory
(1997, 82). To find key political informants that would serve as respondent, they attended the
Republican and Democratic National Conventions in 1992, purposively choosing states from
which delegates would be sampled. These delegates were asked to name five candidates from
their corresponding district who they thought would be good candidates for Congress, whether
Greenlee, Holman, and VanSickle-Wards study on the other hand is worth mentioning
because they used content analysis in their research which centers on the effects of classroom
exercises on closing the gender gap on political ambition (2014, 48). They notably used Lawless
and Foxs book It Still Takes a Candidate (2010) as classroom material from which to elucidate
A total of 72 students participated in the study. These students came from two classes
one lecture type and the other seminar type (2014, 51). This setup, according to the researchers,
yielded an advantage in terms of the number of women and men sampled for the study, although
39
For the content analysis proper, the researchers fielded different writing activities (e.g.,
reflection papers) throughout the semester to gauge the responses of the students to what they are
learning on political ambition and the gender gap that hinders women from participating better
(2014, 52). The researchers then coded the data into appropriate categories and performed
The last two studies reviewed showed how the same phenomenon can be studied using
other research designs. This proves that the research design does depend on the topic in question,
but all the more so on the specific research problem that seeks to be answered. This paper now
shifts its focus to discussing relevant materials on the concepts discussed above in the context of
the Philippines.
The context
the Philippines, the context where such participation happens should be first described. It should
be noted that the normative concerns in scholars work on the Philippines figure prominently in
their descriptions.
Scholars are almost in agreement in saying that the democracy in the Philippines is not
how it should be (they just use a variety of terms such as unconsolidated, immature,
unauthentic, unproductive, and transitional; see Yu 2005; Sherill 2006; Dressel 2011 for
examples of this kind of argument). Dressel considers the Philippines puzzle for scholars of
democracy because nowhere else in the region have democratic ambitions as expressed in the
40
constitution and in public discourse diverged so drastically from day-to-day activities (2011,
541). This is somewhat echoed by Sherrill, when he argued that the democratic procedures
introduced a century ago has not progressed into a fully functioning, sustained democracy
(2006, 227). Further elaborating these pronouncements are the following brief accounts of
In terms of elections, they describe the Philippines as having multiple parties that can
compete for power in arguably free and fair elections, but extensive protection for individual
and group rights, pluralism in civil society, civilian control over the military, accountability of
officeholders, and an independent and impartial judiciary that characterizes a true liberal
democracy are still not present (Yu 2005), making the argument of a healthy democracy from a
purely elections standpoint moot. Sherrill (2006, 219-222) adds how elections invite widespread
fraud and cheating, how a weak party system is further trivialized by politicians who jump from
one party to another when election season comes, and how traditional elites and political
dynasties continue to be the power brokers in a system that largely excludes most of the populace
In terms of the rule of law, Sherrill points out that notwithstanding the fact that there is a
clearly established constitutional and legal system, violations using extralegal and cultural
justifications are still being committed (2006, 223-224). For Dressel, rule of law is found
wanting the poor remain disadvantaged when it comes to accessing justice (2011, 531), there is
a growing politicization of the Supreme Court, impunity is high for human rights violators, and
corruption diminishes the ability of the justice system to deliver well (2011, 532). Dressel goes
on further to describe the rights system in the country as comprehensive and similar to that of
the United States (2011, 537), but laments that the rise in cases of government harassment of
41
journalists, prisoner abuse, election-related violence, and cases of the governments weak
support for indigenous peoples rights (2011, 538) proves theres more to be had.
Lastly, the condition of the democracy in the Philippines can also be elaborated in terms
of political participation, which is a central concern of the paper. Ruland, for example describes
related violence (1990, 464). On the other hand, Yu points out how political participation in the
Philippines has been traditionally limited to the wealthy and the privileged, leaving the masses
outside the circle of the policy-making process (2005, 219). He contends that through the 1987
Constitution political participation was bolstered especially on two fronts local government
and the legislature with the introduction of elections both for local officials and representatives.
He further mentions the regulation of terms of elected officials, as well as the new multiparty
system, as evidential of the reforms in the political system of the country (2005, 221-222). He
argues that there is no longer a single dominant force in the Philippines but there are still a few
wealthy and influential families (2005, 222). Dressel echoes the same sentiment, but separately
noting that avenues for true competition as well as the influencing of decisions are largely
hindered by system-wide exclusion, the weak party system and continued dominance of the elite
(2011, 535). He also notes that minority interests are not represented well because of a deficient
party-list system, as well as the limited opportunity to pursue candidacies because of poor
What has been presented above is but a limited description of the political situation in the
Philippines. Although brief, they can substantially inform any inferences about the type of
political participation and political ambition that can emerge in Filipino youth, given such
42
(2007b) of Akbayan, and how this group faced and adapted to the challenges that the deficiencies
uphill battle because of the tension created by the simultaneous pursuit of milking the
dysfunctional system to make life a bit more livable to use the system for the benefit of the
marginalized, not the other way around and building more autonomous movements for future
change (2007b, 118). Velasco underscores the fact that the laudable features in the democratic
structure, which, in theory, allows for greater participation of marginalized groups such as
Akbayan in the mainstream political arena, are negated by the personalistic and persisting
patron-clientelistic politics that make elections no more than popularity contests (2007, 119). But
the baby steps taken, such as collaborating with traditional politicians, and more visibility in
terms of platforms and visions for social change, show how it is possible to participate in the
What has been discussed so far on the political situation in the Philippines are central to
the findings of much of the literature about youth and politics in the Philippines. With that, many
of the studies on the subject do involve the phenomenon of political socialization and
Socialization can refer either to: the formation of an individual into a sociocultural
personality through the shaping of psychological and similar features that enable him or her to
understand his or her environment (primary socialization); the imparting of social values, norms,
and abilities for the accomplishment of social existence from outside the family (secondary
socialization); or the lifelong process of social experience (Kissler 2011). According to the
same author, all processes of socialization can be considered political, though for the purpose of
43
this paper the narrower definition of political socialization, the entirety of all learning processes
that form a person into a political being (citizen) (Kissler 2011), is what should be borne in
mind.
politics in the Philippines, these are relatively old, pre-1990 studies. They nevertheless provide
important insights on the effects of socialization in the political participation of individuals and
Justin Greens (1977) study is illustrative of the latter. A work on the behavioralist vein,
his study asked why there is stability in the highly stratified society of the Philippines by looking
into the political socialization of children from both high and low socioeconomic groups, and
their consequent political attitudes. Green found out significant differences in the political
attitudes of Filipino children belonging to the opposing spectrums of society; these differences
notwithstanding, the attitudes of these children towards their government, presumably socialized
into them by their socioeconomic environment, indeed lent stability to the society. For example,
Green found out that children from the lower classes displayed lower cynicism towards the
political system than those from the upper classes (1977, 676):
The data suggest that in Manila, lower-class children learn a different set of political
attitudes and orientations than children of high social status. If the attitudes, orientations,
and behaviors they learn as children persist into adulthood, then as adults they are better
prepared to be observers rather than meaningful participants in the political arena (1977,
678).
44
Greens findings has implications in the way of thinking about political ambition in the
Philippines. For example, his conclusions can mean that members of the lower classes are less
inclined to have a desire to run for public office, precisely because of their socioeconomic
socialization.
Moreover, Montiel and Chongbian (1991) presents a review of the literature on political
psychology that has been conducted from the 1960s to the 1980s. This review is important
because it shows how most of the research on political psychology has focused on the external
political events and their effects on the political behavior of children and adolescents. For
example, during the middle and later martial law period, many researchers looked into the
situation of the children of political detainees, the therapy of detainees and torture victims, and
social movements (1991, 765-767). On the other hand, researches after the martial law period
and the EDSA Revolution studied how these events affected the political attitudes of young adult
With regard to political participation, there are no studies yet that explicitly explored the
political ambition of the Filipino youth, although there are several that focused on the
Sangguniang Kabataan (SK), the youth arm of the barangay government. The political
participation studies explored the youths political engagement in formal, informal and non-
governmental arenas, the investigation of the ultimate form of political participation being
particularly absent.
Velascos (2007a) study presents a summary of the state of the youths political
participation in the Philippines, and the condition of the formal institutional provisions that help
facilitate it. At the onset of trying to define the word youth, Velasco met disparate operational
definitions for the word youth among different government agencies (2007a, 81). This causes
45
undue administrative overlap and compartmentalization of state intervention for the youth
(2007a, 82).
The central question of Velascos study is, Are the youth rejecting traditional politics?
The answer in short is, not so much. First, she notes that while the youth are aware of the social
problems in the country, they are not involved in transforming such awareness into concrete
government programs. This comes at the heels of a commissioned study in 2002 revealing that a
third of the youth feel they will not make a difference when they participate (2007a, 86).
She goes on to discuss the constitutional and legal provisions for youth participation in
the form of the SK. She raises three points regarding the SK: that the general perception of
people is that it is only good for staging beauty contests and basketball tournaments; that the
SK is just a training ground for future trapos; and that the SK, together with the barangay
officials, are just part of the well-oiled election machinery of city or municipal and legislative
Third, she observes that, where they are qualified to hold elective positions (other than
the SK), the youth are a minority. In the 13th Congress, only 6% of the 236 representatives are
below 35 (2007a, 91). This becomes less encouraging due to the fact that most of these young
legislators come from elite families or political dynasties, the same way that appointees to the
leadership of youth agencies, for example, the National Youth Commission, also hail from
Lastly, she observes that although several major political parties indeed have youth arms,
they function as nothing more than machineries for vote generation (Rejecting, 101). She laments
that although legal provisions stipulate very low age requirements for several local offices, the
46
prevailing culture is not designed to encourage electoral participation from the youth
(Rejecting, 102). More than individual political will, the greatest obstacle to meaningful youth
(Rejecting, 105).
The other two studies on Filipino youth political participation below discuss political
participation in conjunction with the strategic engagement of the youth through information and
Clarissa David (2013) frames political participation as engagement in her work on the
youths use of information and communication technologies (ICTs). She argues that the political
engagement of young activists in the country has gained critical mass, and that ICTs have
contributed to amplifying this engagement. David contends that young activists strategically
use ICTs such as social networking sites to gather support for their causes and to gain the
attention of traditional media and politicians (2013, 322). This is because the youth believe that
expressing opinions online is highly valuable and politically consequential (David 2013).
Indeed, David found out that ICT-based engagement can lead the youth to other forms of civic
and political participation (2013, 334), and ICT tools have given the youth a way to send
messages to political elites, which in turn encouraged their political interest (2013, 335).
In 2007, the United Nations Childrens Fund (UNICEF) and the Department of the
Interior and Local Government commissioned a study to investigate the effectiveness of, the
47
affirmed the belief that it fosters youth political participation, although for the past ten years13, its
performance was seen as generally weak. This means weakness in coming up with viable
legislations, promoting the development of the youth, and maintaining democratic relationships
with constituents even after elections (2007, 14). To combat these weaknesses, as well as
negative perceptions of the SK, the study recommended giving the youth guaranteed seats in
local governments and sufficient budgets for them to become a true venue for youth
This paper has so far discussed several topics and illustrative empirical examples for
each: political participation, political participation of the youth in the Philippines and abroad, and
most importantly, political ambition. This concluding subsection deals with stating potential
research gaps on political ambition, and brief explanations of frameworks that can be used to
The gap that can be explored involves the phenomenon of political ambition in the youth
in the Philippines, specifically nascent political ambition. It should be reiterated that there are no
studies that have explored that phenomenon before which, anecdotally speaking, is very evident
in many young Filipinos. Even the studies that delved into the political participation of the youth
13
Counting from the time the study was published
48
The plurality-complexity framework is modeled after Fox and Lawless nascent political
ambition study, which sought to explain the emergence of ambition in individuals from six
expectations (i.e., factors) that they derived and synthesized from existing literature. But unlike
Fox and Lawless study, which solely derived from existing literature to come up with potential
explanatory variables, this framework seeks to use the case study method in an exploratory
research design to help identify other potential variables (i.e., religion and media) that has not
Because of the presumed uniqueness of the Philippine political setting, these factors will emerge,
and even previously determined factors can emerge differently from the way they emerged in US
studies. By using the case study method, it is hoped that some substantial hypotheses about
political ambition of the youth in the Philippines can be generated, which will open up future
research to testing these hypotheses in larger-N samples (Gerring 2011) that will in turn generate
participate in the political processes. The key empirical research question that can be studied
through this framework, and is indeed what I problematize in this research, is What are the
sociopolitical factors that form a desire in young Filipinos (aged 15-30) to run for and/or hold
concern about the legitimacy and survival of a political regime that is believed to be hinging
upon the youth and their political behavior (see Political participation of the youth subsection
of this literature review for a sampling of studies). In the context of the Philippines, political
ambition in this framework can be explored by asking research questions on how the youth feel
about the democratic situation in the country and whether they see themselves as participating in
49
the political process as elected officials in the future in light of this situation. A normative
question in the vein of Mansbridge (1999) can also be asked are the interests of the youth
adequately represented in the government? If not, does that situation inspire or foment political
ambition in the youth? Depending on the question, this framework can use a variety of methods,
from survey research to case studies. An empirical question that can be explored using this
framework is What is the relationship between the desire of young Filipinos to run for public
office, or the lack thereof, and the quality of the countrys democracy in terms of venues for
50
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