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##########################OBJ Neg Update

# TOC \o "1-3" \h \z \u ## HYPERLINK \l "_Toc269166047" ##OBJ Neg Update #


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***HEG DA
1NC Hege DA

Hegemony is key to prevent our enemies from getting nuclear weapons.


Mandelbaum 05 Professor and Director of the American Foreign Policy Program at
Johns Hopkins [Michael, The Case for Goliath: How America Acts As the Worlds
Government in the Twenty-First Century, p. 189-191]

The greatest threat to their security that the members of the international system
did face in the new century, one that the United States had devoted considerable
resources and political capital to containing and that a serious reduction in the
American global rule would certainly aggravate, was the spread of nuclear weapons.
Nuclear proliferation poses three related dangers.
The first is that, in the absence of an American nuclear guarantee, major countries
in Europe and Asia will feel the need to acquire their own nuclear armaments. If
the United States withdrew from Europe and East Asia, Germany might come to
consider it imprudent to deal with a nuclear-armed Russia, and Japan with a
nuclear-armed China, without nuclear arms of their own. They would seek these
weapons in order to avoid an imbalance in power that might work to their
disadvantage. The acquisition of nuclear weapons by such affluent, democratic,
peaceful countries would not, by itself, trigger a war. It could, however, trigger
arms races similar to the one between the United States and the Soviet Union during
the Cold War. It would surely make Europe and East Asia less comfortable places,
and relations among the countries of these regions more suspicious, than was the
case at the outset of the twenty-first century.
The spread of nuclear weapons poses a second danger, which the United States
exerted itself to thwart to the extent of threatening a war in North Korea and
actually waging one in Iraq and that the recession of American power would
increase: the possession of nuclear armaments by "rogue" states, countries governed
by regimes at odds with their neighbors and hostile to prevailing international
norms. A nuclear-armed Iraq, an unlikely development after the over-throw of Saddam
Hussein's regime, or a nuclear-armed Iran, a far more plausible prospect, would
make the international relations of the Persian Gulf far more dangerous. That in
turn would threaten virtually every country in the world because so much of the oil
on which they all depend comes from that region.' A nuclear-armed North Korea would
similarly change the international relations of East Asia for the worse. Especially
if the United States withdrew from the region, South Korea and Japan, and perhaps
ultimately Taiwan, might well decide to equip themselves with nuclear weapons of
their own.
A North Korean nuclear arsenal would pose yet a third threat: nuclear weapons in
the hands of a terrorist group such as al Qaeda. Lacking the infrastructure of a
sovereign state, a terrorist organization probably could not construct a nuclear
weapon itself. But it could purchase either a full-fledged nuclear explosive or
nuclear material that could form the basis for a device that, while not actually
exploding, could spew poisonous radiation over populated areas, killing or
infecting many thousands of people.' Nuclear materials are potentially available
for purchase not only in North Korea but elsewhere as well.

And, its the cornerstone of our self-interest people who say otherwise are
America-haters who have lost the will to stand up for themselves.
Limbaugh 2006 (Rush, and his caller, The Rush Limbaugh Show, December 13, #
HYPERLINK
"http://www.rushlimbaugh.com/home/daily/site_121306/content/tyranny_of_the_minority
_3.guest.html"
##http://www.rushlimbaugh.com/home/daily/site_121306/content/tyranny_of_the_minorit
y_3.guest.html#)

CALLER: Opinion. Whatever happened to the US's drive to fight? I mean, the sleeping
giant? Everybody seems to have lost their will to stand up for themselves or
protect what was kind of bestowed on them, you know, being a US citizen.
RUSH: That is an interesting question. I'd be hard-pressed here on a moment's
notice to trace it back to the beginning. I would have to say the modern
incarnation of this passivity has to be the Vietnam War. I think that is the best I
could do here off the top of my fertile mind.
CALLER: We got it back a little bit when Reagan was president, because I mean you
didn't mess with Reagan. He kept the peace in the world. But I mean, after that, it
was like, ah, okay.
RUSH: Well, Reagan was great and he made people proud to be Americans again, proud
to feel good about themselves. But look even when the terrorists took out 200 and
some odd Marines at the barracks in Lebanon, we cut-and-run. We got out of there.
There wasn't the stomach to deal with that then. There hasn't been the stomach to
deal with any terrorist attack prior to 9/11. During the nineties we treated
terrorism as a legal issue, as a criminal issue, not truthfully as what it was. I
think it's because only one president has dared to tell the American people the
truth about what we face, and he's up against decades of passivity and people
thinking the opposite. I just think it's going to take a long time here to wake
people up. I do think the American people ultimately respond to the tipping point
whenever it's reached.

***CT PIC
1NC Counterterror PIC [1/3]

Text: The United States federal government should reduce its military and police
presence in South Korea, Japan, Kuwait, Iraq, and Turkey, and eliminate its forces
engaged in counterinsurgency presence activities in Afghanistan.

Contention One Competition

Counterinsurgency and counterterror are distinct.


Boyle 2010 (Michael J., lecturer in International Relations and a Research Fellow
at the Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence at the University
of St Andrews, International Affairs, Do counterterrorism and counterinsurgency go
together? InterScience)

Similarly, the fact that terrorists and insurgents operate in the same theatre, and
in some cases function in tandem, is not an argument for a response that seamlessly
interweaves elements of counterterrorism and counterinsurgency. Indeed, there is no
reason to assume that counterterrorism and counterinsurgency strategies are fully
compatible or mutually reinforcing. The record of the war in Afghanistan suggests
rather that both models of warfare involve tradeoffs or costs that may offset the
gains made by the other. Unless these tradeoffs are properly managed, the
simultaneous deployment of counterterrorism and counterinsurgency operations may
operate at cross-purposes and make long-term strategic success more elusive. The
fact that US and UK leaders have been so willing to split the difference between
counterterrorism and counterinsurgencyand to ignore the offsetting costs of
eachmay help to account for the current painful stalemate in Afghanistan.

Contention Two Freedom

The counterplan solves counterinsurgency forces are an immoral exertion of U.S.


power, we should be fighting to win.
Brook and Journo, 1AC Authors, 2009 (Yaron Brook and Elan Journo, Ayn Rand Center
for Individual Rights, "America's Self-Crippled Foreign Policy," The Objective
Standard, Vol 4, No 3, # HYPERLINK
"http://www.theobjectivestandard.com/issues/2009-fall/america-self-crippled-
foreign-policy.asp" #http://www.theobjectivestandard.com/issues/2009-fall/america-
self-crippled-foreign-policy.asp#)

CB: The Wall Street Journal recently reported that General McChrystals strategy in
Afghanistan puts a premium on safeguarding the Afghan population rather than
hunting down militants. What do you make of that strategy?
EJ: This same strategy was at the heart of Bushs policyand it meant that U.S.
forces were never allowed to fight all out to defeat the Taliban. The Taliban and
its jihadist allies scattered, then regrouped, and now are fighting to control
Afghanistan and also Pakistan. U.S. casualties in the first eight months of 2009
are already higher than all of 2008, and more than double the toll during the first
three years of the campaign. A key point we make in Winning the Unwinnable War is
that this compassionate policy is self-destructive of American lives and
security. Its central to what has made the war seem unwinnable. Now were seeing
that policy being implemented to the nth degree, and many more Americanson the
battlefield, and perhaps at homewill pay the price for it.
YB: In a chapter on Just War Theory, Alex and I discuss the moral ideas informing
the policy youre seeing unfold in Afghanistan. Those ideasprimarily the embrace
of selflessness as a moral idealare why America today is unwilling to wage real
war to defeat its enemies. Americans used to fight to win; think of General Sherman
during the U.S. Civil War or Patton or MacArthur in World War II. But our policy in
Afghanistanseeking to win the love of Afghanis, rather than defeating the
Islamistscan only serve to further embolden our enemies.
CB: With President Obama planning to pull most of our troops out of Iraq by next
August and to increase the number of U.S. troops stationed in Afghanistan,
politicians and pundits are mired in a debate as to whether or not this is the
right course of action: Should we or should we not be pulling troops out of Iraq
and deploying them to Afghanistan? How would you answer this question?
YB: Just as Bush did on several occasions, Obama warns us not to expect victory
in Afghanistan. And top U.S. military officials tell us the Taliban are winning. It
is immoral to send any troops to fight in any war that our leaders believe to
beand through their policies have madeunwinnable. More broadly, it is outrageous
that the mighty United States should find itself with two unresolved conflicts like
these. In a sense were in an impossible fix, because neither option you mentioned
is particularly good, nor is it clear which option is the least bad. This is
precisely the kind of situation that our foreign policy should never get us into.
1NC Counterterror PIC [2/3]

And, the net benefit turns the case terrorists hate our freedoms.
Peikoff, founder of the Ayn Rand Institute, 2001 (Leonard Peikoff is the founder of
the Ayn Rand Institute in Irvine, California. The Institute promotes the philosophy
of Ayn Rand, author of # HYPERLINK
"http://www.aynrandbookstore2.com/store/prodinfo.asp?
number=AR01B&variation=&aitem=27&mitem=33" #Atlas Shrugged# and # HYPERLINK
"http://www.aynrandbookstore2.com/store/prodinfo.asp?
number=AR02B&variation=&aitem=28&mitem=33" #The Fountainhead#,
http://www.aynrand.org/site/News2?page=NewsArticle&id=5207&news_iv_ctrl=1021)

Terrorism is a specific disease, which can be treated only by a specific antidote.


The nature of the disease (though not of its antidote) has been suggested by Serge
Schmemann (NYT, 9/16/01). Our struggle now, he writes, is "not a struggle against a
conventional guerrilla force, whose yearning for a national homeland or the
satisfaction of some grievance could be satisfied or denied. The terrorists [on
Tuesday] . . . issued no demands, no ultimatums. They did it solely out of
grievance and hatred--hatred for the values cherished in the West as freedom,
tolerance, prosperity, religious pluralism and universal suffrage, but abhorred by
religious fundamentalists (and not only Muslim fundamentalists) as licentiousness,
corruption, greed and apostasy."
Every word of this is true. The obvious implication is that the struggle against
terrorism is not a struggle over Palestine. It is a clash of cultures, and thus a
struggle of ideas, which can be dealt with, ultimately, only by intellectual means.
But this fact does not depreciate the crucial role of our armed forces. On the
contrary, it increases their effectiveness, by pointing them to the right target.
Most of the Mideast is ruled by thugs who would be paralyzed by an American victory
over any of their neighbors. Iran, by contrast, is the only major country there
ruled by zealots dedicated not to material gain (such as more wealth or territory),
but to the triumph by any means, however violent, of the Muslim fundamentalist
movement they brought to life. That is why Iran manufactures the most terrorists.
If one were under a Nazi aerial bombardment, it would be senseless to restrict
oneself to combatting Nazi satellites while ignoring Germany and the ideological
plague it was working to spread. What Germany was to Nazism in the 1940s, Iran is
to terrorism today. Whatever else it does, therefore, the U.S. can put an end to
the Jihad-mongers only by taking out Iran.
Eliminating Iran's terrorist sanctuaries and military capability is not enough. We
must do the equivalent of de-Nazifying the country, by expelling every official and
bringing down every branch of its government. This goal cannot be achieved
painlessly, by weaponry alone. It requires invasion by ground troops, who will be
at serious risk, and perhaps a period of occupation. But nothing less will "end the
state" that most cries out to be ended.
The greatest obstacle to U.S. victory is not Iran and its allies, but our own
intellectuals. Even now, they are advocating the same ideas that caused our
historical paralysis. They are asking a reeling nation to show neighbor-love by
shunning "vengeance." The multiculturalists--rejecting the concept of objectivity--
are urging us to "understand" the Arabs and avoid "racism" (i.e., any condemnation
of any group's culture). The friends of "peace" are reminding us, ever more loudly,
to "remember Hiroshima" and beware the sin of pride.
These are the kinds of voices being heard in the universities, the churches, and
the media as the country recovers from its first shock, and the professoriate et
al. feel emboldened to resume business as usual. These voices are a siren song
luring us to untroubled sleep while the fanatics proceed to gut America.
Tragically, Mr. Bush is attempting a compromise between the people's demand for a
decisive war and the intellectuals' demand for appeasement.
It is likely that the Bush administration will soon launch an attack on bin Laden's
organization in Afghanistan and possibly even attack the Taliban. Despite this,
however, every sign indicates that Mr. Bush will repeat the mistakes made by his
father in Iraq. As of October 1, the Taliban leadership appears not to be a target.
Even worse, the administration refuses to target Iran, or any of the other
countries identified by the State Department as terrorist regimes. On the contrary,
Powell is seeking to add to the current coalition these very states--which is the
equivalent of going into partnership with the Soviet Union in order to fight
Communism (under the pretext, say, of proving that we are not anti-Russian). By
seeking such a coalition, our President is asserting that he needs the support of
terrorist nations in order to fight them. He is stating publicly that the world's
only superpower does not have enough self-confidence or moral courage to act
unilaterally in its own defense.
For some days now, Mr. Bush has been downplaying the role of our military, while
praising the same policies (mainly negotiation and economic pressure) that have
failed so spectacularly and for so long. Instead of attacking the roots of global
terrorism, he seems to be settling for a "guerrilla war" against al-Qaeda, and a
policy of unseating the Taliban passively, by aiding a motley coalition of native
tribes. Our battle, he stresses, will be a "lengthy" one.
Mr. Bush's compromise will leave the primary creators of terrorism whole--and
unafraid. His approach might satisfy our short-term desire for retribution, but it
will guarantee catastrophe in the long term
As yet, however, no overall policy has been solidified; the administration still
seems to be groping. And an angry public still expects our government not merely to
hobble terrorism for a while, but to eradicate it. The only hope left is that Mr.
Bush will listen to the public, not to the professors and their progeny.
1NC Counterterror PIC [3/3]
When should we act, if not now? If our appeasement has led to an escalation of
disasters in the past, can it do otherwise in the future? Do we wait until our
enemies master nuclear, chemical, and biological warfare?
The survival of America is at stake. The risk of a U.S. overreaction, therefore, is
negligible. The only risk is underreaction.
Mr. Bush must reverse course. He must send our missiles and troops, in force, where
they belong. And he must justify this action by declaring with righteous conviction
that we have discarded the clichs of our paper-tiger past and that the U.S. now
places America first.
There is still time to demonstrate that we take the war against terrorism
seriously--as a sacred obligation to our Founding Fathers, to every victim of the
men who hate this country, and to ourselves. There is still time to make the world
understand that we will take up arms, anywhere and on principle, to secure an
American's right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness on earth.
The choice today is mass death in the United States or mass death in the terrorist
nations. Our Commander-In-Chief must decide whether it is his duty to save
Americans or the governments who conspire to kill them.
2NC Solvency

The counterplan refocuses on whats important.


Schwartz, 1AC Author, 2005 (Peter Schwartz, former member of the Board of Directors
at the Ayn Rand Institute, July 25, Foreign Policy and Self-Interest )

Those who claim that the United States has a moral obligation to send troops on a
"humanitarian" mission to Liberia have it exactly backward: our government has a
moral obligation not to send its forces into areas that pose no threats to
America's well-being. It is America's self-interest that should be the standard for
all foreign-policy decisions--and not just because such a standard is practical,
but because it is moral. America was founded on the recognition of each
individual's right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. This means that
the government may not treat the citizen as a serf--as someone who exists to serve
the needs of others. Rather, each citizen is a free, sovereign entity, entitled to
live his own life for his own sake. No matter how loudly some people may wail about
their need for your services, you are your own master. That is the meaning of your
inalienable rights. Those rights are contradicted by a foreign policy that makes
Americans sacrifice themselves for the sake of others, such as the Liberians. When
the government of a free country performs its proper functions, it uses force only
to protect its citizens' freedom. When the lives or property of Americans are at
risk from some aggressor-state, our government uses force in retaliation, to keep
its citizens free--free to pursue the goals and values that advance their lives.
This is what we did in Afghanistan and Iraq. Although administration officials are
afraid to say so openly, we overthrew those countries' governments strictly for our
own benefit. America went to war to protect the interests of Americans. No
dictatorship has a right to remain in power, and any dictatorship that has the
capacity to use force beyond its borders and has shown a willingness to do so
against U.S. interests is an objective threat to us and is a legitimate target for
our military. Osama bin Laden, as well as Saddam Hussein, posed dangers--to
Americans. The soldiers we sent to those two countries were fighting to defend
their own interests. (Obviously, others also benefited from America's actions, but
that was a secondary consequence; it was not our primary purpose and should not
have been the standard that guided our decisions.) Sadly, our policymakers are
unwilling to defend the justness of a foreign policy of self-interest. Instead,
they keep invoking selfless justifications. Our motive, they say, was not to keep
Americans safe, but to help the oppressed Iraqis (the invasion was called
"Operation: Iraqi Freedom") or to shield other countries from the dangers of bin
Laden and Hussein. This altruistic premise is what makes the administration try to
accommodate anti-Western "sensitivities" in Afghanistan and Iraq. This premise is
what keeps the administration from using sufficient force to rid those lands of all
remaining threats to Americans. And this premise is what leaves the administration
philosophically helpless to resist the calls for becoming enmeshed in the problems
of Liberia.
2NC Net Benefit

We must unapologetically kill those who want us dead to defend our liberty
Journo, Ayn Rand Institute fellow, 06 (Elan Journo, a resident fellow at the Ayn
Rand Institute,(Providence Journal,December 15, 2006; Las Vegas Review Journal,
April 13, 2007)
http://www.aynrand.org/site/News2?page=NewsArticle&id=13661&news_iv_ctrl=1512)

America's security depends on identifying precisely the enemy that threatens our
lives--and then crushing it, rendering it a non-threat. It depends on proudly
defending our right to live free of foreign aggression--by unapologetically killing
the killers who want us dead.
Those who say this is a "new kind of conflict" against a "faceless enemy" are
wrong. The enemy Washington evasively calls "terrorism" is actually an
ideologically inspired political movement: Islamic totalitarianism. It seeks to
subjugate the West under a totalitarian Islamic regime by means of terrorism,
negotiation, war--anything that will win its jihad. The movement's inspiration, its
first triumph, its standard-bearer, is the theocracy of Iran. Iran's regime has,
for decades, used terrorist proxies to attack America. It openly seeks nuclear
weapons and zealously sponsors and harbors jihadists. Without Iran's support,
legions of holy warriors would be untrained, unarmed, unmotivated, impotent.

And, striking hard against terrorists is the greatest defense of our ideals.
Lockitch, Ayn Rand Fellow, 06 (# HYPERLINK
"http://www.aynrand.org/site/PageServer?pagename=media_KeithLockitch" #Keith
Lockitch#, PhD in physics, is a fellow at the Ayn Rand Institute in Irvine, Calif.
By # HYPERLINK "http://www.aynrand.org/site/PageServer?
pagename=media_KeithLockitch" #Keith Lockitch# (Bucks County Courier Times,
September 7, 2006)
http://www.aynrand.org/site/News2?page=NewsArticle&id=13281&news_iv_ctrl=1512)

America can only defend itself against such a zealous, militant movement if we have
moral confidence in our own ideals--and fight for them. We must repudiate the
Islamists' "ideals" of other-worldliness, of blind faith, of renunciation and
suffering, of theocracy, and proudly uphold the superior, American ideals of
reason, freedom, and the pursuit of worldly happiness.
But our leaders have not shown such moral confidence.
When the terrorists of Sept. 11 struck in the name of Islam, President Bush did not
identify them as Islamic totalitarians and condemn their murderous ideology and its
supporters. Instead, he painted the hijackers as a band of isolated lunatics who
had "hijacked a great religion." (Only recently has President Bush even
acknowledged that our enemy is Islamic, with his use of the term "Islamic
fascism.")
In response to Muslim denunciations of Americas secularism, our leaders did not
defend this attribute of America, but instead stressed Americans' religiosity. A
mere two weeks after Sept. 11, with the ruins of the World Trade Towers still
smoldering, our planned Afghanistan campaign, "Operation Infinite Justice," was
renamed to appease Muslims protesting that only Allah can dispense "infinite
justice."
Unable to defend America intellectually, our leaders are unable to defend her
militarily.
Have our leaders acted consistently against terrorist regimes? Consider our policy
toward Iran, the primary state sponsor of terrorism. Refusing to identify Iran as
the fatherland of Islamic totalitarianism, our president initially beseeched its
Mullahs to join our "war on terror." And he has consistently answered their chants
of "Death to America" and their quest for nuclear weapons with negotiation and
spineless diplomacy.
Have our leaders asserted that they will use Americas formidable military to
secure our way of life by whatever means necessary? No. Lacking the moral
confidence to defeat our enemies, they have instead squandered our military
resources and sacrificed our brave soldiers in a futile quest to spread "democracy"
around the globe--as though bringing the vote to Muslim mobs sympathetic to Islamic
totalitarianism will somehow end the terrorist threat.
The reason the terrorists and their state sponsors are not demoralized is that our
leaders have failed to demoralize them. Our leaders' words and actions have
signaled that we are not as morally committed to our lives and freedom as the
terrorists are to our destruction.
We must make it clear to the jihadists that we will destroy anyone who takes up
arms for Islamic totalitarianism. No one wants to fight and die for a hopeless
cause. The jihadists will continue to be emboldened and to attract new recruits
until they are convinced their goal is unachievable. They must see that we have the
moral confidence to defend our lives--to answer their violence with an overwhelming
military response, without pulling punches. They must see us willing to visit such
crushing devastation on them that they fear us more than they fear Allah.
It is often said that we must win the "hearts and minds" of supporters of
totalitarian Islam. Indeed we must: their hearts must be made to despair at the
futility of their cause, and their minds must be convinced that any threat to our
lives and freedom will bring them swift and certain doom.
The ideologues of totalitarian Islam have seized the power of moral idealism in the
service of our destruction. It is time we reclaimed that power in defense of our
freedom.
***BAUMAN K
1NC Bauman K [1/3]

The rule-based morality of the 1AC is a mechanism for eliminating the guilt
inherent in responsibility the goal of this project is the elimination of all
moral choice.
Bauman 1995 (Zygmunt Bauman, Prof. Sociology @ U of Leeds, "Life in Fragments:
Essays in Postmodern Morality, p. 3-5)

It was only the modern project of remaking the world to the measure of human needs
and capacities, and according to a rationally conceived design, that promised life
free from sin (now renamed as guilt). Legislation was to be the principal tool of
the rebuilding (seen as a 'new beginning' in the fullest sense of the term; a
beginning unbound by anything which went on before, a virtual 'starting from
scratch'). In the case of the moral condition, legislation meant de#signing an
ethical code: one that (unlike the religious strategies of repentance and
forgiveness) would actually prevent evil from being done, lending the actor an a
priori certainty as to what is to be done, what can be left undone and what must
not be done. (The feasibility of the project was assured in advance,
tautologically; following the ethical rules could produce nothing but good, since
'good' has been defined in unambiguous terms as obedience to the rules.) The modern
project postulated the possibility of a human world free not only from sinners, but
from sin itself; not just from people making wrong choices, but from the very
possibility of wrong choice. One may say that in the last account the modern
project postulated a world free from moral ambivalence; and since ambivalence is
the natural feature of the moral condition, by the same token it postulated the
severance of human choices from their moral dimension. This is what the
substitution of ethical law for autonomous moral choice amounted to in practice.
In effect, the focus of moral concerns has been shifted from the self-scrutiny of
the moral actor to the philosophical/political task of working out the
prescriptions and proscriptions of an ethical code; meanwhile the 'responsibility
for the responsibility' - that is the responsibility for deciding what practical
steps the responsibility requires to be taken and what steps are not called for
('go beyond the call of duty') - has been shifted from the moral subject to supra-
individual agencies now endowed with exclusive ethical authority.
From the moral actor's point of view, the shift had much to be commended. (Indeed,
this shift was one of the main reasons why the surrender of autonomy could be
credibly represented as emancipa#tion and increase of freedom.) Having reduced the
vague, notoriously underdefined responsibility to a finite list of duties or
obligations, it spares the actor a lot of anxious groping in the dark, and helps to
avoid the gnawing feeling that the account can never be closed, the work never
finally done. The agony of choice (Hannah Arendt's 'tyranny of possibilities') is
largely gone, as is the bitter aftertaste of a choice never ultimately proved
right. The substitution of rule-following for the intense, yet never fully
successful, listening to infuriatingly taci#turn moral impulses results in the
almost unimaginable feat of not just absolving the actor from the personal
responsibility for the wrongs done, but freeing the actor from the very possibility
of having sinned. More promptly than the equivalent religious remedies - because in
advance, before the act has been committed - the guilt is eliminated from choice,
which is now simplified to the straightforward dilemma of obedience or disobedience
to the rule. All in all, the modern shift from moral responsibility to ethical
rulings offered a compensatory drug for an ailment induced by another modern
accomplishment: the foiling of many determinants that once kept the actor's actions
within tight and strictly circumscribed limits, so producing an 'unencumbered',
'disembedded' personality that is allowed (and forced to) self-define and self-
assert. To the moral self, modernity offered freedom complete with patented ways of
escaping it.
1NC Bauman K [2/3]

The death cult massive killing is only possible within the abdication of
responsibility we are forced to sever ourselves from emotional attachment to
justify atrocities.
Bauman 1995 (Zygmunt Bauman, Prof. Sociology @ U of Leeds, "Life in Fragments:
Essays in Postmodern Morality, p. 148-9)

Whether in the form officially stigmatized as violence or disguised as 'promotion


of law and order' (or, indeed, as the 'civilizing process'), coercion is always, at
least from the point of view of the coerced, cruel. To coerce means to be cruel.
(As the two last British prime ministers like to repeat whenever they visit new
pains on their subjects, 'If the medicine is not bitter, it does not work.') Not
only the inventors and designers of coercive measures must be cruel or insensitive
to other people's pain, but also the countless 'mediating agents' who implement
their designs. If one agrees with Emmanuel Levinas, as I do, that 'the
justification of the neighbour's pain is certainly the source of all immorality',
then one would have to accept as well that there is more than a casual connection
between the ability to commit cruel deeds and moral insensitivity.15 To make
massive participation in cruel deeds possible, the link between moral guilt and the
acts which the participation entails must be severed. Modern organization, with its
scientific management and co-ordination of human actions, achieves just that; I
have described in detail the way it does in Modernity and the Holocaust and in
Modernity and Ambivalence. What I suggested there was that the principal tool of
that severance was and remains adiaphorization: making certain actions, or certain
objects of action, morally neutral or irrelevant - exempt from the category of
phenomena suitable for moral evaluation. The effect of adiaphorization is achieved
by excluding some categories of people from the realm of moral subjects, or through
covering up the link between partial action and the ultimate effect of co-ordinated
moves, or through enthroning procedural discipline and personal loyalty in the role
of the all-overriding criterion of moral performance.
1NC Bauman K [3/3]

Embrace the inevitability of moral choice. Taking personal responsibility for moral
decisionmaking is crucial to ethical engagement.
Bauman 1995 (Zygmunt Bauman, Prof. Sociology @ U of Leeds, "Life in Fragments:
Essays in Postmodern Morality, p. 1-3)

In Postmodern Ethics (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993) - the book to which the present
essays refer and whose motifs they develop -I considered the changes which the new,
postmodern perspective has brought or may bring to our orthodox understanding of
morality and moral life. I proposed there that the breaking up of certain modern
hopes and ambitions, and the fading of illusions in which they wrapped social
processes and the conduct of individual lives alike, allow us to see the true
nature of moral phenomena more clearly than ever. What they enable us to see is,
above all, the 'primal' status of moral#ity: well before we are taught and learn
the socially constructed and socially promoted rules of proper behaviour, and
exhorted to follow certain patterns and to abstain from following others, we are
already in the situation of moral choice. We are, so to speak, ineluctably -
existentially - moral beings: that is, we are faced with the challenge of the
Other, which is the challenge of responsibility for the Other, a condition of
being-for. Rather than being an outcome of social arrangement and personal
training, this 'responsibility for' frames the primal scene from which social
arrangements and personal in#struction start, to which they refer and which they
attempt to reframe and administer.
This proposition is not, emphatically, a part of the ancient and, on the whole,
fruitless debate about the 'essential goodness' or 'essential evil' of humans. 'To
be moral' does not mean 'to be good', but to exercise one's freedom of authorship
and/or actorship as a choice between good and evil. To say that humans are
'essentially moral beings' does not mean to say that we are basically good; and to
say that socially constructed and taught rules are secondary regarding that primal
moral condition does not mean to say that evil comes from the distortion or
incapacitation of the original goodness by unwholesome social pressures or flawed
social arrangements. To say that the human condition is moral before it is or may
be anything else means: well before we are told authoritatively what is 'good' and
what 'evil' (and, sometimes,what is neither) we face the choice be#tween good and
evil; we face it already at the very first, inescap#able moment of encounter with
the Other. This means in its turn that, whether we choose it or not, we confront
our situation as a moral problem and our life choices as moral dilemmas. What
follows is that we bear moral responsibilities (that is, responsibilities for the
choice between good and evil) well before we are given or take up any concrete
responsibility through contract, calculation of interests, or enlisting to a cause.
What follows as well is that such concrete responsibilities are unlikely to exhaust
and replace in full the primal moral responsibility which they strive to translate
into a code of well tempered rules; that the fact of moral responsibility may be
only concealed, but not revoked.
This primal fact of our being-in-the-world as, first and foremost, a condition of
moral choice, does not promise a happy-go-lucky, carefree life. On the contrary, it
makes our predicament acutely uncomfortable. Confronting the choice between good
and evil means finding oneself in a situation of ambivalence. This would be a
rela#tively minor worry, were the ambiguity of choice limited to the
straightforward preference for good or evil, each clearly, unmistakably defined; in
particular, to the choice between acting on one's respon#sibility for the Other or
desisting from such action - again with a pretty clear idea of what 'acting on
responsibility' involves. This is not, however, the case. Responsibility for the
Other is itself shot through with ambivalence: it has no obvious limits, nor does
it easily translate into practical steps to be taken or refrained from - each such
step being instead pregnant with consequences that are notoriously uneasy to
predict and even less easy to evaluate in advance. The ambivalence that pertains to
the condition of'being for' is permanent and incurable; it can be taken away only
together with whatever is 'moral' in the moral condition. One is tempted to say
that facing the ambivalence of good and evil (and thus, so to speak, 'taking
respon#sibility for one's own responsibility') is the meaning (the sole meaning) of
being moral.
This means, though, rubbing the salt of loneliness into the wound of ambivalence.
Dilemmas have no ready-made solutions; the necessity to choose comes without a
foolproof recipe for proper choice; the attempt to do good is undertaken without
guarantee of goodness of either the intention or its results. The realm of
responsibility is frayed on all sides; it is equally easy to underdo as it is to
overdo what 'acting responsibly' may ideally require. Moral life is a life of
con#tinuous uncertainty. It is built of the bricks of doubt and cemented with bouts
of self-deprecation. Since the dividing lines between good and evil have not been
drawn before, they are drawn in the course of action; the outcome of these efforts
at drawing lines is akin to a string of footprints rather than a network of charted
roads. And thus loneliness is as permanent and unevictable a resident of the house
of responsibility as is ambivalence.
2NC Link Legislating Morality

Their attempt to legislate morality systematically eviscerates our capacity to make


moral choices.
Bauman 1995 (Zygmunt Bauman, Prof. Sociology @ U of Leeds, "Life in Fragments:
Essays in Postmodern Morality, p. 17-8)

Now, at long last, we 'stand up straight and confront Chaos'. We have never done it
before. Merely to confront Chaos would be off- putting and upsetting enough. But
the novelty of the act - the total absence of any precedent to go by, be reassured
by, be guided by - makes the situation totally unnerving. The waters we leaped into
are not just deep, but uncharted. We are not even at the crossroads: for crossroads
to be crossroads, there must first be roads. Now we know that we make roads - the
only roads there are and can be - and we do this solely by walking them.
Or, to say the same in the language of philosophers and educators (though still not
in the language of preachers, whatever remains today of that category): no
foundations have been found nor are likely to be found for being; and no efforts to
lay such foundations have succeeded nor are likely to succeed. There is neither
cause nor reason for morality; the necessity to be moral, and the meaning of being
moral, can neither be demonstrated nor logically deduced. And so morality is as
contingent as the rest of being: it has no ethical foundations. We can no more
offer ethical guidance for the moral selves, no more 'legislate' morality, or hope
to gain such ability once we have applied ourselves more zealously, or more
systematically, to the task. And since we have convinced ourselves and everyone
willing to listen that the case of morality is safe only if set on solid ground
built by forces stronger than those of the moral selves themselves - such forces as
both precede and outlive the brief/narrow time/space of the moral selves - we find
it exceedingly difficult, nay impossible, to comprehend why the self should be
moral and how we would recognize it to be moral when or if it is moral.
It is one thing to believe the ethical foundations to be nof-yef-found or as-yet-
unconstructed, and an altogether different thing not to believe in ethical
foundations at all. Dostoevsky's blunt 'if there is no God, everything is
permissible' shouted out the innermost fears of the modern builders of godless (or,
perhaps, 'post-divine') order. 'There is no God' means: there is no force stronger
than human will and more powerful than human resistance, capable of coercing hu#man
selves to be moral; and no authority more ennobled and trust#worthy than humans'
own cravings and premonitions, to assure them that deeds they feel to be decent,
just and proper - moral - are indeed such, and to lead them away from error in case
they go wrong. If there is no such force and such authority, humans are abandoned
to their own wits and will. And these, as the philosophers kept and the preachers
keep hammering home, can give birth solely to sin and evil, and as theologians
explained to us so convincingly, cannot be relied upon to cause right behaviour or
pass the right judge#ment. There can be no such thing as 'ethically unfounded
morality'; and 'self-founding' morality is, blatantly and deplorably, ethically
unfounded.
2NC Link Global Morality

Globalizing morality snatches the tools of responsibility from our hands it


leaves us powerless to effectuate change.
Bauman 1995 (Zygmunt Bauman, Prof. Sociology @ U of Leeds, "Life in Fragments:
Essays in Postmodern Morality, p. 17-8)

Modernity once deemed itself universal. It now thinks of itself instead as global.
Behind the change of terms hides a watershed in the history of modern self-
awareness and self-confidence. Universal was to be the rule of reason - the order
of things that would replace slavery to passions with the autonomy of rational
beings, superstition and ignorance with truth, tribulations of the drifting
plankton with self-made and thoroughly monitored history-by-design. 'Globality', in
contrast, means merely that everyone everywhere may feed on McDonald's burgers and
watch the latest made-for-TV docudrama. Universality was a proud project, a
herculean mission to perform. Globality, in contrast, is a meek acquiescence to
what is happening 'out there'; an admission always tinged with the bitterness of
capitu#lation even if sweetened with an 'if you can't beat them, join them" self-
consoling exhortation. Universality was a feather in philosophers' caps. Globality
exiles the philosophers, naked, back into the wilderness from which universality
promised to emancipate them. In David E. Klemm's words:
[A] law is built into the competitive system of global economy, which ends up
nuking the philosophical discourse quite irrelevant: maximise economic benefits.
This law plays the role of norm for directing and constraining action, not by
appealing to truth but by determining actual outcomes of life. The law itself
selects the successful from the failures, along the lines of a kind of economic
Darwinism. The appeal to truth cannot challenge the law . .
In other words, it does not matter much now what philosophers say or do not say,
however strongly they would wish the opposite to be the case; and however
stubbornly they insist, from Hegel to Habermas, that history and modernity, and
above all history pro#gressing/maturing to its modem stage, is a philosophical
problem - a task waiting (even if, like Habermas believes, it does not know or
would not admit that) for philosophical adjudication. Chaos and contingency, which
were to be chased away beyond the borders of societal islands of rational order,
are back with a vengeance; they rule inside what was meant and hoped to be the safe
house of Reason, managed by the legislated laws, not the law of nature; and when
con#tingency rules, the sages are demoted from the high table of history- makers to
the menial jobs of court chroniclers. To add bafflement to humiliation, it is not
at all clear that the high table itself has survived the shift from universality to
globalization (or, rather, the unmasking of universality as globalization; or
debasing the project of universality as the practice of globalization). Society
does not pretend any more to be a shield against contingency; in the absence of
powers strong and wilful enough to attempt the taming of the wild beast of
spontaneity, society itself turns into the site of chaos - the battlefield and/or
graz#ing ground for the herds each pursuing its own route, though they are all in
the same search for food and a secure home. Chronology replaces history,
'development' takes the place of progress, contin#gency takes over from the logic
of plan that was never to be. It is not the philosophers who failed to place the
groundless and contingent being on secure foundations; it is rather that the
building gear has been snatched from their hands, not in order to be given to
others, less deserving and trustworthy, but to join the dreams of universal reason
in the dustbin of dashed hopes and unkept promises.
2NC AT: Permutation

It links.
Bauman 1995 (Zygmunt Bauman, Prof. Sociology @ U of Leeds, "Life in Fragments:
Essays in Postmodern Morality, p. 17-8)

What follows is that, if moral relationship is grounded in the being-for


togetherness (as it is), then it can exist as a project, and guide the self's
conduct only as long as its nature of a project (a not-yet-completed project) is
not denied. Morality, like the future itself, is forever not-yet. (And this is why
the ethical code, any ethical code, the more so the more perfect it is by its own
standards, supports morality the way the rope supports the hanged man.) It is
because of our loneliness that we crave togetherness. It is because of our
loneliness that we open up to the Other and allow the Other to open up to us. It is
because of our loneliness (which is only belied, not overcome, by the hubbub of
being-with) that we turn into moral selves. And it is only through allowing the
togetherness its possibilities which only the future can disclose that we can stand
a chance of acting morally, and sometimes even of being good, in the present.
***CASE
Framework No VTL

Evaluate policy independently of value to life deciding one groups life is not
worth living enslaves the world.
Szacki 1996 [Jerzy, Prof. Sociology @ Warsaw, Liberalism after Communism, p. 197]

Liberalism does not say which of these different moralities is better than others.
It is neutral on this question and regards its neutrality as a virtue. Liberalism
as a political doctrine assumes that - as Joseph Raz wrote -'there are many
worthwhile and valuable relationships, commitments and plans of life which are
mutually incompatible'.56 It recognizes that - as John Rawls put it - 'a modern
democratic society is characterized not simply by a pluralism of comprehensive
religious, philosophical and moral doctrines but by a pluralism of incompatible yet
reasonable comprehensive doctrines'.57 What is more, for a liberal this is not only
a fact to take note of: he or she is ready to acknowledge that 'now this variety of
conceptions of the good is itself a good thing, that is, it is rational for members
of a well-ordered society to want their plans to be different'.58 Thus, the task of
politics cannot and should not be to resolve the dispute among different
conceptions of life. This is completely unattainable or is attainable only by a
totalitarian enslavement of society in the name of some one conception. This being
the case, according to Dworkin, 'political decisions must be as far as possible
independent of conceptions of the good life, or what gives value to life. Since
citizens of a society differ in these conceptions, the government does not treat
them as equals if it prefers one conception to another.'59
Framework Moral Absolutism

Their moral tunnel vision is complicit with the evil they criticize
Isaac 2002 [Jeffrey C., Prof. of Poli. Sci. @ Indiana-Bloomington, PhD Yale U, in
Dissent Magazine, Vol. 49, Iss. 2, Ends, Means, and Politics, Proquest]

As a result, the most important political questions are simply not asked. It is
assumed that U.S. military intervention is an act of "aggression," but no
consideration is given to the aggression to which intervention is a response. The
status quo ante in Afghanistan is not, as peace activists would have it, peace, but
rather terrorist violence abetted by a regime--the Taliban--that rose to power
through brutality and repression. This requires us to ask a question that most
"peace" activists would prefer not to ask: What should be done to respond to the
violence of a Saddam Hussein, or a Milosevic, or a Taliban regime? What means are
likely to stop violence and bring criminals to justice? Calls for diplomacy and
international law are well intended and important; they implicate a decent and
civilized ethic of global order. But they are also vague and empty, because they
are not accompanied by any account of how diplomacy or international law can work
effectively to address the problem at hand. The campus left offers no such account.
To do so would require it to contemplate tragic choices in which moral goodness is
of limited utility. Here what matters is not purity of intention but the
intelligent exercise of power. Power is not a dirty word or an unfortunate feature
of the world. It is the core of politics. Power is the ability to effect outcomes
in the world. Politics, in large part, involves contests over the distribution and
use of power. To accomplish anything in the political world, one must attend to the
means that are necessary to bring it about. And to develop such means is to
develop, and to exercise, power. To say this is not to say that power is beyond
morality. It is to say that power is not reducible to morality. As writers such as
Niccolo Machiavelli, Max Weber, Reinhold Niebuhr, and Hannah Arendt have taught, an
unyielding concern with moral goodness undercuts political responsibility. The
concern may be morally laudable, reflecting a kind of personal integrity, but it
suffers from three fatal flaws: (1) It fails to see that the purity of one's
intention does not ensure the achievement of what one intends. Abjuring violence or
refusing to make common cause with morally compromised parties may seem like the
right thing; but if such tactics entail impotence, then it is hard to view them as
serving any moral good beyond the clean conscience of their supporters; (2) it
fails to see that in a world of real violence and injustice, moral purity is not
simply a form of powerlessness; it is often a form of complicity in injustice. This
is why, from the standpoint of politics--as opposed to religion--pacifism is always
a potentially immoral stand. In categorically repudiating violence, it refuses in
principle to oppose certain violent injustices with any effect; and (3) it fails to
see that politics is as much about unintended consequences as it is about
intentions; it is the effects of action, rather than the motives of action, that is
most significant. Just as the alignment with "good" may engender impotence, it is
often the pursuit of "good" that generates evil. This is the lesson of communism in
the twentieth century: it is not enough that one's goals be sincere or idealistic;
it is equally important, always, to ask about the effects of pursuing these goals
and to judge these effects in pragmatic and historically contextualized ways. Moral
absolutism inhibits this judgment. It alienates those who are not true believers.
It promotes arrogance. And it undermines political effectiveness.
Framework Fascism

They cede politics to fascism and domination.


Heider 1994 (Ulrike, Anarchism: Left, Right, and Green, p. 104-105)

Though Rand, celebrated by her followers as the "Queen of Reason," considered


herself a radical rationalist, she was influenced by Nietzsche's ontology of power
and his disdain for weakness and compassion. In Rand's theoretical and literary
writings, social Darwinism, the Nietzschean superman, and laissez-faire take on a
quasi-fascistic taint. Contempt for people, the survival of the fittest, racism,
and communist witch-hunting are stripped of the tolerant pluralist facade with
which liberalism usually disguises them. With amazing openness Rand divides people
into two categories: on the one hand, "The Few," the creators of progress, who use
their intelligence and think and act in an independently creative way; on the other
hand, "The Many," the dull members of the herd who either do not think at all or
are parasites, merely emulating the intellectual products of the creative few. The
connecting link between the two is the market, which must be free in order to
institute justice. Based on private property, the market ensures that the
"intellectual giants" are able to blossom undisturbed so that they may uplift the
rest of society to the level of their own accomplishments. The "intellectual
parasites" and imitators "are constantly being beaten by the innovators," because
the "man at the top of the intellectual pyramid- gets nothing except his material
payment but benefits all. The man at the bottom of the heap, however, is so
inadequate that if left to himself he would not survive. He "contributes nothing to
those above him," he only reaps others' profits. Rand is perhaps the most open
theorist of the purpose of capitalist property rights: they exist to grant
privileges to a small minority, thus turning the property rights into a class
right. Rand also tells us who the most important of the upper 10,000 are: the
tycoons, "a very small minority, compared to the total of all the uncivilized
hordes on earth." They are the symbol of a free society which would be doomed
without them. Borrowing from the progressive rhetoric of minority protection, Rand
portrays big businessmen as victims of the anti-trust laws.
Yes War

Yes escalation economics, security dilemma, nationalism


Mearsheimer, Distinguished Professor of Political Science, 1999.
(John Mearsheimer, Is Major War Obsolete? 1999, # HYPERLINK
"http://www.ciaonet.org/conf/cfr10/index.html"
#http://www.ciaonet.org/conf/cfr10/index.html#)

A second reason that states go to war which, of course, is dear to the heart of
realists like me, and thats to enhance their security. Take the United States out
of Europe, put the Germans on their own; you got the Germans on one side and the
Russians on the other, and in between a huge buffer zone called eastern or central
Europe. Call it what you want. Is it impossible to imagine the Russians and the
Germans getting into a fight over control of that vacuum? Highly likely, no, but
feasible, for sure. Is it hard to imagine Japan and China getting into a war over
the South China Sea, not for resource reasons but because Japanese sea-lines of
communication run through there and a huge Chinese navy may threaten it? I dont
think its impossible to imagine that. What about nationalism, a third reason?
China, fighting in the United States over Taiwan? You think thats impossible? I
dont think thats impossible. Thats a scenario that makes me very nervous. I can
figure out all sorts of ways, none of which are highly likely, that the Chinese and
the Americans end up shooting at each other. It doesnt necessarily have to be
World War III, but it is great-power war. Chinese and Russians fighting each other
over Siberia? As many of you know, there are huge numbers of Chinese going into
Siberia. You start mixing ethnic populations in most areas of the world outside the
United States and its usually a prescription for big trouble. Again, not highly
likely, but possible. I could go on and on, positing a lot of scenarios where great
powers have good reasons to go to war against other great powers. Second reason:
There is no question that in the twentieth century, certainly with nuclear weapons
but even before nuclear weapons, the costs of going to war are very high. But that
doesnt mean that war is ruled out. The presence of nuclear weapons alone does not
make war obsolescent. I will remind you that from 1945 to 1990, we lived in a world
where there were thousands of nuclear weapons on both sides, and there was nobody
running around saying, War is obsolescent. So you cant make the argument that
the mere presence of nuclear weapons creates peace. India and Pakistan are both
going down the nuclear road. You dont hear many people running around saying,
Thats going to produce peace. And, furthermore, if you believe nuclear weapons
were a great cause of peace, you ought to be in favor of nuclear proliferation.
What we need is everybody to have a nuclear weapon in their back pocket. You dont
hear many people saying thats going to produce peace, do you?

Deterrence doesnt preclude conflict


Jervis, Professor of International Politics, Columbia University, 02
(Adlai E. Stevenson , Theories of War in an Era of Leading Power Peace, American
Political Science Review 96:114)

While there is a great deal to this argument, it is not without its problems.
First, because this kind of deterrence rests on the perceived possibility of war,
it may explain peace, but not a security community. Second, mutual deterrence can
be used as a platform for hostility, coercion, and even limited wars. In what Glenn
Snyder (1965; also see Jervis 1989, 1923, 74106) calls the stabilityinstability
paradox, the common realization that all-out war would be irrational provides a
license for threats and lower levels of violence. In some circumstances a state
could use the shared fear of nuclear war to exploit others. If the state thinks
that the other is preoccupied with the possibility of war and does not anticipate
that the state will make the concessions needed to reduce this danger, it will
expect the other to retreat and so can stand firm. In other words, the fact that
war would be the worst possible outcome for both sides does not automatically lead
to uncoerced peace, let alone to a security community
AT: Mandelbaum

Mandelbaum concludes neg.


Mandelbaum, Professor of American Foreign Policy at Johns Hopkins University 1999
Michael, Christian A. Herter Professor of American Foreign Policy, The Paul H.
Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University; Director,
Project on East-West Relations, Council on Foreign Relations Is Major War
Obsolete?

An introductory note: The position Im proposing in this discussion occupies the


high ground morally. After all, we all wish to believe that major war is obsolete.
But it does not occupy, I must in all honesty say, the high ground intellectually.
History and logic weigh on the other side. The burden of proof or, I should say,
the burden of argument, for this is a proposition that cannot be proven, is on me.
And many of you here will recognize this argument as the descendant of a familiar
one, one two centuries old that originates with the philosopher Immanuel Kant,
which was proposed in dramatic form by the American President Woodrow Wilson, which
is identified with the liberal Anglo-American view of the world.
Yes Nuclear Winter Pollution

Yes nuclear winter war blocks out sunlight, causing earth temperatures to drop
20C
Sagan and Turco, astrophysicist and astronomer at Cornell University, and founding
director of UCLA's Institute of the Environment, 1990
(Carl and Richard, astrophysicist and astronomer at Cornell University, and
founding director of UCLA's Institute of the Environment, A Path Where No Man
Thought: Nuclear Winter and the End of the Arms Race, pg 23-4)

In a nuclear war, powerful nuclear explosions at the ground would propel fine
particles high into the stratosphere. Much of the dust would be carried up by the
fireball itself. Some would be sucked up the stem of the mushroom cloud. Even much
more modest explosions on or above cities would produce massive fires, as occurred
in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. These fires consume wood, petroleum, plastics, roofing
tar, natural gas, and a wide variety of other combustibles. The resulting smoke is
far more dangerous to the climate than is the dust. Two kinds of smoke are
generated. Smoldering combustion is a low-temperature flameless burning in which
fine, oily, bluish-white organic particles are produced. Cigarette smoke is an
example. By contrast, in flaming combustionwhen there's an adequate supply of
oxygenthe burning organic material is converted in significant part to elemental
carbon, and the sooty smoke is very dark. Soot is one of the blackest materials
nature is able to manufacture. As in an oil refinery fire, or a burning pile of
auto tires. or a conflagration in a modern skyscrapermore generally in any big
city firegreat clouds of roiling, ugly, dark, sootv smoke would rise high above
the cities in a nuclear war, and 'spread first in longitude, then in latitude.The
high-altitude dust particles reflect additional sunlight back to space and cool the
Earth a little. More important are the dense palls of black smoke high in the
atmosphere; they block the sunlight from reaching the lower atmosphere, where the
greenhouse gases mainly reside. These gases are thereby deprived of their leverage
on the global climate. The greenhouse effect is turned down and the Earth's surface
is cooled much more.Because cities and petroleum repositories are so rich in
combustible materials, it doesn't require very many nuclear explosions over them to
make so much smoke as to obscure the entire Northern Hemisphere and more. If the
dark, sooty clouds are nearly opaque and cover an extensive area, then the
greenhouse effect can be almost entirely turned off. In the more likely case that
some sunlight trickles through, the temperatures nevertheless may drop 10 or 20C
or more, depending on season and geographical locale. In many places, it may at
midday get as dark as it used to be on a moonlit night before the nuclear war
began. The resulting environmental changes may last for months or years.If the
greenhouse effect is a blanket in which we wrap ourselves to keep warm, nuclear
winter kicks the blanket off. This darkening and cooling of the Earth following
nuclear war along with other ancillary consequencesis what we mean by nuclear
winter. (A more detailed discussion of the global climate and how nuclear winter
works is given in Appendix A.

Even a 10 degree change in Earth temperature causes extinction


Sagan and Turco, astrophysicist and astronomer at Cornell University, and founding
director of UCLA's Institute of the Environment, 1990
(Carl and Richard, astrophysicist and astronomer at Cornell University, and
founding director of UCLA's Institute of the Environment, A Path Where No Man
Thought: Nuclear Winter and the End of the Arms Race, pg 23-4)

Life on Earth is exquisitely dependent on the climate (see Appendix A). The average
surface temperature of the Earth averaged, that is, over day and night, over the
seasons, over latitude, over land and ocean, over coastline and continental
interior, over mountain range and desertis about 13C, 13 Centigrade degrees above
the temperature at which fresh water freezes. (The corresponding temperature on the
Fahrenheit scale is 55F.) It's harder to change the temperature of the oceans than
of the continents, which is why ocean temperatures are much more steadfast over the
diurnal and seasonal cycles than are the temperatures in the middle of large
continents. Any global temperature change implies much larger local temperature
changes, if you don't live near the ocean. A prolonged global temperature drop of a
few degrees C would be a disaster for agriculture; by 10C, whole ecosystems would
be imperiled; and by 20C, almost all life on Earth would be at risk.* The margin
of safety is thin.
Yes Nuclear Winter Climate Models

Recent climate-models go neg.


Fraser 2009 (Malcolm, Austral Policy Forum 09-14A, 28 May, A world free of nuclear
weapons: the fierce urgency of now,
http://www.globalcollab.org/Nautilus/australia/apsnet/policy-forum/2009/fraser-
disarmament/)

Recent scientific evidence from the same state-of-the-art climate models which
underpin our understanding of global warming puts the case for urgent nuclear
weapons abolition beyond dispute. Even a limited regional nuclear war involving
targeting cities with 100 Hiroshima-sized bombs just 0.03% of the explosive power
of the worlds current nuclear arsenal - would not only kill tens of millions
quickly from blast, fires and radiation, but would cause unexpectedly severe
climatic consequences persisting for a decade or more. Millions of tons of black,
sooty smoke would be lofted high into the stratosphere, beyond rain and weather.
Cooling and darkening, with killing frosts and shortened growing seasons, rainfall
decline, monsoon failure, and substantial increases in ultraviolet radiation, would
combine to slash global food production over successive years. Globally, one
billion people could starve. More would succumb from the disease epidemics and
social and economic mayhem which would inevitably follow. Global trade, transport
and inputs to agriculture would be disrupted, those with food would hoard it, and
further violent conflict would be likely.
Otherization Good

Rejecting securitization destabilizes identity unleashing genocidal wars which end


in extinction.
Kenneth Reinhard, Professor of Jewish Studies, UCLA, 2004, UCLA Center for Jewish
Studies, Towards a Political Theology of the Neighbor,
http://www.cjs.ucla.edu/Mellon/Towards_Political_Theology.pdf

If the concept of the political is defined, as Carl Schmitt does, in terms of the
Enemy/Friend opposition, the world we find ourselves in today is one from which the
political may have already disappeared, or at least has mutated into some strange
new shape. A world not anchored by the us and them binarisms that flourished as
recently as the Cold War is one subject to radical instability, both subjectively
and politically, as Jacques Derrida points out in The Politics of Friendship: The
effects of this destruction would be countless: the subject in question would be
looking for new reconstitutive enmities; it would multiply little wars between
nation states; it would sustain at any price so-called ethnic or genocidal
struggles; it would seek to pose itself, to find repose, through opposing still
identifiable adversaries China, Islam? Enemies without which it would lose its
political being without an enemy, and therefore without friends, where does one
then find oneself, qua a self? (PF 77) If one accepts Schmitts account of the
political, the disappearance of the enemy results in something like global
psychosis: since the mirroring relationship between Us and Them provides a form of
stability, albeit one based on projective identifications and repudiations, the
loss of the enemy threatens to destroy what Lacan calls the imaginary tripod that
props up the psychotic with a sort of pseudo-subjectivity, until something causes
it to collapse, resulting in full-blown delusions, hallucinations, and paranoia.
Hence, for Schmitt, a world without enemies is much more dangerous than one where
one is surrounded by enemies; as Derrida writes, the disappearance of the enemy
opens the door for an unheard-of violence, the evil of a malice knowing neither
measure nor ground, an unleashing incommensurable in its unprecedented therefore
monstrous forms; a violence in the face of which what is called hostility, war,
conflict, enmity, cruelty, even hatred, would regain reassuring and ultimately
appeasing contours, because they would be identifiable (PF 83).

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