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Pornography
Defined as material, such as writing or pictures, designed to arose sexual
desire, pornography has been in existence for centuries and found
popularity across every culture Ninety percent of pornography is directed at
heterosexual males, with the audience being primarily white and middle
class. There has long been a social stigma, or a non-pecuniary cost,
associated with the use of sexually explicit materials (Kendall, 2006).
However, social mores have loosened over time and the shame or stigma
associated with viewing pornography has also decreased. Pornography is
also a "hot button" issue for many feminists -some of whom feel that all
pornographic material depicting women degrades and objectifies women.
Other opponents of pornography base their views on religious or moral
grounds, and see the consumption of pornographic material as a threat to
the family and society. Social scientists continue to study the effects of long
term exposure to pornography on intimate relationships, as well as the
relationship between exposure to pornography and sexually deviant
behavior.

Keywords Child Online Protection Act (COPA):; Child Exploitation

Pornography; Erotica; Internet Pornography; Miller v. California; Non-
pecuniary Costs; Peer to Peer Networks; Prurient; Sexual Violence;
Sexually Explicit Materials; Social Mores

Overview

Defined as material, such as writing or pictures, designed to arose sexual

desire, pornography has been in existence for centuries and found
popularity across every culture (Hudson, 2008). Today, 90% of pornography
is directed at heterosexual males, with the audience being primarily white
and middle class (Hudson, 2006).

Opponents of pornography have long argued that pornography has a

corrosive effect on individuals, families, and society. Social conservatives
view it as capable of undermining monogamous marriages, leading
unmarried men into sexual depravity, and corrupting young, impressionable
women (Pollard, 1993). Accordingly, there has long been a social stigma, or
a non-pecuniary cost, associated with the use of sexually explicit materials
(Kendall, 2006). However, social mores have loosened over time and the
shame or stigma associated with viewing pornography has also decreased.
Historically, as the financial, or pecuniary, costs of accessing pornography
have decreased, there have been repeated attempts to increase the non-
pecuniary costs associated with pornography (Kendall, 2006). In other
words, as sexually explicit materials have become cheaper and more
widely available, social forces have shifted in an attempt to control
consumption through non-pecuniary means.

The Rising Demand for Pornography

Pornographic materials have been in existence for as long as man created

art out of stone and clay. The production and distribution of pornography
adapts easily to new media whether they be pictures, print, photography,
movies, or computer files. In the US pornographic images gained popularity
with GIs during WWII. Twenty years after the war, Playboy magazine was
first published, and, in a short time, saw its circulation skyrocket. In 1974
the more explicit Hustler entered publication and, like Playboy, was well
received in the marketplace, showing just how much demand there was for
pornography. After Sony introduced the VCR in 1975, pornography began
to be sold in the form of x-rated videos tapes, which allowed viewers to
watch pornographic movies in the privacy of their homes instead of at
public movie houses. When it was created, the Internet and the first
graphical browsers represented a "quantum leap in pornography
distribution" (Kendall, 2006). It is difficult to ascertain what percentage of
Internet sites contain sexually explicit or sexually oriented materials, but
estimates are staggering. Some estimates put the growth of sexually
oriented web sites at "hundreds" per week, but, with the global reach of
pornography, such estimates may be low. Today, much of the pornography
exchanged in digital formats is shared over peer to peer networks. These
networks allow creators, distributors, and users to share content directly
without having to post it on public sites.

Legislation

Some types of pornography are protected under the First Amendment. This
protected content depicts adults, and, while adults are free to access it,
minors' access may be restricted if the content is deemed "harmful to
minors." In 1973 the US Supreme Court decision Miller v. California defined
what types of sexually explicit materials are and are not excluded from
protection under the First Amendment: obscenity and child pornography.

Miller v California defined basic guidelines for obscenity cases as the

following:

"Whether the average person, applying contemporary community

standards, would find that the work, taken as a whole appeals to the
prurient interest.

"Whether the work depicts or describes, in a patently offensive way,

sexual conduct specifically defined by the applicable state law.

"Whether the work taken as a whole, lacks serious literary, artistic,

political or scientific value" (Hudson, 2008).

Child pornography was defined by the 1996 Child Pornography Prevention

Act as "any visual depiction[that] is, or appears to be, of a minor
engaging in sexually explicit conduct" (Child Pornography Prevention Act,
1996, as quoted in Hudson, 2008, 20). When minors, including teens, are
depicted in pornographic material they are considered "victims" of a crime,
and anyone possessing or viewing such material is considered a criminal
(Finkelhor, & Ormrod, 2004; Hudson, 2008).

Determining what constitutes pornography is both "controversial and

confounding" (Hudson, 2008) and, even with the Supreme Court definition,
remains the subject of much contentious debate. Pornography is also a
"hot button" issue for many feminists -some of whom feel that all
pornographic material depicting women degrades and objectifies women.
Other opponents of pornography base their views on religious or moral
grounds, and see the consumption of pornographic material as a threat to
the traditional nuclear family. Social scientists continue to study the effects
of long term exposure to pornography on intimate relationships, as well as
the relationship between exposure to pornography and sexually deviant
behavior.

Via the Internet, children and teens have unprecedented access to sexual
explicit materials, and only recently have researchers begun to study what
effects the accidental and purposeful viewing of pornography has on
children and teens.
Applications
Pornography

A long standing question asked by social scientists concerns the

relationship between sexually explicit materials and anti-social behavior
(Kendall, 2006). Consider the following public perceptions about exposure
to pornography from a survey.

49% believe pornography can cause men to rape

56% blame it for a breakdown in morals. (Hudson, 2006)

Many researchers have explored the relationship between exposure to

pornography and sexually violent behavior. The following examples reveal
that research on the question has been largely inconclusive.

In 1979 Neil Malamuth and his colleagues published a study

titled Exposure to Pornography and Reactions to Rape, the purpose of
which was to study the effects of exposure to sexual violence as presented
in the mass media on men's and women's attitudes toward rape.

Malamuth's study cited research suggesting that sexually violent depictions

can, among other things, perpetuate beliefs about female subservience,
lead to assault, and encourage acts of hostility against women (Malamuth,
Reisin & Spinner, 1979). However, Malamuth also cited other studies which
concluded that there is no evidence that exposure to pornography causes
any adverse effects, including aggression towards women. His 1979 study
was meant to further understanding of just what effects depictions of sexual
violence have on attitudes toward rape.

Malamuth and his colleagues collected a group of 80 male and female

students and randomly exposed each of them to one of three different
stimuli:

violent sexually explicit images (Playboy magazine images with violent

content)

non-violent sexually explicit images (Playboy magazine images without

violent content)
 neutral images (National Geographic magazine images, primarily
landscapes).

After being exposed to the stimuli, all of the students viewed the same
video of an interview with a rape victim and then completed a survey about
the interview, asking them about their

"Perceptions of the victim and assailant (e.g., intelligence, attractiveness)

Perceptions of experience of victim (e.g., pain, trauma, etc.)

Attitudes toward rape (e.g., responsibility, possible justification,

punishment merited, sexual vs. violent motive).

Subjects' beliefs about their own behavior in such situations (e.g., the
possibility of engaging in sexual assault)" (Malamuth, Reisin & Spinner,
1979, p. 5).

Because the researchers were concerned that the experimental

environment might skew their results, several weeks after the initial
exposure Malamuth and his...

(The entire section is 4136 words.)

Censorship of Pornography
By Lauren Bradshaw
February 26, 2008

Sample Research Papers

The Ethical Case For and Against Censorship of Pornography
The controversy surrounding pornography is complicated not only by a lack of
agreement on whether pornography should be allowed in our society, but also by a
basic disagreement over what is included in the definition of pornography. Emotions
run high and scientific rigour falls aside where it comes to studies of the effect of
pornography, the use of these studies in mass media and in academic debates. Sifting
through mountains of rhetoric can be confusing, when few entering the debate can
even agree on what pornography is, much less what are its corrosive effects. The first
task of this paper, therefore, shall be to begin at the beginning, and clarify the
differing definitions or idea about pornography that are at play in recent academic
debates. Secondly, we will examine the arguments for and against pornography, be it
by way of censorship or not. We will want to pay particular attention to the way in
which one argument (that of American feminist Mackinnon and Dworkin) are
mischaracterized and misunderstood, and why. Finally, we will look at the underlying
assumptions of ethical systems that are being used here as points of reference; I will
argue that much of the disagreement about this issue is due to the fact that the various
sides (and there are far more than two) are appealing to wildly different (and perhaps
incompatible) ethical systems. On the one hand, there are those that appeal to
utilitarianism, while others appeal to an individualistic, existentialist ethics.
Let us begin, then, with the very different ways that pornography is characterized and
defined. In popular parlance (and many of the arguments depend on this commonly
held conception) pornography means materials that are sexual in nature, usually in a
way that is offensive to one self or the mainstream public. Proof of this position, as
well as of its hypocrisy, lies with the fact that much of art in the Western tradition
that which is displayed in museums depicts sexually explicit material. There is no
question that this is art, not pornography. The second common distinction is one that
is drawn between pornography and erotica. As described by Nettie Pollard in her
article, The Modern Pornography Debates, qualifying as erotica are
representations of a sexually explicit nature, but which are not violent or degrading to
women; pornography, on the other hand is harmful because it is violent or sexually
degrading to women. This distinction is murky, however, because sometimes the
distinction is mean to signal the difference between visual materials (pornography
includes the Greek term graphe, or visual representation), whereas erotica is then
used to refer to written materials describing erotic acts. This last way of delineating
the matter appeals to the belief that whereas pornography appeals to men because
their sexuality is more visual, erotica appeals to womens more internal and
intellectual connection to sexuality.
However, any feminist worth her salt would refuse both distinctions as being false.
Why? Because in either case, the division between erotica (good) and pornography
(bad) is just a way of distinguishing the erotic and sexually explicit materials that you
find acceptable with that which you do not find acceptable. The problem is that, in
trying to censor pornography, no one wants to have to ban any and all erotically or
sexually explicit materials (we all think Michelangelos David is beautiful), but only
some. But then, that means that someone has to make a call, draw the line between
good and bad sexualities (and their representations). That we should be more
preoccupied with punishing bad representations, not what they represent, seems to
escape the debate; why you should not get flogged for producing boring or canned
pornography?
It is specifically in order to capture only the morally reprehensible depictions of sex
that McKinnon and Dworkin carefully re-defined pornography as a practice of sex
discrimination which sexualizes the subordination of women and which eroticizes
violence against women: as a political practice of power and powerlessness which
eroticizes dominance and submission. (As quoted in Pollard, 2). This definition is
important, first of all, because it re-describes pornography as a practice. McKinnon,
who is both a feminist and an attorney, understood what she was doing when she did
this. She sought, specifically, to bypass the debate over pornography in terms of
censorship, and claims to first amendment rights (in America).
Even though Mackinnon and Dworkin are often misrepresented as being in the pro-
censorship camp (such as in the article by Avedon Carol entitled The Harm of Porn:
Just Another Excuse to Censor), they were explicitly and firmly against censorship,
and saw this as a dead end in their attempt to curtail violent or harmful pornography.
Their ordinance (proposed, passed, then overturned in Minneapolis, MN) took
pornography to be a practice that produced harms to women in particular, harms that
individual women were not able to mitigate against; secondly, their ordinance sought
to make it possible for women to gain the right to litigate against the harms of
pornography in a court of law that is, to sue the producers and distributors of violent
pornography for inciting or causing violence against them in particular, or as a class of
people, in the case of a class action suit. If those impacted by violent pornography
(and not just women) could show, in a court a law, a link between the consumption of
pornography and a crime committed against them. (I suspect that Carol understands
this, as she leaves the matter vague, only implying Mackinnon and Dworkins support
of censorship).
MacKinnon and Dworkins strategy had other strengths built in: it was meant to bi-
pass a generation of faulty scientific research on the subject, as described by Carol in
her previously mentioned article. It sought to not have to have feminists making the
call between what is good and bad pornography, by waiting to make this call on the
effects of particular representations. Finally, it was meant to put financial pressure on
the producers of pornography to make pornography that was not violent nor degrading
to women. But the beauty of the ordinance was that it did not rely on gender
specificity under the same ordinance, producers of pornography putting minors or
even men at risk would be liable to a negative judgment and (hopefully) resulting in
bankruptcy. In any case, as many feminists pointed out at the time, there are already
laws against the rape, torture, mutilation, and un-consented to acts against women;
censoring their representations does little to address these problems. As the Americans
say, the proof would have to be found in the pudding.
This is not to say that there where not feminists who were rallying against porn in the
late seventies and early eighties, and that they did not become the voice that came to
represent the feminist position in mainstream media representations of the debate,
such as is described by Carol. Arguable, the misrepresentation of McKinnon and
Dworkin as being in the censorship camp is as gross a misrepresentation (serving
the same interests) as the misrepresentation of the feminist position as naturally
anti-porn. Perhaps the reason for both distortions has to do with the fact that it was
this conservative (and liberal in the traditional sense) group of feminist who most
resonated with the puritanical American mainstream what Pollard calls the moralist
position, or the traditional, conservative critique of pornography (Pollard, 2) that
has sought scientific evidence as grounds for suspending the first amendment rights of
some through censorship.
The attempt to find scientific grounds for making the call between good and bad
representations of sex is well explained in Avedon Carols piece on The Harm of
Porn. She explains how a generation of right-wing, moralist men, beginning with
Dolf Zillman and not ending with Edward Donnerstien, attempted to find a connection
between violence and anti-social behavior, and the consumption of pornographic
images. The story of Donnerstein connecting the higher pulse rates and skin
temperature of young men viewing pornography (and here the irony that in order to
work against it, these poor moralists had to expose themselves repeatedly to the
corrupting materials!) to a preparatory towards committing violence (Carol, 2-3). The
studies would be humorous, had then not been taken so seriously and cast such a long
shadow. But then the question becomes, why did these studies stick; why do so many
even today believe there is a link between pornography and violence (the link often
being made through representations of S/M)? People believe what they already want
to believe, and the mainstream of America and British people are puritanical. But
perhaps there is more to it.
There always have been, and always will be, women whose relation to sex and their
own sexualities makes it inconceivable to accept what others might enjoy, represent,
and respond to sexually. They are often posited as opposed to libertarians and sex
radicals, but in reality there is no clear cut opposition between these groups and
positions. That is, it is possible for a radical lesbian separatist who feels it is her duty
to violate societal norms of decency by not only sleeping with women, but by sleeping
regularly with more than one , who nonetheless finds pornography loathsome, and
who acts much like the Christian church lady in her activism around censoring
mainstream pornography. So, now, lets look at the moralist position that pornography
threatens the moral order. In the extreme, this position is like a no avatars position
sex should not be seen, period. This could be based on the view that sex is dirty and
shameful, and that sexuality should only be in the service of reproduction within the
context of monogamous heterosexual marriage, and these are usually reasons given.
Or, more plausible to this writer, it could be that explicit representations of sex never
looks like what it feels, and so carries with it a necessary air of corruption and falsity.
(It follows that in order to truly represent sex, desire, or ecstasis, the last thing that
you would represent would be sex acts, which means that a ban on the representation
of sex and sexuality would take us far and wide indeed.) Not unlike the argument that
Plato gives in The Republic against artists and playwrights, this is also the reason why
some religions forbid the representations of God, as necessary falsifying.)
Unfortunately, there representations are often produced by an for men, and are often
used as a stand in for sexual education; when young men learn to value sex for what it
looks like, and by extension to value women by what they look like, then I cannot
deny that we have a problem. Additionally, there is the larger problem that the
representation of sex is itself a sexual practice that cannot help but habituate and
homogenize sexual behaviors. So, the charge of corruption sticks, but not for the
reasons that are usually given; it is worth mentioning, however, that the rote reason
given (that it threatens the social order) is grounded in these latter reasons, even if
these reasons are assumed and not made explicit by those who see themselves as
living a morally upright existence. The moral right tends to get lazy when it comes to
having to actually make an argument.
Still, many of the more conservative arguments from feminist have to do not with how
pornography may corrupt human sexuality women and mens but with the
alleged hard it does to women the view that is attribute to the British government by
Pollard (Pollard, 1). The effect and impact of pornography (violent or not, degrading
of women or not) on women is different than it is on men, yet no feminist has tried to
make these differences explicit. Furthermore, that this harm is like the concept of
race no such thing exists, but it continues to shape our beliefs and behaviors
seems not to destroy the case of those who seek to censor pornography both in
America and Britain recent efforts have been stepped up to crack down on the makers
of sexually explicit materials. We may want to ask, why not? It could be that the
moralists can afford to be lazy with their arguments because they seem to have the
strong arm of the law, and the force of long custom, on their side.
Andrea Dworkin and Catherine McKinnons re-definition of pornography in terms of
a practice that causes harm, ironically, opened a new avenue for those who sought to
censor lewd materials. The argument addressed by Andrew Koppleman (Does
Obscenity Cause Moral Harm?) and Rae Langton and Caroline West (Scorekeeping
in a Pornographic Language Game) goes like this: if pornography is a practice, and
to practice something entails action, then pornography is close to action. (There are
also arguments about the performative aspect of language that get aligned with this
argument, e.g., pornography as speech, and more specifically hate speech.) Actions
have consequences and effect, and the effect of pornography is generally harm to
women who are degraded in and by pornographic representations; it silences and
subordinates women in the way that racially hateful or homophobic speech affects
those marked racially or by way of perceived sexual preference. As Langton and Rae
point out, neither the older theory that pornography rationally conditions violence, not
irrationally has the same effect; but what is the point of this distinction when the harm
caused by pornography cannot be proved by the means that we usually accept that
is, by scientific means. The best chance of proving and establishing this link may have
been with McKinnons ordinance (by legal precedence), but this attempt was turned
back by the court. And, if we are to look at effect, the effect of all this talk of
censoring pornography has only led to its growth and popularity. Maybe the best way
to beat the probably real but improvable harms of porn is to beat it to make better,
less harmful, maybe even empowering representations. Let the marketplace decide
this issue, as it decides everything else.
Perhaps it will not be surprising that those on the opposite liberal, left, or radical
edge of the debate over pornography rely on assumptions so similar as those on the
right as to be indistinguishable. One line of reasoning goes like this: sex and sexuality
is at the core of individual identity, and the attempt to foreclose its expression,
irregardless of how much we like or dislike any given expression, is dehumanizing.
Some women may be exploited in the sex industry, or by their husbands, or by their
bosses at work. The law recognizes limits to women being exploited. Ironically, what
developed from the attempt to censor pornography in modern times has been a rather
large discourse on pornography and sexuality that has only helped the industry grow
by leaps and bounds, become less taboo and more accepted, and diversify into
pornography made by women and for women. There is now consensus that the voices
that used to dominate in the feminist movement, voices against pornography and in
favor of censorship, have become less powerful; the new feminists are pro-sex and for
its representation. This does not mean that any and all sexualities should be protected
from censorship. We can still, as a society, disallow materials that are harmful to
minors, or which results in negligent hard done to anyone in the course of its being
made. Other than this, if you dont like S/M, then you should not expose yourself to
these materials.
This debate over pornography strikes me as a lot of smoke and mirror, with sides
talking past each other because they dont agree on what they are talking about to
begin with, not seeing how much grounds there is for agreement, and each relying on
faulty evidence and lazy reasoning. But in the end, it may be that the real differences
may lie with the basic ethical assumptions behind the impulse to deal with
pornography through censorship or by other means: Those who want to make the
harm argument rely on a universal utilitarian paradigm that shows that he harms of
pornography outweighs the need to protect the first Amendment Rights of
pornographers, or vice versa (that pornography should not be censored because it is
not worth the sacrifice in restricting freedom of speech). IF this is the case, then the
debate becomes about the perceived harms and goods, and the means of measuring
and balancing these. Those who enter into the debate on these terms assume that
society has the right and responsibility to create balance. (The libertarian believes the
free market naturally restores and maintains the balance.)
But the debate is also being had under completely different assumptions and on
another plain. The existentialist and individualistic tendencies (of Americans in
particular) lead to the assumption that id sexuality is a core around which individuals
can come to define their identities, then to limit the expression of such by any means
is to do metaphysical harm to the individual, who is the seat of morality (and not the
government or society at large). The existentialist would not grant government or the
market any role in the debate, only good and bad faith. It is a matter of scale: do moral
questions get made by individuals who chose to participate in the pornography
industry (be it as consumers, models, filmmakers, artists, distributors, etc.) or is
morality a matter of social convention or, of a yet higher force.
In the end, the ethical case for or against censorship of pornographic materials comes
down to this: to the incompatibility not of positions pro or con, but of ethical systems.
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Pornography Use

Buzzell, T. (2005). Demographic characteristics of persons using pornography in

three technological contexts. Sexuality & Culture. 9, 28-48.

Significant attention is being given to the impact of the Internet on forms of

"cybersex". Few studies of cybersex have provided cross-sectional analysis of
pornography use. Moreover, no analysis has contrasted pornography on the
Internet with other technological forms. This is problematic when attempting to
evaluate the impact technology has had on pornography use. In an attempt to
address the question posed by Stern and Handel (2001), "does technology
matter?" to pornography use, this study reports descriptive findings from the
General Social Survey since 1973. Specifically, three technological contexts were
operationalized from items in the GSS to describe pornography use and the
demographic characteristics of persons who use pornography in three
technologies: film, theater or VCR, or websites. A greater proportion of people,
who reported use of pornography were males, young persons, and persons who
lived in urban areas. Variations in other demographic characteristics such as
employment status and income, however, suggested that technology does make
a difference in pornography access and, thus, use.
 Buzzell, T. (2005). The effects of sophistication, access, and monitoring on use of
pornography in three technological contexts. Deviant Behavior. 26, 109-132.

Technology has changed the varieties and means of distribution of pornography.

The emergence of "hyperpornography" on the Internet is the most notable
example. Yet, little attention has been given to understanding what factors
contribute to pornography use. Using data from the General Social Survey in
1973, 1994, and 20002002, this study tests the effects of sophistication,
accessibility, and monitoring by others on the likelihood of using pornography in
three technological contexts: film in theaters, film in theaters or VCRs, and
websites. The results indicate that sex and age are important predictors of the
likelihood of pornography use, regardless of technological context.
Sophistication, accessibility, and monitoring also are significant, but this differs
by technological context. Results are discussed in light of how pornography use
can be explained by what Wilcox, Land, and Hunt, (2003) call dynamic multi-
contextual opportunities for deviance.

Carroll, Jason; Laura Padilla-Walker, Larry Nelson, Chad Olson, Carolyn

McNamara Barry, and Stephanie Madsen (2008). Generation XXX: Pornography
Acceptance and Use Among Emerging Adults. Journal of Adolescent Research.
23; 6.

This study examines correlates of pornography acceptance and use within a

normative (nonclinical) population of emerging adults (individuals aged 1826).
Participants included 813 university students (500 women; M age=20 years)
recruited from six college sites across the United States. Participants completed
online questionnaires regarding their acceptance and use of pornography, as well
as their sexual values and activity, substance use, and family formation values.
Results revealed that roughly two thirds (67%) of young men and one half
(49%) of young women agree that viewing pornography is acceptable, whereas
nearly 9 out of 10 (87%) young men and nearly one third (31%) of young
women reported using pornography. Results also revealed associations between
pornography acceptance and use and emerging adults risky sexual attitudes and
behaviors, substance use patterns, and nonmarital cohabitation values. The
discussion considers the implications of pornography use during the transition to
adulthood.

Chen, A., Leung, M., Chen, C., Yang, S. (2013). Exposure to Internet
Pornography Among Taiwanese Adolescents. Social Behavior and Personality: An
International Journal.41(1): 157-164.

We examined the use of Internet pornography (IP) by Taiwanese adolescents,

and analyzed activities involved in seeking IP, motivations and perceptions with
regard to IP, and relationships among IP experience and background variables.
The results revealed that 71% of respondents had been exposed to IP; of this
group, 41.3% reported only unintentional exposure (UE) and 58.7% reported
intentional exposure (IE). Most males exposed to IP were classified in the IE as
opposed to the UE group. Compared with the female respondents, male
respondents tended to report more intentional IP exposure, longer terms of IP
exposure history, and greater identification with a positive value of IP.
 Respondents in more urbanized areas also reported more IE than those in less
urbanized areas.

Cooper, A., Delmonico, D.L., Griffin-Shelly, E., & Mathy, R. M. (2004). Online
sexual activity: An examination of potentially problematic behaviors. Sexual
Addiction and Compulsivity. 11, 129-143.

This article focused on a selected random sample of over 7,000 individuals who
responded to a survey regarding online sexual activity. Results helped identify
potential problem areas for online sexual compulsives and at-risk users. These
results provided descriptions of activities that could lead to problematic behavior
in three areas: obsession, compulsion, and consequences. In addition, specific
results were highlighted by gender differences, and types of cybersex users. As a
descriptive article, the results of this study help us understand who online sexual
activity users are and how they might experience problems related to their
behaviors.

Gunther, Albert (1995). Overrating the X-Rating: The Third-Person Perception

and Support for Censorship of Pornography. Journal of Communication. 45(1),
27-38.

Research has produced plentiful evidence of the third-person perceptionthe

tendency for people to think others are more influenced by mass media than
they are themselves. But until now there has been scant evidence of the effects
of that perceptual bias. Consistent with past third-person effect findings, the
data in this study indicate that a substantial majority of U.S. adults see others as
more adversely influenced by pornography than themselves. In addition, the
results show that peoples support for pornography restrictions parallels the
discrepancy they perceive between effect on self and effect on others.

Hardy, S., Steelman, M., Coyne S., et al. (2013). Adolescent religiousness as a
protective factor against pornography use. Journal of Applied Developmental
Psychology. 34(3): 131-139.

This study examined mediators of relations between adolescent religiousness and

pornography use. The sample consisted of 419 adolescents (ages 15
18 years; M age = 15.68, SD = 0.98; 56% male). It was hypothesized that
religiousness (religious internalization and involvement) would protect
adolescents from pornography use (accidental and intentional viewing) by
increasing self-regulation, conservative attitudes towards pornography, and
social control against pornography. Path analyses revealed religious
internalization and involvement were indirectly linked to intentional viewing
through all three mediators. For accidental viewing, the only indirect effects were
from religious internalization through self-regulation and social control, and from
religious involvement through social control. Thus, religiousness may protect
adolescents from intentional and accidental exposure to pornography.
 Johnson, Timothy P., and Moore, Robert W. (1993) Gender Interactions Between
Interviewer and Survey Respondents: Issues of Pornography and Community
Standards. Sex Roles. 28(5/6); 243-261.

Several sociological perspectives, including social distance and social

acquiescence theories, suggest that survey responses to threatening or sensitive
questions may be influenced by interviewer gender. Most of the empirical work
bearing on this issue has been conducted using facetoface interviews.
Research presented here examines interviewer gender effects in a telephone
survey concerned with a sexually sensitive topic the sale and consumption of
pornographic materials. Subjects were mostly white middle-class adults living in
a mediumsized metropolitan community. Approximately equal numbers of
males (n=230) and females (n=219) were interviewed. Findings suggest that,
although a weak trend indicative of an acquiescence effect was observed,
interviewer gender effects may not in general be a serious source of
nonsampling errors in telephone surveys.

Mitchell, Kimberly J.; Finkelhor, David; and Wolak, Janis (2003) The Exposure of
Youth to Unwanted Sexual Material on the Intenet: A National Survey of Risk,
Impact, and Prevention. Youth Society. 34(3); 330-358.

This national survey of youth, ages 10 to 17, and their caretakers has several
implications for the current debate about young people and Internet
pornography. Twenty five percent of youth had unwanted exposure to sexual
pictures on the Internet in the past year, challenging the prevalent assumption
that the problem is primarily about young people motivated to actively seek out
pornography. Most youth had no negative reactions to their unwanted exposure,
but one quarter said they were very or extremely upset, suggesting a priority
need for more research on and interventions directed toward such negative
effects. The use of filtering and blocking software was associated with a modest
reduction in unwanted exposure, suggesting that it may help but is far from fool
proof. Various forms of parental supervision were not associated with any
reduction in exposure. The authors urge that social scientific research be
undertaken to inform this highly contentious public policy controversy.

Peter, Jochen Peter, and Valkenburg, Patti M. (2006) Adolescents' Exposure to

Sexually Explicit Material on the Internet. Communication Research. 33; 178-
204.

Drawing on a survey of 745 Dutch adolescents ages 13 to 18, the authors

investigated (a) the occurrence and frequency of adolescents' exposure to
sexually explicit material on the Internet and (b) the correlates of this exposure.
Seventy-one percent of the male adolescents and 40% of the female adolescents
had been exposed to some kind of online sexually explicit material in the 6
months prior to the interview. Adolescents were more likely to be exposed to
sexually explicit material online if they were male, were high sensation seekers,
were less satisfied with their lives, were more sexually interested, used sexual
content in other media more often, had a fast Internet connection, and had
friends that were predominantly younger. Among male adolescents, a more
advanced pubertal status was also associated with more frequent exposure to
 online sexually explicit material. Among female adolescents, greater sexual
experience decreased exposure to online sexually explicit material.

Romito, P., & Beltramini, L. (2011). Watching pornography: gender differences,

violence and victimization. An exploratory study in Italy. Violence against
women. 17(10): 1313-1326.

The aims of this article are to analyze exposure to pornography, its content, and
the associations between victimization and pornography in a sample of 303
students (49.2% female). The questionnaire included questions on pornography
exposure, psychological and physical family violence, and sexual violence.
Almost all male students and 67% of female students had ever watched
pornography; 42% and 32%, respectively, had watched violence against women.
Female students exposed to family psychological violence and to sexual violence
were significantly more likely to watch pornography, especially violent
pornography than those who had not been exposed. No such association was
found among male students.

Shim, Jae Woongs; Lee, Seungwhan; and Paul Bryant (2007) Who Responds to
Unsolicited Sexually Explicit Materials on the Internet?: The Role of Individual
Differences. CyberPsychology and Behavior. 10, 71-79.

Many studies on the effects of sexually explicit materials have focused primarily
on intentional exposure to such content. Recently, researchers have begun to
address the issue of the unintentional exposure to pornography on the Internet.
However, there is no research on the effects of individual differences on Internet
users' responses to unsolicited sexually explicit materials. This study used the
Sexual Opinion Survey scale and the Self-Report Psychopathy scale (SRP-III) to
measure college students' sexual and antisocial dispositions. It found that
samples of those high in sexual disposition were more likely to expose
themselves, by clicking a message or link, to unsolicited Internet pornography
when they happened to come across it while online. Further, those high in
antisocial disposition were more likely to click images or links than those low in
antisocial disposition. Finally, those who were high both in sexual and antisocial
dispositions reported being more likely to expose themselves to unsolicited
sexually explicit materials than all others.

Stack, S., Wasserman, I., & Kern, R. (2004). Adult social bonds and use of
Internet pornography. Social Science Quarterly. 85(1), 7588.

Sociological theories of deviant behavior have not been systematically applied to

the problem of who uses and who does not use cyberpornography on the
Internet. The present study contributes to the literature by providing the first
systematic application of selected sociological theories of deviance to the
problem of explaining use of cyberpornography. It tests a blended theoretical
perspective, which includes measures from social control and opportunity
theories of deviance, as well as measures of broader deviant lifestyles, as
possible predictors of use of cyberporn.
 A key hypothesis is that persons with the strongest ties to conventional society
will be less likely than others to use cyberporn. Complete data on 531 Internet
users are taken from the General Social Surveys for 2000. Social bonds
measures include religious, marital, and political ties. Measures of participation in
sexual and drug-related deviant lifestyles, and demographic controls are
included. The results of a logistic regression analysis found that among the
strongest predictors of use of cyberporn were weak ties to religion and lack of a
happy marriage. However, past sexual deviance (e.g., involvement in paid sex)
was also a strong predictor of cyberporn use. Overall the model explained 40
percent of the variance in porn use on the Internet. Traditional theoretical
perspectives on deviance are apparently applicable to this new form of deviant
behavior.

Wolak, Janis; Mitchell, Kimberly; and Finkelhor, David (2007) Unwanted and
Wanted Exposure to Online Pornography in a National Sample of Youth Internet
Users. Pediatrics 119; 247-257.

The goal was to assess the extent of unwanted and wanted exposure to online
pornography among youth Internet users and associated risk factors. A
telephone survey of a nationally representative sample of 1500 youth Internet
users aged 10 to 17 years was conducted between March and June 2005. Forty
two percent of youth Internet users had been exposed to online pornography in
the past year. Of those, 66% reported only unwanted exposure. Multinomial
logistic regression analysis was used to compare youth with unwantedexposure
only or any wanted exposure with those with no exposure.

Unwanted exposure was related to only 1 Internet activity, namely, using

filesharing programs to download images. Filtering and blocking software
reduced the risk of unwanted exposure, as did attending an Internet safety
presentation by law enforcement personnel. Unwanted exposure rates were
higher for teens, youth who reported being harassed or sexually solicited online
or interpersonally victimized offline, and youth who scored in the borderline or
clinically significant range on the Child Behavior Checklist subscale for
depression. Wanted exposure rates were higher for teens, boys, and youth who
used file-sharing programs to download images, talked online to unknown
persons about sex, used the Internet at friends' homes, or scored in the
borderline or clinically significant range on the Child Behavior Checklist subscale
for rulebreaking. Depression also could be a risk factor for some youth. Youth
who used filtering and blocking software had lower odds of wanted exposure.

More research concerning the potential impact of Internet pornography on youth

is warranted, given the high rate of exposure, the fact that much exposure is
unwanted, and the fact that youth with certain vulnerabilities, such as
depression, interpersonal victimization, and delinquent tendencies, have more
exposure.

Ybarra, Michele L. and Mitchell, Kimberly J. (2005) Exposure to Internet

Pornography among Children and Adolescents: A National
Survey. CyberPsychology and Behavior 8(5); 473-486.
 Estimates suggest that up to 90% or more youth between 12 and 18 years have
access to the Internet. Concern has been raised that this increased accessibility
may lead to a rise in pornography seeking among children and adolescents, with
potentially serious ramifications for child and adolescent sexual development.
Using data from the Youth Internet Safety Survey, a nationally representative,
crosssectional telephone survey of 1501 children and adolescents (ages 1017
years), characteristics associated with self-reported pornography seeking
behavior, both on the Internet and using traditional methods (e.g., magazines),
are identified. Seekers of pornography, both online and offline, are significantly
more likely to be male, with only 5% of self-identified seekers being female. The
vast majority (87%) of youth who report looking for sexual images online are 14
years of age or older, when it is developmentally appropriate to be sexually
curious. Children under the age of 14 who have intentionally looked at
pornography are more likely to report traditional exposures, such as magazines
or movies. Concerns about a large group of young children exposing themselves
to pornography on the Internet may be overstated. Those who report intentional
exposure to pornography, irrespective of source, are significantly more likely to
cross-sectionally report delinquent behavior and substance use in the previous
year. Further, online seekers versus offline seekers are more likely to report
clinical features associated with depression and lower levels of emotional
bonding with their caregiver. Results of the current investigation raise important
questions for further inquiry. Findings from these cross-sectional data provide
justification for longitudinal studies aimed at parsing out temporal sequencing of
psychosocial experiences.

Effects of Pornography

Baron, Larry (1990). Pornography and Gender Equality: An Empirical

Analysis. The Journal of Sex Research. 27, 363-380.

This paper examines the relationship between the circulation rates of soft-core
pornographic magazines and gender equality in the 50 American states. Gender
equality is measured with the Gender Equality Index (GEX) which combines 24
indicators of the status of women relative to men in the three institutional
domains of politics, economics, and legal rights. Multiple regression analysis is
used to test the hypothesis that the higher the circulation rate of soft-core
pornographic magazines, the lower the level of gender equality. Several
additional variables are included in the analysis to control for spurious
relationships. Contrary to the hypothesis, the results show that gender equality
is higher in states characterized by higher circulation rates of pornography. This
relationship is interpreted as suggesting that pornography and gender equality
both flourish in politically tolerant societies.

Corne, Shawn; Briere, John; and Esses, Lillian (1992). Women's Attitudes and
Fantasies about Rape as a Function of Early Exposure to Pornography. Journal of
Interpersonal Violence. 7, 454-461.

Although much has been learned about how social forces such as pornography
can shape or direct men's sexual violence against women, few empirical data
 exist on how these forces impinge on women's attitudes and behavior. In the
present study, 187 female university students responded to a questionnaire
regarding childhood exposure to pornography, current sexual fantasies, and
endorsement of rape-supportive attitudes. Early exposure to pornography was
related to subsequent "rape fantasies" and attitudes supportive of sexual
violence against women. Findings were interpreted in the context of women's
socialization to accept sexual aggression as a sexual/romantic event.

Demare, D.; Briere, J; and Lips, H. (1988). Violent pornography and self-
reported likelihood of sexual aggression. Journal of Research in Personality. 22,
140-153.

222 undergraduate males were administered an attitudes survey examining

pornography use, attitudes, and self-reported likelihood of rape or using sexual
force. Nonviolent pornography was used by 81% of subjects within the previous
year. Discriminant function analysis revealed that use of sexually violent
pornography and acceptance of interpersonal violence against women were
uniquely associated with likelihood of rape or using sexual force. It is
hypothesized that the specific fusion of sex and violence in some pornographic
stimuli and in certain belief systems may produce a propensity to engage in
sexually aggressive behavior.

Demare, D.; Briere, J; and Lips, H. (1993). Sexually violent pornography, anti-
women attitudes, and sexual aggression: a structural equation model. Journal of
Research in Personality. 27, 285-300.

Using data provided by 383 male university students, several structural equation
models were developed and tested to asses the interrelationship of pornography
use, anti-women attitudes, and propensity for sexual violence. The model best
fitting the data is one in which use of Sexually Violent Pornography and Anti
Women Attitudes are exogenous latent variables predicting selfreported
Likelihood of Rape and Likelihood of using Sexual Force, as well as selfreported
history of having achieved sexual intercourse by use of Coercion and Force. A
variation of this model that includes use of Nonviolent Pornography as an
exogenous variable was also tested. Use of nonviolent pornography was not
uniquely associated with potential or actual sexual aggression. The findings
suggest the potential roles of both attitudes and sexually violent pornography in
the occurrence of sexual aggression.

Diamond, M., Jozifkova, E., & Weiss, P. (2011). Pornography and Sex Crimes in
the Czech Republic. Archives of Sexual Behavior. 40(5): 1037-1043.

Pornography continues to be a contentious matter with those on the one side

arguing it detrimental to society while others argue it is pleasurable to many and
a feature of free speech. The advent of the Internet with the ready availability of
sexually explicit materials thereon particularly has seemed to raise questions of
its influence. Following the effects of a new law in the Czech Republic that
allowed pornography to a society previously having forbidden it allowed us to
monitor the change in sex related crime that followed the change. As found in all
other countries in which the phenomenon has been studied, rape and other sex
 crimes did not increase. Of particular note is that this country, like Denmark and
Japan, had a prolonged interval during which possession of child pornography
was not illegal and, like those other countries, showed a significant decrease in
the incidence of child sex abuse.

Garcia, Luis (1986). Exposure to Pornography and Attitudes about Women and
Rape: A Correlational Study. The Jornal of Sex Research. 22, 278-285.

Investigated the relationship between exposure to sexually explicit material and

attitudes toward rape in 115 male undergraduates. Data provide mixed support
for the hypothesis that exposure to pornographic material would be correlated
with less liberal attitudes toward women: Only exposure to coercive or violent
sexual themes was related to more traditional attitudes about women. Contrary
to predictions, subjects having greater exposure to sexual materials were found
to express more liberal attitudes toward women in the area of sexual behavior.

Gentry, Cynthia (1991). Pornography and rape: An empirical analysis. Deviant

Behavior. 12, 277-288.

Tests a model that hypothesizes a causal relation between pornography and rape
through an analysis of data taken from the Uniform Crime Reports and
circulation data from 3 sexually oriented magazines. Standard Metropolitan
Statistical Areas were used as units of analysis. The pornography model was not
supported. Population size, the proportion of young adults, the percentage
divorced, and population change were all significant predictors of rape.

Kendall, Todd. (2006). Pornography, Rape, and the Internet. Clemson University,
Working Paper.

The arrival of the internet caused a large decline in both the pecuniary and non-
pecuniary costs of accessing pornography. Using state-level panel data from
1998-2003, I find that the arrival of the internet was associated with a reduction
in rape incidence. However, growth in internet usage had no apparent effect on
other crimes. Moreover, when I disaggregate the rape data by offender age, I
find that the effect of the internet on rape is concentrated among those for
whom the internet-induced fall in the non-pecuniary price of pornography was
the largest men ages 1519, who typically live with their parents. These
results, which suggest that pornography and rape are substitutes, are in contrast
with most previous literature. However, earlier populationlevel studies do not
control adequately for many omitted variables, including the age distribution of
the population, and most laboratory studies simply do not allow for potential
substitutability between pornography and rape.

Kimmel, M.S.; Linders, A. (1996). Does Censorship Make a Difference? An

Aggregate Empirical Analysis of Pornography and Rape. Journal of Psychology
and Human Sexuality.

The question of pornography and the relation of pornography consumption and

sexual violence has been hotly debated. Following a critical review of previous
 literature, this article examines the relationship between pornography and sexual
violence by developing an aggregate statistical analysis of pornography
consumption and rape rates in six cities, matched on various SES
(SocioEconomic Status) variables. The article tests the converse of ideological
assertion argument that increased pornography consumption leads to increased
rates of rape. Results reported here show a steady decline in consumption of
printed pornography and a steady rise in rape rate. The article concludes that
aggregate statistical data do not confirm hypotheses that decreased pornography
consumption leads to a decrease in rape rates.

Kingston, Drew; Fedoroff, Paul; Firestone, Phillip; Curry, Susan; and Bradford,
John (2008). Pornography use and sexual aggression: the impact of frequency
and type of pornography use on recidivism among sexual offenders. Agressive
Behavior. 34, 341-351.

In this study, we examined the unique contribution of pornography consumption

to the longitudinal prediction of criminal recidivism in a sample of 341 child
molesters. We specifically tested the hypothesis, based on predictions informed
by the confluence model of sexual aggression that pornography will be a risk
factor for recidivism only for those individuals classified as relatively high risk for
re-offending. Pornography use (frequency and type) was assessed through self-
report and recidivism was measured using data from a national database from
the Royal Canadian Mounted Police. Indices of recidivism, which were assessed
up to 15 years after release, included an overall criminal recidivism index, as well
as subcategories focusing on violent (including sexual) recidivism and sexual
recidivism alone. Results for both frequency and type of pornography use were
generally consistent with our predictions. Most importantly, after controlling for
general and specific risk factors for sexual aggression, pornggraphy added
significantly to the prediction of recidivism. Statistical interactions indicated that
frequency of pornography use was primarily a risk factor for higher-risk
offenders, when compared with lower-risk offenders, and that content of
pornography (i.e., pornography containing deviant content) was a risk factor for
all groups. The importance of conceptualizing particular risk factors (e.g.,
pornography), within the context of other individual characteristics is discussed.

Kutchinsky, Berl (1991). Pornography and Rape: Theory and Practice? Evidence
from Crime Data in Four Countries where Pornography is Easily
Available. International Journal of Law and Psychiatry. 26, 47-64.

Uses data on the incidence of rape in 4 societies (Denmark, Sweden, Germany,

and the US) where pornography is widely available. Aggregate data on rape and
other violent or sexual offenses in these 4 countries does not seem to have any
detrimental effects in the form of increased sexual violence.

Luder, M., Pittet, I., Berchtold, A., et al. (2011). Associations Between Online
Pornography and Sexual Behavior Among Adolescents: Myth or Reality?Archives
of Sexual Behavior. 40(5): 1027-1035.

This study aimed to compare the sexual behavior of adolescents who were or
were not exposed to online pornography, to assess to what extent the willingness
 of exposure changed these possible associations, and to determine the profiles of
youths who were exposed to online pornography. Data were drawn from the
2002 Swiss Multicenter Adolescent Survey on Health, a self-administered cross-
sectional, paper and pencil questionnaire. From the 7529 adolescents aged 16
20 years, 6054 (3283 males) used the Internet during the previous month and
were eligible for our study. Males were divided into three groups (wanted
exposure, 29.2%; unwanted exposure, 46.7%; no exposure, 24.1%) whereas
females were divided into two groups (exposure, 35.9%; no exposure, 64.1%).
The principal outcome measures were demographic characteristics, Internet use
parameters and risky sexual behaviors. Risky sexual behaviors were not
associated with online pornography exposure in any of the groups, except that
males who were exposed (deliberately or not) had higher odds of not having
used a condom at last intercourse. Bi/homosexual orientation and Internet use
parameters were not associated either. Additionally, males in the wanted
exposure group were more likely to be sensation-seekers. On the other hand,
exposed girls were more likely to be students, higher sensation-seekers, early
maturers, and to have a highly educated father. We conclude that pornography
exposure is not associated with risky sexual behaviors and that the willingness of
exposure does not seem to have an impact on risky sexual behaviors among
adolescents.

Hggstrm-Nordin, E.; Hanson, U.; and Tydn, T. (2005). Associations between

pornography consumption and sexual practices among adolescents in
Sweden. International Journal of STD and AIDS. 16, 102-107.

Pornography consumption and sexual behaviour were studied, with an aim to

investigate any associations. Participants were 718 students from 47 high school
classes, mean age 18 years, in a medium-sized Swedish city. More men (98%)
than women (72%) had ever consumed pornography. More male high consumers
than low consumers or women got sexually aroused by, fantasized about, or
tried to perform acts seen in a pornographic film. Intercourse with a friend was
significantly associated with high consumption of pornography among men, while
anal intercourse and group sex tended to be associated. A significant confounder
was early age of sexual debut. New Studies to Add to related research, under
possible outcomes.

Jochen, Peter; Valkenburg, Patti (2006). Adolescents' Exposure to Sexually

Explicit Online Material and Recreational Attitudes Toward Sex. Journal of
Communication. 56 (4), 639-660.

Previous research has largely ignored the implications of adolescents' exposure

to sexually explicit online material for their sexual attitude formation. To study
whether adolescents' exposure to sexually explicit material on the Internet is
related to recreational attitudes toward sex, we conducted an online survey
among 471 Dutch adolescents aged 1318. Male adolescents used sexually
explicit online material more than female adolescents, which led to a greater
perceived realism of such material. Perceived realism, in turn, mediated the
relationship between exposure to sexually explicit online material and
recreational attitudes toward sex . Exposure to sexually explicit online material,
then, is related to more recreational attitudes toward sex, but this relationship is
 influenced by adolescents' gender and mediated by the extent to which they
perceive online sexual material as realistic.

Padgett, Vernon; Brislin-Slutz, Jo Ann; and Neal, James A. (1989). Pornography,

Erotica, and Attitudes toward Women: The Effects of Repeated Exposure. The
Journal of Sex Research . 26, 479-491.

Participants included 184 psychology students and 20 patrons at an "adult"

theater. Multiple linear regressions indicated that hours of viewing pornography
was not a reliable predictor of attitudes toward women in either sample. Patrons
of the adult theater, who viewed more pornography, had more favorable
attitudes toward women than male or female college students.

Pazzani, L.M. (2007). The Factors Affecting Sexual Assaults Committed by

Strangers and Acquaintances. Violence Against Women. 13, 717-749.

Research on the causes of sexual assault typically analyzes rape committed by

acquaintances and strangers together, despite the fact that the characteristics of
the assault in these two circumstances are very different. Thus, this work
examines whether the causes of each type of sexual assault-stranger and
acquaintance rape-differ. The results of the analyses reveal that variables that
describe a culture of gender equality, prior child abuse, and prior sexual assaults
are associated with acquaintance assaults. In contrast, a culture of
"hypermasculinity" is associated with stranger rape. The implications of these
findings are discussed.

Popovic, M. (2011). Pornography Use and Closeness with Others in

Men. Archives of Sexual Behavior. 40(2): 449-456.

The aim of the present study was to examine the association between
pornography use and aspects of socioemotional closeness in a non-clinical
sample of 164 males. Participants actual and ideal socioemotional closeness was
measured by the Perceived Interpersonal Closeness Scale (PICS; Popovic et al.,
2003) while their pornography use was examined by the Background and
Pornography Use Information Questionnaire (Popovic, 2009). Potential effects of
these variables on each other as well as various findings concerning pornography
consumption and related attitudes are presented. The results showed that there
was no significant difference between self-reported pornography users and non-
users in terms of specific socioemotional closeness with the most significant
adults in their lives (i.e., partners, closest friends, mothers, and fathers).
However, pornography users had significantly higher total closeness scores than
non-users, showing possibly a craving for intimacy among pornography users
versus non-pornography users. This intimacy motive and relevant and
controversial findings are discussed.

Scott, Joseph; Schwalm, Loretta (1988). Rape Rates and the Circulation Rates of
Adult Magazines. The Journal of Sex Research. 24, 241-250.
 We found a statistically significant relationship between rape rates and adult
magazine circulation rates by state. The relationship remains even when
controlling for numerous other variables previously found to be related to rape.
Moreover, this relationship does not appear to be simply an artifact of magazine
readership inasmuch as two separate magazine circulation indices, outdoor and
general, were introduced into the regression equation to control for magazine
readership and neither significantly affected the relationship between rape rates
and adult magazine circulation rates. In addition, when controlling for other
violent crimes, the statistically significant relationship between rape rates and
adult magazine circulation rates remains.

Seigfried-Spellar, K.C., & Rogers, M.K. (2013). Does deviant pornography use
follow a Guttman-like progression?. Computers in Human Behavior. 29(5): 1997-
2003.

Deviant pornography use may follow a Guttman-like progression. This study

investigated whether deviant pornography use followed a Guttman-like
progression in that a person transitions from being a nondeviant to deviant
pornography user. In order to observe this progression, 630 respondents from
Survey Sampling Internationals (SSI) panel Internet sample completed an online
survey assessing adult-only, bestiality, and child pornography consumption.
Respondents age of onset for adult pornography use was measured to
determine if desensitization occurred in that individuals who engaged in adult
pornography at a younger age were more likely to transition into deviant
pornography use. Two hundred and 54 respondents reported the use of
nondeviant adult pornography, 54 reported using animal pornography, and 33
reported using child pornography. The child pornography users were more likely
to consume both adult and animal pornography, rather than just solely
consuming child pornography. Results suggested deviant pornography use
followed a Guttman-like progression in that individuals with a younger age of
onset for adult pornography use were more likely to engage in deviant
pornography (bestiality or child) compared to those with a later age of onset.
Limitations and future research suggestions are discussed.

Sinkovic, Matija; Stulhofer, Aleksandar; Bozi, Jasmina. (2012) Revisiting the

Association between Pornography Use and Risky Sexual Behaviors: The Role of
Early Exposure to Pornography and Sexual Sensation Seeking. Journal of Sex
Research. 50(7): 633-641.

Among the suggested problems and harms associated with widespread

pornography use among young people, risky sexual behaviors have been
frequently mentioned. To further explore this public health concern, this article
analyzed sexual sensation seeking (SSS) as a potential confounder of the
association between pornography use and sexual risks using data collected in
2010 from a population-based sample of young Croatian adults aged 18 to 25
(n = 1,005). Significant, but small, correlations were found between the
indicators of pornography use (age at first exposure, frequency of use in the past
12 months, and personal importance of pornography) and sexual risk taking.
However, in a multivariate analysis, only age at first exposure to pornography
remained a significant, albeit weak, predictor of sexual risk taking among both
 women and men. SSS, defined as the dispositional tendency toward the
impulsive pursuit of sexual arousal and stimulation, neither confounded nor
moderated this association. Overall, the findings do not support the notion that
pornography use is substantially associated with sexual risk taking among young
adults, but suggest that early exposure to sexually explicit material and high SSS
are additive risk factors for sexual risk taking.

Stewart, D., & Szymanski, D. (2012). Young Adult Womens Reports of Their Male
Romantic Partners Pornography Use as a Correlate of Their Self-Esteem,
Relationship Quality, and Sexual Satisfaction. Sex Roles. 67(5): 257-271.

Pornography is both prevalent and normative in many cultures across the world,
including United States culture; however, little is known about the psychological
and relational effects that it can have on young adult women involved in
heterosexual romantic relationships in which their male partners view
pornography. The purpose of this study was to examine the relationships
between mens pornography use, both frequency and problematic use, on their
heterosexual female partners psychological and relational well-being among 308
young adult college women. In addition, psychometric properties for the
Perceived Partners Pornography Use Scale are provided. Participants were
recruited at a large Southern public university in the United States and
completed an online survey. Results revealed womens reports of their male
partners frequency of pornography use were negatively associated with their
relationship quality. More perceptions of problematic use of pornography was
negatively correlated with self-esteem, relationship quality, and sexual
satisfaction. In addition, self-esteem partially mediated the relationship between
perceptions of partners problematic pornography use and relationship quality.
Finally, results revealed that relationship length moderated the relationship
between perceptions of partners problematic pornography use and sexual
satisfaction, with significant dissatisfaction being associated with longer
relationship length.

tulhofer, A., Buko, V., Landripet, I. (2010). Pornography, Sexual Socialization,

and Satisfaction Among Young Men. Archives of Sexual Behavior. 39(1): 168-
178.

In spite of a growing presence of pornography in contemporary life, little is

known about its potential effects on young peoples sexual socialization and
sexual satisfaction. In this article, we present a theoretical model of the effects
of sexually explicit materials (SEM) mediated by sexual scripting and moderated
by the type of SEM used. An on-line survey dataset that included 650 young
Croatian men aged 1825 years was used to explore empirically the model.
Descriptive findings pointed to significant differences between mainstream and
paraphilic SEM users in frequency of SEM use at the age of 14, current SEM use,
frequency of masturbation, sexual boredom, acceptance of sex myths, and
sexual compulsiveness. In testing the model, a novel instrument was used, the
Sexual Scripts Overlap Scale, designed to measure the influence of SEM on
sexual socialization. Structural equation analyses suggested that negative effects
of early exposure to SEM on young mens sexual satisfaction, albeit small, could
be stronger than positive effects. Both positive and negative effectsthe latter
 being expressed through suppression of intimacywere observed only among
users of paraphilic SEM. No effect of early exposure to SEM was found among the
mainstream SEM users. To counterbalance moral panic but also glamorization of
pornography, sex education programs should incorporate contents that would
increase media literacy and assist young people in critical interpretation of
pornographic imagery.

Weinberg, M., Williams, C., Kleiner, S., et al. (2010). Pornography, Normalization,
and Empowerment. Archives of Sexual Behavior. 39(6): 1389-1401.

Opponents and proponents of erotic representations (referred to hereafter as

pornography) have described the effects of pornography from their
perspective. Little, however, has been done in the way of research to investigate
these claims from the consumers point of view. This especially has been so
regarding the positive impact of such consumption on a persons sex life. Using a
study group of 245 college students, we examined this question in a framework
of scripting theory. We wanted to see whether viewing pornography appeared to
expand sexual horizons through normalization and facilitate a willingness to
explore new sexual behaviors and sexual relationships through empowerment.
The data supported this viewpoint and further showed the effects to be mediated
by gender and sexual preference identity. They suggested, however, that
established scripts were extended rather than abandoned. We conclude with
connections between our findings and the widespread viewing of pornography in
contemporary society.

Winick, Charles; Evans, John (2006). The relationship between nonenforcement

of state pronography laws and rates of sex crime arrests.Archives of Sexual
Behavior. 25, 439-453.

The nonoperation of antipornography statutes in four states (Maine, North

Carolina, Pennsylvania, and Washington) for varying periods between 1973 and
1986 provided an opportunity to examine the impact of such statutes and
pornography availability on sex crimes, because nonenforcement is associated
with an increase in the availability of sexually explicit materials. Arrests for
property offenses and for rape, prostitution, and other sex offenses during the
period before the suspension of the laws, when compared with the period during
suspension, reflected no significant changes. Findings are consistent with other
foreign and American studies that have failed to find a link between exposure to
sexually explicit media materials and rates of reports of rape and other sex
offenses.

Wright, P.J., Randall, A.K. (2012). Internet pornography exposure and risky
sexual behavior among adult males in the United States. Computers in Human
Behavior. 28(4): 1410-1416.

Sexually transmitted infections (STIs) continue to pose a threat to the public

health in the United States. Many sexual behaviors increase an individuals risk of
STI contraction. Chief among these are having unprotected sex, having sex with
multiple partners, and either paying for sex or having sex for pay. The present
study used General Social Survey (GSS) data from 2000, 2002, and 2004 to
 explore the association between exposure to internet pornography and these STI
risk behaviors among adult US males. After controlling for demographic and
individual difference covariates, internet pornography consumption was positively
associated with having sex with multiple partners, engaging in paid sex, and
having had extramarital sex. Internet pornography consumption was unrelated
to having unprotected sex. Subsequent GSSs have not asked participants about
exposure to internet pornography. As the GSS is the only ongoing, full-
probability, national survey assessing social beliefs and behaviors, the present
report provides unique insight into the risky sexual behavior patterns of adult
male internet pornography consumers in the United States.

Wongsurawat, Winai. (2004) Pornography and Social Ills: Evidence from the
Early 1990s. Journal of Applied Economics. 9 (1): 185-213

Beginning from the hypotheses that private post office boxes accommodate
consumption of pornographic magazines by lowering some aspects of the cost
(risk of social stigmatization) associated with the purchasing of such items, I
demonstrate that a positive correlation between the abundance of such boxes
and the subscription rate to Penthouse magazine across markets in the United
States can be observed. I then proceed to estimate the effect of pornography on
violent sex crimes and family instability, with and without using P.O. Box
availability as an instrumental variable. Results suggest that unobservable
population characteristics severaly bias upward the estimated harmfulness of
adult magazines. My OLS estimates imply, like several previous studies, that
consumption of pornography contributes to both higher frequencies of rapes and
divorces. When instrumental variables are employed, however, the correlation
between rapes and pornography turns negative while the statistical significance
of the coefficient for pornography on the rate of divorces disappears.

Attitudes toward Pornography

Goodson, P., McCormick, D., & Evans, A. (2000). Sex and the Internet: A Survey
Instrument to Assess College Students' Behavior and Attitudes. CyberPsychology
and Behavior. 3(2): 129-149.

Due to the paucity of empirical data on college students' perceptions and

behavior when searching the Internet for sexuality-related information, the
purpose of this article is to present the development, psychometric properties,
and initial validation results of an instrument designed to measure these factors.
The questionnaire, based on Social Cognitive Theory, contained three scales to
measure attitudes of students toward use of the Internet for (a) obtaining
sexuality-related information, (b) establishing personal connections, and (c) for
sexual entertainment/arousal. Each of these three scales consisted of two
subscales, measuring expectancies and expectations for the above functions. The
subscales demonstrated a high degree of internal consistency (alphas ranging
from .76 to .95) and appropriate temporal stability (rs = .69 to .78). A Principal
Components analysis of the subscales yielded a factor structure of six factors,
accounting for 68.8% of the total variance. Importance of the instrument for
sexuality research as well as its limitations are also presented.
 Lo, Ven-hwei and Wei, Ran (2002) Third-Person Effect, Gender, and Pornography
on the Internet. Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media, 46:1, 13-33.

This study examined the role of gender in the third-person effect in the context
of Internet pornography. The results indicate that most respondents believe
Internet pornography has a greater negative influence on others than on
themselves. Female respondents tend to perceive greater negative effects of
Internet pornography on other males than on other females, and they are
readier to support restrictions on Internet pornography. Finally, the magnitude of
perceptual bias appears an unreliable predictor of support for media restriction,
which may help explain mixed results in previous studies. This novel gender-
differential approach strengthens the growing literature on the third-person
effect.

Malamuth, N., Hald, G., & Koss, M. (2012).Pornography, Individual Differences in

Risk and Mens Acceptance of Violence Against Women in a Representative
Sample. Sex Roles. 66(7-8): 427-439.

Based on the Confluence Model of Sexual Aggression, we hypothesized that

individual differences in risk for sexual aggression moderate the association
between pornography use and attitudes supporting violence against women. This
hypothesis was in keeping with the findings of a recent meta-analysis which
indicated such a positive association between porn use and attitudes. However,
in this meta-analysis there was also a high degree of heterogeneity among
studies, suggesting the existence of crucial moderating variables. Unfortunately,
the available literature included in this meta-analysis did not enable identifying
the basis for such moderation. To fully test our hypothesis of individual
differences moderation and related hypotheses requires a representative sample.
Fortunately, a unique nationally representative sample of U.S. men in any form
of post-high school education that we obtained in 198485 enabled testing our
predictions. Participants had anonymously completed questionnaires that
included items pertaining to pornography use, attitudes about violence against
women, and other measures assessing risk factors highlighted by the Confluence
Model. As predicted, while we found an overall positive association between
pornography consumption and attitudes, further examination showed that it was
moderated by individual differences. More specifically, as predicted this
association was found to be largely due to men at relatively high risk for sexually
aggression who were relatively frequent pornography consumers. The findings
help resolve inconsistencies in the literature and are in line not only with
experimental research on attitudes but also with both experimental and non-
experimental studies assessing the relationship between pornography
consumption and sexually aggressive behavior.

Olmstead, S.B., Negash, S., Pasley, K., et al. (2013). Emerging adults'
expectations for pornography use in the context of future committed romantic
relationships: a qualitative study. Archives of Sexual Behavior. 42(4): 625-635.

Using qualitative content analysis from the written comments of 404 primarily
heterosexual college students, we examined (1) their expectations for
pornography use while married or in a committed long-term relationship and (2)
 variations by gender. Four prominent groups emerged. A majority of men
(70.8 %) and almost half of women (45.5 %) reported circumstances (alone or
with their partners) wherein pornography use was acceptable in a relationship
and several conditions for, and consequences associated with, such use also
emerged. Another group (22.3 % men; 26.2 % women) viewed pornography use
as unacceptable because of being in a committed relationship whereas a third
group (5.4 % men; 12.9 % women) reported that pornography use was
unacceptable in any context or circumstance. A final group emerged of a few
women (10.4 %) who stated that a partner's use of pornography was acceptable,
but they did not expect to use it personally. Implications for relationship
education among emerging adults and future research on pornography use
within the context of romantic relationships are discussed.

Thompson, Margaret E.; Chaffee, Steven H.; and Oshagan, Hayg H.

(1990) Regulating Pornography: A Public Dilemma. Journal of
Communication 40(3); 73-83.

In this article, we report findings from a small-scale public opinion survey about
regulation of pornography, conducted in a community where feminist
antipornograhic activism has recently been at least as prominent as the more
usual thunder on the Right. We assumed that this issue is inherently problematic
for many people because it does not break along conventional political or
demographic lines. Liberals and conservatives alike tend to value First
Amendment freedoms highly. At the same time, a traditional conservative would
most likely disapprove of pornography (along with other forms of open sexual
activity) as an affront to conventional, "family based" values, while the prevailing
liberal view would focus more on pornography's detrimental effects on
relationships between men and women and on its contribution to a "culture of
violence" against women. The matter is thus fraught with the conflicting
pressures of freedom and regulation, creating a large difference of opinions on
the topic.

Review of Research

Allen, M., D'Alessio, D., and Brezgel, K. (1995). A Meta-Analysis Summarizing the
Effects of Pornography II Aggression After Exposure. Human Communication
Research. 22 (2), 258-283.

This meta-analytic review examines the effect that exposure to pornography

produces on aggressive behavior under laboratory conditions considering a
variety of possible moderating conditions (level of sexual arousal, level of prior
anger, type of pornography, gender of subject, gender of the target of
aggression, and medium used to convey the material). The summary
demonstrates a homogeneous set of results showing that pictorial nudity reduces
subsequent aggressive behavior, that consumption of material depicting
nonviolent sexual activity increases aggressive behavior, and that media
depictions of violent sexual activity generates more aggression than those of
nonviolent sexual activity. No other moderator variable produced homogeneous
findings. The implications of the results for theoretical approaches to
 understanding the impact of pornography receives discussion, as do the
limitations of such findings.

Bauserman, R. (1996). Sexual aggression and pornography: A review of

correlation research. Basic and Applied Social Psychology. 18 (4), 405-427.

Ongoing concern about effects of sexually explicit materials includes the role of
such material in sex offenses. Issues include sex offenders' experiences with
pornography and the link between pornography and sex crime rates. Review of
the literature shows that sex offenders typically do not have earlier or more
unusual exposure to pornography in childhood or adolescence, compared to
nonoffenders. However, a minority of offenders report current use of
pornography in their offenses. Rape rates are not consistently associated with
pornography circulation, and the relationships found are ambiguous. Findings are
consistent with a social learning view of pornography, but not with the view that
sexually explicit materials in general contribute directly to sex crimes. The effort
to reduce sex offenses should focus on types of experiences and backgrounds
applicable to a larger number of offenders.

Bensimon, Philipe (2007). The Role of Pornography in Sexual Offending. Sexual

Addiction & Compulsivity. 14, 95-117.

This paper provides a review of the literature pertinent to the link between
exposure to pornography and sexual offences. Research concerning the use of
pornography as a precursor to sexual offending has yielded mixed results.
Inconsistent findings can be attributed to differing research methodologies,
including sampling strategies, measures, and genre(s) of pornography included.
While the debate rages on regarding the potentially damaging effects of
pornography, there is a consensus on one point: the availability and consumption
of pornography does nothing to mitigate the likelihood that consumers will
sexually offend. Very little research has been devoted to examining the impact of
pornography consumption on incarcerated.

Manning, Jill (2006). The Impact of Internet Pornography on Marriage and the
Family: A Review of the Research. Sexual Addiction & Compulsivity. 13 (2-3),
131-165.

Since the advent of the Internet, the sex industry has profited from an
unprecedented proximity to the home environment. Consequently, couples,
families, and individuals of all ages are being impacted by pornography in new
ways. Examining the systemic impact of Internet pornography, however, is
relatively uncharted territory and the body of systemically-focused research is
limited. A review of the research that does exist was undertaken and many
negative trends were revealed. While much remains unknown about the impact
of Internet pornography on marriages and families, the available data provide an
informed starting point for policy makers, educators, clinicians, and researchers.

Russell, Diana (1988). Pornography and Rape: A Causal Model. Political

Psychology. 9, 41-73.
 The author theorizes that pornography predisposes some men to want to rape
women or intensifies the predisposition in other men already so predisposed. It
is further hypothesized that pornography undermines some men's internal and
social inhibitions against acting out their rape desires. In discussing men's
propensity to rape and sexually abused children, the author cites a study of male
college students at universities in the United States and Canada which found that
25 to 30 percent reported the likelihood they would rape a woman if they could
get away with it. A number of studies are presented and discussed to
substantiate the author's theory that pornography causes rape and other sexual
assault, and suggestions are made for further research.

1. 1. Quiban, et. al. 1 Boquiren, Ma. Patricia S. March 23, 2013 Cadiz, Ma. Fatima G.
Quiban, Gian Lee Carlo G. Social Science 3 WFY Term Paper (3,098 words)
Pornography Pornography, as defined by Grolier Encyclopedia of Knowledge (also called
as obscenity in legal terms) is any material (pornographic materials): pictures, films,
printed materials or devices dealing with sexual poses or acts considered indecent by
the public. It is primarily intended to arouse sexual desire (Websters Universal English
Dictionary 221). The term applies to the depiction of the act rather than the act itself, and
so does not include live exhibitions like sex shows and striptease.Pornography is
debated to be a form of artistic expression of ones body. Others especially those from
the religious sect (e.g. Roman Catholicism) say that pornography is the degradation of
ones body; it is an immoral act of showing ones body or any form of sexual act. Amidst
these claims, there are still a lot of people who patronize pornography. According to
statistics, in the United States, 69% or almost 7 out of every 10 hours of all internets
spending is used in accessing sex-related products and online pornography. Also one-
third or one in every three internet users visit sexual sites (includes porn sites, online
selling of sexual products, et cetera). Thus, the public patronage of pornography is
indeed high. (Sarmiento)
2. 2. Quiban, et. al. 2 Pornography is often distinguished from erotica, which consists of the
portrayal of sexuality with high-art aspirations, focusing also on feelings and emotions,
while pornography involves the depiction of acts in a sensational manner, with the entire
focus on the physical act, so as to arouse quick intense reactions (Gehrke, Erotica is not
Pornography). Before, pornography is shelled to the concept of seeing a man and a
woman having sex with each other in which it is shown in DVDs or through internet
sources. But in the modern era, the concept of pornography and the understanding
towards it has widened. There are two broad categories of pornography: soft core
pornography and hardcore pornography. Soft core pornography refers to pornography
 that does not depict penetration (Amis, A Rough Trade). Hardcore pornography refers
to those, which explicitly depict penetration (Mac Nevin, 20th Century Nudes in Art).
Pornography is classified according to the physical characteristics of the participants,
fetish, sexual orientation, etc., as well as the types of sexual activity featured. Reality and
voyeur pornography, animated videos, and legally prohibited acts also influence the
classification of pornography. The genres of pornography are based on the type of
activity featured and the category of participants, such as alt pornography, amateur
pornography, ethnic pornography, fetish pornography, group sex, reality pornography,
and sexual orientation-based pornography. Alt porn, a shortening of alternative
pornography, tends to involve members of such subcultures as goths, punks or ravers
and is often produced by small and independent websites or filmmakers. It often features
models with body modifications such as tattoos, piercings or scarifications or temporary
modifications such as dyed hair. The term indie porn is also sometimes used, though this
term is more generally used as a synonym for independent pornography, regardless of
affinity with any kind of alternative subculture (Mies, Evolution of
3. 3. Quiban, et. al. 3 Alternative: History and controversies of the Alt-erotica Industry).
Amateur pornography is a category of pornography that features models or actors
performing without pay, or for whom this material is their first or only paid modeling work.
Reality pornography is professionally made porn which seeks to emulate the style of
amateur pornography. Amateur porn has been called one of the most profitable and
long-lasting genres of pornography (Allen, Hill 565; Yogielowicz, The New Face of
Amateur Porn). Ethnic pornography is a genre of pornography focuses on performers of
specific ethnic groups, or on the depiction of interracial sexual activity. Ethnic
pornography typically employs ethnic and racial stereotypes in its depiction of performers
(Lehman 208; Ford, Racism). Fetish pornography involves the fetish or an object or
situation of interest (Vekquin, Common Misunderstandings in Fetishism). According to
the World Health Organization, a sexual fetish may be regarded as an enhancing
element to a romantic/sexual relationship "achieved in ordinary ways (e.g. having the
partner wear a particular garment)" or as a mental disorder/disorder of sexual preference
if it causes significant psychosocial distress for the person or has detrimental effects on
important areas of their life. Arousal from a particular body part is classified as partialism
(Milner, Dopke; Laws, O'Donohue). Group sex pornography involves the threesome and
the orgy. Threesomes involve three people (combinations may vary from two men and
one woman, one man and two women, three men or three women) having sex with each
other. Aside from having the top and the bottom, a third terminology comes to place, the
versa. The versa is the person who can play both the role of the man and the woman, at
different stances or even at the same time. He can control the activity and at the same
time, receive the action. The orgies or what is called as the party sex. Orgy is the over-
indulgence in one activity involving a gathering of people (Websters Universal English
4. 4. Quiban, et. al. 4 Dictionary 202). In this sense, the orgy in pornography is the
gathering of people (more than three) having sex with each other. The sex roles are
 more complicated since it involves more than three people meaning there can be more
than one tops, more than one bottoms or more than one versa. Yet, in this case, the
actors (maybe a combination of men and women or just a plain collection of either of the
sexes) randomly take roles. Thus, orgies are solely dependent on how the actor wants to
be perceived and what he wants to do. Sexual orientation-based pornography includes
straight porn and the genres of gay porn. Straight porn is the traditional kind of
pornography. It involves a man and a woman having intercourse. Gay porn on the other
hand involves gay couples. Two men having sex with each other or simply doing erotic
activities is called bromance. Two women doing sexual acts or having sex is called
lesbo action. It is also in this category where shemales are counted. Shemales are
people who are in physical sense, female but they possess the male genitalia. The
shemales are often seen having sex with men. In this kind of porn, the terms top and
bottom come to place. Since they are members of the same sex, it is hard to identify who
is the superior or the one who acts as the man who in sense controls the activity and
who is the inferior or the one who acts as the woman who in sense receives the action.
Thus, someone in the pair would be the top or the superior and the other will be the
bottom or the inferior. Lastly is the bisexual porn where it is similar to the threesome
composed of one woman and two men. In this genre, one of the men performs sex with
the woman then later on performs sex with the other man. Lastly, the reality sex, a kind
of pornography that has been discovered only during the 21st century. Reality
pornography is a genre of pornography where staged scenes, usually shot in cinema
verite fashion, set up and precede sexual encounters. These scenes may either have the
5. 5. Quiban, et. al. 5 cameraman directly engaging in sex or merely filming others having
sex. The genre presents itself as "real couples having real sex" (Kick 167). Yet even
though the understanding of pornography has widened, some issues regarding
pornography still persist and remain unsolved. First, people say that pornography and
the addiction can increase the tendency on person to commit rape and cause several
other side effects. Second, pornography is an implied way of demoralizing women in the
society and pursuing that women are inferior to men since almost all pornographic
materials either show or depict that women are weak and are submissive to the
instructions made by the man. Next, it is a blatant way of exploiting women and children.
Lastly, people argue that pornography dismantles the moral fiber of the society making
the society a sinful one. In this study, the researchers are tasked to present a clear and
coherent study on what pornography is, see how the society sees pornography in the
current society, identify the advantages and disadvantages that entail it and lastly, to
forward suggestions on how these issues may be addressed. In the conduct of the study,
the researchers were able to interview different people from different socioeconomic
classes with different opinions and insights about pornography. Thus, the paper shall
proceed with the presentation of gathered information, followed by case to case analysis
and input from research, to be succeeded by the researchers' own insight and
understanding of the issue and lastly, a presentation of certain solutions to help alleviate
 the problem caused by the issue. Pornography, since its conception in the olden times
stirred different reactions from different kinds of people. It has received both good and
bad reviews and commentaries. Seeing it in different eyes can help in the understanding
and possible definition of what pornography is.
6. 6. Quiban, et. al. 6 To further understand pornography, first, it must be asked, When do
people start to engage in pornography?, supplemented by the question, When do
people engage in pornography?, to be followed by Why do people engage in
pornography? and finally, What do they see in pornography that they engage to it? Of
the eight interviewees, six said that they first saw porn when they were young, age
ranging from 12-18. The two said, they only saw porn because someone showed it to
them. After asking them when they started seeing porn, they were asked when do they
see porn. Unanimously, they said that they watch porn when they are fueled by their
libido or as they say it, horny. Of those eight, two said that they like seeing porn
because they like to see people have sex or see the natural anatomy of a person. Four
said that they watch porn out of curiosity, one because he can release his sexual
cravings and the last one said just for tripping. When they were asked on what they see
in pornography, they unanimously answered that it is sex and sex is something natural.
Side comments about pornography varied from each of them. Ricardo Tolentino, a fifty
three-year old tricycle driver, married and was able to finish third year high school said:
When I was young, I started to watch porn out of curiosity. Since I was young, I became
fond of it, using it as an escape. It was a pleasurable experience. I was addicted to it. I
always invest time to it. Perhaps, that was also the reason why I married early. I was too
aware of my surroundings. But when I married, I slowly declined from watching those
sort of materials. I was faced with the issue on fastidiousness when my wife and children
are around. Now, I am very careful with my son. I always check the files in his cellphone.
Good thing when I check them, there is nothing on it that is pornographic, only anime. I
do not want my son to end up like me.
7. 7. Quiban, et. al. 7 On the other hand, Jules Dela Paz, a twenty three year old-student
said different insights towards pornography. Pornography is made to satisfy people's
lust. My brother was the one responsible to my discovery of pornography. He had me
watch it when I was young. Since I am a horny person, porn is the only way for me to
relieve myself from late night boredom and release stress. In fact, I watch every night!
For me, porn is a powerful device that can make people do worldly things like rape but
overall, I think it should be legal. Lastly, Marie Angelie Francisco, a student from the
University of the Philippines expresses her different take on pornography. Pornography
is an art. It is a place where I can express my freedom. I am free to express my deepest,
hidden urges through what I consider to be an art form. I am an avid fan of pornographic
materials. This is because I have a strong sexual drive and I consider myself to be a
voyeur. And I watch porn because I love to watch people have sex, it is simply and
naturally artistic. Basing from the three remarkable statements of three different
interviewees, the opposing insights about pornography already surfaces. The world and
 the people in it see pornography differently. Some see it as something that is good
because it helps them release stress and cope up with their personal sexual needs. On
the other hand, some people also criticize pornography because they see it as a way to
deconstruct the moral fiber of the society. Studies around the world also say that
watching porn has its negative impacts. While it is true that watching porn can help you
release tension, alleviate stress and cope with your personal sexual needs without the
aid of a partner, several detrimental effects of
8. 8. Quiban, et. al. 8 pornography were also discovered and noted. According to
Resurgence.com, pornography cause at least seven negative effects. First in the list is
porn contributes to the social and psychological within men. It is because young men
who engage in porn tend to watch porn instead of studying, spend money just to sustain
their addiction, then later on suffer from depression if their addiction is not satisfied
(Dines 93). Second, porn rewires the male brain. This is because as men fall deeper into
the mental habit of fixating on porn, the exposure to them creates neural pathways. Next,
porn turns sex to masturbation. In this scenario, sex becomes self serving meaning no
partner is needed anymore to guarantee sexual pleasure and gratification. Sex becomes
solely solidarity (for oneself). Fourth, porn demeans and objectifies women. In this
stance, soft core pornography makes men view women as objects of pleasure rather
than love-worthy beings. Hardcore pornography on the other hand makes men think that
they are superior to women as women can be portrayed in porn as weak and submissive
(Paul 80). Fifth, porn squashes the beauty of a real naked woman. It is because porn
substitutes the praising for the naked body of woman. Porn comes into place and
presents the people with sex scenes. Sixth, porn has a numbing effect on reality. It
definitely makes real sex and the real world boring in comparison since engaging to
pornography collapses the thrill that real sex brings. Lastly and most demeaning of all,
porn lies about what it means to be male and female. Porn makes people believe that
men are amoral, soulless beings with erect penises entitled to use a woman at his own
will. It clearly blinds the people of the fact that both men and women feel and have innate
emotions. Moreover, pornography also changes the brain and some of its functions. As
the images are displayed on the screen, an arousal takes place and the dopaminergic
system is triggered just like it would be by drugs such as cocaine. The newly formed
connections in the brain from
9. 9. Quiban, et. al. 9 watching pornographic images become greatly reinforced by the
massive amounts of dopamine being released. Rather than going into short term
memory, where these images can be forgotten after the screen is turned off, the
dopamine reinforcement ensures theyre moved into the long- term memory stores
where they can be stuck in replay mode in the persons mind. The troublesome fact
about this is that the more something is recalled, the more it solidifies it in the brain.
Thus, there is an immediate addiction to pornography whenever a person recalls
whatever he has seen (Ghilan How Watching Pornography Changes the Brain). The
relationship between frequent pornography consumption and sexually aggressive
 behavior is especially strong for those with the highest "predisposing" risk level for sexual
aggression. Those who are at high risk for sexual aggression and who frequently
consume pornography have sex aggression levels that are four times higher than those
who do not consume pornography frequently (Malamuth et. al. 26-94). Clearly, studies
show that pornography has more negative implications that positive ones. Other than the
debate on the positive and negative effects of pornography, another side also surfaces
(the opinion of the third respondent), that pornography is art. Clearly, there is a difference
between art and pornography. Art seeks to create a form of pleasure that is not limited to
the physical stance. Pornography on the other hand, creates pleasure on solely physical
aspect. Thus, a clear divide is drawn. Porn is encapsulated in giving sexual arousal. Art
is more than sexual arousal, it is an emotional and psychological arousal at the same
time. Perhaps, porn also creates emotional and psychological arousal but these arousal
also bank towards the sexual aspect. Art presents more than that. The arousal you get in
art never solely bank on one aspect but a combination of diverse factors (BBC News
Magazine).
10. 10. Quiban, et. al. 10 In the stance of morality, many people still believe that
pornography is immoral. In the United States for example, 66% of the respondents say
that pornography is immoral, 31% of them said that pornography can be morally
acceptable while 3% of the respondents said that it depends on the situation. But what
do people mean when they say that it is immoral? Simply, they get this notion from the
standards created by their faith, mostly Christians, thus, a misunderstanding arises when
two religions present their set of standards when it comes to understanding pornography.
As researchers, a clear problem is seen. There are too many issues encapsulating
pornography, too many view surrounding it that one cannot simply determine which to
believe and falls to public pressure or societal pressure. Those who deem that porn is
bad did not really think that way. They were just too stressed by the different views
towards it and banked on the dominant view that they see, deeming it as immoral. To
those who see it as morally acceptable may be raised from a liberated society and so on
and so forth. Hence, the way things are seen can be based on how people react and
interact with their society. Finally, the things that really need considering are first, moral
stances that are not biased towards any religion but are dependent on world orders and
systems. Second, in viewing pornography, it should be taken into account that
pornography is not an art since porn is encapsulated in creating sexual arousal. Lastly, in
trying to delve deeper to the meaning of pornography, social contexts should be
accounted. The effects, both good and bad of pornography together with its immediate
implication to the society should be the basis of creating a structured and stratified study
of the subject matter.
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