Lebanese Ecuadorians before and now

Introduction

The Republic of Ecuador is one of the smaller South American nations. Its small

size and proximity to countries whose historical legacy and socioeconomic development

have diluted its borders have become a touch more of the portrait of the Andean nations.

Ecuador has been a country of emigrants tradition. Political and economic instability

that deeply affected Latin America throughout the twentieth century motivated hundreds

of thousands of Ecuadorians to leave the country and seek his fortune first in the United

States and later in Europe, with such effect that now the image the migrant is an

essential part of the Ecuadorian idiosyncrasy.

However, Ecuador shares with the rest of America the legacy of immigration

reached the continent between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and, according to

their country of destination, influence in a specific way in the construction of these

societies at that time they were growing. The present paper aims to analyze the case of

Lebanese living in Ecuador, before and after arrival; also present a brief summary of

emigration and Ecuadorian migration in order to determine its consequences.

Literature review

The geographical diversity of Ecuador is almost comparable to the various

migration models that have the same country. Despite its size, this small Andean

country of about 13.3 million people has a large percentage of migrants. As a matter of a

fact, Ecuadorians are the biggest group that is located in NY and one of the first in

Madrid.

In the past 25 years, Ecuador has experienced two major waves of migration.

Between 10 to 15 percent of Ecuadorians have left their country to address, most of

them, Spain, the United States, Italy, Venezuela and even a small group that grows

increasingly towards Chile.

In the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century during the Ecuadorian

cocoa export boom, Lebanese citizens began their migration to the city of Guayaquil

and quickly became merchants and traders. The term "Lebanese" applies generally to

refer to native Arabic-speaking immigrants predominantly Christians, whose ancestors

can be found in Syria, Palestine or Lebanon (Almeida M. , 1997).

The number of Lebanese who immigrated to Ecuador is unknown, but its

economic and political influence has been much larger than the size of its population

itself. For example, in 1990 1,430 Lebanese living in Quito (from a population that was

about 1.3 million), despite, two presidents who were in charge in 1990 descended from

Lebanese. Further, some of Ecuador's most successful people in business, are Lebanese

(Ajrouch & Kusow, 2007).

The great migration of foreigners to Latin America began in the last third of the

last century, around 1860, and continued more or less regular and massive to about 950

Like other South American countries, also came to the Ecuador people from all corners

of the world. The time of the first Arab immigration to the Andean Republic more or

less coincides with the great crisis caused by the First World War, although there is

already evidence that in the years between 1880 and 1890 had settled in this country

some Arab families (Amezquita, 2008).

Ecuador also entered the crisis; but this led to precisely the fact that the private

sector to become more dynamic and there was a kind of commitment that businesses

flourish and prosper, since until then had depended mainly on imports. Moreover, when

the country received the first Arab immigration, economic activity is still focused,
almost exclusively, in a traditional agrarian economy. Another fact that should be noted

is that the mountain ruling classes were not only very conservative, but they also only

marginally engaged in commercial activities (Akmir, 2009).

The guayaquileas ruling classes, however, were much more dynamic, to the

point that during the years of 1890 to 1910 managed to turn Ecuador in principal cocoa

exporter in the world. This created a very favorable context to enter the country as

immigrant environment; In this sense, one of the groups who best glimpse of the

excellent prospects offered was the Arab group made up of Lebanese, Syrians and

Palestinians (cited in order, in relation to the number from each country), which came

with a dynamic and optimistic mindset, determined to create prosperity and wealth.

This new "economic, culture undoubtedly contributed ultimately to consolidate

the process of modernization of the Ecuadorian economy. But not all Arab immigrants

focused their interest in trade and industry; a non-insignificant group used the process of

expansion of the agricultural frontier that was taking place in an attempt to fully exploit

the resources of the earth. The state had begun to sell land at low prices and the new

owners converted the short term these wastelands in large farms producing sugar cane,

coffee or bananas.

Methodology

The methodology used is descriptive and qualitative, because in order to achieve

the papers objective, scientific magazines, papers, documents, newspapers, were

analyzed, that is to say, secondary founts. And also it was used surveys as a research

tool. A total sample of 30 Lebanese from Samborondon were the participants for the

investigation.
 Literature Review

Today, say 'Lebanese' in Ecuador is synonymous with talking about economic

elite and political power. Since the late nineteenth century, the country has received a

non-massive but constant from the Arab countries in the area of East Levante

immigration, that is, Lebanon, Syria and Palestine, the Lebanese community of

Guayaquil being one of the groups of power successful and controversial. Lebanese-

guayaquilea colony is the "ethnic enclave" (Portes, 1995) that has achieved greater

economic achievements, which has entered forcibly regional elite classes and has

conquered the public space with strongly mediated political figures.

During the period 1970-1999, the Lebanese colony of Guayaquil starred in

several media scandals, product of political participation of some of its members1.

Magazines and national newspapers had on their covers the faces of Lebanese

descendants accompanied by headlines that imputed to bribe, embezzle, corrupt and

violate public institutions, while editorials xenophobic-racist overtones accused these

individuals to be part of a dangerous and obscure traditions, acting on behalf of their

own interests, as 'new rich', to the detriment of national welfare (Raad, 1986) Arab race.

In this period the community strove to build a positive self-image displaying

various strategies of representation, coupled with the success of ethic business, they

forged a positive stereotype of progress, success and commitment to the socio-economic

development which, today, it is also part of the Ecuadorian imaginary. Since 1980, more

than a century after his arrival in the country, the Lebanese elite community entered a

process of reconstruction of its history and worried about building a new ethnic image

on itself, driven by this undesirable political situation he questioned its social

legitimacy.
 The community, which then provided the economic capital to do so, generated

multiple written and visual products that competed in local newspapers and television

media of the time with the hegemonic representations above and raided in the artistic

works of literature and theater where he forged a strong sense of cultural difference and

a new ethnic identity "neofenicia-Catholic", which allowed them to dignify their

ancestry, and morally justify their role as new regional elite was built.

Today, this complex system of ethnic representation has been troubled by a new

phenomenon, the obvious presence of a group of Lebanese immigrants of the Muslim

faith, especially Shiite Muslims, who have come more strongly in the last two decades

and have established, mostly as small traders popular middle-class in the city of

Guayaquil. This group of immigrants has been rendered invisible by the Catholic

Lebanese community and has forged small family and / or religious ghettos to survive,

not achieving economically ascend to elite positions within the ethnic enclave and being

targets of discrimination, again "Orientalist" (Said, 1990), this time by their Catholic

counterparts, who question the authenticity of this ethnic group of immigrants, even to

deny its "libanesidad".

Despite its important role in the country's economy and its impact on national

politics, the Lebanese colony has not attracted the attention of sociologists and

anthropologists in Ecuador; the few studies that have been done on this population

(Bejarano, 1997) have historical perspectives, political and / or journalistic tangentially

deal with cultural and ethnic issues but not explained. This absence in the academic

sphere contrasts sharply with the level of press media coverage it has received the

community in recent decades.

How was transformed and rebuilt the ethnic identity of this group Oriental

immigrants in a contemporary context is a question that no one has made and what was
the role that visual representations narrated and played in these processes is still an

unexplored field. The abandonment that has received the guayaquilea Lebanese

community from the social sciences is not accidental; the city of Guayaquil has been

excluded from contemporary academic debates, as denounced by Xavier Andrade, being

addressed specifically in times of electoral situation and from a perspective of political

science (Andrade X. , 2007).

Also, according to this author, these sociological debates fall into polarizations

looking regionalist political culture as a stereotype. Thus the mountainous policy is seen

as "rational-bureaucratic policy", while the coastal policy is seen as a "chiefdom-

macho" Sociological thinking about these issues is embedded in analytical structures

that actually assist in the organization social practices of domination, discrimination,

stigmatization and symbolic violence.

Thus considered, intellectual discourse "serrano", for being his production

concentrated in the capital where the social science centers and institutionally stronger

publishing projects, becomes an instrument of political domination, and sociology and

political science to perpetuate an authorized regional fragmentation (Andrade X. , 2003)

channel.

Indeed, the Lebanese colony acquired interest sociological level sui generis

thanks to candidates, to cases of corruption and economic crisis produced by

descendants of Lebanese; he is the former president of the Republic of Ecuador Abdala

Bucaram Ortiz emblem of this form of public recognition. His political case largely

been addressed by sociological visions who understand the political culture of

monolithic form policy and explain their electoral performance based on sexist

stereotypes regionalist, where Bucaram becomes a chieftain lifted by an infantilized

people and enticed by his verbiage (Andrade X. , 2003)

 Out of sociological knowledge generated on some political personalities of

Lebanese descent, nothing is known of the negotiations on the construction of the

-ecuatoriano-libanesa- ethnic identity that arose and still brewing in the bowels of this

community of immigrants in their struggle for recognition and integration into society

guayaquilea. As guayaquilea ethnographer middle class, third-generation member of

Lebanese immigrants and descendants of mixed marriages, I wonder: What, here and

now, be a / a guayaquileo / a descendant of Lebanese? How the Lebanese elite built

their speeches and practices on ethnic identity and what their visual and narrated

representations are? Who they are excluded from this ethnic elite and what the answers

are generated by these stakeholders? How these elitists and subaltern discourses and

practices define power relationships within the Lebanese community and the

guayaquilea society, affecting the material life of individuals and defining roles of

class and gender in everyday life?

In a modest attempt to take control of this 'task pending' with the city of

Guayaquil proposed Andrade, this thesis project, which is the first anthropological

approach to this immigrant community, has four main objectives which will be analyzed

through four case studies: the first objective is to explain how transformed and

reconstructed the ethnic identity of this group Oriental immigrants when they became an

alternative to guayaquilea local elite and their economic interests elite began to align

with a neoliberal policy proposal hegemonic level regional and national levels;

exploring what was the role that visual representations played in these processes of

meaning and power struggles.

In the case of the guayac-lebanese colony, awareness of ethnicity comes after a

complex business infrastructure established independently by Lebanese immigrants

consolidates. As explained by the first president of the SUL (Society Union Lebanese),
Rashid Torbay, the community realized that it lacked a cohesive institutional entity to

defend their commercial interests at a time of national economic crisis, hence the need

to create the SUL (Torbay, 1982). In a need to defend their economic interests or their

individual businesses, as immigrants, a group consciousness that gathers around a

shared ethnic values institution arises. It is at that time that the "ethnic business" is

consolidated, understood this concept as a business group where their owners identify

themselves as members of the same ethnic group to share a cultural-national

background and immigration experience similar (Aldrich & Roger , 1990).

It is from the creation of the SUL that immigrants understand their business as

part of a broader Lebanese ethnic enclave in the city of Guayaquil and identify

themselves with the guaiac- lebanese imagined community that distinguish them from

other social groups so far. Despite the strong feeling of identity deployed by members of

the SUL, you cannot make the mistake of thinking that the immigrant ethnic community

is a separate homogeneous block of the host society, in taking into account the power

relations that exist in the very heart of the group and how certain fractions do manage

integrated while others remain excluded.

This leads us to think of the ethnic community as fragmented, consisting of

individuals with partners who have the ability to react in different ways to different

circumstances they face and propose strategies, both integration and self-exclusion

(Talai, 1986). A significant fraction of this immigrant community fought hard to

integrate into the society and guayaquilea achieved with a rise of social class through

the success of ethnic business and the consolidation of economic and political elites

with local networks.

This movement of social class was a break in the very heart of the ethnic

community, which was divided into subgroups social class. When ethnic identities are
constructed amid the emergence of economic enclaves it is impossible not to wonder

class identities they generate, often class identity is stronger than ethnic identity to

separate and distinguish individuals. Elite classes themselves are constructed so as

opposed to the popular classes, be considered a member of this class means

systematically exclude the characteristic elements of the opposite class and create

borders that delimit and hold that distinction.

Just as there is something that can be defined as a Lebanese essence, nor is there

anything that can be defined as "elite culture" or "popular culture"; both are

circumstantial, historical and are a kind of battlefield where the transformations and

power relations (Hall, 1981) are developed. Belong to a certain social class also means

sharing certain cultural codes regarding consumption capacity, which may or may not

be related to ethnic conventions.

In the case of the Lebanese colony it is critical to understand how intragroup

discriminatory practices operate, because the colony itself was discriminated against by

the white-mestizo local elites in the twentieth century but, by becoming elite, assumed

certain racist logic and classist which it is evident in its relation to newly arrived

immigrants. Understanding this relationship of intragroup discrimination can provide

relevant knowledge to young social theory about the inner workings of the elites in

Guayaquil (Jamal, 2008).

There are certain cultural traits that are associated per se a certain social class

and conversely, therefore an ethnic identity can be immediately associated with a

popular social class, which is doubly discriminated against. In Ecuador the indigenous

is associated with a popular culture that, in turn, corresponds to the lower social classes.

The Indian is popular because it has been the subject of historical social oppression.
 In the case guayaquileo, discrimination against the indigenous evidenced by the

term "cholo" which has connotations of race and class extremely ingrained, usually used

to insult. "Being called 'cholo' means a much more essential definition and greater

distance from notions of civilization and humanity (read of what should be the

guayaquileidad)" (Bashiron, 1988).

In the case of the Lebanese colony it is critical to understand how intragroup

discriminatory practices operate, because the colony itself was discriminated against by

the white-mestizo local elites in the twentieth century but, by becoming elite, assumed

certain racist logic and classist which it is evident in its relation to newly arrived

immigrants. Understanding this relationship of intragroup discrimination can provide

relevant knowledge to young social theory about the inner workings of the elites in

Guayaquil.

There are certain cultural traits that are associated per se a certain social class

and conversely, therefore an ethnic identity can be immediately associated with a

popular social class, which is doubly discriminated against. In Ecuador the indigenous

is associated with a popular culture that, in turn, corresponds to the lower social classes.

The Indian is popular because it has been the subject of historical social oppression. In

the case guayaquileo, discrimination against the indigenous evidenced by the term

"cholo" which has connotations of race and class extremely ingrained, usually used to

insult.

"Being called 'cholo' means a much more essential definition and greater

distance from notions of civilization and humanity (read of what should be the

guayaquileidad)" (Benavides, 2007: 109). During this period also they came Arabs

bourgeois middle class capital into the country medium, were installed as entrepreneurs

and traders coming to have fortune and although most up residence in Guayaquil, many
families also settled in Quito, Ambato and several cities country (Almeida M. , 1998).

Of these migrants are said to be mostly Christians and including only counted Muslims.

Yahya Suquillo, imam of the As-Salam mosque in a brief description of the beginnings

of Islam in Ecuador, said that the Islamic identity of the first Arab migrants "easily

mixed" with the predominant Catholic and although some of them brought their wives

from their homelands, many others were married to Ecuadorian women, integrating

local customs and the predominant religion of the national society and for this reason

the practice of Islam not to new generations aired: "Unfortunately some Muslim

descendants HAD to take Christianity as Their only option in religion; Could just few

Muslim families send children to Muslim Their country clubs, to get Arabic and Islamic

education. Inshallah Allah will pay Their effort " (Suquillo , 2002).

Suquillo refers to cases of families who sent their children to the country of

origin to receive Islamic education. One of these cases referred in several interviews,

was that of the Lebanese family Dasum, one of its members Layla Dasum after being

sent to the homeland to grow up and receive religious instruction, is now an important

leader of the mosque as-Salam, a teacher of Arabic and religion, wife of imam Suquillo

well as one of the most prominent figures of Islam in Ecuador.

According to interviews with the last two presidents of the Islamic center Khaled

Ibn al Walid, the Muslim Arab colony of Quito currently not spend 30 to 50 Arabs and

their families, with a strong presence of Muslims: "From the new generation of Arabs

they reached Quito, are no more than 50 Arabs. Of these 50 perhaps one Christian.

Upside Down happened at the beginning of the twentieth century "(Fajar Al-Alamat,

interview, 2012). And at least in the capital these migrants do not constitute a significant

migratory wave but rather irregular and fortuitous: "In recent times came the Arabs was
not to be here but to go to the United States, very few people were here, no one saw her

future.

The truth those who stayed here was because they had little money. Occasionally

several cyclical events such as a resounding success in economic enterprise, or a stable

marriage is constituted on reasons why, in some accounts Ecuador goes on to become a

place of more or less stable long stay or temporary stay. Lebanese Lebanese colony

migration is perhaps the largest colony of Arabic speakers in Ecuador. Rhodes Ziad in

his ethnography "Discrimination and power struggles between" baisanos "ethnic

identity and social integration strategies of the Lebanese colony of Guayaquil" (2012)

explains that since Lebanon have been constant waves migratory throughout the

twentieth century until now mainly to the city of Guayaquil, this migration has

generally been motivated by armed conflicts that live in this country, such as the

Lebanese civil war (1975 - 1990) and more recently the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in

2006.

The constant attacks and military assaults have forced many Lebanese to migrate

in search of a safer environment in which to develop their lives and this would be the

push factor of contemporary emigration of Lebanese, while the pull factor that attracts

these migrants to Ecuador it is mainly the effect of chain migration exerted by the

already settled Lebanese in the country, who provide their countrymen and family the

possibility of achieving stability and economic progress across businesses in which the

family is the main workforce: "the family is a safe space for the immigrant settled in the

city and the new immigrant, as both benefit from economic agreement familiar".

In his ethnography Rhodes Ziad is interested in the foundations on which the

ethnic identity of the Lebanese colony of Guayaquil is founded, identifying two

segments of the colony: the "guayaco - Lebanese" descendants of former migrants and
currently belong to a social class wealthy and new Lebanese migrants in the area of

shawarma in Urdesa, the author claims that these two groups despite having a common

origin in Lebanon, have come to form two different ethnic communities, which are

known and relate in terms of opposition and where they are placed in racist and classist

logical game.

The "Lebanese guayaco" that currently are assimilated part of the elite of this

city, having once been subject to discrimination and rejection by the mestizo white elite

then build the representation of themselves separating and denigrating images of the

East with that themselves were associated and which were stigmatized. The colony

chose to "break sharply with East and Muslim Turk ghost" leading to today's "Lebanese

guayaco" pour about new Muslim migrants in the area of Shawarmas a series of

Orientalist prejudices, Islamophobic and your classist.

As explained in this excerpt new migrants are aware of this type of

discrimination to which they attribute mainly based on economic reasons and religious

stereotypes and therefore have chosen to move away from the colonial elite. The

ethnographer says these new migrants feel fully proud of their nationality, membership

in the Arab and Islamic religion and try to display these belongings through decorating

their premises where they hang phrases from the Koran and women through their

clothing Islamic headscarves and "religiosity of this group is extremely important and

an effort is made by publicly view".

Analysis of Results

The survey was conducted on a sample of 30 Lebanese living in samborondon.

The results were conclusive and leave claramene the reality of what lives Lebanese
culture once settled in Ecuador. In this part of the paper, a brief analysis of the results of

each survey question is done.

Question #1

Select the reason why you traveled to Ecuador in the first place

a. Job
b. Studies
c. Personal life

a. b. c.
16 8 6

20%

53%
27%

a. b. c.

Question #2

How long have you lived in Ecuador?

a. 1-3 years
b. 4-8 years
c. 9-15 years
d. 16 years +

a. b. c. d.
4 8 7 9
 14%
32%

29%

25%

a. b. c. d.

3. In what intensity has you preserved your customs and beliefs living in

Ecuador? Being 0 the complete loss of your customs and 5, the preservation of

them.

a. 0
b. 1
c. 2
d. 3
e. 4
f. 5

a. b. c. d. e. f.
4 8 7 6 3 2

7% 13%
10%

20% 27%

23%

a. b. c. d. e. f.
 4. Do you think that Ecuadorian culture has directly influenced in your

beliefs and customs?

a. Yes
b. No
c. I do not give importance

a. b. c.
19 8 3

11%

25%

64%

a. b. c.

5. Was it hard to preserve your customs in Ecuador?

a. Yes
b. Do not
c. I do not give importance

a. b. c.
16 10 4
 13%

53%
33%

a. b. c.

Discussion

Results show that Lebanese people are influenced by Ecuadorian culture.

Question 1 let us to understand that they came to our country for work issues, this is

important to know, because, as it was mentioned in the literature review, Lebanese are a

great wall for economic in Ecuador, and they are, in general, in a good social position in

the country.

In question 2 we can notice that Lebanese have been living in Ecuador in a

greater percentage, more than sixteen years, this means that they have pretty much time

to be influenced by Ecuadorian culture.

In the next question, we can see that 27% of participants answered that in

a scale from 0 to 5, being 0 the complete loss of their customs and 5, the total

preservation of them, they find themselves in a point number 1. This means that most of

their customs are already lost, however, 20 percent feel that are in a point number 3, it

means that they find themselves in the middle. In the last two questions, it can be

noticed that Ecuadorian culture directly influenced in this loss of their customs, and also

that it was hard to preserve them in our environment.

 Conclusions and Recommendations

The different generations of Lebanese who arrived in Ecuador, especially in the

area of Guayaquil, did fleeing political and religious conflicts in his home territory. The

war has been the thriving factor (push) to this ethnic group to migrate in search of better

opportunities in life since ancient times to the present. In the guayaquileo case, the

most important migration occurred in the first half of the twentieth century and was

almost entirely Christian Lebanese who fled religious pressures inflicted on them by the

Ottoman Empire Muslim and subsequent economic crises product I and World War II.

Contemporary Lebanese migration to Ecuador has been more sporadic and

characterized by bringing religious difference.

The war that battle on Lebanese territory between Palestinians, Israelis and

between Maronite militias and Shiite (Syrian-Iranian) has become Muslim settlements

in the country in red zones where the ability to develop economically precarious by

political instability, forcing the Lebanese Muslims to emigrate from their country. The

factor that pulls (pull) the Lebanese to Ecuador, apart from the possibility of economic

progress and political stability, is the family.

A constant that it was realized to study the Lebanese at different times is that,

according to settle economically in the country, these immigrants bring their relatives

and closest friends to work with them in the family business, made present in other

Lebanese groups who have migrated to various parts of the world, returning ethnic

Lebanese business successful economic model. The opportunity to work in the family

business and economic progress is one of the values most, both Catholics and Muslims

Lebanese pride. The ability to work itself is a moral value within this ethnic group and

one could say that part of their identity. As witnessed in the cases I have presented in

this thesis, being a tireless worker is conceived as an ancestral heritage, for mentioning
the Phoenicians glorified as proof. In this way, the family also becomes the best source

of labor, not only for the trust and loyalty of family relationship but by the work

capacity is supposed in their blood the Lebanese. The family is a safe space for the

immigrant settled in the city and the new immigrant, as both benefit from economic-

family agreement.

Once it was analyzed the background of the information of Lebanese

immigration to Ecuador, the literature reviews about the topic, and also with the results

of the surveys; it can be concluded that lebanese people play a significant role in

Ecuadors economy, but they feel that their customs and traditions have been

compromised by the way of living of Ecuadorian people. Nevertheless, it is

recommended to do a deeper study of the topic, in which interviews, more specific data

and information collected, shows directly which are the main factors that have

influenced the change in their beliefs and behavior.

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