Climate Change

Capitalism Nature Socialism
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The 2014 People's Climate March and Flood Wall

Street Civil Disobedience: Making the Transition to
a Post-fossil Capitalist, Commoning Civilization
Terran Giacomini & Terisa Turner
To cite this article: Terran Giacomini & Terisa Turner (2015) The 2014 People's Climate
March and Flood Wall Street Civil Disobedience: Making the Transition to a Post-fossil
Capitalist, Commoning Civilization, Capitalism Nature Socialism, 26:2, 27-45, DOI:
10.1080/10455752.2014.1002804
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Capitalism Nature Socialism, 2015
Vol. 26, No. 2, 2745, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10455752.2014.1002804
The 2014 Peoples Climate March and Flood Wall

Street Civil Disobedience: Making the Transition to
a Post-fossil Capitalist, Commoning Civilization
Terran Giacomini* and Terisa Turner*
On 21 September, 2014 the worlds largest demonstration against climate

Downloaded by [123.16.146.197] at 07:43 21 September 2015
change brought together half a million people in some 166 countries, to coincide
with the 23 September, 2014 United Nations (UN) Climate Summit in New
York City. Some 1500 sponsors from around the world organized the Peoples
Climate March in response to this accelerating global crisis. Indigenous women
had unprecedented high visibility. We attended the New York Peoples Climate
March that brought some 400,000 people onto the streets, four times more than
organizers expected. This size is especially significant in light of 2013 Pew
Research data showing that out of 39 countries polled, the USA has the most
poorly educated public on climate change after China.
Global warming is an immediate crisis. To avoid catastrophe we must stay

very much below a 1.5C temperature increase (and already an unavoidable rise of
0.5C is locked in). In short, business as usual is not an option. According to
Anderson (2012, 25), the capitalist market cannot do the job: [c]onventional
market economics is premised on understanding and making small (marginal)
changes. But with climate change, we are not talking about small changes; we are
dealing with a world of very large changes, outside the realm of standard market
theory.
The march used the Avaaz website technology to register six contingents:
Frontlines of Crisis, Frontlines of Change (indigenous peoples, migrant workers); We
Build the Future (labor, women, families, elders, students); We Have the Solutions (food
and water justice groups, political and environmental organizations); We Know Who Is
Responsible (anti-corporate, peace, justice groups); The Debate Is Over (scientists, faith
communities); and To Change Everything, We Need Everyone (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual,
Transgender, Queer (LGBTQ) communities, cities, neighborhoods, states, interna-
tional groups).
*Department of Sociology, University of Toronto, ON, Canada. Email: terran.giacomini@mail.utoronto.ca;

Independent Scholar. Email: terisatu@uoguelph.ca
2015 The Center for Political Ecology www.cnsjournal.org

28 TERRAN GIACOMINI AND TERISA TURNER
Deniers Denied
The march pushed out of the mainstream the discourse that either denies or
distorts the implications of climate science. Oil, finance, and military polluters have
funded a network of think tanks to miseducate, misinform, and delay action on
human-induced climate change.1 According to Clark and Klin (2013), a mere 90
companies are responsible for two-thirds of greenhouse gas emissions. The top
climate destroyers are oil companies (Goldenberg 2013a). Just as fossil fuels are
indivisible from capitalist relations, Big Oil is specifically integrated with Big
Money and Big Weaponry into what Nitzan and Bichler (2002) call the
Weapondollar-Petrodollar coalition. This coalition, coordinated by a corporate
male gang (McMurtry 2001, 844), is largely responsible for climate destruction
and its denial. War plays an integral part in this responsibility in that, in order to
maintain their differential (that is, higher than the Fortune 500 industrials average)
profitability, the Weapondollar-Petrodollar coalition provokes armed conflict (often
using Israel as their cats paw). As has been documented by Nitzan and Bichler
(2002, 201202), the politicization of oil, together with the parallel commercializa-
tion of arms exports helped shape an uneasy Weapondollar-Petrodollar Coalition
between these companies, making their differential profitability increasingly
dependent on Middle East energy conflicts. The US military is the worlds largest
single buyer of oil enabling it to go to war to defend US oil interests (Juhasz
2013). Ecocide arises primarily from the Weapondollar-Petrodollar coalitions drive
to maintain profit accumulation levels in the face of myriad systemic forces that
erode profitability. It is this war mongering, drill-baby-drill, currency-manipulat-
ing faction of the capitalist class that was targeted specifically by both the Peoples
Climate March (with its green capitalist reformer faction in charge) and the next
days civil disobedience in front of the stock exchange on Wall Street (with its
revolutionary, anticapitalist faction of the insurgent dispossessed in charge). As the
climate meltdown looms, the Weapondollar-Petrodollar coalition confronts ever more
sharply those commoners bent on a fast civilizational transition to diverse forms of
solar ecofeminist ecosocialism (Kaara quoted in Turner and Brownhill 2010, 102).
What the two factions of the opposed classes share in this epochal struggle is the deep
knowledge that contemporary capitalist relations cannot exist without fossil fuels and
therefore the fight to keep hydrocarbons in the ground strikes at the very heart of this
global, exponential growth, nature-destroying system of exploitation.
The historic march should be seen in the context of the intensive activism
preceding and following it. All across the world thousands of climate justice events
1
According to Goldenberg (2013b):
Conservative billionaires used a secretive funding route to channel nearly $120m (77m) to more
than 100 groups casting doubt about the science behind climate change the Guardian has learned.
The funds, doled out between 2002 and 2010, helped build a vast network of think tanks and
activist groups working to a single purpose: to redefine climate change from neutral scientific fact to
a highly polarizing wedge issue for hardcore conservatives.
THE 2014 PEOPLES CLIMATE MARCH 29
were organized using the powers of cyberspace. The diverse crowd at the march was
multiethnic, multigendered, (women, transgender people, men) old, and young. The
NAACPs Patterson observed that:
[c]ommunities of color and indigenous groupsfrom hurricane stricken areas in

the Gulf Coast through the Atlantic seaboard, to black farmers in middle America,
to [people from] indigenous lands being mined for coal, and beyondcame
together in New York for the Peoples Climate March. (Quoted in Rugh 2014)
Did the march make significant gains for the climate justice movement?
DAmato (2014) saw it as a step toward fundamental transformation of the system
that causes climate catastrophe. Bond (2014) argued that:
the hundreds of thousands who turned out on Sunday and a hundred thousand
more across the world who had solidarity marches show conclusively that while
there remains paralysis above, there is movement below. Climate justice has just
received a new lease on life.
A ubiquitous slogan was To Change Everything, It Takes Everyone. Under-

neath this statement are important questions about power relations: Who is
everyone? What are the class conflicts within this broad everyone? While
different class factions joined together to challenge the deniers, the march masked
divisions between those who tout capitalist market relations as antidotes to climate
chaos (who we here call green capitalists) and those who seek transition away from
capitalism to a solar, life-centered civilization (solar commoners).
The following analysis consists of (1) an examination of the class tensions under
the mask of the Peoples Climate March; (2) a consideration of the postcapitalist
visions expressed in the breakaway Flood Wall Street action; and (3) an evaluation of
primary and secondary fossil fuel/feedstock boycotts as key means for effecting a
transition from the green cancer stage of fossil capitalism (McMurtry 2013) to a
postcapitalist, solar commoning civilization.
The Mask
The power confrontation under the mask was characterized by divisions

between supporters of profit-seeking green capitalism and defenders of life-
affirming solar commoning. Those who support green capitalism claim that
capitalist markets can solve climate change, hence they seek expanded corporate value
chains (the set of global, horizontally and vertically interlinked activities from
production to post-consumption intended to generate profits). Virtually each value
chain link is hydrocarbon and fossil fuel dependent (Lohmann and Hildyard 2014;
Malm 2014).
In contrast, solar commoners seek an end to capitalist relations (meaning the

demise of corporate value chains) and an elaboration of commoners value chains
(better described as a web or matrix). This web is the interlinked network of
horizontal and vertical relationships that establish and organize commoning, or
collective control over the prerequisites of life (e.g. land, water, fishstocks, forests,
seeds, education, health care, language).2 The web is created and maintained by
commoners coordinated actions to stop commodification and elaborate collective,
democratic solar alternatives at different links on corporate value chains (Turner
and Brownhill 2004; Giacomini 2011).
Womens unpaid work is fundamental to the reproduction of life and profits

and, under the boot of often violent extortion, becomes a free good under
capitalism (James 1975; Mies 1986; Mies, Bennholdt-Thomsen, and von Werlhof
1988; Mies and Shiva 1993; OConnor 1998; Bennholdt-Thomsen and Mies
1999; Federici 2004, 2012). Without involvement of the women of the 99
percent, actions to disrupt the for-profit value chains do not fundamentally
challenge the capital relation (between capitalist exploiters and dispossessed
exploited). The expansion of commoning requires that there be, at the center of
activism, the interests of dispossessed women, and especially those women of the
global south and those indigenous women everywhere whose livelihoods are most
fundamentally threatened by the extension of for-profit value chains. Such women
are best placed to elaborate solar commoning because of their relatively greater
engagement with noncommodified nature in self-provisioning (and cultural
resilience) as opposed to dependence on capitalist commodification. These highly
evolved commoners value matrices are the focus of relentlessly expanding
capitalist enclosures and destructions.
Readily evident under the everyone mask at the climate march were
divisions between reformist green capitalism and revolutionary solar commoning.
We illustrate these divisions by reference to three instances: agriculture, carbon
trade and fossil fuels, and the deadlock within the organizing committee.
2
Peter Linebaugh (2014, 1315) lists twelve principles of the commons. In summary, these are: (i) human
solidarity is at the foundation of commoning; (ii) commoning is best understood as an action rather than a thing
(a verb, not a common pool resource); (iii) commoning is primary to human life and begins in the family; (iv)
commoning has a long heritage (the English village commons and the French Commune); (v) commoning
has always had spiritual significance (especially as expressed in sharing food and drink); (vi) the commons is
without class struggle; (vii) communal values are perpetually taught and renewed; (viii) commons has always
been local and independent from state authority (therefore commoning is not the same as the communism of
the USSR); (ix) wind, water, earth, and fire are the essential and invisible requirements for subsistence; (x)We
understand the public in contrast to the private, and we understand common solidarity in contrast to individual
egotism; (xi) commons requires participation and collective work; and (xii) human thought cannot flourish
without the intercourse of the commons.
Agriculture
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon headed the climate demonstration. Two

years earlier in June 2012 he failed to secure majority government endorsement of the
green economy capitalist solution to climate disaster at the Rio+20 Earth Summit.
Fast forward two years to 18 September, 2014: Ban heralded the launching of the
Global Alliance for Climate Smart Agriculture coincident with the 23 September heads
of state UN Climate Summit in New York (FAO 2014).3
A priority area for Climate Smart Agriculture is to create investment, which

includes, [e]ngaging government departments, institutions, farmer organizations, the
private sector and agri-businesses (large and small) and others in multi-stakeholder
partnerships for climate-smart investments in agriculture and food systems, including
supply chains (UN 2014, 8). By launching the Alliance, Ban was endorsing capitalist
green market (so-called) solutions to climate change in agriculture and was trying to
do in 2014 in New York what he failed to do in 2012 in Rio.
In contrast, La Va Campesina and their allies seek food sovereignty and

agroecology (based on horizontal learning and peasant protagonism) as solutions to
climate chaos. A prominent contingent of the 300 million strong global movement
of small-scale farmers and their allies participated in the march. According to La
Va Campesina, the Global Alliance for Climate Smart Agriculture is:
part of a larger process of green structural adjustment projects required by an

economic system and the political elites in distress, because they have exhausted
other places for enormous speculative financial investments and now see agriculture
and agricultural land as the new frontier We call on all social movements
gathered in New York to denounce climate smart agriculture as a false solution
and to join us in the struggle for food sovereignty, and for a different model of
agriculture and food production that will provide a just economic well being for
small-scale farmers and their communities while producing enough healthy food to
meet peoples nutritional needs and guaranteed access to food for everyone. (2014)
Food sovereignty involves highly gendered struggles for democratic control over
all links in the capitalists agri-food value chain, thereby transcending its rapacity.4
3
The so-called climate smart Alliance involves more than 20 governments and 30 civil society organizations
and private firms, including Fortune 500 companies McDonalds and Kelloggs (Deen 2014). Corporations that
claim to be climate smart include Yara (the worlds largest fertilizer manufacturer), Syngenta (corporate seed
monopolist), McDonalds, and Wal-Mart (Deen 2014).
4
According to GRAIN (2014, 14), women are the main food producers on the planet, although their
contribution remains ignored, marginalized, and discriminated against. The United Nations Food and
Agricultural Organization (2009, 1) confirmed that women are responsible for some 60 to 80 percent of food
production in developing countries. Agroecology is foundational to a transition from capitalist value chains to
commoners food webs that prioritize soil not oil (Shiva 2008) and food security for all. Seventy percent of the
food we consume comes from small-scale farmers (UNEP 2011).
For women and men of La Va Campesina, ending violence against women is

integral to food sovereignty. As La Va Campesinas 8 March, 2011 statement on
International Womens Day asserted:
[t]his Campaign [to end violence against women] attempts to make visible the
structural violence behind the savage advance in territorial control through the
expansion of the agro-export mode of production, land grabbing, transgenic crops,
carbon markets and green markets. Also, [it highlights] the growing militarization
of our fields in which women confront war conditions on a daily basis. Nowadays
being rural people and defend [sic] our living space has been criminalized and
women and children suffer direct and indirect forms of repression Our work
creates and celebrates life and it is in its own a form of prevention of violence.
Men and women together ending violence against women!
The women and men of La Va Campesina were joined at the climate march by One
Billion Rising (2014) and by other solar commoners seeking an end to violence by
ending corporate control over life. Their and other civil society organizations
opposition to the corporate Alliance for Climate Smart Agriculture affirmed a
commoners food web and womens overriding influence within it.
Carbon Trade and Fossil Fuels
The apparent unity of conflicting class forces at the climate march is further
illustrated by the struggle over carbon trade and fossil fuels. The UN Framework
Convention on Climate Change devised reduced emissions from deforestation and
forest degradation (REDD/REDD+) as a profit-making mechanism ostensibly tied to
methods for reducing emissions from deforestation. REDD encourages northern
governments and corporations to purchase carbon credits or rights to pollute from
governments, corporations, and owners of forests, especially in the forest-rich
south. So-called owners entering these deals keep forests alive and often replace
natural or old growth forests with monocrop tree plantations, in exchange for
payment.
Lohmann and Hildyard explain that REDD and similar mechanisms to profit
from carbon trading have failed to reduce emissions and have done tremendous harm
by delaying meaningful action on climate change:
Technocrats kept climate debates focused on carbon price levels rather than the
irrelevance of price to structural change. Corporations in the oil and gas, cement,
chemicals, steel, aviation and paper industries, meanwhile, banded together to
threaten governments with dire consequences if they tightened emissions caps.
Measurement and legal scams of all types were organized and bankrolled. As a
consequence, carbon trading has not only achieved no climatic results, but has
actually set back the cause of slowing global warming. (2014, 18)
REDD and other carbon trade schemes have had devastating impacts on forests
and forest communities. Isla (2009, 2015) examines the link between forest
enclosures associated with UN sanctioned carbon trade and the forced expulsion of
many Costa Rican families from the forests:
[i]n Costa Rica, when rural families are violently displaced and impoverished,
their women are encouraged to migrate to San Jose and to tourist areas in the
hope of earning an income for themselves and dispossessed families through the
cash economy. In the first instanceand often the lastthese impoverished
women earn all or part of their living as prostitutes. (2009, 210)
Central to solar commoners agenda for system change were campaigns to

directly stop the expansion of fossil fuels at its source. Many thousands at the march
carried banners demanding, leave the oil in the ground, DO or DIE, Stop
Fracking Now!, divest now, No Keystone XL pipeline, fossil fools, No
REDD, stop fossil fuelishness, and revolutionary ecofeminism YES! fossil
capitalism NO! (see Figure 1).
Indigenous and allied groups oppose dirty oil extraction from Canadas tar sands.
Deranger (quoted in Tar Sands Solutions Network 2014), of the Athabasca Chipewyan
First Nation (ACFN), a community downstream from the tar sands, explained that:
[t]he expansion of Albertas Tar Sands in the Athabasca delta, one of the worlds
last remaining fresh water deltas, is not only psychotic its unjust and
unacceptable. The ACFN have drawn a line in the sand and will do whatever it
takes to protect our land, our people, our rights, and our future generations to
come in solidarity with all social movements converging at the Peoples Climate
March in NYC.
Fossil fuel activism poses a threat to capitalism as a whole. As noted above,

virtually each link of the corporate value chain requires the burning of fossil energy
and, often, the use of hydrocarbon feedstock. The character of present day capitalist
relations is deeply shaped by and cannot exist without the commodification of fossil
fuels. With welcome historical depth, Lohmann and Hildyard (2014, 103)
argue that:
[t]he modern concept of energy came out of the use of fossil fuelsor, more
precisely the way fossil fuels have been fused into machinery in the long battle
capital has waged to continue to extract as much value as possible from ordinary
people. (See also Christie 1980, 1025)
The inextricability of fossil fuels from corporations value chains creates systemic
risk for the capital relation. A 2011 study by the Swiss Federal Institute of
Figure 1. Terisa Turner at Flood Wall Street civil disobedience action, Battery Park, New
York City, September 22. Photo taken by Terran Giacomini.
Technology surveyed some 40,000 corporations and found that power and control
flow to a tightly interlinked and hence vulnerable core of only 147 financial
institutions:
when a financial network is very densely connected it is prone to systemic risk.

Indeed, while in good times the network is seemingly robust, in bad times firms
go into distress simultaneously. This knife-edge property was witnessed during the
recent financial turmoil [of 2008]. (Vitali, Glattfelder, and Battiston 2011, 67;
emphasis added)
As did happen in 2008, a problem in one institution translates quickly into a

problem in all related institutions. Because oil, finance, and military companies are
closely connected in a Weapondollar-Petrodollar coalition, when one part of this
coalition fails (for example, the bursting of the carbon bubble or an end to bank
speculation), the whole arms-oil-money coalition and hence the whole capitalist
system, on a knifes edge, is highly vulnerable to collapse.
The activities of those seeking to keep fossil fuels and related atmospheric toxins
in the ground at multiple links on the capitalist hydrocarbon value chain have the
very real potential power to threaten the whole of the capital relation. This potential
power is of course understood very well by the drill-baby-drill faction of global
capitalists and has much to do with understanding why ecologists (and Indigenous
peoples) are so readily labeled terrorists by many governments from Harpers in
Canada to Correas in Ecuador (Stoymenoff 2012; Picq 2010).
Paralysis in the Host-organizing Committee
Class conflict (barely masked by the climate marchs one big tent discourse)
was vividly evident within the organizing committee. The Host Committee was
unable to make decisions about who would speak so there was no unified rally or set
of speakers at the marchs closing (Mitch Cohen, September 21, 2014). The
Committee caved in to pressure from New York police and UN security to divert the
route of the demonstration far away from the street in front of the UN. The march
had no goals or objectives: the Host Committee was so divided that it could not
generate and agree upon a set of demands. Joel Kovel (2014), Ecosocialist Horizons
organizer and author of The Enemy of Nature (2007), an outstanding condemnation
of capitalism, critiqued the organizing group for its lack of moral political integrity.
The march Host Committee brought together a mix of people and organizations
with contradictory politics that exposed key power dynamics of capitalism. Uncom-
fortably under the same tent were partnering organizations from, on the one hand,
frontline and indigenous communities and, on the other hand, corporate NGOs,
including the World Wide Fund for Nature, that greenwash ecological crimes,
enclose the commons and undermine peoples livelihoods (Lang 2011; Isla 2015).
Rugh, of the Host Committee, expressed:
fear that our failure to cite at least one concrete demandlike, for instance, the
movement fighting for a $15 an hour minimum wagehas in all likelihood left
the door open for political leaders to say they are with us, without having to prove
it The issue of demands is particularly pertinent given that UN climate
negotiations have been riddled with flowery language, vague unkept promises and
disingenuous solutions. (2014)
Rugh also pointed out that while the Host Committee sought to centralize in
their organizing practices, the perspectives of people living on the frontlines of
climate change disaster, class and racial analyses were largely avoided within the
broader organizing drive. The general effect was one of de-politicization in favor of
creating a big tent. The lack of political unity in the Host Committee allowed
the UN, dominated by corporate capture (FOEI 2012), to claim everyones
support for its disaster guaranteeing agenda (Saul 2014).
Nevertheless, the demonstration signaled important gains for the climate

justice movement, especially with respect to sidelining the discourse of global
warming denial and creating momentum for the Flood Wall Street action on the
following day. The divisions under the big tent were so dramatic that the Host
Committee was unable to deliver a rally, demands or a UN route; but, as Mitch
Cohen (September 21, 2014) of WBAI Radio observed, they cant organize but
we can organize. Its left to us. Many, many things will come out of this march.
Much organizing went into this action and much more organizing will come out
of it.
The Flood
On the day after the climate march, on Monday, 22 September, some 3000
people engaged in the Flood Wall Street civil disobedience action.5 The demonstra-
tors main message was that only with a transition beyond Wall Streets stock
exchange capitalism can we have a living future (Flood Wall Street 2014). The key
question is how can we, globally, exert the power to get from here to there?
Occupy Wall Street activists and their allies organized the action jointly
with the US-based Climate Justice Alliance,6 a coalition of racialized and low-
income community groups fighting environmental racism and climate chaos
(Gorgan-Brown 2014). The organizers, calling for civil disobedience, asserted that
there is no time to wasteWall Street must be transformed. Through the power
5
According to social media statistics, the #PeoplesClimate hashtag for the march, generated 334,820 original
tweets. Despite the fact that the Flood had about 130 times fewer people than the march, and that it was held
during working hours on a Monday, the Flood action generated 154,138 original tweets, almost half as much as
the massive march (statistics provided by Mark Provost of US Uncut, cited in Rugh, 2014). According to Rugh
(2014), the relatively high volume of Tweeting activity at the flood highlights the pervasiveness of the
sentiment [the flood participants] conveyed.
6
For more information, see www.ourpowercampaign.org/cja/.
of people taking collective action, we will build an economy based on justice and
sustainability and stop the climate crisis.7
Women, and notably indigenous women, were at the forefront with signs and
banners reading: Indigenous Resistance since 1492, No REDD/REDD+, It
Takes Roots to Weather the Storm, Capitalism Is CO2lonialism, and Idle No
More: Protect Mother Earth. Speaking to Democracy Now, a Navajo woman
announced indigenous peoples refusal of energy colonialism and exploitation:
The Navajo nation, Din which were from, sits on the richest energy corridor in
North America, so our people for close to a century have been at the front line of
energy extraction for this empire including natural gas, oil, uranium and coal.
Now theyre taking the water and pumping the water, meanwhile a third of our
people dont have access to running water. I live without water with my family. So
were here to say that were still here and no more native sacrifice for this empire.
(Quoted in Democracy Now, 23 September, 2014)
At a rally before the sit-down action, we heard from speakers, largely from
the global south. Miriam Miranda, a defender of indigenous rights and climate
justice from Honduras, called for clean water, air, food and to secure the safety
for our sons and daughters, and other living beings (2014). She underlined the
imminence of the climate crisis: The time is now to demand and construct a
plan of life against the culture of death that we are being condemned to by grand
corporations of death and transnational capital (2014).
Srijana Poudel from the Womens Awareness Center in Nepal called for an end
to corporate colonialism:
Our local seeds are disappearing. GM seeds are being introduced Developed
countries like yours are doing experiments on developing countries like ours. We
are building our own economies. We have our own solutions We want to stop
multinational companies. We demand climate justice. We invite you to stand
with us. Stop capitalism. (2014)
US journalist Chris Hedges supported this call:
In this city, the wizards of finance profit from the death of the planet. The wizards
of the press, the politicians and the governmentno one will stop them but the
people. This means revolution! (2014)
7
For more information, see http://floodwallstreet.net.
A collective called Tools for Actions dramatically prefigured an end to fossil fuel
capitalism. The groups street theater involved guiding a 15-foot (5 m) diameter
balloon, a carbon bubble, toward the sharp horns of the stock exchanges famous
iconthe statue of a charging bulland then deliberately drawing some twenty
New York police officers into bursting the bubble (see Figure 2).
Two instigators explained that the carbon bubble is like the housing bubble, its
like shares of the fossil fuel industry and that they are over-valued. The bubble will
burst because it is based on unburnable carbon (quoted from Democracy Now,
23 September, 2014). The bubble represents the inflated value of the shares of fossil
fuel corporations. Unburnable carbon refers to excess carbon that the atmosphere
cannot support while maintaining human life. Unburnable or unproducable hydro-
carbons are stranded assets. Oil, gas, and coal reserves are corporate assets that are
stranded because of the environmental risk entailed in their production and the
consequent downward revaluation of fossil energy corporation shares in the context of
climate change.8
Figure 2. Tools for change mock-up carbon bubble at Flood Wall Street civil disobedience
action, September 23. Photo taken by Quincy Saul.
8
Bill McKibben (2012) demonstrates that if we allow all the currently proven oil, gas, and coal reserves to be
burned up, that would equal five times the carbon budget of 565 Gigatons of CO2.
The cocreator of the carbon bubble, Katherine Ball, explained what happened to
the carbon bubble when the organizers released it in front of the police9:
It was inflated with helium and it was kind of like a giant beach ball that got
pushed over the crowd here at Wall Street and then it went and knocked off the
bull and the police stabbed it, and ripped it apart, and tore it down. So in a way
they engaged with the analogy and popped the carbon bubble. (Quoted in
Democracy Now, 23 September, 2014)
In summary, the Flood Wall Street action unmasked class power relations and
brought together diverse groups of women and men who asserted that ending
capitalism and ending climate chaos are two sides of the same coin. Their oratory,
visual art, and street theater prefigured the elaboration of elements of a post-fossil
capitalist, commoners value web/matrix.
At the actual, physical sit-in near the stock exchange on Wall Street, some 3000
of us sang, under the inspiration of indigenous organizer Clayton Thomas-Muller, a
song that highlights the deeply revolutionary ecofeminist dimension of the Floods
actions:
The people gonna rise like the water,
were gonna calm this crisis down.
I hear the voice of my great granddaughter,
Sayin shut down wall street now.
Counter Power
In September 2014 coincident with the historic Peoples Climate March, Flood
Wall Street, and UN government climate talks, an ominous military confrontation
exploded in the Middle East. The contemporary embodiment of so-called terror,
the Islamic State, established its control over several refineries in Syria and over key oil
production sites in Iraq. A particular faction of world capitalists responded with
bombs. The military faction that is identical to the climate change denier faction of
the capitalist class (that had just been pushed out of the mainstream discourse by the
21 September climate march) counterattacked the Islamic State. The kill and drill
cabal of capitalists in the Weapondollar-Petrodollar coalition blew up oil refineries,
pipelines, and oil/gas wells in an effort to regain control over their hydrocarbon assets.
This faction of the fossil capitalists answered the Islamic States challenge to their
control over oil with a desperate but selective military and economic attack on the
region (perhaps intended more to raise the price of oil which had been plunging than
to actually curb IS; Long 2014; Susli 2014). The hardline capitalist factions message
was clear: death via the high-tech US military would be the fate of solar commoners,
9
A video clip of the Tools for Change carbon bubble action can be viewed at http://youtu.be/CDlrCkqs3JM.
the (very different) Islamic State and any other actors seeking to effect system change
by shutting down Big Oil, and by seizing control of hydrocarbon-rich territories.
What counter power can be exerted? For solar commoners, for nonadaptors
(such as the Ecuadorian YASunidos who refuse the losing capitalist strategy of
adapting to climate change), and for activists who flooded Wall Street, the question at
the forefront is how can we respond to the Weapondollar-Petrodollar coalitions drive
to retain its control over oil, and hence over capitalist relations? One potent answer was
already articulated: boycott fossil capitalists. Break up the capitalists value chains.
Just before the global climate march, South African Archbishop Desmond Tutu
called for worldwide primary and secondary boycotts of fossil capital:
[W]e can boycott events, sports teams and media programming sponsored by
fossil fuel companies; demand that their advertisements carry health warnings;
organise car-free days and other platforms to build broader societal awareness; and
ask our religious communities to speak out on the issue from their various pulpits
Just as we argued in the 1980s that those who conducted business with
apartheid South Africa were aiding and abetting an immoral system, we can say
that nobody should profit from the rising temperatures, seas and human suffering
caused by the burning of fossil fuels. (UK Observer, 20 September, 2014)
Archbishop Tutu called for morality-motivated primary and secondary boycotts

against coal, oil, and gas capitalists and all who deal with them. A primary boycott is
a refusal to produce or consume products or services associated with the targeted
corporation. It cuts profits. A secondary boycott involves abstaining from interaction
with (embargoing) a corporation because it has dealings with the corporation being
targeted in the primary boycott. In this case, the secondary boycott involves any party
dealing with Big Oil, for example, events, sports teams and media programming
sponsored by fossil fuel companies.
Secondary boycotts are criminalized in many countries, a fact that underlines

their strategic power. Because fossil fuels are a core commodity under capitalism, the
double boycott action Bishop Tutu insisted on involves every corporation. Every
corporation at virtually every link of its value chain is fossil fuel/feedstock dependent
and is therefore vulnerable to boycotts.
A broad, global movement to boycott fossil fuel companies is already underway. It

includes students and public employees in the fossil fuel divestment campaign. The day
after the climate march, the heirs to the oil baron John D. Rockefeller (of Exxon-
Mobils predecessors) announced that they would divest their fossil fuel holdings of
nearly $1 billion in the Rockefeller Brothers Fund10 (Goldenberg, 22 September,
10
The Rockefellers joined some 800 organizations including religious groups, health care institutions, cities, and
universities to pledge a withdraw of funding from fossil fuel companies totaling $50 billion over the next five
years (Goldenberg 2014).
2014). According to a 2013 Oxford University report entitled Stranded Assets and the
Fossil Fuel Divestment Campaign, this campaign is the fastest growing divestment drive
in history and it poses a significant challenge to fossil fuel companies:
Indirectly, by triggering a process of stigmatization, the divestment campaign is

likely to make the operating and legislative environment more challenging.
Greater uncertainty over future cash flows can permanently depress the valuation
of fossil fuel companies, e.g. by compressing the price/earnings multiples. (Ansar,
Caldecott, and Tilbury 2013, 72)
Other examples of commoners exercising counter power against fossil fuel

companies include the Indigenous Environmental Networks annual day of action to
UNPLUG to Give Mother Earth a Day of Rest. This global, high profile initiative
is a rehearsal for capitalism unplugged. It is an action, among many others globally,
that denies big companies both the consumption and the production of fossil fuels to
power their value chains.11 The organizers insist that we show our commitment to
and respect for Mother Earth by challenging unhealthy patterns of consumption and
the continued production of poisons that destroy our environment (IEN 2014).
The advocates of a hydrocarbon-free political economy are usually also advocates of
alternative energies in alternative social relations, so for example, hospitals could
continue to operate based on solar energy (as has been popularized in Central
America and in Africa by Cuban medical and solar energy specialists).
Secondary boycotts support and strengthen primary boycotts undertaken by

women and men in oil producing regions, including Canadas Athabasca/Peace River
tar sands regions, the Niger Delta, and Ecuadors Yasuni. These actions seek to strike
corporations where it matters most: their bottom lines. The double boycotts also seek
to deny any validity that social licenses might have for all corporations and hence
for capitalist relations themselves.
In fundamentally challenging fossil capitalism, the double boycotts invoke its

replacement, through a commitment to further actions that shift our entire planetary
civilization toward life-affirming, solar alternatives that entail horizontal, not vertical
power relations. Primary and secondary boycotts offer positive alternatives to
antidemocratic paths to a post-fossil social order on a world scale. In contrast to
popular fossil boycotts, climate Mao is a top-down approach to transition that
asserts the necessity of a just terror in the interests of the future of the collective.
Concretely speaking, this means that it represents the necessity of a planetary
sovereign but wields this power against capital (Wainwright and Mann 2013, 9).
According to Malm (2014, 39), variations of a dictatorial climate Mao become
11
Days of action are widespread and involve multiple links on the corporate fossil fuel value chain. Other actions
include: the Global Frackdowns international day of action to ban hydraulic fracturing (fracking) (http://
www.globalfrackdown.org/) and La Va Campesinas April 17th Day of Peasant Struggles (http://viacampesina.
org/en/index.php/actions-and-events-mainmenu-26/17-aprilday-of-peasants-struggle-mainmenu-33).
more likely as civilizational shift is delayed: The longer the postponement of

emissions reductions, the more revolutionary (that is, involving a planetary
sovereign) will the measures have to be once the work has begun; this is fully
recognized in climate change science.
An indicator that ongoing exertions of counter power are effective is the

blossoming of ancient futures, including agroecology. It cools the earth by focusing
on local markets along with small-scale techniques that nurture the soil, promote
biodiversity, protect forest ecosystems, expand integrated animal and crop systems, and
improve animal feeding to reduce methane production (La Va Campesina 2009).
Conclusion
Under the mask of the big tent Peoples Climate March was the playing out of
opposing forces: green capitalist proponents seeking to profit from climate change
versus solar commoners seeking civilizational transformation toward a post-fossil,
commoning reality. The second-class dynamic at play in the demonstration was the
400,000 strong rejection of the discourse of denial by the Big Oil capitalist faction
represented by the Weapondollar-Petrodollar coalition. The solar commoners of the
big tent registered, at the Flood Wall Street action, the crucial realization that the
capitalist system must be transcended in order to avert climate and myriad-related
catastrophes. The Flood action also underlined the realization, shared by both
revolutionaries and the drill and kill hardline capitalist faction, that fossil fuels/
feedstocks are indivisible from exploitative relations.
The intensively networked capitalist system is deeply vulnerable to disruptions,

including coordinated actions to keep hydrocarbons in the ground. This vulnerability
on all sides encourages direct action to displace the oil barons with peoples
democratic control over interconnected matrices of value chains, thereby enlarging
commoners value webs and accelerating the emergence of a commoners solar
civilization.
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Capitalism Nature Socialism

ISSN: 1045-5752 (Print) 1548-3290 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rcns20

The 2014 People's Climate March and Flood Wall

Terran Giacomini & Terisa Turner

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Download by: [123.16.146.197] Date: 21 September 2015, At: 07:43

The 2014 Peoples Climate March and Flood Wall

On 21 September, 2014 the worlds largest demonstration against climate

Global warming is an immediate crisis. To avoid catastrophe we must stay

*Department of Sociology, University of Toronto, ON, Canada. Email: terran.giacomini@mail.utoronto.ca;

2015 The Center for Political Ecology www.cnsjournal.org

[c]ommunities of color and indigenous groupsfrom hurricane stricken areas in

A ubiquitous slogan was To Change Everything, It Takes Everyone. Under-

The power confrontation under the mask was characterized by divisions

In contrast, solar commoners seek an end to capitalist relations (meaning the

Womens unpaid work is fundamental to the reproduction of life and profits

UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon headed the climate demonstration. Two

A priority area for Climate Smart Agriculture is to create investment, which

In contrast, La Va Campesina and their allies seek food sovereignty and

part of a larger process of green structural adjustment projects required by an

For women and men of La Va Campesina, ending violence against women is

Carbon Trade and Fossil Fuels

Central to solar commoners agenda for system change were campaigns to

Fossil fuel activism poses a threat to capitalism as a whole. As noted above,

when a financial network is very densely connected it is prone to systemic risk.

As did happen in 2008, a problem in one institution translates quickly into a

Paralysis in the Host-organizing Committee

Nevertheless, the demonstration signaled important gains for the climate

US journalist Chris Hedges supported this call:

Archbishop Tutu called for morality-motivated primary and secondary boycotts

Secondary boycotts are criminalized in many countries, a fact that underlines

A broad, global movement to boycott fossil fuel companies is already underway. It

Indirectly, by triggering a process of stigmatization, the divestment campaign is

Other examples of commoners exercising counter power against fossil fuel

Secondary boycotts support and strengthen primary boycotts undertaken by

In fundamentally challenging fossil capitalism, the double boycotts invoke its

more likely as civilizational shift is delayed: The longer the postponement of

An indicator that ongoing exertions of counter power are effective is the

The intensively networked capitalist system is deeply vulnerable to disruptions,

in Global Warming. September 23. http://www.democracynow.org/2014/9/23/flood_wall_

Campesina Views. http://viacampesina.org/downloads/pdf/en/EN-paper5.pdf.

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