Moore Hunt - Illuminating The Borders. of Northern French and Flemish Manuscripts PDF

Studies in Medieval History
and Culture
Edited by
Francis G. Gentry
Professor of German
Pennsylvania State University
A Routledge Series
Studies in Medieval History and Culture
Francis G. Gentry, General Editor
Worlds Made Flesh Traveling through Text

Reading Medieval Manuscript Culture Message and Method in Late
Lauryn S. Mayer Medieval Pilgrimage Accounts
Elka Weber
Empowering Collaborations
Writing Partnerships between Religious Between Courtly Literature and
Women and Scribes in the Middle Ages Al-Andalus
Kimberly M. Benedict Matire dOrient and the Importance of
Spain in the Romances of the Twelfth-
The Water Supply System of Siena, Italy Century Writer Chrtien de Troyes
The Medieval Roots of the Modern Michelle Reichert
Networked City
Michael P. Kucher Maps and Monsters in
Medieval England
The Epistemology of the Monstrous in Asa Simon Mittman
the Middle Ages
Lisa Verner Rooted in the Earth, Rooted in the Sky
Hildegard of Bingen and Premodern Medicine
Desiring Truth Victoria Sweet
The Process of Judgment in Fourteenth-
Century Art and Literature She, This in Blak
Jeremy Lowe Vision, Truth, and Will in Geoffrey Chaucers
Troilus and Criseyde
The Preaching Fox T. E. Hill
Festive Subversion in the Plays of the
Wakefield Master Through the Daemons Gate
Warren Edminster Keplers Somnium, Medieval Dream Narratives,
and the Polysemy of Allegorical Motifs
Non-Native Sources for the Dean Swinford
Scandinavian Kings Sagas
Paul A. White Conflict and Compromise in the Late
Medieval Countryside
Kingship, Conquest, and PATRIA Lords and Peasants in Durham, 13491400
Literary and Cultural Identities in Medieval Peter L. Larson
French and Welsh Arthurian Romance
Kristen Lee Over Illuminating the Borders of
Northern French and Flemish
Saracens and the Making of Manuscripts, 12701310
English Identity Elizabeth Moore Hunt
The Auchinleck Manuscript
Siobhain Bly Calkin
Illuminating the Borders of
Northern French and Flemish
Manuscripts, 1270-1310
Elizabeth Moore Hunt
Routledge
New York & London
For David
Contents
List of Illustrations ix
List of Tables xv
List of Manuscripts xvii
Acknowledgments xix
Chapter One
Introduction 1
Chapter Two
Ars Profana in Cistercian Tomes 21
Chapter Three
Luxury Psalters by the Dampierre Group 45
Chapter Four
Re-Reading the BnF-Yale Romance 79
Chapter Five
Treasured Collections 111
Chapter Six
Opening Books, Underlining Authorities 145
Chapter Seven
Conclusion 171
vii
viii Contents
Notes 177
Bibliography 219
Index 233
List of Illustrations
All photographs are reproduced with the kind permission of the collections
and libraries concerned. For photographic work, acknowledgement extends
to Bart Stroobants for Figs. 211, 41, and 4446, to Paul Stuyvens for Figs.
42 and 4751, and to Ren Alber for digital formatting. Biblical references
are numbered according to the Vulgate-Douai.
1. Prologue to Genesis, Henricus Bible (Bruges, Archief

Grootseminarie, MS 4/1), fol. 1r. 3
2. Lancelot, pt. 3 (Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript

Library, Yale University, MS 229), fol. 31r. 11
3. Book of Genesis, Henricus Bible (Bruges, Archief

4. Book of Daniel, Henricus Bible (Bruges, Archief

5. Prologue to Abdias (Obadiah), Henricus Bible (Bruges,

Archief Grootseminarie, MS 5/191), fol. 205r. 30
6. Book of Ruth, Henricus Bible (Bruges, Archief

Grootseminarie, MS 4/1), fol. 215v. 31
7. Book of Isaiah, Henricus Bible (Bruges, Archief

Grootseminarie, MS 5/191), fol. 25v. 34
8. Prologue to Isaiah, Henricus Bible (Bruges, Archief

ix
x List of Illustrations
9. Prologue, Monaldus of Istria, Summa de jure canonico

(Bruges, Archief Grootseminarie, MS 45/144), fol. 2r. 39
10. Yconomus, Monaldus of Istria, Summa de jure canonico

(Bruges, Archief Grootseminarie, MS 45/144), fol. 67r. 41
11. Sacerdos, Monaldus of Istria, Summa de jure canonico

(Bruges, Archief Grootseminarie, MS 45/144), fol. 141v. 42
12. Psalm 52, Dampierre Psalter (Brussels, Royal Library of

Belgium, MS 10607), fol. 84v. 50

Belgium, MS 10607), fol. 71r. 52
14. Psalms 4647, Dampierre Psalter (Brussels, Royal Library

of Belgium, MS 10607), fols. 76v-77r. 60

Belgium, MS 10607), fol. 110v. 65

Belgium, MS 10607), fol. 98v. 65
17. Psalms 8485, Franciscan Psalter (Paris, Bibliothque nationale

de France, MS lat. 1076), fols. 105v106r. 70
18. Psalm 80, Franciscan Psalter (Paris, Bibliothque nationale

de France, MS lat. 1076), fol. 73
19. Queste del Saint Graal (Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript
20. LEstoire de Merlin (Paris, Bibliothque nationale de

France, MS fr. 95), fol. 249v. 87


Library, Yale University, MS 229), fol. 110v. 91

Library, Yale University, MS 229), fol. 23v. 92
List of Illustrations xi
24. Lancelot, pt. 3 (Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library,

Yale University, MS 229), fol. 100v. 95
25. LEstoire del Saint Graal (Paris, Bibliothque nationale de

France, MS fr. 95), fol. 78r. 100
26. LEstoire del Saint Graal (Paris, Bibliothque nationale de

France, MS fr. 95), fol. 66v. 103
27. Psalm 68, Psalter-Book of Hours, use of Throuanne

(Arras, Muse Diocesian, MS 47), fol. 74r. 104
28. Mort Artu (Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library,

Yale University, MS 229), fol. 363r. 107
29. Here begins the Book of the Treasure, Brunetto Latini,

Le Trsor, chap. 1 (Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana,
ms. Laur. Ashb. 125), fol. 16r. 116
30. The parentage of Our Lady, Brunetto Latini, Le Trsor,

chap. 64 (Paris, Bibliothque nationale de France, MS
fr. 567), fol. 15v. 121
31. How nature works, Brunetto Latini, Le Trsor, chap. 99

(Paris, Bibliothque nationale de France, MS fr. 567), fol. 24v. 122
32. How God made all things in the beginning, Brunetto

Latini, Le Trsor, chap. 6 (The British Library, Yates
Thompson MS 19), fol. 5r. 130
33. The things that happened in the second age, Brunetto

Latini, Le Trsor, chap. 21 (The British Library, Yates
Thompson MS 19), fol. 10r. 131
34. The New Law, Brunetto Latini, Le Trsor, chap. 63

(The British Library, Yates Thompson MS 19), fol. 18r. 133
35. The parentage of Our Lady, Brunetto Latini, Le Trsor,

chap. 64 (The British Library, Yates Thompson MS 19),
fol. 18v. 134
36. Prologue to Artistotles Ethics, Brunetto Latini, Le Trsor,

book II (The British Library, Yates Thompson MS 19), fol. 65r. 135
xii List of Illustrations
37. Li ars damour, de vertu, et de boneurt (Brussels, Royal Library

of Belgium, MS 9543), fol. 117r. 140
38. Recueil asctique (Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, MS

9400), fol. 88v-89r. 142
39. Recueil de posies morales, fabliaux, dits, contes (Brussels,

Royal Library of Belgium, MS, 941126), fol. 105r. 142
40. Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum historiale, book 13

(Bibliothque municipale de Boulogne-sur-Mer (France),
MS 131), fol. 285v. 147
41. Prologue, Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum naturale

(Vellereille-les-Brayeux, Abbaye de Bonne-Esprance
(Belgium), MS 5, Books 2632), fol. 1r. 149
42. Apologia, Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum doctrinale

(Bruges, Openbare Bibliotheek, MS 251), fol. 1r. 150
43. Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum historiale, book 10

(Bibliothque municipale de Boulogne-sur-Mer (France),
MS 130), fol. 183v. 154
44. Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum naturale, book 29

45. Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum naturale, book 32

(Belgium), MS 5, Books 2632), fol. 330v. 159
46. Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum naturale, book 32, cont.

47. De arte gramatica, Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum

doctrinale, book 2 (Bruges, Openbare Bibliotheek,
MS 251), fol. 54v. 164
48. Dyaletica, Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum doctrinale,

book 3 (Bruges, Openbare Bibliotheek, MS 251), fol. 112v. 165
List of Illustrations xiii
49. De monostica, Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum doctrinale,

book 5 (Bruges, Openbare Bibliotheek, MS 251), fol. 191r. 167
50. De politica, Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum doctrinale,

book 7 (Bruges, Openbare Bibliotheek, MS 251), fol. 254v. 168
51. De causis et litibus, Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum

doctrinale, book 8 (Bruges, Openbare Bibliotheek,
MS 251), fol. 299v. 169
List of Tables
1. Quires 322, Dampierre Psalter, KBR MS 10607. 49
2. Distribution of marginal images on side B of quire 7,

Dampierre Psalter, KBR MS 10607, fols. 62r-73v. 54
3a. Distribution of marginal images on side A of quire 13,

3b. Distribution of marginal images on side B of quire 13,

Dampierre Psalter, KBR MS 10607, fols. 129v-139r. 56






xv
xvi List of Tables
7. Quires 317, Franciscan Psalter, BnF latin 1076. 71

Franciscan Psalter, BnF latin 1076, fols. 55r-66v. 74

Franciscan Psalter, BnF latin 1076, fols. 55v-66r. 75

Franciscan Psalter, BnF latin 1076, fols. 101r-112v. 76

Franciscan Psalter, BnF latin 1076, fols. 101v-112r. 76
10. Selected quires 34, 1317, 2425, and 4446,

Yale Lancelot, Queste, and Mort Artu, Yale MS 229. 85
11. Selected quires 810 and 2936, BnF Estoire del Graal
and Estoire de Merlin, BnF fr. 95. 88
List of Manuscripts
Alphabetical by short title: followed by author, title; location, shelf number

(with measurements and folios).
BnF-Yale Vulgate Arthur

BnF fr. 95: LEstoire del Saint Graal, LEstoire de Merlin, Sept Sages de Rome, La Peni-
tence Adam, Paris, Bibliothque nationale de France, MS franais 95 (490x340
mm., 394 fols.).
Yale 229: Lancelot du Lac (pt. 3), Quest del Graal, Mort Artu; New Haven, Yale Uni-
versity, Beinecke Library MS 229 (475x343 mm., 363 fols.).
Boulogne Speculum historiale: Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum historiale; Bibliothque
municipale de Boulogne-sur-Mer, MS 131, (305x225 mm., 436 fols.).
Bruges Speculum doctrinale: Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum doctrinale; Bruges, Open-
bare Bibliotheek, MS 251 (374x260 mm., 339 fols.).
Dampierre Psalter (KBR MS 10607): Psalter; Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium,
MS 10607 (107x78 mm., 245 fols).
Florence Trsor: Brunetto Latini, Le Trsor; Florence, Biblioteca Medici Laurenziana,
MS Ashburnham 125 (335x230 mm., 245 fols.).
Franciscan Psalter (BnF latin 1076): Psalter, Paris, Bibliothque nationale de France,
MS latin 1076 (193x136 mm., 189 fols).
Henricus Bible: Bible, 2 vols.; Bruges, Archief Grootseminarie MSS 4/1 and 5/191
(450x320 mm., 218 fols. and 465x330 mm., 231 fols.).
KBR 9400: Recueil asctique; Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, MS 9400 (378x258
mm., 106 fols.).
KBR 941126: Recueil de posies moral, fabliaux, dits et contes; Brussels, Royal Library
of Belgium, MS 941126 (385x265 mm., 141 fols.).
KBR 9543: Li ars damour, de vertu, et de boneurt; Brussels, Royal Library of Bel-
gium, MS 9543 (355x240 mm., 314 fols.).
KBR 9548: Li ars damour, de vertu, et de boneurt; Brussels, Royal Library of Bel-
gium, MS 9548 (356x260 mm., 264 fols.).
xvii
xviii List of Manuscripts
London Trsor: Brunetto Latini, Le Trsor; London, British Library, Yates Thompson
MS 19 (310x221 mm., 162 fols.).
Margaret the Black Psalter: Psalter of Countess Margaret of Flanders and Hainault;
H. P. Kraus, New York, Catalogue 75, no. 88 (110x80 mm., 227 fols.).
Monaldus Summa: Monaldus of Capo dIstria, Summa de iure canonico; Bruges,
Archief Grootseminarie, MS 45/144 (305x215 mm., 217 fols.).
Paris Trsor: Brunetto Latini, Le Trsor; Paris, Bibliothque nationale de France, MS
franais 567 (355x245 mm., 158 fols.).
St. Petersburg Trsor: Brunetto Latini, Le Trsor; St. Petersburg, MS Fr.F.v.III,4
(310x220 mm., 149 fols.).
Vellereille Speculum naturale: Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum naturale, 3 vols.; Vel-
lereille-les-Brayeux, Abbaye de Bonne-Esprance, MSS 45, Books 1625
(302x220 mm., 369 fols.), and Books 2632 (360x260 mm., 377 fols.).
Acknowledgments
Several institutions made this research possible by generously providing

financial support. The J. William Fulbright Scholarship, the Belgian-Ameri-
can Educational Foundation, the P.E.O. Women Scholars Award, and the
Samuel H. Kress Travel Award in Art History fully funded the research con-
ducted in European libraries. Faculty and staff of the Department of Art
History and Archaeology at the University of Missouri-Columbia provided
invaluable support throughout my graduate studies.
The warm welcome that I received from colleagues at the Studiecen-
trum Vlaamse Miniaturisten and the Tabularium at the Catholic University
in Leuven, Belgium, greatly facilitated my research and enriched the time I
spent abroad. I am particularly indebted to Bert Cardon for hosting me dur-
ing my work in Leuven. Dominique Vanwijnsberghe, Tine Melis, and Alison
Stones were especially generous with their advice and correspondence.
This study could not have been completed without the many library
directors and museum curators who granted me access to the manuscripts
in my study. I am particularly grateful to Franois Avril at the Bibliothque
nationale de France, Franca Arduini at the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana
in Florence, Robert Babcock at the Beinecke Library at Yale University, Ber-
nard Bousmanne and Ann Kelders at the Royal Library of Belgium, Michelle
Brown at the British Library, Martin Kauffmann at the Bodleian Library in
Oxford, Freddy Bourlard of the College Notre-Dame de Bonne sperance in
Vellereille-les-Brayeux, Ludo Kerkove at the Stadsbibliotheek in Bruges, Kurt
Priem at the Groot Seminarie in Bruges, Pascal Rideau at the Mediathque
municipale in Arras, and Batrice Seguin at the Bibliothque municipale in
Boulogne-sur-Mer.
Thank you to Dr. Frank Gentry for including my study in the series
and to the dissertations editor, Max Novick, at Routledge for his kind sup-
port. I extend my thanks as well to the readers of my dissertation at all stages
xix
xx Acknowledgments
of its preparation. I appreciate the thoughtful suggestions and guidance from

members of my dissertation committee including Lois Huneycutt, Emma
Lipton, Patricia Crown, John Klein, and Martin Camargo. Jara Ahrabi,
Suzanne Lyle, and Alexi Sherrill were gracious with feedback and editing
drafts at critical stages. The numerous readings by my dissertation advisor,
Anne Rudloff Stanton, have resulted in a vastly improved manuscript. My
gratitude for her assistance in this project is second only to the value I place
on her mentorship and friendship.
My parents, Tom and Becky Moore, have provided continuous moral,
emotional, and financial support throughout my academic career. Their love
and sense of humor are the foundation from which this project has grown.
My time at home with my sisters, brother, nephews, and niece always serves
as my touchstone. My husband, David, has supplied me with constant
encouragement, guidance, and enthusiasm, reminding me to smell the roses
and to walk the dogs along the way.
Chapter One
Introduction
Images painted in the margins of Gothic manuscripts are tiny. Some mea-
sure a few millimeters tall, while others measuring three centimeters wide
are considered large. Surrounding the text, borders of gold, red, and blue
baguettes serve as stages for these minute figures of knights, ladies, monks,
angels, simians, animals, and hybrids. They dance, play, hunt, battle,
and jest, performing a range of activities and interchangeable roles that
distinguish each illuminated page from any other. Despite the diminu-
tive presence of these images, when considered in the larger context of
the manuscripts in which they appear, they offer insightful commentary
about cultural values and the socio-political climate of medieval northern
Europe.
Marginal images abounded on the borders of manuscripts produced
throughout Europe during the late thirteenth century. Art historians have
tended to concentrate their studies on deluxe manuscripts produced in
England and Paris.1 By emphasizing liturgical and devotional manu-
scripts, this research has vastly expanded the understanding of how mar-
ginal images interacted with the text, other images, and the audience.
Marginal illumination, however, was not limited to sacred texts produced
in England and Paris. Manuscripts produced in the counties of northern
France and Flanders exhibit the widest range of marginal repertoires and
book types such as romances, historical works, encyclopedia, and poetry.2
Building on extant studies of marginal illumination, this study explores
how the practice of illuminating margins developed with respect to the
production of both sacred and secular manuscripts. By examining both
Latin and French texts, this study demonstrates the breadth of influence
illuminators had on book production and reception in medieval western
Europe.
1
2 Illuminating the Borders of Northern French and Flemish Manuscripts
MANUSCRIPT PRODUCTION ON THE FLEMISHARTESIAN

BORDER
The broadest spectrum of book types embellished with marginal images

occurred during the late thirteenth century in northern French and Flemish
counties.3 Likely composed of lay, itinerant artisans, the groups of illumina-
tors developed and shared repertoires of motifs that were applied to the mar-
gins of illustrated Latin and French texts. Among the workshops participating
in this fashion, those in the centers of the dioceses of Throuanne, Arras, and
Tournai had important patrons in the courts of Flanders, Artois, and Hain-
ault, among others, and in the abbeys of various monastic communities.4
These marginal images, or marginalia, emerged over the course of the
thirteenth century from the inhabited scrolls and zoo-anthropomorphic initials
of decorated letters dividing the books of the Bible or the major Psalms. By the
mid-thirteenth century, the figures merge with the vines and border stalks sur-
rounding the text, morphing into foliage, dragons, and human bodies, while
others begin to stand independently on the borders as groundlines.5 In his study
of the marginal spaces of medieval art, Image on the Edge, Michael Camille notes
that the Rutland Psalter, made in England, ca. 1260, can be counted among the
earliest Gothic manuscripts fully decorated with marginalia, and that the newly
available manuscripts of Aristotles Physics at the universities in Paris and Oxford
were also among the earliest examples with marginal vignettes.6 Connected to
Bruges in the diocese of Tournai and dating to ca. 126575, a Bible named for
its scribe, Henricus, is addressed in chapter 2 to demonstrate how closely so-
called profane motifs of nudes, birds, and jongleurs were tied to the decorated
letters in the early stages of the Flemish-Artesian repertoires development (fig.
1). Devotional manuscripts produced by related artists in Throuanne, called
the Dampierre group, and customized for local patrons are examined in chapter
3 to demonstrate the expansion of the repertoire into numerous folios con-
taining variations and combinations of marginal motifs throughout the initials,
borders, line-fillers, and margins.
Also in the mid-thirteenth century, new categories of manuscripts
became subject to illustration, especially deluxe romances, histories, and
encyclopedia, which are explored in chapters 46. Written in the vernacular,
such books were increasingly favored by noble and clerical readers.7 Romances
were on the whole not illuminated in England, and Parisian illuminators rarely
incorporated marginalia into illustrated vernacular texts.8 Yet the artisans of
the manuscript centers featured in this study applied marginal figures with
abandon to new programs of illumination in both Latin and French texts on
both large and small scales. While our knowledge of literacy and patronage
Introduction 3
Figure 1. Prologue to Genesis, Henricus Bible (Bruges, Archief Grootseminarie, MS

4/1), fol. 1r.
for texts in this period is riddled with lacunae, the varied combinations of
marginal images attest that each manuscript was a specialized product and
should be considered on its own terms.9 The enhancement of these different
types of commissions with a shared repertoire demonstrates the flexibility
and adaptability of marginal figures toward generating meaning for readers
in a variety of contexts.
Although each manuscript product is certainly unique, illuminators
typically followed models for compositions and for iconography.10 Like their
counterparts in Lige, East Anglia, and Paris, illuminators in northern France
and Flanders shared repertoires for accentuating the borders with figural ele-
ments. As Lilian Randall aptly demonstrated in her 1964 index for Images in
the Margins of Gothic Manuscripts, not only do marginal figures tend to be
repetitive, but also the types of images are hard to categorize as they are rarely
developed from biblical sources and are usually described by manuscript cata-
logers as profane, droll, and grotesque.11 Given the sometimes rote non-sense
of numerous marginal motifs in any given manuscript, I consider these illumi-
nated borders in the terms of the manuscript age of reproduction.12 Through
the repetition, transposition, and juxtaposition of recognizable motifs, the
added contours, polychrome, and gilt required specialized attention for major
turns in the pages, making all the subjects of each opening more pronounced.
During a period in which new kinds of texts written in both Latin and French
were becoming available to a growing and diverse audience of readers, the
Flemish-Artesian illuminators treated both secular and religious commissions
with marginalia. The concentration of marginal imagery in this regions man-
uscripts, therefore, affords a glimpse into the intersection of artistic, literary,
and social values in book production and ownership.
Surviving manuscripts produced in the counties of northern France
and Belgium during the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries exhibit
a variety of different and overlapping styles that have led to difficulties in
identifying their origins and to their third-cousin status in relation to ele-
gant styles of illumination in Paris and England. Recent and forthcoming
scholarship remedies the problems of stylistic attribution. Maurits Smeyers,
in his recent survey of manuscript illumination, outlines the regional devel-
opments in detail and highlights the best manuscript products of the major
centers.13 Judith Olivers monograph on illumination in Lige provides an
in-depth study of an overlooked but rich area of manuscript production in
one diocese.14 The dissertation by Kerstin B. Carlvant, Thirteenth-Century
Illumination in Bruges and Ghent, provides additional background to the
painting styles discussed in for the Dampierre group as some of the illumina-
tors are related to manuscripts linked to Bruges.15 The backbone for research
Introduction 5
on the manuscripts addressed in this study comes from the work of Alison
Stones, who has identified the individual hands of illuminators and specific
styles practiced in Throuanne, Arras, Tournai, Douai, and Cambrai. Her
forthcoming catalog of manuscripts illuminated in France, ca. 12601320,
promises to clarify the puzzling sphere of individual hands and workshops
based in northeast France and Flanders.16
These studies of northern French and Flemish workshops show an
intriguing body of religious and secular manuscripts, many of them con-
taining marginalia and dating roughly from the 1260s to 1290s. As Stones
emphasizes, the relevance of model-book images to sacred or profane texts
was blurred by the last decade of the thirteenth century.17 For example, war-
riors in biblical battle scenes are dressed as medieval knights in chain mail and
tunics, as are those who skirmish in the margins of psalters, romances, and
encyclopedia. Profane themes of everyday life such as agricultural labors and
courtly games were already present in calendar illustrations and continued in
ivory carvings that decorated luxury domestic objects. Ceramic production
was particularly strong along the North Sea; surviving fragments show that
the marginal designs were shared among artisans in different media, includ-
ing manuscript illumination and stained glass. The popularity of marginal
motifs from the repertoire only increased through the fourteenth century, but
the application of these motifs to earlier customized manuscripts provides
immediate contexts for understanding the cultural significance of each book.
The fact that the exact same figures and compositions were applied to
different types of illumination programs, by copying a model, template, or
even a preparatory sketch, would seem to indicate that artistic choices were
made independently of the text.18 The fringe, or physically peripheral, loca-
tion of the marginal images, furthermore, has led many scholars to celebrate
the so-called freedom of the artist in the choices of motifs, variations on
themes, and plays on words.19 Yet in some cases, directions to the illustrator
were written in French, then cut off or erased from the outer margins.20 As
the debate on artistic literacy continues, Keith Busby offers a sensible propo-
sition to the margins of an Alexander Romance: While the illuminator need
not have read the text, it is certain that in this and many other cases, the
planner had.21 Individual bookmakersvariously called planners, advisors,
or the French term, librairesmay have been responsible for organizing the
workshops of scribes, illuminators, and binders.22 A planner may have played
a significant role in the choice of marginal subjects where it interested him to
expand upon or alter a motif from the repertoire.23 In addition to proximate
imagery, the rubrics and text also supply probable sources for the choices of
marginal motifs. Examination of the contents of each individual manuscript
and the imagery contained within its pages provides archaeological evidence
for aspects of production and customization in the workshop practices and
also fosters inquiry into the impact on the manuscripts readers or viewers.
The working habits and expanding iconographic repertoire of artists in
the diocese of Throuanne, centered in Saint Omer or Throuanne, can be
examined in manuscripts made for liturgical, devotional, secular, and didac-
tic uses. Two Cistercian tomes, the Henricus Bible and a theological Summa
by Monaldus of Istria, serve to establish the emergence of the repertoire in
relation to the decorated letter and the text in chapter 2. Linked to Bruges
in Flanders through the same artists, one of the most influential workshops
contributing to the repertoire is called the Dampierre group, named for the
psalter made for Guy of Dampierre, the Count of Flanders (12801305).
Analysis of this psalters gatherings, or quires, of folios reveals that marginal
motifs occur in clusters, so a codicological approach is used to analyze a
related luxury psalter and a deluxe Vulgate Arthur related to the same artists
and patronage in chapters 3 and 4. The application of the Dampierre groups
repertoire in new kinds of texts, particularly encyclopedia and compendia
addressed in chapters 5 and 6, reflect the growing literary tastes of patrons
who afforded the extra expense for mirrors of knowledge, such as the Spec-
ulum majus by Vincent of Beauvais and Le Trsor by Brunetto Latini.
To the south of Throuanne, workshops in neighboring Arras and Douai
were also active in the production of the same types of booksincluding ency-
clopedia, romances, lives of saints, and books of hours. Stones has identified
the body of work by one master likely based in Arras, the Matre au men-
ton fuyant.24 A less refined painting style characterized by minimal contours
and black legs emerged out of Douai in a number of different types of texts.25
In order to examine more closely the encyclopedias of the region in chapters
5 and 6, I leave examination of the liturgical and devotional books by these
workshops for the future.26 In the heftier tomes of reference works, marginal
images are spread farther apart, appearing only on the folios dividing large sec-
tions of texts, books, or chapters. These texts specify and describe categories
of nature, history, knowledge, and the human soul, so the relationship of the
illustrations or text to the marginal images is especially acute for discerning
meanings relevant to monastic or secular audiences.
METHODS AND APPROACHES
Several recent studies on the development of marginalia in manuscripts and

sculpture supply an adequate historiography concerning the problems that
marginal images have posed to original viewers and to pioneers in the field
Introduction 7
of medieval art.27 For the sculptural programs of the church, marginal motifs
were seen as excessive and meaningless both by the medieval theologian,
Saint Bernard of Clairvaux, and by the modern iconographer, Emile Mle
of the Sorbonne.28 As a result, the subjects of marginal motifs were long
regarded as genre scenes, whether naively amusing or appallingly grotesque,
and the marginal spaces were categorically relegated to the realms of sin-
ful outcast or mere decoration. Manuscript catalogers of the late nineteenth
and early twentieth centuries inconsistently included descriptions of mar-
ginal figures, although the sheer amount in some manuscripts made this task
daunting and impractical to print. Some complete catalog descriptions, like
those by Camille Gaspar and Frdric Lyna or M. R. James, contributed to
the practice of codicology in considering the whole book as archaeological
artifact.29 In terms of the social context of marginal imagery, Meyer Schapiro
brought the jongleurs, musicians, and dancers out of the spandrels when he
suggested that the new Romanesque style of sculpture at the Spanish monas-
tery at Silos, next to the traditional Mozarabic style, reflected class-conscious
changes among the monastic and lay communities.30 By investigating the
immediate historical circumstances surrounding the use of a jongleur motif,
Schapiro demonstrated more meaningful positions for marginal images in
relation to both the makers and the viewers.
The purpose of this study is to explore the varying contexts within
which a burgeoning repertoire of subjects for the borders began to frame the
manuscript text. The concept of framing is essential to a two-prong approach
that accounts for both the making and reading of different kinds of texts.
Jonathan Alexander, in his influential article Iconography and Ideology,
proposes this shift in thinking about the problems of marginalia plagued by
the dichotomies of its historigraphy:
It is conventional to describe the scene in the border as marginal and

secular, thus opposing it to the historiated initial as religious and
central. But that may be tendentious. Suppose rather than marginal
we describe it as framing? Does the image not then assume a differ-
ent importance and a different role, a dynamic interaction of meanings,
both secular and religious, on different levels for a variety of viewers?31
The most often repeated motifs are associated with worldly activities: jug-
glers, acrobats, and musicians, battles or duels, and hunts or chases after prey.
But images in the margins are not always categorically profane, for monks,
nuns, angels, and saints are among the more serious figures. In both Latin
and French manuscripts, nudes and mermaids from the antique tradition
appear frequently forming borders and inhabiting initials. Painted by the

same illuminator for the illustration, the marginal images potentially interact
with other elements of the page or quire. Rather than regarding marginalia
as mere copy or afterthought, the concept of framing allows the whole of the
illuminated page to be activated at once and in relation to proximate imag-
ery. In this study, the whole book functions as the structural framework for
discerning the choices made by the artists and for gauging the significance of
those choices to the readers. The dissemination of marginal motifs in both
religious and secular manuscripts made along the Flemish-Artesian border
allows an examination of each manuscript on its own terms and offers com-
parisons for the different uses of popular motifs.
Issues regarding the physical locations of marginal images, the signifi-
cance of their subjects, and the social contexts of the viewers are addressed
in the following chapters through case studies of individual manuscripts.
Briefly, the contributions to research in codicology, iconography, and histori-
cal context that shaped this study are reviewed here by way of introducing
the Flemish-Artesian manuscripts within the broader circumstances of late
thirteenth-century manuscript production.
CODICOLOGY
The organizing principal for this study was to gather the data according to
the working habits of the illuminators, who most likely painted folios quire
by quire. Typically, marginal images are clustered around divisions in the text
that are distinguished by decorated, inhabited, or historiated initials or min-
iature illuminations.32 The archaeological method put forward by L. M. J.
Delaiss, codicology, takes the whole of the book into consideration, includ-
ing the pricking and ruling, the collation of quires, and the pigmentation of
the materials.33 Using this method to great effect, Richard and Mary Rouse
in Manuscripts and their Makers in Paris discern the workshop practices and
the role of the libraire, or organizer, in executing the various new types of
commissions which in Paris were increasingly oriented toward university
materials.34 Parisian workshop practices and organization influenced book
production in outlying provinces catering to local nobility and clergy.
Particularly instructive is the example of the Montbastons, a husband
and wife team who illuminated a Roman de la Rose with bawdy scenes of a
nun gathering phalluses and taking those of monks. The scenes have been
connected to pilgrims badges and bawdy fabliaux, but their sequence failed
to cohere in an intelligible narrative, seeming to point to the female artists
illiteracy, on the one hand, and her illustrative capacity for literary allegory,
Introduction 9
on the other.35 The work of this pair is also well known for the scene of the
husband and wife at work in the scriptorium, as bifolia hang drying along a
rod behind her desk and bench.36 The Rouses took the background cue and
deconstructed the manuscriptliterally. Looking at the manuscript quire by
quire, they were able to see that what appeared to be disjointed scenes may
have been drawn on separate bifolia before the libraire collated them together
into a gathering. According to the Rouses, As far as we know, all illumina-
tion on all text pages of all manuscripts of this time was painted in the same
fashion as Jeanne of Montbastons bas-de-page scenes in BnF fr. 25526: quire
by quire and, within the quire, one sheet or bifolium at a time and, on the
bifolium, one side at a time.37
One definite rule in the medieval production of manuscripts is that the
hair side (the exterior part of the original hide) of a folio always faces another
hair side and the flesh (the interior side) always faces flesh.38 The sizes of
the manuscripts produced during the late thirteenth century vary from duo-
decimo, in which four folds of parchment produce twelve pages, to folio, in
which large sheets are folded once and nested. The psalters in this study are
all composed of quires of fine, thin parchment containing twelve folios, or
six bifolia each, measuring 1020 x 1525 centimeters. This indicates that
each quire probably came from the same sheet of parchment, which when
folded guarantees the consistency of the sides facing one another. Mean-
while, the romance and encyclopedia pages were cut from large, whitened
sheets of usually heavy quality; four or six sheets were folded once and nested
together to form quires of eight or twelve. To keep the bifolia straight, signa-
tures mark the first four or six folios and a catch phrase is written on the last
verso of each quire to correspond to the first words on the next one. These
codicological clues, which still remain in many of these manuscripts, help
the art historian follow the artistic process.
Marginal motifs often relate to one another across whole openings,
verso facing recto, creating what Camille calls a reflexivity of imagery that
can account for the choice of motifs as much as the text, the principal image,
or the intended reader can.39 Taking this one step further in a deconstructed
gathering, the method of looking at the collation of bifolia is especially appli-
cable to the psalters of the late thirteenth century, which are among the earli-
est deluxe examples of manuscripts with profuse marginalia. The bifoliate
relationships in these manuscripts are complicated to study. The small size
of the manuscripts suggests to me that they may have been ruled, written,
and painted prior to folding and collating the gatherings for binding. Look-
ing at the bifolia as sections of a larger sheet of parchment sometimes reveals
associated themes within the same quires. In larger-scale texts, on the other
hand, the bifolia are rarely illuminated on two sides because the divisions in
the prose text are spread farther apart. In these instances, studying the con-
centration or collection of images on the same page, and within and among
neighboring quires, contributes to understanding the choice and significance
of imagery within the whole of the book.
ICONOGRAPHY AND AUDIENCE
During the incipient period of border illumination in the mid-thirteenth cen-

tury, marginal images echo the use and function of sermon exempla, or sto-
ries told in the vernacular to illustrate biblical points that were developed by
preachers after the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215.40 The example of a knight
afraid of a rabbit or snail illustrates the vice of cowardice, appearing on the
faades of French Gothic cathedrals and frequently in the margins of Flemish-
Artesian manuscripts. In her studies on the Flemish-Artesian repertoire, Ran-
dall traces some of the popular motifs to sermon exempla as well as to political
slander and social commentary in contemporary literature. For example, the
snail may have specifically referred to the social-climbing Lombard bankers
who posed an economic threat to the nobility.41 The most idiosyncratic of the
Flemish motifs is the nesting-eggs motif, which depicts a hooded, half-naked
man sitting on a basket of eggs and holding one up for examination. Randall
refers to popular Flemish poetry that cited this motif as a slander against Eng-
lish men who were ridiculed for growing tails and hatching schemes.42
While investigating the context of the nesting-eggs motif in the Damp-
ierre Psalter, I noticed that it appeared in the same quire as several common
images based on sermon exempla, such as the music-playing ass who can-
not hear and the farmers housewife chasing a fox. There is also an apparent
absence of a motif in the same quire and those next to itthere are none
of the heraldic shields that are frequently pictured elsewhere in the margins
bearing the coats of arms of Flemish noblemen.43 In the Vulgate Arthur,
likely also produced for the family of the count of Flanders, the nesting-eggs
motif appears next to the miniature depicting King Arthur enthronedin
this one of many images of the English king, the rulers face has been rubbed
out (fig. 2). Again, heraldry is absent from the margins in the same quire. In
both cases, the slander of the motif of nesting eggs was clearly meaningful to
the artists and the readers. Placing the motif in the context of nearby imagery
raises the issue of how the contents of the text and illustrations may have
also informed the relevance of a motif appearing in one manuscript versus
another made for a different context.
Introduction 11
Figure 2. Lancelot, pt. 3 (Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale Univer-
sity, MS 229), fol. 31r.
In her recent article on the state of the field of medieval marginalia,

Lucy Freeman Sandler notes that studies limited to one sort of marginal
motif, such as women, scatology, etc., have resulted in equally limited con-
clusions about meaning.44 Recognizing that several types of images appear
within one book, Sandler suggests viewing them collectively and in relation
to one another:
Rather than looking at one kind of image in all books, therefore, it

would be better to look at all kinds of image in any one bookor more
ambitiously, all books with marginaliaand to consider every aspect
of their meaning, including contradictory and overlapping meanings.
Recent codicological studies of manuscripts have taught us to consider
the page and the book as a whole from the point of view of its physical
making; a no less wholistic approach to marginal imagery might yield
new understanding of a subject that has fascinated, horrified, and per-
plexed historians for the last hundred years.45
Sandler also outlines the specific questions for the circumstances of pro-
duction: who wanted it, for whom was it made, who made it, and how.46
The iconography of marginal motifs remains important to the reception of
the manuscript text by a viewing and possibly a reading audience. Heraldic
shields in the margins, in particular, functioned as the portraiture, or the
group portraiture in some cases, that identified the primary owners of luxury
books.47 Case studies of individual manuscripts, like the Luttrell Psalter and
the Hours of Jeanne dEvreux, focus on the potential text-image and image-
patron relationships, which are more conclusive in the manuscripts of the
fourteenth century.48 For example, Camille examines all of the images in the
Luttrell Psalter within the contexts of the hands of the artists, their reper-
toires, and the structure of the book.49 The relationship of the patron to the
imagery is explicit in his title, Mirror in Parchment, for he approaches the
margins as a reflection of the ideals of the noble audience. Such documented
provenance and clues from heraldry are not always explicit in the Flemish-
Artesian manuscripts, but generic figures of nobles, ladies, and clerics may
reflect the gender or position of an intended owner.
While customized, luxury devotional books have been rewarding stud-
ies in artistic virtuosity and patronage, Sandler does not mention romances
and reference texts in her description of the late thirteenth-century develop-
ments in marginalia.50 The margins of these texts deserve more attention to
support the decorative, devilish, and didactic roles such images may have
played in devotional books. Rather than attempting a comprehensive survey,
Introduction 13
this study undertakes an ambitious route to examine the marginal images in

a cross-section of books with marginalia, involving both new and traditional
cycles of illustration. The codicological, iconographic, and historical contexts
of the different types of manuscripts are brought to bear on the meanings
and selections of certain motifs.
Schapiros view of marginal spaces as a realm for the individualism
and free invention of an artist is shared by Camilles enthusiasm in Image on
the Edge.51 In this book, the social sphere of the viewer, whether in the clois-
ter, in the church, or in the court, is also emphasized.52 Camille illustrates
how the broad cross-section of media that carried marginal motifs perme-
ated sign systems of medieval viewers. From the section In the Cloisters, for
example, Camille emphasizes the physical context of marginal sculpture and
the kind of audience privy to the spaces of the church. For example, images
of women beating their husbands and wielding power were the antithesis of
Church doctrine and depicted on misericords; the disorderly conduct was in
turn physically suppressed under the bottoms of clerics sitting in the choir
stalls.53 In this circular transaction of ribald humor that at the same time rein-
forces what it critiques, Mikhail Bahktins theory of laughter may account for
the dominant religious contexts of such bawdy and churlish subjects.54
Found in both secular and religious contexts, however, some marginal
subjects continue to call religious and secular dichotomies into question.
Considering a moral point for one of the earliest and most common motifs,
hunting, the prey is likened to the Christian soul. Its modern descriptor as a
favorite medieval pastime could be seriously called into question, yet in the
households of the courts, hunting hounds were prized by some more than
manuscripts. In didactic texts, the bow is used as a metaphor for the prepara-
tion of study and the recollection of memory. The example of hunting alone
shows how multiple meanings existed for the same kind of image, the liturgi-
cal, romance, or instructional context of which perhaps framed its percep-
tion. Camilles emphasis on varying contexts and multiple audiences provides
a lens for inquiries into the historical contexts of individual manuscripts.
In her recent study, Reframing Medieval Art: Difference, Margins, Bound-
aries, Madeline Caviness explores the relationship between marginal iconog-
raphy, the gender of the intended audience, and the construction of ideology.
Facing the problematic subjects of nudity, obscenity, women, and aggressive
actions, she emphasizes the viewers role in the reception of gender-charged
imagery. Moreover, the intended audience of male or female, monastic or
lay, or private or public seemed to affect decisions in the design and quantity
of marginal subjects. The gender of grotesque freaks (animal hinds with
human torsos and heads), emblematic objects, and gendered activities all
participated in visualizing the maintenance of social hierarchies.55 The con-

struction of gender through the selection of motifs, however, is less likely
a unified intention on the part of the planner but more likely activated by
existing ideological positions of the reader.
From the feminist perspective, Caviness suggests that the overtly
fecund and sexual motifs in devotional books for young women were fright-
ening and threatening.56 Her readings are elaborated into an exploration of
issues of masculinity in the margins of devotional books for both men and
women.57 Marginal women appear most often in hip swaying poses, danc-
ing or playing music. Men fighting with weapons seem to populate most of
the margins of any given manuscript. Apes and men are shown hunting and
trapping birds, and hounds and hares abound. As Sandler shows in her study
of the fourteenth-century English Ormesby Psalter, the pointed weapons and
the furry animals had bawdy genital equivalents.58 Cavinesss statistics show
how the proportions of men and women, as well as animals, musical instru-
ments, and foliage, in the margins reflect the gendered positions of intended
patrons. Because different social types of men and women are figured in the
margins, the social positions of the probable audiences aid in interpreting the
reception of reflexive as well as repetitive imagery.
A recent article by Jean Wirth provides three rules to follow in studying
the manuscript context of marginal images. He first warns against making
allusions that have no perceptible chance of being provable. In his critique
of Randalls formal parallel drawn between the game of frog-in-the-middle
beneath the Annunciation and the Betrayal of Christ on the facing page in
the Hours of Jeanne dEvreaux, he argues instead that the game of the mar-
ginal scene belongs with the spring season of the Annunciation, the feast of
which is on March 25.59 Second, the possibility of an allusion is inversely
proportional to the frequency of the iconographic motif and the textual
motif to which it is supposed to relate. Thus, overly symbolic interpretations
of a repeated model, like hunting scenes or grotesques, to the contents of the
text should be tempered by their high frequency.60 Third, because a motif s
meaning can shift according to context and audience, the signification of a
motif cannot be established by an examination of its different occurrences, a
point also emphasized in Sandlers state-of-the-field article.61 These shifting
contexts in the different kinds of manuscripts, I argue, are exactly those in
which the marginalia perform.
Most important, Wirth emphasizes the relationship between mar-
ginal images and principal imagesfor often the illuminator is the same for
both (e.g., fig. 43).62 This relationship is especially important to my analysis
of the codicology of the manuscripts in which I focus on the collation of
Introduction 15
folios within gatherings as well as clusters of images across folios. To map

the entirety of marginal models across codices as Caviness has done will take
additional time and effort, but the iconography of selected motifs can be
considered in terms of their individual pictorial and textual contexts as well
as in the contexts of their audiences.
HISTORICAL CONTEXT
In Iconography and Ideology, Alexander proposes to look at how art was

used . . . as a representational matrix that both codified and strengthened
social values and thus ensured social cohesion throughout medieval Christian
society.63 In order to examine the social positioning of repetitive and reflex-
ive marginal images, it is necessary to inquire into the circumstances of the
local noble and clerical patrons of illuminated books. Whereas some patrons
are barely traceable, others help to secure the dates for particular commissions
and stylistically related manuscripts. In considering manuscripts for which
the evidence of patronage is nonexistent, scant, or even roughly suggested,
the social group for which the manuscript was most likely intendedeither
in the court of the aristocracy or in the library of the monasterycan be
understood in terms of larger trends in book production and literacy dur-
ing the late thirteenth century. Meanwhile, incipient conflicts among counts,
kings, towns, artisans, and the Church provide the historical backdrop for
the development of marginalia in new types of manuscripts illuminated for
the powerful patrons who could afford them.
The family history of the count of Flanders in the thirteenth century is
in itself an intriguing examination of familial structures. Most unusually, two
sisters held the seat in succession through the middle of the century: Jeanne
and Margaret, the daughters of Baldwin of Constantinople. However, Louis
IX, to his favor, controlled this arrangement and their inheritance. Both
countesses founded convents for nuns and contributed generously to monas-
tic abbeys throughout the region.64 Margaret married twice, to Bouchard of
Avesnes and then to William of Dampierre, so that she was Countess of Flan-
ders and Hainault until 1278 when she abdicated.65 The county of Hainault
was ceded through the first son of her first marriage, John (d. 1257), whose
son John II of Avesnes (d. 1304) also gained Luxembourg through marriage
and Holland upon the death of Floris Vs son, John I, in 1299.66 Three of
his brothers were bishops of Metz, Utrecht, and Cambrai, and his sister the
abbess at the convent at Flines, which was founded by Margaret. The county
of Flanders eventually ceded to Margarets second son by her second mar-
riage, Guy of Dampierre, who himself married twice and fathered sixteen
children. Most of his offspring were placed in lucrative marriages; his fifth
daughter, Johanna, entered the convent at Flines, and his third son, John,
became archbishop of Lige in 1282. In 1294, the counts sixth daughter,
Philippina, was engaged to the future king of England, Edward II.67
Members of these comital families are connected to several luxury manu-
scripts illuminated by the same groups of artists incorporating the fashionable
marginalia in exuberance into the framework of the borders. The Psalter of
Guy of Dampierre was likely made for the count of Flanders some time around
127585. A psalter sold through H. P. Kraus (cat. 75, no. 88) painted by a hand
of the Dampierre group has been attributed to the readership of Countess Mar-
garet the Black herself.68 Although the heraldic devices in these manuscripts
supply connections to the intended owners, heraldry is not always the firmest
indicator of provenance. Stones demonstrates how the armorial evidence in the
Tournai Psalter (Tournai Cathedral, Scaldis H 12/2), for example, points less
likely to Louis le Hutin than to William of Termonde, Guys second son who
was a known patron of illuminated manuscripts and romances.69 In her article
on the Vulgate Arthur, shared between the Bibliothque nationale de France
(henceforth BnF) and Yale University Library, Stones bases the patronage on
the arms of William of Termonde that appear on the destrier, or warhorse, of a
knight in the bas-de-page of the opening page of the Quest.70 Detailed in chap-
ters 3 and 4, these manuscripts were illuminated with a high density of margi-
nalia per gathering and were commissioned specifically for the court.
Gabrielle Spiegels study of vernacular prose historiography in the early
thirteenth century incorporates the history of the Franco-Flemish lords sur-
rounding the count of Flanders.71 Prose historiography appeared in this
region as a way to appropriate a usable past for the nobilitys position in
the face of the increasing power of the Capetian kings, Philip Augustus
and Louis IX.72 By the end of the century, the demand in this region for
prose histories in the vernacular increased, especially for those illuminated
with miniatures depicting battles and feats of past rulers and noblemen. For
example, William of Termonde commissioned the prose text for Judas Mac-
cabee et ses nobles frres, and the Spiegel Historiael by Jacob of Maerlant was
the first written in Dutch, possibly for Count Floris V of Holland.73 Arthu-
rian romances and mirrors of knowledge are similar in their large scale and
copious illustration to these histories, which romanticized the past and legiti-
mized the present. The popularity for illuminated manuscripts of Vincent of
Beauvaiss Speculum majus, upon which the vernacular histories were based,
and Brunetto Latinis Le Trsor lent to luxury commissions with marginalia
on the borders. Illustrated copies of these texts are explored in chapters 5 and
6 including artists from Throuanne to Arras and Douai.
Introduction 17
In her book, Sealed in Parchment, Sandra Hindman covers the last

quarter of the thirteenth century and the first quarter of the fourteenth
century in her study of the illuminated manuscripts of Chrtian of Troyes,
whose works gained popularity in the counties of northeast France and Flan-
ders.74 Spiegel argues for the development of prose historiography as a way
for the nobility to articulate their identity under the shadow of the Cape-
tian dynasty; Hindman argues a similar role for Chrtians verses. Hindman
rereads the texts and imagesmainly in the form of knights on horseback
in historiated initialsto explore issues of inheritance, marriage, and social
station that were sources of anxiety among the nobility. Five categories of the
knightthe clerc, the bacheler, the seignor, the combateor, and the roiare
reflected in the miniatures. Both military exploits and dynastic connections
are key to how the passage from bachelorhood through marriage to lord-
ship or kingship shows the social expectations of the knightly class.75 Armed
knights in chain mail, young bachelors with weapons, and crowned bodies
occupy in the margins of the Flemish-Artesian manuscripts and highlight the
noble class for whom many of the manuscripts were made.
Malcolm Vales recent book, The Princely Court, on comital house-
holds brings more archival evidence to the often confusing social history
of the northern Europe. He notes the linguistic difficulty of studying the
French and Flemish border counties, the allegiances and powers of which
changed so frequently through history.76 Sections on Luxury, display, and
the arts, and The structures of court patronage, situate the status of the
Low Countries counts vis--vis the royal houses of England and France.
Due to the lack of Flemish material evidence, aspects of court patronage
are based upon surviving accounting lists in Arras that Vale uses to show
the sheer amount of expenditures recorded for the nobility and their entou-
rages. For example, one All Saints Days livery, including furs and cloths
from Ghent for the entire retinue of Count Robert of Bthune, who suc-
ceeded Guy of Dampierre in 1305, cost 4,650 livres flandres.77 Weekly
expenses for the counts household in the 1270s averaged around 350400
livres parisis, which of course increased when hosting feasts, hunts, or visit-
ing dignitaries.78
In his history of Medieval Flanders, David Nicholas draws attention
to the patronage of manuscripts, especially romances, among the Flem-
ish nobles, but Vale neglects this rich trove of art-historical evidence.79 For
instance, the Viel Rentier dOudenaarde is a manuscript of property accounts
and inventories for the nobleman, Jean of Oudenaarde, and it is illustrated
with unframed images in green and red wash of his lands and the people
working them.80 Observing the surviving provincial manuscripts, as well as
the architecture, furniture, and decorative arts in the region, provides schol-
ars with historical settings for the courts as well as the towns and the abbeys.
Of the latter categories of artistic production, there is much more
archaeological evidence from the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centu-
ries in Flanders that, although not necessarily high art, belong in an analysis
of material culture.81 In popular art, the sign of the count of Flandersthe
lion rampantwas seen throughout the county and outside the manuscript
context. Ceramic horses and knight riders blazoned with the heraldry survive
from the city gates of Ypres, Ghent, and Courtrai. The ceramic tiles lining
the floors of urban htels and monastic lavatories, as well as panels of stained
glass at Saint Michaels in Ghent, for example, displayed the lion rampant
over and over.82 Not unlike the golden arches of McDonalds, which to
some have become emblematic of economic power and excess, the identity
of the nobility was physically layered with the fabric of the towns and in
the repertoire of the regions artistic production.83 The manuscripts of this
region reflect the tastes of the audience who could afford the extra decorative
illumination, so the margins containing heraldry are employed to frame the
reception of potential readers in their historical context.
The reception and use of the marginal images in reading the Latin or
French texts depends upon the unknown factor of the readers level of liter-
acy. The religious and lay individuals who commissioned the various manu-
scripts with illuminations and marginalia came from the same social echelon
of noble rank and increasingly of the merchant class.84 Luxury manuscripts
were designed to be highly personal, as in the case of devotional books, but
other large-scale manuscripts likely had multiple users. For example, Joyce
Coleman supports the idea that romances were read aloud in small groups or
ensembles, so the marginal imagery may have been engaged in the reading
process.85 Scholars of thirteenth- and fourteenth-century manuscripts argue
for awareness of this transitive period between hearing texts read aloud versus
reading them silently and in private, a process that was visualized in mar-
ginalia, romances, and reference texts. Given these fluid concepts of read-
ing, Sandler emphasizes that the use of marginalia provides a situation in
which the experience of reading the text may be heightened and intensified
through the discovery and appreciation of all the riches apparent and con-
cealed in the words.86 The reception of marginal images and the texts they
accompany must be couched in terms of what can be known of the probable
historical context in individual cases.
The support of this study lies within the folios themselves. Given a
changing and broadening market in manuscript production, the manuscripts
of this border regionbetween Paris and Englandreflect new ways of
Introduction 19
accessing the authority of the text. In the guise of a decorative frame, the
marginal imagery underlines these shifting circumstances, and the applica-
tion of particular motifs could function to interact with the text and the
reader. Chapters 24 focus on manuscripts illuminated by the Dampierre
group including a Bible, a penitential manual, several psalters and the sump-
tuous Vulgate Arthur. Chapters 56 focus on the genre of encyclopedia and
didactic compendia illuminated by artists in Throuanne, Arras, and Douai.
The marginalia in these manuscripts illustrate the diversity of applications of
marginal motifs to supplement the reading of Latin and French texts. This
regions dynamic juncture in book illumination provides a cross-section of
the broader developments across Western Europe, including the elaboration
of devotional manuals, the compilation of encyclopedia, and the composi-
tion of romances created for a growing number of book owners and readers.
This study examines manuscripts produced between ca. 1270 and
1310, although slightly earlier and later works inform the major trends as
well. Dates in the late thirteenth century are loosely ascertained by stylis-
tic evidence, while 13041305 mark the passing of two well-known manu-
script patrons: Guy of Dampierre, Count of Flanders, and his half-nephew
John II of Avesnes, Count of Hainault. The psalter of the elder count was
illuminated by artists who completed other manuscripts for members of the
Dampierre family; a didactic compendium on love, virtue, and happiness
was compiled by the brother of the younger count, the bishop of Utrecht,
and its main miniatures contain marginal motifs. Made for local patrons in
the church and the court, this generation of book production reflected the
tastes, morals, and values of its books owners. As an interface between the
text and the audience, marginalia provide a culturally rich framework for
gaining insight into those reflections.
Chapter Two
Ars Profana in Cistercian Tomes
The contents of libraries from two Cistercian monasteries along the coast
of the North Sea are now preserved in Bruges, at the bishops seminary
and the city library, and contain several manuscripts filled with margi-
nalia from the repertoire developing in Flanders and Artois.1 One of the
earliest works illuminated by the Dampierre group is the Henricus Bible,
copied in the scriptorium of Saint Marys Abbey at Ter Doest, north of
Bruges, and now split between the Grootseminarie, MSS 4/1 and 5/191,
and the Openbare Bibliotheek, MS 6. Another manuscript illuminated
by the Dampierre group was the first penance manual to be alphabet-
ized, the Summa de jure canonico by Monaldus of Istria (Grootsemina-
rie MS 45/144). It belonged to the library of Ter Doests mother abbey,
Ter Duinen, near Furnes on the Flemish-Artesian border. In exploring
the graphic manifestations of border illumination in these manuscripts,
the expansion of the Dampierre groups repertoire between Flanders and
Artois, which include the dioceses of Tournai and Throuanne, is estab-
lished for further discussion. The marginal motifs are used to illustrate the
establishment of the repertoire as part of developments in textual embel-
lishment and to review the traditional interpretations of profane or droll
themes as moralistic in Latin texts.
The compositions of motifs inhabiting the initials of these Cistercian
tomes frequently appear on the borders of closely related manuscripts by the
Dampierre group. In his book, The Decorated Letter, Jonathan Alexander
explains that the thirteenth century was a transitional period in manuscript
illumination during which figures seem to crawl out of the initials to
decorate the bordersleaving the initials to be filled with narrative
images. Similarly, Otto Pcht traces a trajectory from zoomorphic to
historiated initials, but he pursues the development of pictorial narrative in
historiated initials to the exclusion of other decorative elements, including
21
marginalia.2 The extension of borders from the decorated letter was a form
of adornment added by illuminators in Paris that quickly gained vogue in
workshops across modern Belgium and England.3 The baguette borders,
gilded cusps, and pinwheel terminals may have suggested platforms and
perches for miniature animals and birds. The process is indeed visible in
this generation of manuscripts as the figures in the borders are tied closely
to the illumination of the letters. In the Henricus Bible and the Monaldus
Summa, social figures and hybrids inhabit and stand on top of the letters;
others also form herms that terminate the borders extending from the
initials and surrounding the text. Studying the imagery of the illuminated
initials and borders opens the discussion of the manuscripts textual and
historical connections.
Every Cistercian monastery owned an authorized manuscript of the
Bible for the community to read in the choir or in the refectory.4 Cister-
cian monasteries also held numerous commentaries, including penitential
manuals and encyclopedia. The manuscripts addressed in this chapter were
not included in Lilian Randalls survey of marginal images, but the uses
of imagery in Latin texts provide a starting point from which to survey
the basic elements of the repertoire.5 Viewing the marginal imagery in a
monumental Bible or a penitential manual, therefore, entails keeping the
cloistered context in mind. Archaeological remains of the Ter Duinen abbey
contribute to an artistic and a historical context for viewing marginal motifs
in these Cistercian tomes.
TECHNICAL ASPECTS OF THE HENRICUS BIBLE
The three surviving volumes of the Henricus Bible were copied by the
lay scribe Henricus, hence the eponymous title. On the last page of each
volume, in large rubrics, is the colophon: Hunc librum scripsit frater
Henricus conversus beate Marie professus in Thosan.6 According to his
colophons in several other manuscripts, including three volumes of Saint
Augustines works and several commentaries on the Bible, Henricus served
as a lay brother in Saint Marys scriptorium perhaps as early as the 1250s
and possibly functioned as the libraire, or head manager, of the atelier.7
The Cistercian audience is reflected in the margins on the first folios with
figures of tonsured monks wearing gray and brown cowls (fig. 3). Refer-
ences to monks are also made in the script along the top margin of the text;
Henricus often incorporated profile heads into the capital letterssome-
times with a tonsure (e.g. MS 4/1, fols. 84v, 143r, 193v, etc.) and once in
another manuscripts colophon with a beard in a caricature of himself.8
Figure 3. Book of Genesis, Henricus Bible (Bruges, Archief Grootseminarie, MS

4/1), fol. 8r.
Kerstin Carlvant confirms that the Henricus Bible is one of the earli-
est manuscripts decorated by a Dampierre hand, and that it can be dated
to approximately 12651275.9 The first volume contains the Pentateuch,
Joshua, Judges, and Ruth (Bruges, Grootseminarie, MS 4/1), and another
volume contains Job and the Major and Minor Prophets (Bruges, Groot-
seminarie, MS 5/191)both volumes are illuminated with inhabited initials
and marginal figures. The third volume (Bruges, Openbare Bibliotheek, MS
6) contains I-III Ezra, Esther, Tobit, Judith, I-II Maccabbees, and the New
Testament.10 The latter volume is not illuminated, but the books open with
the large pen-flourished initials in red and blue ink that characterize the
Cistercian aesthetic.11 Pen-flourished initials measuring two or three lines
each divide each of the chapters in all three volumes; their flourished sprays
extend the full lengths of the text columns. Characterized by stalked bulbs,
pipped half-circles, and spiral infilling, the decoration of the initials stands
out vibrantly against thick sheets of white, pounced parchment.12
Despite Bernard of Clairvauxs admonishment of art in the monas-
tery, the ban on figurative art was relaxed, at least in practice, by the late
thirteenth century. Limited to the foliated, inhabited, and zoo-anthro-
pomorphic initials opening sections of text, the decoration of the Pen-
tateuch and Prophets volumes follows Cistercian traditions of restraint.
Dominated by vine scrolls and repetitive figures, heads, and animals, the
contents of the initials and borders often seem unrelated to the contents of
the text. The use of particularly profane figures, such as animals, nudes,
and gilded garments, however, seems to invite the readers contemplation
of the text. In addition to the figural imagery, the large size of some initials
and connections with the marginal imagery seem to engage a readers lin-
gering gaze.13
There are a total of ten opening pages, or incipit pages, illuminated
in the Pentateuch volumeincluding one for the prologue by Saint Jerome
and one for the preface to Joshua. The greater number of openings with
inhabited initials and margins occurs in the Prophets volume, which
contains thirty-seven incipits on thirty-four pages. The first five incipit
pages open with large initials but without any figures in the margins (MS
5/191, fols. 1r, 2r, 25r, 25v, and 66r). These decorated initials are much
larger than those in the remainder of the volumes books, averaging eight to
ten lines in height. Running the length of the page, there are two I-initials
containing figures in the first volume and six in the second volume, three of
which are zoo-anthropomorphic (i.e., composed of a combination human
and animal figure).14 By the time the openings for the Minor Prophets
were designed (MS 5/191, fol. 190r), the initials were more economical in
space and distribution, measuring generally four to seven lines in height.

Isolated marginal figures stand upon the frames of these smaller initials or
their baguettes.
The prologues, rather than the books themselves, more frequently
open with figures in the margins. In the Prophets volume, nine of seventeen
prologues contain figures in the marginal space; of the nineteen incipits for
the books themselves, only four have marginal figures. This seems appropri-
ateas the preface or prologue was a commentary on the book, so too was
the function of marginal gloss.15 Of the twenty-three figures standing on ini-
tials or perched on arabesques in the two volumes combined, six are modeled
upon conventional representations of birds. The borders also include two
apes, four acrobats wearing gold tunics, and eight religious figures, including
monks, scribes, and a prophet. There are also two terminal heads, one of an
abbot and one of a saint. The initials, on the other hand, contain four nude
figures, including Jonah, and three dressed figures possibly of Moses, Isaiah,
and Ruth incorporated in the vines and serpents tails. Animals, apes, and
birds also fill the initials and constitute the familiar menagerie of marginalia
in later manuscripts. With figures in the letters, borders, and margins, the
initials of the Henricus Bible provide an early example of letter decoration
and border decoration crossing the illuminated boundaries of the folio.
OPENING REPERTOIRE: MONKS, PROPHETS, JONGLEURS,

AND BIRDS
In terms of the perceived tension between profane, marginal images and

sacred, central images in examples of Romanesque art, Meyer Schapiro
exclaims how such figures juxtaposed to holy personagesacrobats and
dancers among fantastic beasts! constitute an aesthetic attitude that made
marginalia integral to medieval art.16 In the margins of the Henricus Bible,
however, a combination of religious figure types, such as monks and proph-
ets, and profane figure types, such as jongleurs and animals, enables the
reader to engage more subtle distinctions of literal, moral, and allegorical
senses in the context of the biblical text.
The prologue of Saint Jerome begins the first volume and, like the
opening pages of contemporary Bibles, the folio is decorated with the larg-
est initial and the greatest number of marginalia. Five motifs are attached to
the exterior of the initial F of Frater Ambrosius, whom Jerome addresses, and
three pairs of animals inhabit the main field (fig. 1).17 In the upper left corner
of the page on top of the initial, a saint, possibly Saint Ambrose, is depicted
as a monk writing at his desk, cloistered by a scalloped tendril rising from
the border. Such author portraits were used in ninety percent of illuminated
Bibles, while magisters wearing birettas are similarly positioned as authori-
ties opening literary and encyclopedic texts.18 The square frame of the initial
contains six circular vine scrolls supported by hooded hybrids and framing
minute animals, including, in pairs, a hare being shot by a centaur, a squir-
rel and a lion, and a stag and a goat. The enigmatic hoopoe, a bird with two
contradictory meanings in bestiaries, fills a vine scroll between the top corner
of the letter and the scribes seat.19 At the base of the stem, below the last
line of text, a bearded herm wearing an elongated mitre holds two border
arabesques on his shoulders.
The arabesque below the first column of text holds the one of the most
popular compositions of the repertoire. A scene of Reynard the Fox, in which
the fox fools and steals a rooster, typically includes the housewife chasing him
with her distaff aloft, but the housewife figure is absent from this model.20
The Reynard the Fox motif continued to occupy the margins of many and
various types of manuscripts, but, as Jean Wirth suggests, it represented dif-
ferent things to different audiences.21 In this Bible made for a Cistercian
abbey, the fox could have parodied the Mendicant Orderspreaching to and
pilfering the flock of the Church.22 By contrast, in the later BnF-Yale Vul-
gate Arthur the fable is used to moralize an episode of one of King Arthurs
knights, whose vices of pride and greed lead to his downfall (Yale MS 229,
fol. 199r). For both the Bible and romance, the fox motif is used to elucidate
the reading of the text, but the sense or meaning of the fable remains depen-
dent on the positions of the viewers.
The author portrait and the fable are staged at the beginning and the
end of the letter.23 As the commentaries were written to supplement the
Word, so too with sermon exempla: a comic tale, fable, or animal lore could
be used to illustrate or comment on the sense of a biblical text. Similar to the
tradition of textual gloss written in the margins of the ruled folio functioning
as a means of understanding the sense of the text, images painted in the
margins visually engaged the reading.24 Diagonally opposite the saint writing
above the letter F, an ape occupies a tendril extending from the letters main
field to contrast with the author portrait. The ape is looking at a round
mirror that can be understood as the blank state of mind, so called in a
sermon by Jacques of Vitry.25 Textual knowledge and ignorance are presented
in direct contrast by use of the sheet of parchment half-filled with words and
the blank surface of the mirror, positioning the cloister of the letter opposite
the marginal space. As bishop of Milan, Saint Ambrose expounded on the
three senses of the biblical textthe literal, the moral, and the allegorical,
or mystical. The placement of exempla motifs within and on the letter
containing an author perhaps reflects an understanding of Ambroses exegesis,

especially when compared to the letter on the next opening folio containing
another scribe, possibly Saint Jerome.
The Cistercian readers of this Bible may have found themselves mir-
rored in the margins of fol. 8r. Three monks in brown and gray cowls occupy
the borders extending from the I-initial of Incipit, which runs the length
of the page and contains fourteen prophets with unfurled scrolls (fig. 3).26
One monk delivers a long scroll, echoing those in the initial, to the clois-
tered scribe atop the incipit. Two cowled and bearded figures walk in oppo-
site directions under each of the columns of text. One is tonsured and the
other is faced frontally but seems to have more hair, so he may represent a
lay brother.27 At the top of the initial, a saint wears a red cap and wimple,
perhaps indicating the thirteenth-century attribution of Saint Jerome as a
cardinal. His feet rest on the scrollwork looping two lions heads and framing
the prophets below. Compared to the marginal exempla on the first folio as
commentary associated with Saint Ambrose, the letter opening Genesis con-
tains imagery emphasizing the transmission of the letter of the Word, from
the prophets to the Cistercian reader.
Typical motifs in the groups artistic repertoire include those of the jon-
gleur type, four of which appear balancing on the initials of the Bible. A
popular jongleur in the repertoire balances a chalice and lance atop the letter
opening the preface to Joshua (MS 4/1, fol. 173v).28 Three other marginal
figures in the second volume are familiar as jongleurs, also appearing in the
margins of related manuscripts by the Dampierre group: a juggler balanc-
ing a board decorated with lancets, a jester playing bagpipes, and an atlantis
supporting an initial (MS 5/191, fols. 212r, 222v, and 229r). Wearing gold
tunics, these figures highlight the foliated letters to which they are attached.
Likewise, the pointed hats of a prophet and two Cistercian monks (MS
5/191, fols. 119v, 199v, and 217v) as well as the herms with the mitre of an
abbot or bishop and the halo of a tonsured saint (MS 5/191, fols. 66v and
205v) are used to punctuate the marginal spaces and tie the readers gaze to
the letters of the books.29
Almost equal in number to the religious figures painted with the ini-
tials are the birds occupying the initials frames and borders. Birds are shown
in a variety of species and poses, betraying the use of models like the illus-
trated Aviarium by Hugh of Fouilloy. The prologue to Jeremiah has a con-
struction similar to the column of prophets in the incipit initial I of Genesis
(MS 5/191, fol. 66r). There are eleven birds of recognizable species nested
in the links of vine, and their variety echoes that of Apocalypse images for
the Call of the Birds or illustrated bestiaries.30 More precisely, several fully
illuminated copies of Hughs Aviarium, written in the first half of the twelfth
century, survive from the region. One late-twelfth century copy, the Ter
Duinen Aviary (11901200), was housed in the library of the Abbey of Ter
Duinen and another, the Dyson Perrins Aviary in the style of Saint Omer
and dating to 127080, also has a regional Cistercian monastic provenance.31
The aviary in the Bibles I-initial includes: a seagull with red wings; a green
bird flapping rose-colored wings (either duck or passerine species, such as a
kingfisher or partridge); an owl; a woodcock; a blue heron; a spoonbill, peli-
can, or goose; a hawk or falcon; a dove; a parrot; another hawk or falcon; and
a peacock at the base.
Perched on a foliated initial opening the book of Judges in the first
volume is the owl, a bird of bad omen (MS 4/1, fol. 194v). The birds in
Figure 4. Book of Daniel, Henricus Bible (Bruges, Archief Grootseminarie, MS

5/191), fol. 172r.
five margins of the second volume follow conventional bestiary models.

Many are repeated in other manuscripts: a crane clattering its bill (fol. 126r)
across from a stork pluming its wings (fol.125v), a stork swallowing a green
frog (fol. 196v), the pelican piercing itself to feed its young (fol. 219v), and
the sparrow feeding its offspring (fig. 4)these are all avian exempla that
frequently appear in marginalia.32 The swallow feeding its nest of young is
repeated twice in the vertical margins of the Psalter of Guy of Dampierre
(fols. 51r and 170v). H. W. Janson refers to Psalm 101 to categorize birds
in the margins: the pelican was understood as pagan, the owl as Jew, and
the sparrow as Christian.33 The pelicans sacrifice for its young, however, was
more often likened to Christs wounds, and the cranes watchfulness was lik-
ened to the spiritual care of monastic elders. Hugh of Fouilloy cites numer-
ous authorities on the sparrowthe several possible meanings support the
assertion that marginalia can be used to operate at different levels within
the same work.34 The symbolic aspects of salvation in the avian motifs are
significant to three of the initials that include naked men and are discussed
next: fol. 125v, the prologue to Ezekiel; fol. 172r, the book of Daniel; and
fol. 219v, the prologue to Aggeus (Haggai).
MODEL ICONOGRAPHY: MERMEN, NAKED MEN, AND RUTH
The monks, jongleurs, and birds in the margins of the Henricus Bible form a
core repertoire for the motifs in other manuscripts of the Dampierre group.
Birds and small animals occupy a few of the large foliated initials in the
Henricus Bible, but many initials are filled with foliate vines, serpents tails,
and human-faced hybrids that also typically terminate the borders of other
contemporary manuscripts. The use of full-human figures and half-human
hybrids embedded in other initials presents interesting formal patterns that
are also basic to the repertoire disseminated through the Dampierre group.
As with the incipit I-initials of Genesis and the prologue to Jeremiah,
the format of the initial creates a compositional frame that also serves as a
border. Prophets and birds cross boundaries as both elements of the initials
and the marginalia within the same work. More a border element than
an independent marginal figure, a characteristic motif for one Dampierre
group artist is the half-man, half-fish that fills two of the I-initials in MS
5/191 in the form of a tonsured merman and Jonah emerging from the
whale. The motif allows for numerous combinations that were applied to
line-endings and vertical borders in later manuscripts.35 A similar, equally
prominent theme in five large initials, including an initial I, is a man, either
clothed or naked, ensnared in the animated foliage of the initial. The motif
is conventional for incorporation into a structural element like an initial, as

in the incipit letters of the twelfth-century Moralia in Job from Cteaux, for
example, or the minor initials in the ninth-century Book of Kells.36 These
full male figures, whether nude, bearded, and/or wearing a hat, are employed
in the Henricus Bible for allegorical metaphors consistent with reading the
biblical text.
The prologue to Ezekiel opens with a merman playing a harp in the
initial I, which extends nearly the length of the text and is surmounted by a
stork resting its beak on its wing (fol. 125v). With a tonsured head, perhaps
echoing Ezekiels shaved head (Ezekiel 5:1), this hybrid figure combines the
religious with profane patterns for the letters decoration. In fact, in some
cases, initials that depict a recognizable theme do not necessarily open the
book that would seem to provide the textual basis. A variation on the merman
Figure 5. Prologue to Abdias (Obadiah), Henricus Bible (Bruges, Archief Groot-

seminarie, MS 5/191), fol. 205r.
theme occurs with the depiction of Jonah and the whale, in which the nude
figure of Jonah emerges from the mouth of a vertical fish to form the ini-
tial I of Iacob (Jacob), which extends over twelve lines into the lower border
(fig. 5). On the lower border, an ape with a hood and the hindquarters of
a wyvern holds the fish tail.37 This initial, however, opens the prologue to
Abdias (Obadiah), rather than the book of Jonah on fol. 207r, which begins
with a smaller initial E containing decorative foliage.
In other cases, as with Numbers, Isaiah, and Ruth, the chosen figure
is related to the book. For example, the book of Ruth opens with the only
female figure in the Bible (fig. 6). With wyvern hinds and a vine tail twisting
the length of the page, the female hybrid wears a knotted hennin, blows
a long trumpet in the upper margin, and holds a flounder along side the
baguette separating the columns of text. Together, the elements discourage
temptations of the flesh: the hennin usually indicated a mature woman, as
Ruth was a widow; and the bestial hindquarters would serve to repulse the
desire for the feminine.38 While the fish may symbolically moderate the female
characters religious role, it may borrow more closely from the sea motifs
Figure 6. Book of Ruth, Henricus Bible (Bruges, Archief Grootseminarie, MS 4/1),

fol. 215v.
of the repertoire.39 In the manuscripts by the Dampierre group, mermaids

naked to the waist with fish tails and loosened hair play music and hold fish
in the I-initials and borders (see figs. 16 and 21). On the opening page of the
Bible, it should also be recalled that the fox motif was lacking a housewife,
but in the other Dampierre models the housewife wears a hennin like that
on the trumpeting wyvern opening Ruth. Thus, the hybrid composition of
this female figure topping the I-initial contains interchangeable elements that
were varied for other female-oriented compositions in related manuscripts.
The motifs in the Henricus Bible appear in later manuscripts in var-
ied compositions and contexts, yet they remain recognizable as descendants
of the same models. For example, on fol. 177r of the Dampierre Psalter, a
nimbed Jonah emerges from the mouth of a fish on the inner border, while
an ape astride a peacock points his lance to the is of Israel from the outer
margin. Connecting the hand of the psalter to the Yale Lancelot, Alison
Stones compares the template to that of an ape joust beneath a border mer-
maid playing bagpipes (fol. 126r).40 This is a good example of how patterns
could be re-used yet transformed from one manuscript to another. From the
Latin contexts of the biblical and the devotional to the vernacular parody of
romance, the ape of the lower border (fig. 5) shifts from wearing a cowl to
bearing arms, while the vertical fish-human shifts from the pious Jonah to
the profane mermaid, which, in turn, signifies the Lady of the Lake in the
context of the romance.
The opening initial for the prologue to Aggeus (Haggai) also required
the large letter I, filled with a nude wearing only an arming cap (fol. 219v).41
His limbs are wrapped in the foliate tail of a dragon that stands on the nudes
shoulder and spits more vine scrolls from its mouth. The baguette continues
between the columns of text to the top, where the pelican of piety is pictured
in her nest piercing her breast for her three hungry offspring. Next to the
Christological symbol of the pelican, the naked man represents the sinful
entrapment of the flesh.42 Thus, the juxtaposition of the two motifs on this
page encourages contemplation on the flesh in a cyclical way, with physical
mortification in the entanglement and symbolic ascension beyond flesh in
the exemplum.
In the initial opening the book of Daniel, a dragon in the initial A
ensnares a nude man and again an avian theme alights the upper margin
with a sparrow feeding the young in its nest (fig. 4). Hugh of Fouilloy dedi-
cated six chapters to exempla on the sparrow in his Aviarium, and several of
those meanings are expounded in the juxtaposition of the initials figure and
margin. Willene B. Clark, in her work on the well-used copies of Hughs
text, shows that the illustrated Aviarium was intended as a teaching tool for
the lay-brotherhood and the novitiate, which explains Hughs emphasis on

the sparrow.43 The sparrow alighting on a rooftop, specified in Psalm 101,
resembles the faithful teacher making known the heights of virtue.44 Fur-
thering this metaphor, the sparrow in the cedar is like the preacher and the
nest is like the cloister in which chicks find rebirth and repose. The land of
the rich donated to the monastery was also analogous to the cedar, which
has the danger of harboring proud men of wealth.45 Wearing a gold biretta
in the initial, the naked figure additionally relates to one of the snares set
for the sparrowthe charms of the flesh.46 The figures splayed legs reveal
that his genitalia have been scratched out and, although the censorship may
have taken place at a point later in the manuscripts history, the physical
reception of the image suggests that the carnality necessitated physical aver-
sion.47 Direct juxtapositions to avian motifs supply these naked figures with
allegorical functions, and the headgear points to equating the sins of the flesh
with a desire for the things of the world.
In Glossing the Flesh: Scopophilia and the Margins of the Medieval
Book, Michael Camille argues that over the course of the thirteenth and four-
teenth centuries, the margins were more generally a site for the confrontation
and even the intercourse of the flesh and the spirit.48 In visual art, the naked
figure represented the literal flesh as well as the transcended soul. Understood
in terms discussed by Saint Bernard of Clairvaux, the distinction between the
carnality of the fleshly body and the perfection of the resurrected body pro-
vided an interpretive framework for these entangled, naked figures.49 Camille
also observes that more images of naked youth, body parts, and human heads
appear in marginal spaces during the transition from oral to silent reading;
these images were activated in the increasingly tactile experience of the human
flesh contacting the flesh of parchment. In effect, the naked flesh, usually in
the form of the male body in manuscript illumination, grafts an eroticized
site for the new physicality and internalization of reading and consultation.50
Representations of man struggling against nature or against demons
are the main subjects of violence in Conrad Rudolphs recent analysis of the
Cteaux Moralia in Job.51 The defeat of dragons, often by clothed noblemen,
symbolizes the spiritual dangers by which the individual Christian is threat-
ened.52 Similar themes of struggle are figured in three large initials of the
Henricus Bible, although they are not accompanied by images in the mar-
gins.53 A figure of Moses in the incipit of Numbers and a nude figure biting
vines in the incipit of Amos are similar themes of entanglement. A third
entangled figure opening the preface to Isaiah provides a tangible connection
to the historical context of the monastery, and the initial on the verso con-
tains jousting apes with shields, the secular parody of which may be pointed
to noble patrons of the monasteries (figs. 78). Similar compositions from

the repertoire re-appear in the nearby context of Ter Duinen, whose floor
tiles and theological Summa are used to illustrate the crafted versus textual
applications of popular motifs.
CISTERCIAN CONTEXTS: APES AND LIONS

One common motif found in both initials and margins of other
manuscripts is that of the ape bearing spears and shields blazoned with
the arms of nobles. Two apes entwined within the large initial opening the
book of Isaiah carry simple gilded shields and one displays a black chevron,
more likely generic than belonging to a particular noble (fig. 7). Janson,
in Apes and Ape Lore, provides some of the background to the motifs of
battling apes and fighting nudes.54 He notes that in Romanesque art the
Figure 7. Book of Isaiah, Henricus Bible (Bruges, Archief Grootseminarie, MS

5/191), fol. 25v.
representation of the ape riding on a demonic monster and wielding a

weapon was analogous to that of a nude fighting man, a descendent of
ancient athletes. The ape and nude both were denizens of the same savage
and tormented world of animal demons.55 Janson concludes that apes
jousting with arms became overt parodies of knighthood by the end of
the thirteenth century. The theme remains important to the manuscripts
by the Dampierre group as the individual blazons are often linked to
contemporary nobility in the Flemish courts. In the Henricus Bible, the
apes may parody the secular nobility, which will be discussed in the next
section on the Monaldus Summa, but the shields may also be used to
respond to the description of Isaiah as a rich nobleman in the prologue on
the previous page.
On the recto of the same folio, the prologue to Isaiah opens with the
letter N containing a man wearing gold with his hands raised upward and
two lions resting below, filled with symmetrical coils of vine in between (fig.
Figure 8. Prologue to Isaiah, Henricus Bible (Bruges, Archief Grootseminarie, MS

5/191), fol. 25r.
8). The lions and the prayer gesture perhaps refer to the story of Daniel much
later in the manuscript, but that books initial contains the ensnared nude
with the symbolically salvific sparrow. The choice for the preface initials
composition may reside in the text, while the visual models for the lions also
reside in the monastery. Jerome describes Isaiah as having the polished dic-
tion natural to a man of rank, perhaps accounting for the use of the gilded
tunic in the first initial and the shields in combat in the second. Perusal of
the text of Isaiah 5 provides a possible textual basis for using a wine garden
motif for the song of the vineyard in which the men of Judah are the gar-
den of his delight.56 To Hugh of Saint Victor, the page of the text was a
vineyard to be cared for and its fruits to be harvested.57 The inclusion of the
docile lions relates also to text of Isaiah 11:7 in which the tree of Jesse, whose
branches will bear fruit, and the time when the lion will eat straw like the
ox are described.58 Thus, with the text in consideration, the nobleman and
lions visualize prophecy rather than emphasize the vulnerability of the flesh
in need of salvation that was exemplified by the pairing of the struggling
man with marginal avian nests.
The symmetrical lions are paralleled in the contemporary monastic
context, which places the marginal motifs in a more decorative versus tex-
tual context and demonstrates a change in the meaning for the same model.
Square glazed tiles from the excavations at Ter Duinen have been dated to
pre-1262, the year of the abbey churchs dedication after thirty years of con-
struction.59 Many tiles have been excavated from the cloister, the lay broth-
ers grange, the lavatorium, and the transepts of the abbey church, which
date from the thirteenth to early-fourteenth centuries. In the transepts, at
least three relief tiles were found containing vine scrolls in which birds, drag-
ons, and lions are symmetrically placed. The lions at the base of the com-
position resemble the form of the letters decoration opening the preface to
Isaiah in the Henricus Bible. Ter Duinen Abbey had tile makers among its lay
brothers in the thirteenth century and also included a tile-works, for which
clay was supplied from Ter Duinens properties. Thus, materials produced at
these abbeys, including tiles and manuscripts, certainly resulted in a recipro-
cal iconographical influence. Such relationships between two forms of the
once-termed minor artsthe inhabited letter and the decorated tilepro-
vide important evidence for the continuity of art production between the sis-
ter houses of Ter Duinen and Ter Doest and further extending from Bruges
to Saint Omer.
Claire Van Neroms excavation of the tiles at Ter Duinen reveals
numerous motifs such as fish and cameo heads that are common to
manuscript marginalia, painted initials, and line endings. In the octagonal
lavatorium, heads of princes, knights on horseback (with Greek crosses

on their shields), falcons, stags and hounds, and griffins and hybrids
were placed together in groups of four.60 Although many of these tiles
probably date to the early years of Abbot Lambert, ca. 1317, the tiles
illustrate the decorative repertoire outside the immediate manuscript
context. Constituting part of the visual culture of the monasteries,
similar themes regarding secular nobility also permeate the margins
of manuscripts belonging to noble readers. Another example of a tile
motif, found in Ghent, displays mermaids and mermen with armor and
shields.61 Awareness of this process of re-appropriation raises the question
of how the same themes were understood by different kinds of audiences
in different kinds of places.
In the span of Henricuss career at Ter Doest, the Bible may have been
completed during the abbacies of either Nicholas Cleywaert (12581273),
who was versed in law and sponsored the construction of a canal along an
ancient road to Bruges with the help of the count of Flanders, or his succes-
sor, John III of Servaes (12741279), who also maintained the best relations
with the princes of his time.62 A third possibility is the short but successful
tenure of William III of Hemme (127985), who built a refectory and dor-
mitory and reconstructed the church and, thus, was the patron of the physi-
cal places in which this Bible was probably read and viewed.63
The monks of the Abbey of Ter Doest had drained the land north of
Bruges (close to the seaport at Damme), raised enormous herds of sheep, and
had also become wealthy through the production of wool.64 Thus, the parch-
ment for the Bible, as well as numerous other works by Henricus and the Ter
Doest scriptorium, was readily available and of a high quality.65 By the end
of the thirteenth century, Ter Duinen Abbey held 10,560 hectares, and it is
estimated that the domain of Ter Doest was not much smaller than that.66
The Bible also could have been a gift to the abbey. Such exchanges were not
unusual for Ter Doest. For example, the canons of Saint Donatian in Bruges,
which included a nephew of the countess of Flanders, gave the abbey numer-
ous manuscripts of theological literature.67
Looking at the surviving manuscripts from Ter Doest and Ter Duinen
abbeys provides another way to view the significance of marginal images
within the visual and literate culture of the monastery. Some of these refer-
ence works were rubricated and sometimes illuminated, echoing the broader
developments in learning influenced by the university in Paris. One manu-
script, Monaldus of Istrias Summa de jure canonico, is the first handbook
of penance to be alphabetized, and the collaboration of two hands of the
Dampierre group is evident in the foliated initials and margins.
DISORDER IN CANON LAW
Manuscripts intended for reference became more common in the thirteenth

century and varied from papal decretals, to penitential manuals, to encyclo-
pediaall of which were increasingly produced book forms following the
Fourth Lateran Council of 1215. Surviving manuscripts from the Abbey of
Ter Doest, now located in libraries in Bruges, number around 150; some of
these originally belonged to Ter Duinen, the library of which was merged
with Ter Doest in the seventeenth century. Among the twelfth-century man-
uscripts are a Bible, numerous copies of Jeromes commentaries, and several
writings of Bernard of Clairvaux and Gregory the Great. The inventory of
thirteenth-century copies is impressive, with several manuscripts each by
such authors as Bede, Isidore of Seville, Bonaventura, Ambrose, Stephen
Langton, Hugh of Saint Cher, Augustine, Hugh of Saint Victor, and Peter
Comestor.68 Among these is a rare illuminated copy of the Summa de jure
canonico, originally compiled by the Franciscan Monaldus of Capo dIstria
(d. 1285) some time before 1274.
Illuminated by the Dampierre group, a cross-section of the repertoire
can be seen in the marginal figures of the Monaldus Summa, which is now
in Bruges at the Grootseminarie, MS 45/144.69 Whereas such material in
the past had been ordered by logic, Monalduss organization introduced the
alphabetical arrangementa first for a handbook of penance. Dating roughly
to 128090, the illuminated letters and borders correlate with the dating of
other manuscripts belonging to the abbey, especially the Ter Duinen Tabulae
variae super jus canonicum illuminated in Bruges in 1283.70
The use of the Tabulae and Summa in a Cistercian library may con-
tribute to what can be known about the education of monks in this period.
Influenced by the universities, the approach to learning was shifting from
the old contemplative, spiritual process of the monastic lectio to a more
aggressive academic one in which priests and scholars sought to mine bibli-
cal, patristic, and classical originalia for materials to use in their preaching
and teaching.71 The ordering of reference texts marked with large illumi-
nated initials or miniatures resulted from this new relationship with the text.
The profane motifs connected to the Summas alphabetical letters seem to
contrast with the Latin letters of the canon law.
Twelve of sixteen folios with large foliated or inhabited initials, rang-
ing from four to six lines in height, contain marginal images on the frames
and ascenders. According to Stones, the painters of the BnF-Yale Vulgate
Arthur collaborated on this commission: the author portrait on the first folio
is painted by the first hand, and the borders resemble those of the second
Figure 9. Prologue, Monaldus of Istria, Summa de jure canonico (Bruges, Archief

Grootseminarie, MS 45/144), fol. 2r.
hand, who worked mainly in the Dampierre Psalter and the Yale Lancelot
(fig. 9).72 Additionally, many of the 217 folios contain two-line initials with
cameos of knights, ladies, and priests alternating with pen-flourished initials
of the same letter category.73 The manuscript is 30.7 x 20.7 cm., which is
modest in size compared to the Henricus Bible (44 cm.) or the BnF-Yale
Vulgate Arthur (49 cm.) but larger than psalters and books of hours.
The opening initial to the Summa contains a portrait of the author
at his desk compiling his handbook of penance (fig. 9). Seated on a bench
with a lectern and gesturing to a ruled exemplum, the author wears a
voluminous blue robe, but his full tonsure and shaggy chin resemble the
numerous images of Saint Francis depicted in BnF latin 1076. As in the
majority of manuscripts with marginalia, the opening folio contains the
greatest number of marginal motifs. Excluding the winged serpent at the
base of the authors bare feet, eight popular motifs occupy the horizontal
and vertical margins of the bordering baguettes and pinwheels. A total of
twenty marginal motifs on eleven illuminated folios constitute a typical
repertoire for the group. Eight themes are based on hunting, six are based
on music, and two vignettes of each decorate the opening folio. Several
musical models, like the hare playing the psaltery (fol. 58v) and the bugle
blown with a waving pennon (fol. 25v),74 appear as well in the psalters
and the BnF-Yale Vulgate Arthur by the same hands. The motif of apes
trapping birds is also standard to many manuscripts by the group, espe-
cially placed beneath a column of text or across the top or bottom borders
framing both columns.
Only one of the alphabetical initials in the remaining manuscript con-
tains a figural composition. It occurs in the sixth quire, which is the heaviest
in decoration after the first, and contains an archer and a viol player wearing
gilded tunics in its margins. Similar to the initial for the book of Isaiah in the
Henricus Bible, an ape carrying a shield rides the back of a winged dragon
into whose mouth the ape plunges a sword. The dragon forms the shape of
the letter Y for Yconomus, based on the Greek for economy (fig. 10). The let-
ter Y does not begin words in Latin, but it was used for words based in the
Greek, so the initials unusual shape was conducive to the repertoires com-
position. Although the text is highly abbreviated, the subject is rubricated
and repeated in full three times. The apes shield bears the arms of Flanders,
a black lion rampant on a field of gold. The arms of Flanders were like the
golden arches of their day; the shield was a clear sign of the nobility, the
count, and the jurisdictioni.e., the economic power. Although the count of
Flanders largely supported the Abbeys of Ter Duinen and Ter Doest, accord-
ing to archival records, he was also the source of strife, especially financial.75
The combination of the heraldic sign (le signe) with the ape (le singe) in the
textual instruction on economics was certainly significant to the monastic
readers point of view.76
Figure 10. Yconomus, Monaldus of Istria, Summa de jure canonico (Bruges, Archief
Grootseminarie, MS 45/144), fol. 67r.
On this same folio, the initial above the Y is a smaller H, for Honores,
containing the head of an abbot. The marginal motif of the borders upper
terminal is highly recognizable and characteristic of the assistant artista
warrior in blue chain mail and a gold tunic wielding an ax against a dragon
with splayed, feather wings and a spiraled, reptilian tail. This is an extremely
common motif, perhaps best known in a religious context to symbolize the
defeat of evil. Stones uses the model to show how manuscript illuminators
exchanged the same patterns from miniature to marginal contexts.77 The
abbot secured in the letter contrasts to the violent force above, so the counts
shield on this page is not only a pattern but also signifies a relevant relation-
ship to the abbey.
Following a dearth of marginal figures for five quires, among which M,
N, and O are missing, the marginal decoration resumes on the six-line initial
S, upon which stands an ass playing lowland bagpipes (fig. 11). According to
Randalls research on sermon exempla, Mere hearers of the word are com-
pared to the music-loving ass which tramples on the harp.78 In an article on
The Ass and the Harp, the ass has an allegorical sense of being the pagan
Figure 11. Sacerdos, Monaldus of Istria, Summa de jure canonico (Bruges, Archief
Grootseminarie, MS 45/144), fol. 141v.
mind, or the carnal state versus a spiritual state, and bagpipes were connota-
tive of the sexually bawdy in medieval humor. Like the ape looking in the
mirror, the ass represents words falling on a blank state of mind. The text,
Sacerdos potest mitigare, concerns the priests mitigation of penance. Here,
the word Sacerdos is contrasted with a particularly profane motif. The use of
exempla such as this tale of the ass in the context of preaching and dispens-
ing penance to the laity underlines the choice of this image as well.
In their study on the statim invenere, or find-at-once reference texts,
Richard Rouse and Mary Rouse attribute the development of artificial find-
ing devices like alphabetization not only to formalized instruction in schools
but also to the new form of sermon, needed in an increasingly urban society
that newly challenged orthodoxy.79 Such a sermon cited a brief passage and
then elaborated on the layers of meaning to be found in it.80 The Rouses
explain that the distinction between preaching to the laity and teaching in
the classroom is largely artificial, though indispensable to a theoretical dis-
cussion. In broader educational developments, it should be kept in mind
that the masters who taught also preached, and made preaching tools; the
students they taught were being prepared to spend much of their time in the
pulpit.81
Cistercian abbots were required to send selected members of their com-
munity to university, which may in part account for the acquisition of cop-
ies of ancient and new texts in the Ter Doest and Ter Duinen abbeys in the
thirteenth century.82 In addition, abbots were responsible for the education
of the lay-brotherhood, the novices, and the regular monks. As Clark shows,
Hugh of Fouilloys Aviarium may have been developed and illustrated espe-
cially for the didactic duties of instructing the laity and conversi, but during
the thirteenth century, the status of the conversi was in decline. At Ter Doest,
for example, in 1302 and 1308 lay brothers were documented in open rebel-
lions.83 Earlier in the thirteenth century, the abbot at Ter Duinen com-
mented on the presumptuousness of the conversi and ordered the monks
at Ter Doest to curb the problem.84 The presence of a penitential manual
written by a Franciscan monk and illuminated with profane motifs in the
Cistercian library follows a tradition that uses images to communicate Latin
texts to the laity.
During the thirteenth century, the needs of the collective intellectual
community shaped the scholarly tools used by influential monastic librar-
ies increasingly acquiring works of reference.85 Many marginal motifs echo
the themes of sermon exempla for purposes of erudition as well as parody.
As Randall argues, moreover, the marginalia often function like sermon
exempla in their supportive roles as visual gloss or moral anecdote.86 Because
marginalia appear in works of reference such as encyclopedia, the ways they

could operate for the reader can be explored in three different styles from
the Flemish-Artesian region. These processes are examined in the fifth and
sixth chapters on illustrated encyclopedia. The following chapters explore the
development of the marginal repertoire in the context of manuscripts illumi-
nated by the Dampierre group for patrons in the Flemish court.
Chapter Three
Luxury Psalters by the Dampierre Group
By the last decades of the thirteenth century, Flemish-Artesian illuminators

were working with an established repertoire of marginal images, especially
in the devotional manuals intended for courtly audiences. Although artists
repeated models, variations in detail, composition, and juxtaposition con-
tributed to the uniqueness of each individual commission. In the psalters
of the Dampierre group, marginal images accompany each chapter of the
Psalms, lending to a high density of images per quire. According to the codi-
cological structures of quires, clusters of images and associations of themes
across bifolia reveal the processes of choice and placement from the perspec-
tive of production. This method can reveal as much about artistic choices
as the search for possible text and image relationships that are more often
the exception than the rule.1 Since the provenance of each of the psalters in
the Dampierre group is poorly documented, studying the images and their
physical relationships to each other helps distinguish the customized aspects
of each manuscript on its own terms.
The Psalter of Guy of Dampierre was likely made for the count of
Flanders some time around 127585. The Margaret the Black Psalter (H. P.
Kraus, cat. 75, no. 88), a similar manuscript painted by another hand of the
Dampierre group, has been connected to the counts mother, the Countess
Margaret the Black of Flanders and Hainault.2 These two luxury manu-
scripts are made to address a courtly audience, so the marginalia is interpreted
in terms of the historical contexts of the Flemish court. Modern tracing of
the manuscripts provenances is based on heraldry in the frames and margins.
Subsequent owners have repainted some of the devices, but the combination
of several intact shields points to the house of Flanders. Another psalter con-
tains two Flemish coats of arms but fewer idiosyncratic motifs from the rep-
ertoire. Henceforth called the Franciscan Psalter, BnF latin 1076 was painted
along with a Book of Hours, Marseilles, Bibliothque municipale, MS 111,
45
by the principal painter of the BnF-Yale Vulgate Arthur, linked through her-
aldry to William of Termonde, Guy of Dampierres second son.3 The Fran-
ciscan Psalters marginal images stress piety and sainthood, pointing to the
religious dedication of an as yet unidentified noble woman.
Alison Stones emphasizes extreme caution in assigning patronage based
on heraldry alone.4 While the specific owner of these manuscripts cannot be
absolutely determined, scholars can understand an audience for illuminated
books among the Flemish nobility whose secular possessions, including
clothing, properties, and romances, and whose social values, regarding sta-
tus, power, and inheritance, are implicated by the marginal imagery.5 In his
book on the Luttrell Psalter, Michael Camille emphasizes the marginal space
as a site for the self-referentiality of the reader, especially where heraldry is
identified; Lucy Freeman Sandler agrees in her state-of-the field article that
Marginal heraldry is the portraiture and sometimes the group portraiture
of the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century.6 In the Flemish psalters,
the physical clustering of marginalia in quires supports the importance of
heraldry in combination with border motifs.
Whether illuminated manuscripts were more objectified than actually
used for reading words letter-by-letter poses a problem in defining the terms
of reception, especially during the shift from public, oral recitation to pri-
vate, silent reading.7 Rather than piecemeal words or parts of words as a pos-
sible connection for every image, this chapter is used to explore how images
relate to one another visually and thematically during the production phase.
Individual psalm verses are brought to bear when and if there appears to be a
connection, but the Latin literacy of a bookmaker or a book owner remains a
largely unknown factor. In focusing on the underlying support of the manu-
scripts, the codicology, my intervention is largely experimental but demon-
strates how elements were varied and transposed to personalize the luxury
commissions. Examining the sheets of parchment, the spreads of bifolia, and
the gathered quires provides formal evidence for the choices of motifs and
the circumstances of production. Thumbing through the bound codex, the
viewer engages a variety of marginal figures with golden accents that interact
with the main divisions, play off one another, and frame the text.
PSALTER OF MARGARET THE BLACK, COUNTESS OF

FLANDERS AND HAINAULT
The attribution of the Psalter, which passed twice through H. P. Kraus book-
sellers, to the ownership of Margaret the Black, Countess of Flanders and
Hainault, is based on its inclusion of the arms of Flanders and Hainault,
since she was the only figure to rule the two neighboring counties.8 They are,
respectively, or a lion rampant sable and or three chevrons sable. The margina-
lia reproduced in H. P. Krauss catalog include the typical acrobats balancing
gilded objects and animals playing musical instruments, such as a hare with a
psaltery, an ape with a pipe-organ, and so forth. These single marginal figures
stand on or near the grotesque-head terminals of heavy baguette borders.
The catalog entry emphasizes that white cameo heads in the initials open-
ing each psalm are mainly filled with contemporary ladies, and a few men,
which is an especially charming feature of the psalter intended for the use of
a lady.9 Although the manuscript was rebound out of sequence in the sev-
enteenth century, it contains several important motifs that reappear together
in the Dampierre Psalter.10 Assuming that gatherings of twelve folios, like
the two psalters discussed later in this chapter, possibly remain intact, two
motifsheraldry and merpeopleare clustered together.
The patronage of this manuscript is underlined by the marginalia, espe-
cially in terms of heraldry. The figure of Saint Margaret, the owners name-
sake, emerges from a grotesques belly on fol. 196r. Granted, the saint was
popular in the area and appeared often in objects made for women. Six folios
earlier (fol. 190v), however, and likely in the same quire as the saint, a noble
lady with a fish tail, or, according to Lilian Randall, a merman as knight
holds a standard bearing the arms of Hainault.11 The combination of her-
aldry and merpeople occurs again in another gathering containing the arms
of Flanders; this time a canine holds the arms. On fol. 40v, a red fox carries
in its forepaws a standard bearing the lion rampant. On fol. 34r, possibly
in the same quire, the tail of a merman forms the terminal of a border. He
wears an arming cap and balances a spear on his chin like the many jongleurs
in manuscripts by the Dampierre group.12
A noblewoman kneeling with a pet dog on fol. 80v was possibly used
to refer to the patroness.13 This type of figure, or the patron image of a kneel-
ing nobleman, often reflects the gender of the intended owner, if known.
The arms of Flanders are also included on a shield inside the initial on fol.
103v, but the context of neighboring images is unknown. Facing each other
on fols. 163v and 164r, a merman plays a harp and a mermaid dances. Twice
more, mermaids appear with musical instrumentsa pipe and a bagpipe
(fols. 69v and 174r).14 These images are divorced from their original context
in the rebound manuscript itself and in the subject listings of Randalls index,
but the possible associations of heraldry, merpeople, simians, and canines are
supported by similar groupings in the quires of the Dampierre Psalter.15
What can be known of these illuminators is based on style alone. The
concept of an itinerant workshop practice or apprenticeship should be kept
in mind, since artists stemming from the same group appear in manuscripts
from Bruges to Boulogne.16
The catalog entry describes the stylistic characteristics of the earlier
Margaret the Black Psalter as more delicate and elegant than that of the next
generations manuscripts. The pointed toes and elbows on slender figures con-
trast with the curly-haired, heavier-contoured, stubby styleboth of which
appear throughout the margins of the Dampierre Psalter. The style of the lat-
ter appears with that of the master of the Dampierre group in the BnF-Yale
Vulgate Arthur, the deluxe romance connected to the Dampierre family. The
master illuminator also completed a fully decorated Psalter-Hours, likely for
a noblewoman dedicated to the Franciscan Order. Observing the codicologi-
cal contexts of the marginalia shared, and not shared, in these three texts
the counts psalter, a Franciscan psalter, and the romancebrings the terms
of both production and reception to bear on the imagery.
PSALTER OF GUY OF DAMPIERRE, COUNT OF FLANDERS
The Royal Library of Belgiums Psalter has long been associated with Guy
of Dampierre, Count of Flanders, because of the inclusion of the arms of
Flanders on shields in the frames of the prefatory cycle as well as on marginal
figures. Some of the heraldry was painted over, and the oxidization of silver
and white lead pigments has ruined others. But the general acceptance of
this patronage and the dating of the manuscript are supported by the luxury
quality of the tiny psalter and its relationship to manuscripts with marginalia
owned by members of Guys family, including the psalter for his mother,
Countess Margaret, and the Vulgate Arthur connected to his son, William
of Termonde. Based on the arms of the counts sons and Flemish nobles,
Camille Gaspar and Frdric Lyna dated the manuscript to 128097 because
it lacks the arms of Countess Margaret (d. 1280) and Saint Louis in the cal-
endar.17 Livia Stijns proposed earlier alternative dates between 126675, but
Guy assumed his county seat in 1278 when the shield of Flanders became
his.18 Since many of the blazons have been re-treated, Stones suggests that
the compromise date around ca. 127585 should be based on style rather
than heraldry.19 This range includes the significant title change in Guy of
Dampierres biography.
Joseph Destre identified the escutcheons on the framing corners of the
full-page miniatures in 1890 with only summary descriptions of the margi-
nalia.20 Gaspar and Lyna, in the 1937 catalog, published a fair description
of the marginalia and identified more shields, those of Bruges and Ghent
among them.21 L. M. J. Delaiss also examined this psalter for an exhibition
catalog and notes the cycle for the full-page illuminations, but he alludes
to the marginal decoration as a masterpiece, whose symbolism is pleas-
antly whimsical, and shows an excellent sense of humor.22 These scholars
use the same opening, fols. 149v-150r, to illustrate one aspect of marginal
humorthe topsy-turvy theme of the hunters hunted by hares.23 Despite
their appreciation for the imaginative amusement, few of these scholars have
supported the whole context of the psalters marginalia as framing an indi-
vidual commission of noble rank that probably necessitated careful organiza-
tion and planning.
The first quire of six folios contains the traditional Flemish calendar,
decorated with a cycle of the labors of the months and the zodiac scenes
typical of the region and containing themessuch as sowing seeds, cen-
taurs, and falconrythat were staples of marginalia. The next quire of
six folios contains prefatory images depicting the Life of the Virgin from
the Annunciation to the Massacre of the Innocents. The Annunciation to
the Shepherds contains subjects that were frequently used in the margins:
goats and sheep, a fox or dog, and a bagpipe player. The Flight into Egypt
and Christs Entry into Jerusalem form a typological parallel in the lobes
of the Beatus page and form a link between the prefatory cycle and the
cycle of full-page miniatures opening the major psalms.24 At the seven
major divisions, scenes from the Passion were tipped in the gathering, but
two have been excised.25 The four corners of each of the eleven full-page
miniatures contain escutcheons of Flemish nobles, resulting in forty-four
surviving shields. In addition, thirteen blazons are located in the margins
and in one initial. Because the full-page miniatures are tipped in the gath-
erings, coats of arms on these and in the prefatory quire are excluded from
table 1 enumerating the occurrence of selected motifs in the twenty quires
of text with marginalia.
Table 1. Quires 322, Psalter of Guy of Dampierre, KBR MS 10607

Quire: 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22
Psalm: 1 26 38 52* 68 80 97 109
Arms 1 1 1 3 2 1 1 1 1 1
Mermaid 1 2 1 1 1
Ape 1 1 1 1 1 1
Fox 2 2
Devil 3 1
*Includes historiated initial for Psalm 51.
Figure 12. Psalm 52, Dampierre Psalter (Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, MS
10607), fol. 84v.
The quires containing the most psalm initials, especially historiated

initials to the major psalms, tend to contain more marginal images, whereas
quires with longer psalms, aside from Psalm 118, are sparsely decorated (table
1). The initial B of the Beatus page is used to set the tone and is surrounded by
four animalsincluding a lion, a nut-eating squirrel, a bill-clattering crane,
and a collared dogwhile two men in gold tunics fight with swords and
bucklers in the bas-de-page. The historiated initials beginning the major divi-
sions contain the martyrdoms of saints (fig. 12)an unusual feature com-
pared to contemporary psalter cycles, the majority of which are illustrated by
scenes of King David.26 The initials are accompanied by marginal figures in
the upper, lower, and side margins of the text. For example, the martyrdom
of Saint John is accompanied by figures of Herod, Salome, and a harpie as
Salomes mother, which, as Madeline Caviness notes in Reframing Medieval
Art, are used to illustrate negative exempla on the wiles of women.27
The quires for major Psalm divisions tend to be the most heavily illumi-
nated, but this is not always the rule (e.g. quires 7 and 12). Throughout, the
manuscript is sumptuously painted. Each verse begins on a new line with a sin-
gle initial alternating in gold, blue, and red. Line-endings, which are painted,
flourished, or sometimes attached to a marginal figure, fill the remainder of
each verses line. Marginal figures do not occur on every page but rather in
conjunction with the polychromatic and gilded four-line initials dividing the
minor psalms. Interlaced foliage and dragons, some hybrid grotesques, fill over
one hundred of these initials with gold backgrounds. Continuing the practice
in the Margaret the Black Psalter and the Monaldus Summa, fifty-seven initials
contain busts of types in society, such as the knight, the lady, and the priest,
as well as other isolated figures, like birds and falcons.28 These busts resemble
the polychrome bosses and corbels that decorated the interiors of noble and
patriciate residences of the same period.29
Anthropomorphic initials for the letter I also raise the hierarchy of dec-
oration in a whole quire. Quite often, an initial or a line-ending is composed
of a mermaid and twice a merman is depicted with a musical instrument.30
Other profane elements, such as musicians, jongleurs, and nudes, were used
for the I-initials in this manuscriptincluding a woman with a psaltery (fol.
23r) and a naked, bald, and tailed jester playing a gittern (fig. 13). Treated
like full-length borders in the vertical margin, these I-initials were included
in Randalls index of marginal motifs because they are the border-oriented
patterns of the repertoire.31
In Reframing Medieval Art, Caviness employs a statistical method to
inventory the minutia of marginalia and to compare lavish devotional books
made for male and female patrons. The hounds, hares, stringed instruments,
Figure 13. Psalm 42, Dampierre Psalter (Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, MS
10607), fol. 71r.
blowing horns, and even the foliage are accounted for and measured in
relation to other devotional manuscripts intended for men and those
intended for women. Caviness concludes that two points can be shown:
motifs of fecundity are abundant in books for brides, while female grotesques
are proportionately more numerous in books for men. Caviness attributes
the latter to a didactic function used to remind the reader of the dangers of
illicit heterosexual activity.32 In particular, mermaids in mens books imply
rational restraint and literacy, for the temptation of the flesh is thwarted by
an assumed knowledge of the text (and consideration of their tails).33 For
the Dampierre Psalter, the number of boys and young men is unusually large,
numbering sixty, compared to the next highest number of forty-nine in a
much later psalter for Bonne of Luxembourg. The count had eight sons and
eight daughters from both marriages and eventually eighteen grandsons from
the first marriage alone.34 The concerns of this male patron were probably
not about childbirth, as Caviness illustrates with the devotional books for
women, but about hereditary interests in territorial power and ties to the
nobility that informed the perception of certain kinds of marginal figures.
Codicological analysis places the choice of motifs in terms of the lay-
out of the manuscript by the arrangement of quires, or gatherings, of twelve
folios each. As Jeanne of Montbaston illustrated in the margin of a Roman
de la Rose, bifolia were painted separately, one side at a time.35 In the work-
shop, the quires were likely collated in some fashion to keep the hair side
facing hair side and flesh side facing the flesh sidea nearly unwavering
practice in book production: either the bifolia were already cut and loosely
bound or a single sheet of parchment may have been folded and ruled, but
the edges were not yet cut.36 The latter makes sense when considering the
minute proportions of the manuscript (107x78 mm.), and perhaps many
more devotional books can be considered in this way.
To offer a view of the bifolia before collation and suggest thematic rela-
tionships among images in the psalters, the tables are designed to show each
quire as two sides of a pre-folded sheet of parchment (e.g. table 2). The Paris
method of folding, which divides a sheet of parchment into three by four
pages, is followed rather than the Oxford method, which divides into two by
six pages.37 As Lon Gilissen illustrates in the construction of gatherings, dif-
ferent folding directions result in different neighboring bifolia.38 Despite the
method or direction of folding, in a duodecimo gathering the first two bifolia
(fols. 112 and 211), the inner bifolia (fols. 310 and 49), and the cen-
tral bifolia (fols. 58 and 67) are always neighbored. Another practice was to
collate quaternions, or two bifolia connected along one edge to make four
folios.39 In the tables for quires each column represents the outer, inner, and
Table 2. Distribution of marginal images on side B of quire 7, Dampierre Psalter,

KBR MS 10607, fols. 62r-73v
Three Quaternions (each with two bifolia)
Outer quaternion Inner quaternion Central quaternion
(bifol. 1) (bifol. 4) (bifol. 5)
Folio: 62v. bust of knight *65r. Ps. 38, St. Martin; 66v. serpent and dog
male with gittern kissing heads
female dancer
73r. 70v. 69r.

Folio: 72v. 71r. I: naked, bald, tailed 68v. gray dog
jester with gittern; male
dancer
63r. 64v. 67r.

*Indicates location of tipped-in full-page miniature, now missing.
central quaternions, and every row represents a folio attached to its bifolium.
Lacking evidence for original folding directions, the neighboring of bifolia
across the quaternion columns reflects only one of several possibilities for a
pre-cut sheet of parchment. The pairs of bifolia in quaternions, however, rep-
resent a natural grouping if the illuminator approached them in any sequence,
whether in the form of bifolia, quaternions, folded sheets, or loose quires.
A basic example of this methods utility can be found in the seventh
quire (table 2).40 The naked, bald jester playing a gittern fills the I-initial of
Psalm 42 (fig. 13) in the same quire as the major Psalm 38, the initial of which
contains an image of Saint Martin sharing his cloak with a partly bandaged
and crippled man (fol. 65r). The military saint appears as a youthful, noble
bachelor on horseback angling his sword to divide his cloak. Formerly a
chancellor to King Louis IX of France, Pope Martin IV was invested in 1281,
which corresponds closely to the time frame of this manuscripts production.
The jongleur in the proximate I-initial for Iudica me dues (Judge me, O God)
may parody the justice of the sword with an Englishmans tail, or the authority
of the popes tiara with a tall, striped cone hat. Despite the several folios
between them, the themes of the two large initials were painted in the same
quaternion and on the same side of parchment. The lower margins of both
pages contain jongleurs in gilt garments, while the remaining marginalia in the
quire are composed of small animals and grotesques. The tipped-in tab from
the insertion of the full-page miniature that originally faced the historiated
initial on fol. 65r is also found at fol. 71r containing the I-initial. Similar to
the cathartic blend of fleshly bodies and avian motifs in the Henricus Bibles
initials, the contrast of a naked jongleur and a saints largesse seems to generate
a theme of salvation.41 Both folios stand out in the quire with larger initials in
which full figures of the equestrian and the minstrel, as well as gilded dancers,
engage the readers social status and richesse.
Thinking in terms of groups of folios during the making of the Damp-
ierre Psalter, several thematic and formal connections can be found to sup-
ply meaningful contexts for the arms of Flemish nobles. As demonstrated
through table 1, relationships among the motifsparticularly mermaids,
apes, canines, and shieldsconnected in the Henricus Bible and the Marga-
ret the Black Psalter can be suggested as templates or clusters.
Although the shield with the lion rampant was common in the visual
repertoires of Flemish craftsmen, its prominent placement and repetition in
the margins exhibit a high degree of customization.42 Many of the quires
receiving the most illumination also contain figures holding arms of Flemish
nobles. Whether these figures were used to refer to particular nobles or have
been reworked, the inclusion of arms can be used to intimate noble rank to
the reader, making the marginal space a site of self-referentiality, to bor-
row Camilles phrasing.43 The twelve shields in the margins of the psalms are
not insignificant, so the context of neighboring imagery can supplement an
understanding of these artistic choices. Looking at a listing of the marginal
motifs sharing quires with shields in them makes it clear that the merpeople,
the ape, and the fox continued to be staples of the customizable repertoire.
The quire that drew my attention to the problem of planning contains
particularly Flemish motifs treated separately in two articles by Randall. The
thirteenth quire, in addition to the two quires flanking it, contains neither her-
aldry nor apes (tables 3a-3b).44 The nesting-eggs motif on fol. 130r and the
music-playing ass on fol. 130v were not placed in context with each other (i.e.,
as on the same page) when Randall wrote about the political slander of the for-
mer or the sources in sermon exempla for the latter.45 In these articles, Randall
links the fool hatching eggs to a pejorative slander against English royalty and
the ass playing a viol to sermons by Jacques of Vitry as representing the blank
state of mind. The nearby verse on the recto (Psalm 81:3) proclaims justice for
the humble and the poor, perhaps paralleling the foolish figures cowl and his
lack of pants. The poor, who know nothing, understand nothing, and walk
Table 3a. Distribution of marginal images on side A of quire 13, Dampierre

Psalter, KBR MS 10607, fols. 129r-139v
Folio: 129r. Ps. 80, Martyr- 132v. 132 bis r. woman
dom of St. Stephen; with distaff hitting
St. Peter, rooster, fox
border hybrids kiss-
ing, female serpent
139v. 136r. M: 2 birds; 135v

hoopoe
Folio: 138r. 137v. 134r. seated hermit

bitten by line-end-
ing serpent
130v. ass playing viol 131r. 133v.
Table 3b. Distribution of marginal images on side B of quire 13, Psalter of Guy of
Dampierre, KBR MS 10607, fols. 129v-139r
Folio: 129v. 132r. Q: owl; border 132 bis v.
archer shooting stag
139r. 136v 135r

Folio: 138v. 137r. 134v. man harvesting
grapes in basket
130r. D: bust of youth; 131v. 133r. I: female dancer
fool nesting eggs and on bagpiper clasps
holding one up to hands with border
sun-disk male, silver bell
in darkness, continue to be lamented on the verso, so the placement of the

viol-playing ass here applies the sense of the sermon exemplum.
The act of holding an egg up to a sun-disk could also refer to the verse
on false justice, Psalm 81:2, How long will you judge unjustly and accept
the persons of the wicked? Contemporary proverbs regarding the handling
of eggs often implied hypocrisy, foolishness, and ineptitude, and Randall
found a possible association of the motif with the tails of Englishmen in
contemporary poetry.46 The politics of the count of Flanders were squeezed
between the French and English monarchs, as well as the social factions of
the Leliarts, composed mainly of patricians loyal to the fleur-de-lis of France,
and the Clauwaerts, composed mainly of the artisans loyal to the lion ram-
pant of Flanders.47 The use of a profane jibe to accompany a text of warn-
ing against false allies and on protecting his subjects was perhaps a fitting
exemplum for the patron, but the quire lacks heraldry to identify the reader,
except for the escutcheons on the tipped-in full page miniature. Perhaps neg-
ative associations with signs specific to the nobility were necessarily avoided
in this cluster of marginal images of proverbs and fables.
The immediate context of the thirteenth quire can also be considered
in terms of the historiated initial for Psalm 80 and the remaining margina-
lia consisting of animals. In her discussion on the symbolism of the eggs,
Randall does not note the physical proximity of the previous folio contain-
ing the historiated initial of the major Psalm 80 showing the Stoning of
Saint Stephen.48 The stones and eggs visually echo each other and perhaps
tie the visual theme of violence with the textual theme of the peccatorum,
or the wicked, twice admonished in the text of Psalms 81:24 next to the
motif. Depicted with stones in the initial, the wicked are not mentioned in
the praises of Psalm 80 or echoed by that folios marginalia.
In the margins of Psalm 80, an elderly figure with a cloak on his arm,
Saint Peter, faces a rooster, the emblem of his denial, across the text. This large
bird is not the only one in the quire; one bifolium contains an owl, two birds
in an initial M, and a hoopoe in the margin (fols. 132r and136r). Although
Psalm 83:4 describes the tabernacle as the swallows nest, that avian motif is
found twice elsewhere in the margins of the psalter. The initial opening chap-
ter 83 contains an owl, and in the margins an archer aims its arrow at a stag
crouching on the top corner of the initial. Another motif in this quire, part
of which can also be found on the opening folio of the Henricus Bible, is the
housewife with a distaff beating a fox (fol. 132bis r).49 Whereas the housewife
was absent from the former model, the coq is absent from this model in the
psalter. If the motifs were composed on a pre-cut sheet of parchment, the
chased fox would occur on the same side of the parchment as Saint Peters
rooster, the ass, and the hoopoe (table 3a). As a copied model, the rooster can
be connected to other themes in the quire: the repetition of birds, the fable
of the fox, and the barnyard allegories for the foolish or vacant state of mind,
including the nesting of eggs and the music-playing ass.
Three of the most idiosyncratic motifs in the Dampierre group reper-
toirethe thieving fox, the musical ass, and the fool nesting eggsfill the
thirteenth quire. If these themes were not conceived on a continuous sheet
of parchment, it remains possible that separate bifolia were not necessarily
painted in the order of the text; therefore, clusters of images within a quire
could result from associations to other specifications set for the program of illu-
minationincluding historiated initials and border elements. The collection
of barnyard exempla together in a quire was directed toward the amusement
and edification of the intended viewer, probably despite his level of literacy
as a reader. Marginal images featuring heraldry, therefore, can be examined
within quires to highlight both production and patronage contexts.
The escutcheons around the first prefatory miniature of the Dampierre
Psalter depicting the Annunciation contain the arms of Guy of Dampierre and
three of his sons: Robert of Bthune, William of Termonde, and Baudouin
of Dampierre. The arms of the count and the eldest sons appear together at
Table 4a. Distribution of marginal images on side A of quire 8, Dampierre Psalter,

KBR MS 10607, fols. 74r-85v
Folio: 74r. jongleur playing 77v. 78r. A: lady head with
bellows with crutch veil; hare
85v. D: bust of lady 82r. head terminals 81v.

wearing garland;
peacock
Folio: 84r. 83v. Ps. 51, King 80r. bust of knight

David and devil
75v. D: male youth 76r 79v

profile; hare
Table 4b. Distribution of marginal images on side B of quire 8, Psalter of Guy of

Dampierre, KBR MS 10607, fols. 74v-85r
Folio: 74v. 77r. border devil with 78v.

fork and border canine
with bagpipes
85r. 82v. 81r.
Folio: 84v. Ps. 52, Martyrdom 83r. 80v.

of St. Peter; shields of
Dampierre and two
sons, male youth forc-
ing spear
75r. 76v. large white dog 79r.

with spear
another important juncture in the psalter over the initial opening Psalm 52
(fig. 12).50 The initial contains the Crucifixion of Saint Peter; in the upper
left margin of the page, the three gold shields with the lion rampantthe
lower two cadenced with a label gules and a bend gulesappear in a triangular
formation among the borders vines. Below, a youth spears the throat of a
serpent while another grotesque bites his rear end from the line-ending. The
placement of the arms near Saint Peter could be used to suggest a connection
to the powerful Abbey of Saint Peters in Ghent, an early burial site for the
counts of Flanders.51 The third verse, the children of men, may inform the
inclusion of arms above as well as the youth below. A noble reader would be
well warned against the corrupted and abominabletwo words framed by
the historiated initial, the serpent line-ending, and the youths spear.
The construction of the eighth quire around the historiated initials for
Psalms 5152 is particularly instructive for the working methods of the artist
(tables 4a-4b). The small historiated initial for Psalm 51, depicting David
conversing with a devil, is painted on the folio preceding Saint Peter in Psalm
52. On the other side of the bifolium are two border devils, one with horns
60
Illuminating the Borders of Northern French and Flemish Manuscripts
Figure 14. Psalms 46-47, Dampierre Psalter (Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, MS 10607), fols. 76v-77r.
and a fork and the other with fur and bagpipes (fig. 14).52 On the facing
folio (fol. 76v), a tall white canine beast with human legs and feet holds
a spear upright, the throat-piercing weapon in the bas-de-page of Psalm 52
located on the previous bifolium. The three pages with the three shields and
three canine devils are bound so that they are separated by the two central
bifolia, but they share the same side of pre-cut parchment.
The arms of Flanders were previously associated with a canine fox in
the Margaret the Black Psalter. In the eighth quire of the Dampierre Psalter,
the association of motifs across folios subtly implicates the patron. First the
iconography of the canine devils does not echo the texts of Psalms 4647,
which are songs of praise and, if text were a factor, might otherwise suggest
musicians as in the previous quire with Psalm 39.53 One can draw the asso-
ciation of the creatures together, in addition to the folios facing each other,
based on the contemporary sermon mtaphores by Ranulphe of la Houblon-
nire, who preached in Paris in 127273. In the index to his Distinctiones,
the dog, wolf, fox, and molosse (large working dog) are repeatedly referred to
as the diable (devil).54 Compared to the noble qualities of the horse, the dog
was characterized by the weakest faults.55 The three hybrid devils in the bor-
ders of fols. 76v-77r have the canine characteristics of large cusses or molosses.
To the planner or illuminator, the same number of arms and devils may cast
the comital household in a negative light that was suppressed in the folded
pages. Trade guilds in the towns of Flanders revolted against Guy and Robert
in 128081, making the association possibly a subversive one.56 To the reader
of the psalter, however, the bond visualized between the comital family and
Saint Peters protection positions the three devils as potential adversaries.
In the ninth quire, which follows the one just outlined, heraldry and
canines are also included in the margins. Two fables of the fox precede a bifolium
with the arms of Flanders held by a bearded herm with a sword (fol. 89r) and
the arms of Mortaigne held by a knight fighting a lion (fol. 94r). Below the arms
of Flanders the familiar jongleur of the repertoire balances a chalice and stick
on his mouth. Mortaigne was frequently named in the counts retinue, and the
shield reappears in the Yale Lancelot with a jousting lady (fig. 24). Also repeated
in the margins of the Yale Lancelot, the two fox fables include the fox teaching
the hare how to read (fol. 86r) and the fox tricking the raven for its cheese (fol.
88r). The story of Reynard teaching the hare to read the Credo was found only
in Flemish versions of the text, Van den Vos Reynaerde, in which the particular
posture of the fox behind the hare reading from an open page is described.57
Drawing attention to the literacy of the nobility, both of these fables were used
again in the margins of the Yale Romance to contribute to the moralistic and
Table 5a. Distribution of marginal images on side A of quire 17, Dampierre

Psalter, KBR MS 10607, fols. 178r-189v
Folio: 178r. 181v. 182r. dog or fox play-
ing bagpipes
189v. border devil 186r. owl, female ser- 185v. Crane
playing viol pent, stone thrower
Folio: 188r. border nude 187v. 184r. knight fright-

with tail, parrot ened by hare
179v. line-ending 180r. C: bust of 183v.

mermaid with mer- monk; crane
child, stag hybrid
Table 5b. Distribution of marginal images on side B of quire 17, Dampierre

Psalter, KBR MS 10607, fols. 178v-189r
Folio: 178v. D: bust of youth; 181r. 182v. I: hybrid youth
fox vs. border male blowing trumpet
wielding axe
189r. Q: bust of elder 186v. 185r. border female and
male with bells
Folio: 188v. I: knight pierces 187r. border archer 184v. L: crowned head;
sword in throat of shooting boar, fox male youth with lance
border hybrid vs. man wielding and shield vs. dragon,
fork man with bear on leash
179r. 180v. 183r. woman balancing

bowl on head
didactic functions of that manuscripts margins. Likewise, the ninth quire the
fables and shields point to spaces made for the attention of the reader.
Consisting mainly of Psalm 118, the seventeenth quire contains com-
positions of canines and heraldry like the margins of the eighth and ninth
quires (tables 5a5b). A youthful bachelor situated in the cusp of the upper
border holds a shield with an illegible blazon and points a spear against a
winged serpent (fol. 184v).58 On the lower border, a young man walks a bear
on a leash. Hunting themes continue on the same side of the parchment,
with two scenes of men battling foxes and another border archer aiming his
arrow at a boar (fols. 178v and 187r). A similar combination occurs twice
in the Yale Lancelot: a marginal boar hunt is paired beneath a border herm
with a shield and spear. Records for the organized hunts of Flemish nobles,
including Guy of Dampierre, document the expense of the courtly pursuit.59
Wearing arming caps or sporting curly hair, such hunters add to the numer-
ous male youths found in the margins of the Dampierre Psalter, perhaps
emphasizing the progeny of the comital family.
A favorite parody of the nobility is the motif of the knight frightened
by the hare, which appears on the recto of the page with the bachelors shield.
Personifying Cowardice in the Virtues and Vices cycle (fol. 184r), the motif
parodies the knights military acumen with the prey of the hunt.60 If the hare
connoted female genitalia, and the projecting sword male genitalia, then the
parody extends to the lustful relations implied in courtly love. On the pre-
vious folio (fol. 183r), in the same position as the knight and on the same
side of the bifolium as the bachelors shield, a woman carries on her head a
rounded kettle, which according to Caviness connotes fecundity.61 Another
bifolium, fols. 179v-188r, includes a gilded border with a naked, tailed, bald,
and bearded man twisting to face a mermaid holding a mer-baby across the
fold of the bifolium. Underlined by hunting motifs, these customized borders
connoting female fecundity and progeny support a reference to noble birth
with a heraldic shield on fol. 184v. As Caviness suggests in devotional books
made for men, warnings against lustful desires may be embodied in the mer-
maid, the aged, tailed nude, and the threatening rabbit, while the youthful
boys with curly hair, of which there are nine in this quire, may emphasize the
importance of sons. She points out, however, that the importance of progeny
for Guy of Dampierre likely ceased by the mid-1270s. 62
In several cases throughout the Dampierre Psalter, a heraldic shield
from the minor nobility appears near passages in the text referring to justice
and keeping the law. For example, Psalm 118:3334 concerns the obedience
to laws; the initial L of Legem is reinforced with a kings head and the shield,
albeit damaged, of the bachelor cusped in the border above the letter (fol.
184v). Next to Psalm 35:16, concerning both justice and iniquity, the arms
of the Gruthuse of Bruges appear on another youthful bachelor defeating a
serpent (fol. 58v).63 The previous Psalm 34:12 asks the Lord to take up the
shield and buckler against those who fight against me. Perhaps these shields
held by young bachelors were intended to represent local, noble families or
Flemish towns presumed loyal to Dampierre. The allegiances of the minor
nobility and towns between Guy of Dampierre and the French crown shifted
so quickly and drastically from 1280 to 1300 that the possible reception of
specific shields and nearby text would likely shift as well.64 If these shields
indeed refer to the minor nobility within the counts jurisdiction, the youth-
ful bachelor is distinguished from the seignor, or lord, in these cases.65
Similarly, justice is the topic of Psalm 71 and the margin contains arms
attributed the city of Ghenta white lion rampant on a black background
(fig. 15). A youthful bachelor holds the shield and rides upon a gray ass.66
Lacking chain mail or a warhorse, his youth and heraldry mock the progeny
of a noble prince, or filio Regis, the words to which his spear points in
Psalm 71:2. While the text refers to both the sons of rulers and those who
are ruled, the youth on an ass may represent the castellan or lower nobility
of Ghent. Ghent was the county seat of the count, but its growing trade
was run by the Ghent Thirty-Nine, city aldermen who Countess Margaret
had replaced in 1275 but were restored by parliament after her abdication.67
On the same bifolium as the Ghent shield, fol. 98v, an I-initial extends over
the sixteen lines of text and is filled with a mermaid playing a viol (fig. 16).
Connected here on one bifolium, the association of heraldic shields and mer-
people shares patterns modified from the Henricus Bible and used again the
BnF-Yale Vulgate Arthur.
The bachelor riding the ass is a variation on the familiar motif of the
ape with a shield. In the fifth quire, in a composition echoing those of other
spear-bearers in the vertical margin, an ape wearing a hauberk stands with a
spear, the pennon of which is emblazoned with an orange lion rampant on
gold.68 The accompanying Psalm 24:5 concerns vindication and generations.
Again, the heraldry is associated with mermaids in the same quire. On the
central bifolium, a mermaid in an I-initial holds a fish and blows a bugle
across the horizontal margin (fol. 42v), emblems that were shown with the
only female figure in the Henricus Bible at the opening of Rutha female
with wyvern hinds rather than a fish tail. A gilded pennon waves from the
mermaids long bugle, but it bears no heraldry. In the bas-de-page, a ram butt-
ing against a board held by a man underlines the mermaid with an overtly
sexual action.69 In addition, a mermaid playing bagpipes forms the lower
Luxury Psalters by the Dampierre Group
Figure 15. Psalm 71, Dampierre Psalter (Brussels, Royal Figure 16. Psalm 65, Dampierre Psalter (Brussels, Royal
Library of Belgium, MS 10607), fol. 110v. Library of Belgium, MS 10607), fol. 98v.
65
border of fol. 48v in the same quire. If the designs were laid before cutting,
this border siren would have been painted on the same side of parchment
as the ape with a blazon. Also in the quire is the hunt of a beaver that stops
to bite its testicles. According to the bestiary, a beavers testicles were valued
medicine and thus a danger to the beaver, so likewise a right-minded man
must sever himself from sins of all kinds and throw them in the face of the
devil.70 Collectively, the bestiary motifs draw attention to the dangers of
illicit heterosexual activity.71
In the sixteenth quire, another shield is held by an ape astride a peacock
(fol. 177r) appearing opposite a figure of Jonah as the I-initial on the same page
(tables 6a-6b). The template model from the Henricus Bible is close, but in
it the ape is hooded with a cowl, has wyvern hindquarters, and grabs the fish
tail from the lower border (fig. 5). The armorial seals of Kokelare seem to be a
likely candidate for the apes blazon, but when compared to the escutcheon on
fol. 173v, the gold and azure torteaux and grounds are reversed. The Kokelare
arms may have been significant to the count in terms of his position in Bruges
Table 6a. Distribution of marginal images on side A of quire 16, Dampierre Psalter,
KBR MS 10607, fols. 165r-177v
Folio: 165r. 168v. 169r.
177v. *174r. Ps. 109, Mar- 172v.

tyrdom of St. Paul;
man trapping birds,
5 birds in border
Folio: 176r. 175v. angel blowing 171r.

trumpet
166v. 167r. 170v. angel playing

viol, swallow feed-
ing nest of young
*Excludes fol. 173v, Ascension of Christ, tipped-in full-page miniature.

Table 6b. Distribution of marginal images on side B of quire 16, Dampierre Psalter,
KBR MS 10607, fols. 165v-177r
Folio: 165v. 168r. 169v. archer aiming
at bird
177r. I: Jonah and 174v. 172r.

fish; ape with shield
astride peacock

Folio: 176v. Stag 175r. 2 hares 171v.
166r. border knight 167v. 170r.

with sword and
shield, border falconer
because both Walter IV and V were aldermen of the castellany of Bruges (1251
79 and 128895 respectively).72 Here, the tip of the apes weapon is pointed to
the word Israel in the verses of Psalm 113, emphasizing the Lords dominion.
On the next bifolium, across the fold from a crouching stag, the arms of
the Villain of Ghent, which appeared in the prefatory cycle (fol. 8v), are held
by a border-knight.73 The counts second daughter, Maria, married Simon
of Chateau-Villain after she was widowed in 1278.74 That may explain the
inclusion of this blazon and may assist in the dating if it was not tarnished.
The connection to Ghent with two possible shields is still not clear. The
significance of the armsif they correctly identify individual noblesrests
only partly on the whom of the question. As noted earlier, Guy of Dampi-
erre acquired terrestrial strength through the lucrative marriages of his many
children and with his mother pursued an aggressive policy of buying new
lands.75 Thus the arms, particularly if they are not overpainted, could be seen
in the context of the accumulation of these domains.
In the sixteenth quire, one side of the parchment contains two shields,
the Jonah initial, and themes of the hunt, including hares, birds, and the stag.
On the other side of the parchment, the major Psalm 109 is accompanied by
winged creatures: two angels, a swallow caring for its nest, and a man trapping
five birds with decoys beneath the historiated initial, which in turn faces the
tipped-in, full-page miniature illustrating the Ascension of Christ. The con-
tinuations of themes such as these across the same side of parchment in many
cases suggest that the process of illumination should be taken into account in
determining the actual and perceived significance of the selected motifs.
By focusing on the placement of the shields, attention is drawn to the
methods of a bookmaker in designing the illumination for a noble patron
as well as to the gaze of a reader in viewing the emblems. Some examples of
heraldry are connected to texts on justice, law, and vindication, which are
often accompanied by descriptions of the wicked, wrongful, and sinful. The
association of shields with shifting positive and negative images makes the
question of reception ambiguous. When pictured with apes, canines, and
mermaids, are the shields employed for parodies of sin? When pictured with
bachelors and saints, are they positioned as exemplars encouraging justice
and dynastic progeny?
Caviness distinguishes that the nobles who owned these books were not
as much patrons as they were the targets of their ideological working.76
The biography of the supposed ownerwho was widowed and remarried
between 1263 and 1265, went on Crusade in 127071, and became count in
1278may be used to provide an interpretive position for focusing primarily
on the signs of military and nobility. He was known for surrounding himself
and his court with luxuries, for which he was indebted to Lombard bankers as
well as Edward I.77 He also frequently traveled to Paris in the 1270s accom-
panied by a retinue including the troubadour, Adenet le Roi. He had sixteen
children, most of whom married local nobility and stayed in residence at roy-
als courts. Did his second wife, Isabella of Luxembourg (d. 1298), commis-
sion the manuscript for him? Or did his mother, the countess (d. 1280)? In
Guys itinerant court, how far did this little manuscript travel? Who possessed
it while Guy was in prison, or after his death in 1305? The influence and
expansion of the repertoire into other types of manuscripts also places the rich
content of the psalter within broader developments of complex workmanship
and coordination among bookmakers to customize their commissions.
Through the repeated reproduction of the topsy-turvy scene of hares
hunting the hunters on fol. 150r, the Dampierre Psalter has, in part, shaped
scholars most prominent ideas about what marginal images do in terms
of role reversals and permeating boundaries during the Gothic period.
Repeated in a margin of the Yale Vulgate Arthur, the monde renvers theme
is one idiosyncratic motif of the groups repertoire that became popular
but was, at the time, a relatively minor feature. The religious and secular
concerns reflected in the inclusion of heraldry and anti-exempla, to use an
umbrella term, may be used to provide a springboard for examining the

reframing of motifs in other contexts, especially the didactic and literary
works illuminated with the same repertoire. The third psalter addressed
in this chapter provides another use of the repertoires customization in
terms of production and patronage. This psalter is also used to focus on
the artist of the Dampierre group who is considered to be the master
painter of the BnF-Yale Vulgate Arthur.
A FRANCISCAN PSALTER FROM THROUANNE
Motifs from initials and marginalia of the Cistercian Henricus Bible were
realigned in the initials and margins of the Dampierre Psalter, but another psal-
ter contains a more piously themed program of decoration. Called the Fran-
ciscan Psalter in this study, BnF latin 1076 was illuminated by the principal
illuminator of the Dampierre group. Stones refers to this hand as the Master
Painter of the BnF-Yale Vulgate Arthur, and its traits are characterized by a
finer contour and minute proportions drawn with fluid lines as opposed to the
heavy contours and irregular proportions of the second hand.78 The palette is
also more varied, with maroons and salmon pinks applied to the margins.79
The psalter dates to the same time as the illumination of the second volume of
the Vulgate Arthur, Yale 229. Stones suggests that the master painter, having
completed the BnF volume, moved on to the illumination of this psalter, while
the assistant, or second, painterwhose hand is visible in the Dampierre
Psalterproceeded with the majority of the illumination of the Yale volume.80
The master painter is not known for depicting fables of the fox or
merpeople as his assistant is but rather for using numerous centaurs in the
margins and images from the Power of Women topos, which appear in
two manuscripts: the BnF Estoire and Arras, Muse Diocesean, MS 47, a
closely-linked psalter for the use of Throuanne.81 The latter manuscript is
incomplete, with a number of excised spaces for calendar illustrations, histo-
riated initials, and marginal figures. Another book of hours for Throuanne,
Bibliothque de Marseilles, MS 111, may have been the companion book to
the Franciscan Psalter, for they are nearly the same size (193/5 x 136/5 mm.)
and both contain nineteen lines of text per page.82
Heraldic shields in the margins of the Marseille Hours have not
been identified; the shields contain the blazons: or au chevron dazur and
azur au chevron dor charg dun autre chevron de sable surcharg de 7 billets
dor.83 These may be decorative, for another shield in the Franciscan Psal-
ter is composed of the same color scheme but does not match any blazons
listed on surviving rolls: azur a bend or a bordure engraile sable (fig. 17).84
70
Figure 17. Psalms 8485, Franciscan Psalter (Paris, Bibliothque nationale de France, MS lat. 1076), fols. 105v106r.
Also in the Marseilles Hours, an image of the patroness in prayer in the

initial of O intemerata (fol. 40r)in addition to a female figure praying in
the margins of twelve folioslends to the probability of the manuscript
being customized for a female patron.85 On one folio, the marginal image
of a patroness in prayer occurs in the lower corner of a page, while a male
patron is hoisted upon a vertical arabesque kneeling across the text from
an image of Saint Francis. Standing and displaying his stigmata within a
Gothic niche, supported by an atlantis, the full figure of the saint forms a
jamb for the I-initial (fol. 141v).86 The same figures are repeated through-
out the Franciscan Psalter.
In comparison to the abundant nudes, apes, and centaurs in the BnF-
Yale Vulgate Arthur and the Arras Psalter, the marginalia in the Franciscan
Psalter seem tame, with only three centaurs, one nude warrior, and completely
void of apes. The concentration of motifs in certain quires and across bifolia
may be used to suggest that the viewers reading was expressly shaped toward
meditation on Saint Francis with a particular emphasis on female saints and
nuns (table 7). Religious subjects rather than profane motifs dominate the
margins, further calling into question dichotomies of the sacred and profane,
or the marginal and central, when gauging the agency of marginalia.
Table 7. Quires 317, Franciscan Psalter, BnF, MS latin 1076

Quire: 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17
Psalm: 1 26 38 52* 68 80 97
Arms 2 1
Patron 1 1
Patroness 1 1 1
Saint (m) 1 1 1 1 1
Saint (f ) 1 1 1 2
St. Francis 1 3 2 4 2 1 1 3 9 4 1
Monk 1 1
Nun 1 1 1 1
Warrior 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 3
*Includes historiated initial for Psalm 51.
Includes historiated initial for Psalm 101.
Of 189 folios in the Franciscan Psalter, gathered in quires of twelve

folios, over half of the folios contain marginal figures.87 The first six folios
contain the Franciscan calendar. There are nine historiated initials at the
major divisions of the psalms and, unlike the Dampierre Psalter, there are no
full-page miniature cycles.88 The Beatus page displays a typical collection of
animal marginalia, including a hare, a bird, a pet dog, and a lion; three other
figures on the borders are characteristic of this hand: a pipe organ player,
a man wearing a wind-blown cape and holding a chalice, and a physician
herm examining a flask. Inside the psalter, the bifolia include pairs of figures
emphasizing piety or venerationparticularly in the juxtaposition of saints
and supplicants across the bas-de-page of bifolia and facing folios. Two shields
of Flanders in the same quire as Psalms 5152 possibly align the reader with
nobility or noble aspirations.
The popes and saints listed in the calendar clearly point to the psalters
intended Franciscan use. The marginal figures themselves could tell us as much.
Chanoine Leroquais lists thirty appearances of Saint Francisnine of them
appear in the margins of the fifteenth quire.89 There are eleven images of the
saint displaying the stigmata, in addition to four figures in the quire for Psalm
80 in which an image of the patron is also depicted (fig. 18).90 There are three
figures of a kneeling patroness and two figures of a kneeling patron. Although
there are more warriors waging battle, there are also four nuns praying and
reading in the margins, underlining the devotional function of the manuscript.
Several bifolia reveal that images of the supplicant, patron, or patroness
were clustered with saints. In the third quire, for example, a marginal image of
Christ bearing the cross accompanies the patroness on the other side of the same
bifolium.91 Two male saints besides Francis, Saint John the Baptist and Saint
James the Lesser, are depicted in margins near the figure of the patron. The
female saints, however, are not clustered with a patroness figure but with the
praying nun in two quires. One figure of Saint Clare of Assisi (fol. 160r), two
figures of Saint Elizabeth of Hungary (fols. 130r and 164v), and two figures of
Saint Ursula (fols. 51v and 55), in addition to a virgin head reliquary (fig. 17),
reflect the growth of female foundations across Flanders in the late thirteenth
century. The predominance of female saints and nuns in this psalters margins
points to a possible connection with a local religious foundation for women.
The I-initials in this manuscript are more often approached like a border
motif, like hybrid figures with kissing heads rather than full-frame jamb stat-
ues. On three occasions, the letter is formed by a border herm holding aloft a
gilded Gothic pinnacle that resembles the monstrance with the host held by
Saint Elizabeth of Hungary. The fourth quire contains three figures for the letter
I. A centaur composed of a half bishop and half stag holds an altar with the host
Figure 18. Psalm 80, Franciscan Psalter (Paris, Bibliothque nationale de France,
MS lat. 1076), fol. 102r.
aloft on fol. 32v. An I-initial containing a female wyvern wearing a hennina

pattern in the Dampierre repertoireis lengthened by a squirrel on top of her
head, while the flower-breathing dragon in the right margin spits up a washed
green leafy vine with red thistles (fol. 37r). Another anthropomorphic I-initial
is on fol. 42r, where the I of Iudica has as its base a nude growing a tail attached
to the border. This figure actually bends over and holds a sword, the sheath of
which dangles below the border. With a shaggy beard, balding head, and angled
joints, the nude struggles outside the initial rather than from within. A birds
long beak pokes his anus. The same model was used on the first folio opening
the BnF Estoire del Graal as a corner joining two borders.
The arms of Flanders appear twice in the margins and in the sixth gather-
ing on the pair of bifolia flanking the historiated initial for Psalm 51 (fols. 58v,
63v, and 64v). The first shield is held by a knight wearing a helmet with its visor
down, raising a spear and pennon and riding a stag, while the second is tear-
drop-shaped and is held by a chain-mailed centaur. If the gathering or quaterni-
ons were painted one side at a time, the heraldry was gilded on one side of the
parchment and the historiated initials were painted on the other (tables 8a-8b).
In the initial for Psalm 51, David converses with a devil and a peacock stands in
the margin. In Psalm 52, David converses with a fool, reflecting the traditional
Flemish cycle of psalter illustration. This part of the Psalms had occasioned the
Table 8a. Distribution of marginal images on side A of quire 6, Franciscan Psalter,

BnF latin 1076, fols. 55r-66v
Folio: 55r. St. Ursula with 58v. knight bearing 59r. St. Francis, dog
bow and quiver banner with arms of
Flanders astride stag
66v. nun kneeling and 63r. 62v. I: ladies
reading from book

Folio: 65r. 64v. knight-centaur 61r. I: pilgrim
with shield of Flanders
56v. 57r. 60v.

Table 8b. Distribution of marginal images on side B of quire 6, Franciscan Psalter,

BnF latin 1076, fols. 55v-66r

Folio: 55v. 58r. 59v.
66r. Ps. 52, David 63v. Ps. 51, David 62r.

and the fool; atlantis and devil; peacock,
under initial hare
Folio: 65v. 64r. 61v.
56r. 57v. 60r.
use of the arms of Flanders and those of Dampierres sons in the Dampierre
Psalter, where the hairy devils echoed the shields in number.
One can also consider customization on the outer bifolium of the same
quire, which contains Saint Ursula (fol. 55r) and a prostrate nun in a gray
habit with a prayer book (fol. 66v). If the bifolium were flattened apart from
the gathering, the nun appears to be praying to this female saint for inter-
cession. In the seventh quire, on the bifolium of 69 and 76, a patroness is
depicted kneeling in prayer, this time with a violet-blue over baby-pink dress
and a delicate white veil. On the other side, a nun is reading a book as she
kneels nearly prostrate on the border. The composition of the bifolium is
similar to that of the previous quire. The cluster of two female saints, two
images of the patroness, and two praying nuns in the fourth through seventh
quires, surrounding two shields, illustrate both the recycling of models and
the highlighting of a central psalm with idealized pious figures.
The tenth quire is one of the more densely illustrated in the margins,
especially with four images of Saint Francis and the historiated initial for
Psalm 80, Exultate Deo, fol. 102r (fig. 18, tables 9a-9b). The clamor of bells
is echoed in the upper margin with two musicians playing a vielle, tabor,
and flute. Across the text block from the initial, a male patron wearing a
red-lined blue cape over a gold tunic kneels in prayer. On the same side
Table 9a. Distribution of marginal images on side A of quire 10, Franciscan Psalter,
BnF latin 1076, fols. 101r-112v
Folio: 101r. 104v. St. Francis cover- 105r.
ing face, stork
112v. St. Francis with 109r. 108v. St. Francis with

staff book
Folio: 111r. 110v. 107r.
102v. 103r. 3 heads (2 crowns 106v.

and a biretta)
Table 9b. Distribution of marginal images on side B of quire 10, Franciscan Psalter,
BnF latin 1076, fols. 101v-112r
Folio: 101v. hare pouncing 104r. 105v. St. Francis kneel-
on dog ing, stag
112r. 109v. 108r.

Folio: 111v. St. James the 110r. 107v.
Lesser with club
102r. Ps. 80, David 103v. 106r. I: knight with

ringing bells; male female bust reliquary
patron kneeling, viol
player, angel musician
of the bifolium (fol. 111v) is an image of Saint James the Lesser holding
his emblem, a paddle. If the bifolium were flattened, the saint would face
toward the historiated initial across the fold. The four depictions of Saint
Francis occur on three of the bifolia. The center bifolium contains the I-ini-
tial of a knight-centaur holding aloft a Saint Ursula head reliquary (fig. 17).
He bears a 14 mm. shield with white filigree for the engrailed border and
stripes outlining the gold bend on blue ground, which, as noted before, is
more likely decorative than identifiable.
In his monograph article on the related book of hours, Marseilles
MS 111, Joseph Billioud notes three Franciscan convents in the diocese of
Throuanne: Ypres, Hesdin, and particularly Saint Omer.92 The countesses
Jeanne and Margaret established and endowed Franciscan houses and begui-
nages throughout the region. Margaret of Flanders and Hainault was also
an active participant in the distribution across Flanders of Saint Ursulas vir-
gin relics that she received directly from Cologne.93 The three female saints
depicted in the marginsClare, Elizabeth of Hungary, and Ursulacame
from noble birth, perhaps performing as exempla for a noble reader. Closer
to the time frame of the production of this manuscript, Guy of Dampierre
and his second wife, Isabelle of Luxembourg, established the Beaulieu abbey
of Saint Clare at Pettegem, near Oudenarde.94 Following Isabelles burial at
Pettegem in 1295, Guy chose to be buried there, in which place I establish a
perpetual chapelry.95 Is it possible that this Psalter and its companion Hours
were made for the countess, whom Guy calls his dear companion, in honor
of this foundation?
The nobleman, the noblewoman, the nun, and the friar who occupy
the margins of the psalter are used to promote a close relationship to the
Franciscan Order. There are only a few images each of the figures used to
refer to a patron and patroness, evenly dispersed over the gatherings. Gath-
ered mainly in the litany, five initial Ms contain the busts of a lady and a
man, perhaps indicating a married couple. There is still not enough evidence
to determine the status of the patroness, who, in her lifetime, may have been
married, widowed, and/or entered into a convent, but the likelihood of such
a psalters importance to her devotional lifein different stages of lifemake
this books marginalia continually active in its devotional function. The con-
centration on piety in the margins illustrates the degree of affective custom-
ization that was possible for a given project, small or large.
The manuscripts discussed in this chapter are effectively luxury com-
missions and supposedly were tailored to the workshops clients. But manu-
script scholars note an opening bourgeois market for illuminated psalters,
as well as an increasing production for Mendicant owners.96 There are several
psalters and books of hours by related hands that do not have specifically
noble or princely connections, such as British Library, Yates Thompson MS
43, or Oxford, Douce MS 24. Their marginalia are typical, such as the hound
pursuing a hare, a centaur shooting birds, and grotesque hybrids, and they
are limited to the major psalms. The commonplace illuminations of these
devotional books would contribute to the broader context of book produc-
tion in this study, but they add little else to the evidence of commission that
oscillates between the pages of court owned psalters.
In this chapter, I have focused mainly on the archaeology of the gather-
ings. My main goal was to discern the use of heraldic arms in the margins,
despite the dubiousness of attributions, in order to determine if a viewer
like the count, or someone of status, would take them as fashionable, even
complimentary, embellishments. Often, however, the shields are held by apes
and/or juxtaposed to merpeople or canines within a gathering. Are these
negative associations toward the nobility from the point of view of the artist?
Rather than counting on the notion that arms may point to specific indi-
viduals, the context of heraldry as a sign systemthat is, the fact that there
is heraldry at allcan be examined in the tailored margins of the BnF-Yale
Vulgate Arthur to enhance the reception of a literary text.
The meanings of particular marginal images become nuanced when
examined in relation to different kinds of texts and reading contexts. The
reading experience intended for two different kinds of textsthe Latin
psalter and the French proseshifts from solitary, silent devotion to pub-
lic, interactive entertainment. The case of gender in the romances margins
entails both masculine and feminine roles illustrated in the narrative and
perhaps reflects the values the reader(s). Sharing a destination for the court
of Flanders, the marginal imagery continues to highlight significant matters
of title, lineage, and inheritance.
Chapter Four
Re-Reading the BnF-Yale Romance
Two manuscripts, one held in the Bibliothque nationale de France as MS

fr. 95 and one held in the Yale University Library as MS 229, together com-
prise one of the best surviving examples of the deluxe Arthurian romances of
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The BnF manuscript contains the
Estoire del Graal, the Estoire de Merlin, and additional didactic texts, the Sept
Sages and the Penitence Adam.1 In Arthurian Legends in Medieval Art, Roger
and Laura Loomis emphasize the BnF Estoire to illustrate the Picardian style
of illumination but describe the margins, which are characterized as wildly
delicious grotesqueries, separately as part of the ornamentation.2 The Yale
manuscript, containing the third part of Lancelot du Lac, the Queste del Graal,
and the Mort Artu, was previously in a private collection, but the illuminated
folios and Barbara Shailors guide to the illustrations are now available online.
Although marginalia are absent from the textual descriptions, Shailors guide
is an essential tool for locating the text and also includes the information
on codicology, provenance, and heraldry.3 Lilian Randall includes both the
BnF and the Yale manuscripts in her Images in the Margins, which remains
the most thorough investigation of the marginalia in either volume.4 In her
Prolegomena article, Alison Stones places the BnF-Yale Vulgate Arthur in
context with contemporary cycles of illumination and with manuscripts by
the same hands.5 In these studies the role of marginalia is often divorced
from the content of the miniatures, yet the main images and framing motifs
were painted at the same time and thus should be considered in concert with
neighboring folios.
Michael Camilles section on the Yale volume includes one of the lon-
gest analyses in his seminal book, Image on the Edge. Aside from the cathedral
sculpture included in the broad study, this romance is also one of the few
examples he uses that dates to the thirteenth century. For every marginal
image to which he points in the Yale manuscript, the painter seems to have
79
paid some attention to the content of the illustrations despite the stock sub-
jects chosen for both margin and miniature. Arrows being shot at rear-ends
in the margins are twice used to underline illustrations of knights helping
damselsone whose sister was violated and the other a virgin. The inclusion
of angels outside the liturgical scene of the Grail is used to illustrate that the
margins were adaptable to embrace religious matters within a secular text.6
In fact the BnF Estoire opens with a Crucifixion scene surrounded by four
marginal angels, which may be used to demonstrate Camilles point that the
sacred and profane were more symbiotic than separate, particularly in the
prose cycle of King Arthurs court.
Recent critics of medieval marginality studies address the problem of
defining the center in order for the marginal to serve conceptually for
historic inquiry.7 Manuscript scholarship traditionally privileges a hierar-
chy of illumination contributing to the possible expense and complexity of
any given work. The Yale Mort Artu, however, contains smaller miniatures
that are both additional to the standard cycle of illustrations and relevant
to important episodes in the narrative, illustrating that small augmentations
nonetheless amount to stronger efforts toward customization.8 Likewise, the
augmentation of marginal images within the larger visual matrix of textual
access and framed illustration activates the reading experience.9 Therefore, the
marginal spaces are employed to stage roles that are not merely contradictory
or subversive but that also function to reaffirm, teach, and shape episodes in
the narrative. The manuscript context of the BnF-Yale Vulgate Arthur allows
for the examination of religiosity and secularity as an interwoven matrix of
text, image, and cultural values framed significantly by the marginalia.
AUDIENCE OF THE BNFYALE VULGATE ARTHUR
The courtly household for which BnF-Yale Vulgate Arthur was produced
seems to have been that of William of Termonde (d. 1312), the second son
of Guy of Dampierre, if we can trust the appearance of his arms on the
opening page to the Queste in the Yale manuscript (fig. 19). William also
commissioned the writing of a romance, La Chevalerie de Judas Macab
et ses nobles frres, of which a unique copy now in Paris could be the
presentation copy (BnF fr. 15104, c. 1285), and he may have owned the
lavish psalter illuminated by the Matre au menton fuyant now in Tournai
Cathedral (Scaldis H 12/2).10 Four marginal scenes containing the counts
arms outnumber three appearances of his sons arms in the Yale volume; the
counts arms also appear four times in the BnF volume in which Williams
are absent (fig. 20). Lynn Ramey has recently argued for the counts
Figure 19. Queste del Graal, (Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale
University, MS 229), fol. 187r.
patronage based on the illustrations and marginalia.11 As she demonstrates,

the emphasis on forms of rebellion in the Yale Mort Artu is reflected in the
historical climate of Guy of Dampierres turbulent relationships with the
kings of France and England and the later Battle of the Golden Spurs at
Courtrai in 1302, continuing the books relevance to the Flemish court well
after its manufacture. Whether father or son owned this deluxe romance,
the household of the Flemish court was likely receptive to the interplay of
margins and illustrations that make the romance an especially important
manuscript commission for its time.
Camille suggests that such a volume of romance contained in its illus-
trations lessons in courtesy, possibly for the training of the youthful aris-
tocrat.12 According to Stoness analysis of the cycle in other prose Lancelot
manuscripts, there are fewer bedroom scenes in the Yale manuscripts illus-
trations; therefore, she proposes that it may have been commissioned for a
young audience, such as the counts grandchildren.13 The marginal subjects
were nonetheless intended for a noble household that likely included a wider
audience than one owner alone. According to Paul Saenger in his influential
study Space Between Words: The Origins of Silent Reading, in northern Europe
during the late thirteenth century the reading habits of lay society remained
largely public via the oral dictation of vernacular texts in small groups; this
occurred most notably at the courts of princes. Even during the develop-
ments in prose historiography and prose romance, as Saenger states, the
nobleman was expected to listen to the feats of his predecessors or of ancient
worthies.14 Physical characteristics of the BnF-Yale Vulgate Arthursuch as
the large folio size (490 x 340 mm. and 475 x 343 mm.) with its wide mar-
gins and large gothic textura script, not to mention its copious illustrations
and slender baguettessuggest that this romance was intended to oblige sev-
eral viewers and to effect a visual sensation beyond the reading of the text.
Based on the luxury of the volumes, the choices for motifs are explored in
terms of the contexts of the manuscripts gatherings and of the romances
didactic role in family matters.
As Malcom Vale emphasizes in his study on princely courts, the defi-
nition of the household must be broadly understood to include not only
immediate relatives but also servants, squires, clerks, nieces, nephews, and
third cousins.15 Also important to remember is that the court was an itin-
erant body, with large retinues requiring anywhere from ninety to over two
hundred horsesthe idealized, brightly colored destres of which abound
in the illustrations of the romance. The itinerary for Guy of Dampierre for
one year from June 1293 to June 1294 includes 126 destinations; some,
like Paris, Lille, Courtrai, Pettegem and Wijnendael, were revisited several
times.16 Around twenty servants accompanied him everywhere, not includ-

ing his countesss household or the households of his many children.17 The
miniatures in the BnF-Yale Vulgate display the lavish court of Camelot,
with arrivals and departures of damsels and knights on horses, encounters
on the road and on the shore, tournaments, feasts, and battles, to list a few
of the stock motifs. These idealized images of the court reflect the ideals of
the courtly viewers. The marginalia often complement the imagery with
hunts, jousts, ladies, knights, and shields and echo the spectacle of reading
romance.
Over thirty marginal scenes with hunters blowing bugles or shooting
arrows reflect a favorite pastime of the noble court. In the court of Flanders,
hunting occasioned huge expensive gatherings and the forests of Brabant, Hain-
ault, and Holland were known to have the best chases in the Low Countries.
For example, in November 1293, Guy dined with John I of Avesnes at Brussels,
in the forest . . . where they went to hunt wild boar.18 With ninety horses
in the stables and thirty-two hunting dogs and six greyhounds under the care
of the huntsmen, attendant braonniers and garons, such large hunts were held
for the enjoyment of the aristocracy on their estates.19 Hunting boar appears in
the margins of the Dampierre Psalter (fol. 187r) and twice in the Yale volume
(fols. 66r and 99r). As a motif with one of the smallest entries in the bestiary,
the boar serves less likely as an exemplum of sin and is associated with spe-
cifically noble pursuits.20 In the upper margin above one boar motif, a large
shield bearing the arms of William of Termonde is held by a herm wearing a
hunters cap and spearing a lion in the throat. In the illustrations on the recto
and verso, Lancelot is lost in an enchanted forest in which young bachelors and
ladies carol and play chess (fol. 66v), stock compositions of romance that were
also employed for carved ivory caskets and mirrors. Any princely court would
enjoy the visual splendor presented in the BnF-Yale Vulgate, but the marginalia
particularly assist in connecting the stories of King Arthurs court to the audi-
ence of the Flemish court.
While the shields of the Arthurian characters in the illustrations are fic-
tional and usually monochromatic, the heraldry in the margins can be traced
to several Flemish nobles of the late thirteenth century. As demonstrated
in the psalters by the Dampierre group, the marginal shields and pennons
can highlight focal points for manuscript makers as well as noble viewers.21
Carried by knights, centaurs, heralds, apes, mermen, and once a lady and a
monk, these heraldic devices have the potential to function as nexuses, or
sutures, between the literature and the romances readers.
The opening page to the Queste identifies the possible primary reader
from the margin with the arms of William of Termonde on the tunic of a
knight and his destrier (fig. 19). Although the vignette is half the size of
the miniatures figures, the bend gules of a second son on the destrier would
not pass unnoticed at the opening of such a piously themed text that soon
introduces Galahad to knighthood by Lancelot, who significantly is his
father and not the king.22 This knight is one of the two full-figure rep-
resentations with heraldry in the margins of the Yale manuscript; a sec-
ond appears on the lower border of the second to last page of the volume
and, although the silver of the shield has oxidized, a bordure is visible and
was, like the bend, a mark of cadency among family members (fol. 362r).23
Closing the Mort Artu, the illustrations of which were especially designed
for the patron, the placement of the silver gilt shield at the end of the text
highlights the narratives completion. The emphases on succession at the
beginning and end of each of these texts are punctuated by the presence of
cadenced heraldry.
Scenes in the margins comprised of noblemen, ladies, and heraldry are
often used to mirror the noble reader and to point out moral outcomes. As
illustrated in the tables for the BnF and Yale volumes, these motifs regarding
the nobility appear with others from the repertoire in the same or neighbor-
ing gatherings. Heraldry, foxes, and merpeoplealso clustered in the Damp-
ierre Psalterare prevalent in the Yale volumes margins. As with the margin
of the Queste opening, scenes of courtship also appear in the framing devices
of both volumes. In the BnF volume, heraldry, courtship, and images of
women, in particular, are used to point to larger cultural values and anxieties
expressed in the text. In the end, redressing the nude in the border illustrates
how a familiar repertoire motif functions to connect the viewer to the text.
The gatherings in which these motifs appear supply textual and iconographic
contexts for both the illuminators role in customization and readers role in
reception.
TECHNICAL ASPECTS OF THE BNFYALE VULGATE ARTHUR
The illustrations in these manuscripts include large miniatures that are

the same width as the columns of text and are typically divided into two
registers; they also include smaller miniatures and historiated initials that
are set squarely into the columns of text. Two hands were active in the two
manuscripts. Stones has identified their areas of participation more specifically
than was possible in the Dampierre Psalter. According to her stylistic analysis,
the master painter seems to have planned and organized both volumes and
to have been responsible for the execution of most of the miniatures. The
assistant artist worked on 35 small miniatures and historiated initials in the
BnF volume and considerably more, 77 of 176, large miniatures in the Yale
volume. In the latter, the assistant completed twenty-four of forty-six quires
and in four of the quires the two artists collaborated. In the BnF volume, on
the other hand, the assistant painted smaller miniatures in the same quires
with the master. Thus, the assistant painter had a larger role in the Yale
volume; Stones suspects the shift occurred because the master painter at that
point was occupied with the Franciscan Psalter, BnF latin 1076.24
The repertoire and templates of figures developed in the margins of the
manuscripts already discussed appear also in the BnF-Yale Vulgate Arthur.
Figures are staged on the borders and sometimes between the two columns of
text, and other figures terminate the baguettes; the terminal bodies are typically
winged and clawed, like serpents illustrated in contemporary bestiaries. Images
of women and naked men were specialties of the master painter, who also fre-
quently placed centaurs, battles, and musicians at the intersections of borders.25
The assistant painted mermaids and tritons in the formations of the borders,
incorporating heraldry of the Flemish court with which the merpeople were
associated in the Dampierre Psalter. The assistant was also responsible for the
Reynardian fables in the Yale volume, which according to Stones are an unusual
feature in this manuscript.26 Three of the four Reynard scenes appear in quires
following those containing Flemish heraldry (table 10). The use of the fables
and other familiar animal exempla in the margins supplements the idea that
Table 10. Selected quires 34, 1317, 2425, and 4446, Yale Lancelot, Queste, and
Mort Artu, Yale MS 229
Quire: 3 4 . . . 13 14 15 16 17 . . . 24 25 . . . 44 45 46
Lady 3 1 1 1
Knight 2 1 1 1 1
Arms 1 4 2 1 1 1
decor.* 2 1 1 2
Merpeople 1 1 4 1
Fox 1 1 1
Ape 3
Nude 2 2 1
Hunter 2 2 1
*Includes decorative shields and pennons.
Notes significant motif in a large miniature.
the marginal spaces were used for didactic moralizations. For example, in the
twenty-fifth quire following the opening to the Queste, the housewife chasing
the fox who has stolen her coq appears beneath an illustration in which a knight
learns a lesson about theft as he takes a crown not meant for him (fol. 199r).
In order to illustrate the clusters of motifs most simply, the rows in tables
1011 exclude many common categories including herms and hybrids (their
blazons are counted), grotesques, musicians, acrobats, dancers, battles or duels,
and animals and birds, although the inclusion of many would enhance the gen-
dered receptionlargely masculinethat Madeline Caviness has studied in
contemporary devotional books.27 Centaurs, nudes, apes, and hunters are fre-
quent in both manuscripts, as are decorative blazons with several types of border
figures, so their numbers are included to show the even distribution of such
models across the gatherings.28
The quires illuminated by the master painter tend to exhibit borders
enclosed by symmetrically composed battles. Over forty centaurs of different
types appear in thirty of the forty-nine quires making up the BnF manuscript.
Heraldry appears upon several such pairs: the arms of Flanders are held by a
centaur twice (fols. 78 and 268), one of whom faces another centaur with the
arms of Brabant, sable a lion rampant or. A third shield of Flanders held by
an ape sword-fighting against another in the upper margin is paired with a
scene of courtship in the lower margin (fig. 20).29 Like the opening to the Yale
Queste, this is the only folio in the manuscript on which heraldry and courtship
appear together. Over twenty of the marginal shields are decorative, but there
is a heavy concentration of blazons in quires 3035 (table 11). Except for those
of Flanders, the shields in the BnF manuscript are not repeated in the Yale
manuscript, which shares most with the Dampierre Psalter. As places of
focus, the emblems in both manuscripts show that the planner and/or artists
were sensitive to the placement of heraldry in the contexts of the narrative
and the intended audience.
In table 11 the categories of centaurs and magisters replace those in table
10 of merpeople and foxes, which do not appear in the BnF manuscript. The
centaur is a favorite hybrid of the master painter, and in combat centaurs some-
times hold shields with blazons. In the margins of quires eight and thirty-two,
the magister represents the ancient philosopher Aristotle in a two-part exemplum
called the Lai dAristote. Also twice in the margins beneath miniatures depicting
scholars the magister is parodied by apes in grammar school, an image composed
of a simian master wielding a birch over simian pupils (fols. 66v and 355r).
Because of the sizes of these manuscripts, it is important to keep in mind
two important aspects in considering a quire-based analysis. First, unlike the
psalters that were decorated with marginalia for every psalm, the marginalia in
Figure 20. LEstoire de Merlin (Paris, Bibliothque nationale de France, MS fr. 95),
fol. 249v.
Table 11. Selected quires 810 and 2936, BnF Estoire del Graal and Estoire de Merlin,
BnF fr. 95
Quire: 8 9 10 . . . 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36
Lady 1 1 2
Knight 1 1 1? 1 1
Arms 2 1 1? 2 1 1
decor.* 1 2
Magister 1 1
Centaur 3 2 2 2 1
Ape 1 2 1 3 2
Nude 3 1
Hunter 1 1
*Includes decorative shields and pennons.
Notes significant motif in a large miniature.
the romances are spread out so that few motifs are used within a given quire
consisting of eight folios. Second, only half of the quires in each volume con-
tain bifolia with illustrations on both leafs of the spread: in forty-nine quires
of BnF fr. 95 twenty-four bifolia were painted on both halves, and in forty-six
quires of Yale 229 twenty-six bifolia were illuminated on both halves. More
often, heavily illuminated quires and their neighboring quires contain clusters
of marginal motifs relating to each other as well as the principal imagery. First,
the gathering contexts of the heraldry in the Yale manuscript are considered in
proximity to concurrent motifs such as merpeople and courtly ladies. Next, the
marginal images of women in both manuscripts are explored for uses as exem-
plary models underlining nearby texts and miniatures. To pursue the reception
by or identification with the Dampierre-descendant household further, vari-
ous sources outside the manuscript context are suggested as influences on the
choice and reception of the final motif of the Mort Artu.
CODICOLOGY: RECOUCHING BLAZONS IN THE MARGINS

Tournaments, love stories, and especially adventures of bachelor knights make
up the stock motifs of medieval romance. Knights were patrons as well as readers
of romance, so adventure was an essential element used to capture the imagi-
nation of a knightly audience sufficiently.30 In the Yale Lancelot, several heav-
ily illuminated gatherings contain heraldry in the margins at places in which
Lancelots adventures required particular attention from the illuminators.
Four blazons of Flanders (or a lion rampant sable) appear on two shields
and two pennons in the margins in the Yale manuscript. The arms of the
counts eldest son, Robert of Bthune (d. 1322), who is documented as own-
ing a Lancelot, are absent.31 The arms of William of Termonde appear three
times, once twinned with those of his father (fol. 260v), on the knight and
his destrier at the opening of the Queste (fig. 19), and on a shield of the herm
huntsman (fol. 66r). The remaining arms of Flemish nobles with those of the
count of Flanders are paired with apes, merpeople, and ladies. Adventures
related in the narrative illustration as well as the text may have inspired the
inclusion of the patrons heraldry, while keeping in mind that illuminators
like Jeanne of Montbaston of Paris likely completed one bifolium at a time
and not necessarily in the order of the narrative.
Morals and values conveyed in the literature are often parodied by the
marginalia, especially in models from the Dampierre repertoire. The six-
teenth quire of the Yale manuscripts repeats the jousting apes with heraldry
and a mermaid, a familiar template used in the Dampierre Psalter and based
in part on the patterns used in the Henricus Bibles initials (figs. 5, 7, and
1516).32 Jousting on palfreys in the lower border, apes hold the shields of
Flanders and those often thought to be Gruthuse of Bruges (or a cross sable),
although Renier of Creue, peer of the bishop of Verdun (127889), or even
more likely Geltholf, listed with Flanders in the Wijnbergen Roll, remain
other conceivable possibilities.33 The mock joust may have been used to par-
ody the knights defeat in the second register, as Sir Mordreds and Lancelots
mounts are taken from them. In the first register Lancelot and Mordret are
distracted by a vision of a magnificent stag escorted by two lions, which they
fail to comprehend and hence lose their horses. Embedded in the gilded
border connecting the illustration to the lower border is a mermaid playing
bagpipes. As a sign of distraction from ones course, the sirens presence and
lustful instrument potentially remind the audience of the two knights moral
inability to achieve the vision of the Grail as well as Lancelots enchanted
upbringing by the Lady of the Lake. The lesson to be gained from the parody
of the knights mystical encounter and defeat is that the vices of lust and folly
prohibit the ideals of chastity and knowledge expected of a Christian knight.
Looking at illustrations in contemporary copies of the prose Lancelot,
Carol Dover explores the significance of shields as they function as symbols of
Lancelots quest for his familys identity.34 Two episodes are formative to the story
and are illustrated in quires four and fourteen of the Yale Lancelot (table 10).
First, the Lady of the Lake gives Lancelot a white shield that remains blank until
he makes his name known (fig. 21). Second, Lancelot finds his name (sorenon)
inscribed at his grandfathers tomb (fig. 22).35 With such pronounced elements
Figure 21. Lancelot, pt. 3 (Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale Uni-
versity, MS 229), fol. 29r.
versity, MS 229), fol. 110v.
about identity for illustration, it is striking that there is a lack of heraldry in the
margins of these very quires despite vignettes capable of displaying them. Mean-
while, the quires immediately preceding thesethe third and thirteenthcon-
tain marginal motifs directly juxtaposing heraldry and courtly ladies.
The codicology of the third quire reveals that a bifolium contains a
direct association between courtly ladies and heraldry. Composed of fols.
18r and 23v in the third quire, the illuminations occur on the same side of
the bifolium; when spread out and reconstructed, fol. 23v was on the left
and fol. 18r was on the right in a reversal of their current order. Both sides
contain historiated initials, four lines in height, depicting the stock motif of
a joust. The verso leaf contains a merman herald wearing a blue tunic and
blowing a long trumpet with a pennon bearing the lion rampant of Flanders
(fig. 23).36 On the recto side, in the upper margin above the column of text,
a crenellated castle contains three ladies gazing toward the joust in the initial.
Clad in gold, blue, and rose dresses, wearing three different headdresses, and
enclosed in the tower, they exhibit the ideal of noble femininity. As Camille
points out, they also exhibit the spectacle of the noble class in which romances
were read aloud.37 Jousting was a sort of spectator sport necessitating heralds
and heraldry for the benefit of onlookers.38 If the artist were approaching
this bifolium spread out, and assuming it was drawn left to right, then the
pennon may have suggested the castle context of the readers or vice versa.
The herald has fins and a body of scales terminating in a pinwheel instead
of a fish tail. Standing at the base of this border hybrid, a mitre-capped
grotesque seems to mock the Churchs truce of God regulating the days of
military training.39 Approaching associations across the bifolium spread is
one way to view the larger visual matrix in which the illuminators worked.
In completing the following quire, however, the illuminators chose not to
include heraldry with favorite motifs from the repertoire.
The fourth quire contains the formative story in which Lancelot receives
his blank shield. The quires decoration is dense: one page of each of the four
bifolia is illuminated, each with at least two marginal vignettes; the first min-
iature is a large, double-register, historiated initial; and the last of the folios
contains two miniatures.40 Despite two clear opportunities to include blazons
in the margins of this quire, the fields are simply gilded. On the first folio, as
if advancing toward the fore edge, a knight carrying a lance and a gilded shield
on his back rides a horse draped in a gilded destre (fol. 25r). The same figure
represents Lancelot, who makes his first appearances in the Yale manuscript in
three of the this quires miniatures; the figure also resembles the later marginal
knight blazoned with the arms of William of Termonde on the opening page
to the Queste. In the upper margin of the last and most densely decorated folio
of the quire, a youthful bachelor carrying a plain gold shield battles a lion (fig.
2). Yet, in the middle of the quire is the illustration in which Lancelot receives
his gleaming white shieldenlarged, centered, and hovering against the blue
ground in the upper register (fig. 21). The Lady of the Lake is represented first
by the lady wearing a hairnet in the illustration and second by the border mer-
maid. Used only with illustrations about Lancelot, the mermaid motif is used
in this manuscript possibly to recall Lancelots enchanted upbringing. Here, she
holds a flounder like that of Ruths in the Henricus Bible and her tail extends
to the register containing the prominent plain shield, echoing the template
used by the Dampierre group (figs. 56 and 1516). The simple gilded shields
in the margins of this quire may show sensitivity on the part of the illuminator
to the importance of this formative episode in Lancelots development.
Another reason for the lack of heraldry in this quire may be associated
with the mediaeval slander investigated by Randall of the fool nesting
eggs found in the lower margin of the same folio as the youthful bachelor
fighting a lion. While the bachelor may have been linked to the figure of
Lancelot in the second columns upper miniature, the fool nesting eggs
may have been paired with the single-scene miniature containing King
Arthur and Queen Guenevere at the base of the first column. Randall has
shown how this egg-hatching motif connoted political slander against the
tailed Englishmen common in Flemish poetry.41 Around the time of this
manuscripts manufacture, the count of Flanders made and broke alliances
with the English king, Edward I, and the tensions with the French king were
mounting, so the damaged face of King Arthur in the miniature could reflect
anti-royal sentiments among Flemish readers.42
The dissociation of heraldry and the nesting-eggs motif that occur else-
where in manuscripts by the Dampierre group supports the slanderous con-
notation. In the BnF Estoire, the theme of egg-hatching is depicted next to
two shawms blown by herms and lacking heraldry on their pennons (fol.
343r), while same model of twin shawms used near the end of the Yale Queste
includes pennons with the arms of Guy of Dampierre and William of Ter-
monde (fol. 260v). Identifiable coats of arms are also excluded in the quire
of the Dampierre Psalter in which the nesting-eggs motif appears (tables 3a-
3b), so the idiosyncratic slander may have been strategically placed to carry
proper insult without unflattering injury.
The thirteenth quire is the most interesting based on the amplified
models used by the Dampierre group. Heavily illuminated with miniatures
on five pages, the margins contain hunts after a rabbit and a boar (fols. 98r
and 99r). A herm carrying an uncolored shield and spearing a border ser-
pent accompanies the latter hunt, the same template used on fol. 66r and
the seventeenth quire of the Dampierre Psalter. On fol. 99v, two mermaids
placed symmetrically in the lower border play viols. In the miniature, Lance-
lot escapes Morgans castle, so the sirens songs below may possibly serve to
echo a warning regarding the dangerous enchantments of women, perhaps
alluding to the Lady of the Lake, Morgan le Fay, or ultimately Guenevere.
On the next folio, 100v, jousts between two tritons and between a lady
and a monk involve the heraldic arms of four Flemish nobles that appeared
in the escutcheons of the Dampierre Psalters preface cycle (fig. 24). Forming
the upper borders, two mermen in chain mail point spears at each others
throats. In the lower margin, a lady and a monk engage in a mock joust in
which the monks spear breaks in half. The mock joust in the lower bor-
der echoes the composition of Lancelot and the damsel on horseback in the
upper register of the miniature. But the parody underlines the story told in
the second register and on the next folio of text. According to the text, the
knight depicted lying in the litter was wounded by the aimless arrow of a
woman and only the best knight of the land could heal him, here occasion-
ing Lancelots return to service after Morgans imprisonment.43 The marginal
ladys victory in the joust, like that of the courtly ladys in the framed vignette
of the next quire, points to the destructive roles women play in the downfall
of noblemen in the narrative.
The shields that these jousting figures hold include Flanders, Bergen
or Bergues (or a lion gules), Mortaigne (or a cross gules), and Court or Wallin-
court (argent a lion gules).44 The latter appear possibly cadenced on fol. 362r
at the end of the Mort Artu with the second full-figure knight in the margin.
Mortaigne appears among the twenty or so individuals traveling with Guy of
Dampierre around 1280 and Bergen, near Dunkirk, was a Flemish castellan
on the counts route.45 If the artist or planner was working with the trajec-
tory of the text, the collection of blazoned shields in the margins might also
emphasize the ensuing adventure in which Lancelot sets out for the Dolorous
Guard and discovers his lineage. At the end of the quire in the lower border,
a falconer cups the chin of his lady, a courtly love theme that is placed in the
next quire below the illustration in which Lancelot finds his sorenon. Like the
third and fourth quires, heraldry and ladies in the margins precede the issues
of identity and genealogy in the narrative miniatures.
The fourteenth quire, like the fourth, is illuminated on one page of each
bifolium. The most densely decorated folio contains the miniature illustrating
Lancelots adventure to uncover his identity (sorenon) at a mysterious ancestral
tomb (fig. 22). In a complex continuous narrative, Lancelot fights lions and
pulls his grandfathers head out of boiling water in order to access the inscrip-
tion beneath the slab. Stones notes that of all the illustrations in the Yale
manuscript, this folio is the only one that includes two double-register illu-
minations; this highlights the featured episode as one of the most important,
although whether important to the planner or the patron cannot be ascer-
tained.46 On a split border made to frame the vignette beneath the same col-
umn of text as the pivotal miniature, a lady places a green garland on the head
of a kneeling suitor. The scene is a stock motif representing courtship and
betrothal scenes, such as that in which Guenevere gives Lancelot a ring from
the Lady of the Lake on fol. 85v. As Camille notes in his book The Medieval
Art of Love, betrothal and consummation were implicit with the placement of
a chaplet upon the suitors head.47 This innuendo for lovemaking in the bor-
der refers directly to the story of Lancelots grandfather, whose severed head in
the illustration may be reiterated by the suitors crown underneath the column
of text.48 In the text a hermit explains to Lancelot his ancestors history (fol.
112r). Corresponding to the courtship vignette, Lancelots grandfather fell in
lovehonorablywith his cousins wife, a tragedy that led to his murder
and the circumstances of his strange, adventurous tomb.49
Another miniature in the fourteenth quire features a display of vermil-
lion, blue, black, and rose shields belonging to the lost Knights of the Round
Table (fol. 106v), but actual heraldry in the margins of the same quire is lack-
ing. In the fourth and fourteenth quires, the narratives concern Lancelots
lineage and shields are required for the illustrations. While the marginalia
surrounding episodes concerning inheritance and genealogy was certainly
used to frame such issues in the manuscripts for readers, in these gatherings
identifiable heraldry was left alone, either emphasizing Lancelots lack of title
or respecting the patron familys patrimony.
Indeed the ubiquitous sign of Flanders, the lion rampant, was a major
bone of contention between the Dampierre and Avesnes lines, as John II
of Avesnes claimed the blazon for himself.50 Because the Flemish nobility
during this period patronized literary romance to reinforce their political
positionswhich in the thirteenth century were so largely dependent on
the unusual matriarchal lineage and partition of Flanders and Hainaultthe
presence or absence of heraldry is laden with significance for the comital
audience.51 The use of marginal blazons can be seen to suture the reader to
the moralizations of Lancelots adventures, even through parody with joust-
ing apes and ladies, but blazons are not used to connect the reader to the
errant knights uprooted or untitled status. In turn, images of women in the
margins of folios and gatherings that neighbor heraldry also frame the read-
ers reception of women in the prose romance.
ICONOGRAPHY: REFRAMING WOMEN IN THE MARGINS
In romance, the trope of courtly love frames the gender relations defining
masculinity and femininity in the court. Rather than promoting notions of
chivalry, scenes of courtship and finely dressed women are positioned in the
margins of the BnF-Yale Vulgate Arthur to serve more subversive and didactic
roles than the ideal postures of the damsels and the queens of the miniatures,
although female characters in Arthurian romance are never wholly good.52
Opening the Queste, the most moralistic of the Arthurian tales, the object of
devotion, a fashionably dressed lady, stands over a knight who embodies the
ideals of prowess, piety, and status (fig. 19).53 The lady to whom the knight
kneels wears a blue cotehardie and mimics the pose of Queen Guenevere in
the second register of the miniature. Does the marginal lady represent the
ideal object of chivalrypersonifying the spiritual goal of the most Chris-
tian knight Galahad, or a warning against the distractions of lustembodied
in the erotic but prohibitory desire of Lancelot? Tracing the use of ladies and
suitors in the BnF and Yale manuscripts, particularly in proximity to her-
aldry, shows that the choice of imagery highlights lessons regarding the wiles
of women in the text.
Images of women from the margins of the BnF-Yale Vulgate Arthur
have been reproduced in modern publications time and again as examples of
both misogyny and liberation. Camille notes that in romance literature, in
which women seem to play more positive roles, the popular marginal images
were those that made impossible reversals and perpetuated misogynistic atti-
tudes.54 In his account of woman in the margins of Gothic manuscripts,
Philippe Verdier actually celebrates the space as one of freedom for womens
experience.55 Verdier scans the examples reproduced by Randalls Images,

rarely considering the historical contexts of different manuscripts and often
quoting Latin texts without reference to specific representations. Of the five
categories under which the figures are rubricated, those termed the secular
domain and womens work appear in many guises in the margins of the
BnF-Yale manuscripts.56 Female figures carry signs of their domesticity, pri-
marily distaffs that turn into weapons in the monde renvers of the margins.57
Carnal pleasures, like musicians and dancers, and fantastic creatures, on
the other hand, are predominant in numerous manuscripts of the period,
while the sacred precinct is evident in many psalters, such as the depictions
of nuns and saints in the Franciscan Psalter, BnF latin 1076.
Noble women are depicted in marginal jousts against knights twice and
a monk once, the latter of which appears on the folio with the jousting tri-
tons and four shields (fig. 24). In the BnF Estoire, the joust occurs between an
unarmed knight on a palfrey and a woman riding on the back of a bedecked
destrier. Wearing a large knotted hennin, the woman points her distaff and
spindle at the knight wearing chain mail (fol. 226r).58 A second joust in the
Yale Mort Artu near the end of the manuscript reverses the mounts. The com-
position features a lady with a distaff and spindle charging on a palfrey against
a knight on a gilded destrier but also weaponless (fol. 329r).
Without regard to the original manuscript contexts of these images,
Verdier states that:
Such tilting females, coming from the aristocracy or from lower classes,
represent argumentative women and more particularly, married ladies
(baillistres), dowager duchesses or countesses who, replacing their absent
or incapacitated husbands, fought more fiercely against their vassals
than the liege lords.59
Verdier fails to recognize that the countesses, Jeanne and Margaret of Flan-
ders and Hainault, were the direct ancestors of the intended audience of the
manuscripts in which these particular scenes appear. The region of Flanders
extended as far as Saint Omer and Arras for most of the thirteenth century,
and the countesses wielded enough power and reputation to occasion a bio-
graphical description by Matthew Paris.60 If indeed such mock jousts were
intended to be representations of such noble women, then Verdier and oth-
ers miss supporting material when they make summary assumptions about
iconography.
The headdresses on the three jousting womena hairnet, a veil, and
a knotted henninreflect attention to the fashions of the court, much like
the image of three women in the marginal castle at the beginning of the
Yale manuscript (fol. 18r).61 While mle-style tournaments with two teams
were prohibited in the French kingdom, Vale explains that the nobility held
hastiludes or behourts in which jousting could take place among counts and
lords.62 Such cross-gendered spectacles would not have taken place in real-
ity, but the humorous parody of the nobility in three margins of the manu-
scripts points to the abundant relationships between men and women in the
romance, especially in the marginalia. If this romance was shared in a social
setting among audience members of different ages and sexes, then the elabo-
ration of the marginal motifs with women plays an active role in the shaping
of the romances reception.
Three cases in the BnF volume include heraldry in the margins at
junctures in which women play significant roles in the illustration on the
same folio.63 One illustration contains a bedroom scene depicting the con-
ception of Arthur (fol. 149v). The choice of the motif on the lower border
may emphasize the medieval desire for sons, personified by a youthful bach-
elor holding a shield bearing or three chevrons sable, traditionally the arms of
Hainault. Placed beneath the scandalous circumstances of Arthurs concep-
tion, how may this shield have been interpreted by the comital household?
Other possible candidates for these arms include the knight John of Menin,
an envoy of Guy of Dampierres to Rome in 1299, among others, so the
association of bastardry between the bedroom scene and shield can only be
suggested.64
Located in the tenth quire, one folio is the first containing identifiable
shields in the margins. In a single-scene miniature Nasciens duchess and her
retinue stand outside the walls of a triple-faade castle portal, and in the mar-
gin below the shields held by border centaurs feature the arms of Flanders
against those of Brabant, sable a lion rampant or (fig. 25).65 These ladies are
shown as virtuous, returning to the castle to pray for the dukes safe return.
The use of heraldry here may relate to the courtly ladies in the miniature but
also to the preceding text in which the future knights of the dukes lineage
are described. In the previous illustration, Nascian dreams about and then
receives a scroll upon which nine generations, through Lancelot and Gala-
had, are written (fol. 76v). A similar template of ladies, a castle, and heraldry
was repeated in the margins outside jousts on the bifolium, 18r-23v, in the
Yale manuscript, but here the template is used to underline the bearer of the
lineage of the future achiever of the Grail.
The shield of Brabant may be connected to the Dampierre family
through the marriage of Guys daughter Margaret to Duke John I of Brabant
in 1273.66 Following her death in 1283 and her namesakes, Margaret the
Figure 25. LEstoire del Saint Graal, (Paris, Bibliothque nationale de France, MS fr.
95), fol. 78r.
Black, in 1280, the ascription of Hainaults and Brabants shields shifts to

two different branches of the comital family. The inclusion of these arms
together in the BnF manuscript may suggest a pre-1280 commission date.
Four shields of Flanders outnumber two of Hainaults, two of Brabants, and
at least three damaged but formerly blazoned shields. If the shields are intact,
the connection of heraldry in the margins to lineage in the illustrations in
these cases implicates the contemporary conflicts regarding the history of the
Flemish succession. Meanwhile, without further evidence of patronage, the

BnF and Yale manuscripts share only the arms of Flanders in their borders,
which were claimed by competing courts. The significance of arms to the
original viewers of this romance may have shifted in the years during and
following the manuscripts production as well, so arguments about historical
reception are conducive to studying the broader cultural values that can be
associated with women in the margins.
Constituting one of the most densely illuminated sections of the BnF
manuscript, quires 2936 contain motifs with both identifiable and dec-
orative heraldry, including the arms of Flanders in a battle illustration in
the thirty-sixth quire (table 11).67 The group of miniatures contains feasts,
mles, and jousts, which occasioned the heralds and heraldry at court. In
the thirty-fifth quire, Merlin arrives at court as a stag.68 He is shown as an
actual stag in the miniature on fol. 262r and disguised as a tree trunk with
antlers in the shivaree on the bas-de-page of the previous quire (fol. 261r);
both margins contain the same bagpiper pattern in reverse. In the thirty-fifth
quire, on the same bifolium as a miniature depicting scenes of a wedding
and tilting (fol. 273r), a lion holds a pennon with a second heraldic device of
Brabant (sable lion rampant or, fol. 280v). Used previously with the shield of
Flanders near Duke Nasciens genealogical dream in the tenth quire, the asso-
ciation of the lion and the arms may be used to recall the marriage of Guys
first daughter to John I of Brabant.69
The thirty-second quire, in the Merlin section, contains two mar-
ginal scenes of courtship. On the first folio apes wield swords in the upper
borderalso a standard composition attributed to the master painter (fig.
20). The arms of Flanders face a damaged shield here. A scene of courtship
appears in the lower margin. Both suitor and lady wear gold garments, and
the chaplet is a bronze ring with copper dots. In the text above the miniature,
illustrating knights at sea, Merlin tells his confessor Blaise that he has fallen
in love and Blaise fears the womans deceitful nature.70 Like the vignette in
the Yale manuscript echoing the romantic interlude of Lancelots grandfa-
ther, this scene of courtship is used to illustrate a passage of text in which the
trouble wrought by women threatens a male character in an episode outside
the miniature.
Also in the thirty-second quire, on fol. 254r, the first of a two-part
exemplum of Jacques of Vitrys, called the Lai dAristote, is illustrated in the
margin. In the exemplum, Alexander the Greats lover, Phyllis, is forbidden
to him by his tutor, Aristotle. To exact revenge, Phyllis seduces Aristotle into
letting her ride him like a horse, constituting one of the most popular scenes
of the Power of Woman topos developed in the thirteenth century. On
fol. 254v, the seduction takes place as Phyllis wears her hair loose and offers
the scholar a red and white striped garland. Wearing a biretta, the magister
Aristotle turns his head away from a folio-laden desk to gaze at her. The scene
is accompanied by an obscene composition to the left in which a bird aims
its beak at the rear end of a jester. In the upper margin, a rabbit jumping
on a hound parodies the second part of the story in which roles are reversed
and Aristotle allows Phyllis to ride on top of him, which is illustrated in the
eighth quire. On the same bifolium, also in the upper central margin, is the
standard composition of a hound pouncing over a rabbit. The contrasting
positions of the pairs of animals echo the sexual innuendo of the chaplet
offerings in this quires two courtship scenes.71 Juxtaposed to heraldry and
scenes of battle, the models of courtly love are used to emphasize the dangers
of misplaced sexual desires.
The inclusion of the Phyllis and Aristotle exemplum on fol. 254r
seems less tied to the text than the seductress of Merlin on fol. 249v.72 Two
queens are included in the castle backdrop to a battle in the illustration,
and they are described in the text just above the motif. Five sections later
in the text, Arthur is told that he is a coward and that Guenevere will be
dissatisfied with his lack of valor.73 Even later in the text, one can quote the
sentiments of the courtship in both margins: Many a man is ruined and
deceived, many a town burnt, many a country desolated, by woman.74
The inclusion of the second episode of the exemplum in the eighth quire,
however, can be understood more clearly in terms of proximate illustra-
tions and text.
Part of the Power of Women topos, the story of Phyllis and Aristotle
was one of the best historical exempla of women besting the best of men.
Susan Smith, in her excellent study on the topos, shows how the images on
the Malterer Embroidery, intended for a convent, comprise a collection of
profane themes directed toward the ideal of spiritual love.75 In a cluster of
gatherings in the Graal section, quires eight through ten, the wiles of women
are related through the ancient legend of Hippocrates, another early figure in
the topos. The moral gained by visitors to his tomb from the philosophers
life and death is used to teach that no man is wise enough to resist a womans
intrigue (fol. 69v).76 In contrast, the tenth quire ends with Nasciens dream
of his lineage and his virtuous duchess underlined with identifiable heraldry.
The second episode of the Lai dAristote occurs in the eighth quire in
which Aristotle allows Phyllis to ride him like a horse (fol. 61v). Careful
attention to the scene is evident in the lines of vermillion paint used for the
reins and bridle. The use of the defeated philosopher here may have been
suggested by the episode illustrated for Hippocrates in the ninth quire. In
Figure 26. LEstoire del Saint Graal, (Paris, Bibliothque nationale de France, MS fr.
95), fol. 66v.
the single scene miniature, Hippocrates performs a foolish stunt for the love
of a Gauloise maiden (fig. 26). Bearded and half-naked, the philosopher is
abandoned in a barrel hanging from the side of a tower over a crowd of
onlookers. The motif later became connected to Virgil in the Power of
Women topos, and the miniature in the BnF manuscript may indeed be the
earliest depiction.77 The parody of the ape beaten by a master with a birch is
staged on the lower border, so that the association of the folly of the ancient
philosophers is literally underlined by the travesty of Grammatica.78
The same motif of Phyllis riding Aristotle also appears in the margin of
the Benedictine psalter-hours in Arras, Muse Diocesian, MS 47, illuminated
by the same artists.79 In the right margin, a nude gracefully balances on the
border leaf, and he is clearly used visually to echo the naked King David in the
historiated letter S. The image in the bas-de-page of Psalm 68 is close to that in
Figure 27. Psalm 68, Psalter-Book of Hours, use of Throuanne (Arras, Muse Dio-
cesian, MS 47), fol. 74r.
the BnF volume (fig. 27). The psalters figures have fewer folding lines drawn
on their drapery, and the romances image has Phyllis grabbing the point of
Aristotles hat. Both show Aristotle on all fours, on his feet, not his knees, and
Phyllis riding sidesaddle. Smith relates the image to the text of Psalm 68:6,
which continues on the verso of the page, Oh God, thou knowest my foolish-
ness, and my offenses are not hidden from thee.80 The text in the eighth quire
of the BnF Graal may be interpreted in two different ways. The words trop
grant folie are written three lines above the scene and refer to the audacity
of the characters lost in the Egyptian desert.81 So in two cases, in Latin and
French manuscripts, the topos motif may be associated textually with folly. Just
as likely, however, the text traces the knights and maidens journey through
Egypt on the next folio and to Alexandria on its versosuggesting other tex-
tual cues for the use of Alexanders tutor and his exotic, Phrygian cap.82
In order to include both compositions for the Lai dAristote, the bor-
ders had to be stepped down further below the text columns. Such framing
devices occur twice more for themes of love: in Yale 229, on fol. 110v, in
which Lancelots grandfather falls in love (fig. 22); and in BnF fr. 95, on fol.
24v, on which a scene depicting Frau Minne is placed next to a misogynist
parody. The scene of Frau Minne piercing her lovers heart with an arrow is
placed on a stepped-down border; to the left a man pushes a woman wearing
a wimple and hairnet in a wheelbarrow, a form of common law punishment
for gossiping or insubordinate wives.83 These motifs are the first representa-
tions of women in the manuscript, but they are placed beneath a typical bat-
tle scene and there are very few passages in this part of the text with female
roles. One detail of the battle was left out of the text of the BnF Graal, how-
ever. In other copies, the story describes how Evalecs men were killed by
poisoned arrows.84 Could the model text or illustration have suggested the
motif of a dangerous arrow to the illuminator?
The two scenes framed in the bas-de-page seem to be used to contrast
class difference in terms of dress and composition. Compositionally the
woman on top themes are reversed. The male figure on the left wears an
arming cap and a pink tunic, while the wavy-haired man kneeling in sup-
plication wears a gold cape over a violet tunic. In the wheelbarrow, the hag
wears a green hairnet, while that of the lady to the right is gilded like her
dress underneath a blue cotehardie. She holds a small white pet dog in her arm
while aiming the large arrow at the lovers breast and hands. Known as Min-
nesklaven (slave of love), the male subject is subservient to the courtly lady,
whose ideal finery and beauty engage his devotion.85 The common law pun-
ishment pictured to the left was used to comment on the decidedly non-noble
and churlish behavior of townspeople.86 In employing these opposite motifs

for women wielding power, the idealized image of courtly love contrasts with
the venomous urban bourgeoisie.
The marginal ladies wearing gilded finery and engaging with noble
lovers are used to mimic chivalric behavior or courtly love, especially in its
adulterous sense. Vignettes of courtly lovers in both manuscripts, sometimes
specially bracketed in the borders, frame episodes in which women beguile
noblemen. The device of heraldry in relation to these examples of women,
painted across the folios of neighboring quires, has the effect of highlighting
lessons in the romance about lineage and courtly love for the noble readers.
The examination of marginalia as gathered in quires and painted in con-
junction with principal illustrations yields emphases on sections of the prose
that were perhaps salient to both male and female readers. Accordingly, the
ideological context for reading this courtly romance can by supported by a
codicological one.
HISTORICAL CONTEXT: RECONNECTING STORIES IN THE

MARGINS
Rarely is the Mort Artu illuminated through the final episodes in the tale,
but the Yale manuscript includes marginalia along with its specially com-
missioned miniatures. As Stones observes, someone was especially inter-
ested in seeing the details of all the military activities played out in pictures,
and wanted to see what happened to Arthur and his famous sword in the
end, and to see as well how Lancelot fared, and who was left at the end, all
of which are related to issues of comital instruction and succession.87 Rec-
ognized as a typically courtly motif, the marginal figure on the final folio
of the Mort Artu is a well-dressed nudeso to speakunlike any others
(fig. 28).88 The specific context of this naked figure wearing a crown, a
dickey, a glove, and a tail is particularly meaningful, especially in that the
last pages of most subdivided manuscripts are typically absent of illumina-
tion or enhancement. Concentrating on the closure of this large, sumptu-
ous commission, the final stitch that sutures the manuscript to its readers
brings to bear the historical background of the audience in light of stories
closely connected to the count of Flanders and the royal courts of England
and France.
The final folio contains two small miniatures and a naked and crowned
falconer in the upper border. Connected by its tail wrapping around its leg,
the figure is embedded in the gilded, scalloped border framing the second
miniature in which Sir Bohort hears the story of Lancelot. The column to
Figure 28. Mort Artu, (Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale Univer-
sity, MS 229), fol. 363r.
the left contains a miniature in which Lancelot is shrouded over his tomb.89
The naked and crowned falconer, also wearing a collar and gloves with talons
in one hand, is proportionally larger than the figures in the small miniatures.
Similar to the naked and tailed jongleur playing a gittern and wearing a cone
tiara in the I-initial of the Dampierre Psalter (fig. 13), the sizable nude fig-
ure is a familiar border model of the repertoire. Connected to the gilded
border, the placement of the figure also recalls the physical placement of the
author portraits opening the Henricus Bible but embodies the exact oppo-
site features of a scribe closing the end. This naked courtier can be placed in
context with heraldry as well. The second to last decorated folio contains a
knight kneeling behind a shield, blazoned possibly with the cadenced arms
of Wallincourtthe second such full-figured knight with arms after Wil-
liam of Termondes on the destrier opening the Queste.90 The placement of
this figure below text describing the deaths of Hector and Lancelot perhaps
heightened attention for the readers who then opened the last page to see the
extraordinary figure at the romances end.
In the Bible and psalter, the incorporation of the nude into the mar-
gins seemed to have significance regarding the sin of the flesh or the naked
soul.91 The master painter was adept at using the motif of twisting nude
figures, many of whose bodies are connected to the framing border via their
delineated spines, genitalia, or tails. Using at least twenty-five naked men in
the borders of the BnF volume, it is clear that the master painter was active
in the last quires of the Mort Artu in which his signature border nudes repeat
similar models. Drinking from chalices, wielding swords, and twisting in
uncomfortable positions, many have wild hair and furry faces that resemble
the ancient devil sire of Merlin on fol. 113v of the BnF Estoire. A basic nude
model without attributes burns in flames as a pagan statue early in the BnF
Graal (fol. 32r). With their dramatic poses, the nude athletes of antique stat-
uary may also have been used to enhance the sense of the ancient past. For
example, reference to King Arthurs palace made by Lambert of Saint Omer
in the Liber floridus describes statuary depicting battles and examples of the
kings prowess.92 Listening to the feats of his predecessors or of ancient wor-
thies, the nobleman could also visualize examples.93 The emphasis on the
visual form of transmission illustrates the profound importance of re-telling
Arthurian tales, as evidenced in the final miniature concerning the recount-
ing of Lancelots life.
One of the most direct models for the border figure, however, repeats
that of a crowned and nude King David, depicted drowning in the S initial
of Psalm 68. In the Arras Psalter the naked figure twists in the vertical margin
over the scene of Phyllis and Aristotle, while the drowning King David with
a crown and a beard is placed horizontally in the initial (fig. 27). Nakedness
in the devotional context refers to the soul (animam) in the text. In the illus-
tration beginning the Mort Artu, depicting the literary commission between
the king Henry II and the author, Walter Map (fol. 272v), Ramey points to
another connection to David, for both Henry II and Arthur were also kings
whose sons rebelled. These models of kingship could have been associated
with the French king, Philip the Fair, and the counts open rebellion.94 The
associations of the nude soul to the king in the devotional context are further
secularized in the romance context with the addition of a tail and a falcon.
The parallel between historical kings and the ancient past and contem-
porary kings and their courts was open to parody on various levels. In his
recent book on folklore motifs in medieval art, The Secret Middle Ages, Mal-
colm Jones suggests that this tailed king is used to refer to the Inglis tailed
kyng, or the English monarch, Edward I.95 The parody is worth exploring,
as the nesting-eggs motif was related to this popular slander against the Eng-
lish. In particular, Edward favored falcons and is documented as exchanging
them as diplomatic gifts.96 As mentioned in the context of the nesting eggs
motif in the fourth quire, Edwards eccentric largesse also extended to the
unusual gift of gilded eggs around 1290, but this is not as well documented.
Another story related to the court of Edward I concerns the exhumation
of King Arthurs chapel tomb and his reinterment in the abbey church at
Glastonbury, which was attended by the king and Eleanor of Castile on April
19, 1278.97 Although these events in the English court may have taken place
before or after the manuscripts manufacture, knowledge of King Arthurs
body may have influenced the reception of this imagery by a contemporary
audienceespecially in proximity to the burial scene in the neighboring
miniature.
Another specific context for the patrons reception can also be suggested
through the reputation of the minstrel Adenet le Roi, who began his career
with the family of Count Guy of Dampierre before moving to the court of
Marie of Brabant (sister of Duke John I of Brabant) between 1274 and 1285
as well as appearing in the court of Edward I.98 In a dedication page for the
French queen, Adenet is depicted with a gittern surrounded by ladies and
the reclining queen.99 Adenet was also favored by Edward I and received a
gold clasp from him in 1297.100 Recalling the calendar motif of a falconer for
the spring month of May, falconry is associated specifically with the aristo-
cratic sphere in the verses composed by minstrels like Adenet.101 The crown
together with the falconers attributes at the close of the Mort Artu could have
been used to refer to a performer of romances. Reference to the transmitter of
the tale, Walter Map, ending the last column of text, may have also suggested
a reference to tailed Englishmen. For the comital audience of this manuscript,
the court minstrel, known to kings and also called the king of minstrels, may
have been suggested in the context of retelling tales of Camelot.
With the first miniature containing a shrouded body over a tomb,
overlooked by a crowned Bohort and mourners, the naked spectacle seems
to be used also to contrast death with transcendence. At the most basic level,
the nude figure as the naked soul contrasts with the dead body, but the story
of King Arthur ends with his translation to Avalon and the promise of his
future return. Knowledge or recognition by the Flemish court of the recent
historical translation may reinforce the association with the fictional king. If
the extra adornment of this naked figure ensconced in gilding refers to the
more mystical aspect of the narrative, however, it is told at the end of the pre-
vious quire but not illustrated. Alternatively the naked figure as an emblem
of lust, embedded in signs of the secular, could be used to refer to the hero of
the romanceLancelot du Lac, to whom the last pages are dedicated for his
burial and his succession by Bohort at the Joyeuse Garde.
The characters of King Arthur and Lancelot, the minstrel storyteller,
and the living monarchs all play roles in understanding the conflation of
attributes and multiple associations embedded in a specially designed figure

for the ending. The figures physical placement, scale, and adornment were
significant to the planner finishing the work and to the owner or readers inti-
mate with a variety of courtly references.
Considering the romances production as both an aesthetic object and
a social document, reception theory accounts for a wider audience than an
individual book owner might allow. For example, Hand Robert Jauss puts
forth the possibility that a works aesthetic value can be measured in com-
parison with works already read, such as both illustrated and undecorated
Arthurian romances in circulation since the middle of the century. In addi-
tion, the works historical significance rests in not only the understanding of
the first reader but also in the chain of reception from generation to gen-
eration.102 The marginal images of the BnF-Yale Vulgate Arthur are given
roles that position the text in a process of mediation from planner and artist
to patron and household, which enters the work into what Jauss calls the
changing horizon of experience.103 Likely read aloud, the role of the reader,
listener, or viewer to activate the meanings and connections between text and
images in the BnF-Yale Vulgate Arthur changes with the gender, age, and
relations of individual household members who may have had access to the
manuscript. Models of knightly and ladylike deportment, parodies of social
figures, and reversals in animal fables are used to comment on the text of this
manuscript and, in turn, to draw particular attention to the readers reception
and ideological framework rarely duplicated elsewhere in romance literature.
Several neighboring gatherings in the BnF-Yale Vulgate Arthur contain
heraldry in the margins and highlight the concerns of the noble audience in
terms of moral behavior and conduct. Among these pages female figures play
a wider range of roles than they did in the religious manuscripts discussed in
chapters 2 and 3, but medieval misogyny still pervades the use of the motifs as
monde renvers humor. The didactic and interactive functions of marginalia in
the BnF-Yale Vulgate Arthur allow for an exploration of similar themes in other
large format books that were considered mirrors of knowledge. In the follow-
ing chapters, I turn to the margins of illuminated French and Latin encyclo-
pedia to compare the significance of repertoire motifs in a new type of textual
context as well as to look more closely at overlooked motifs such as hunting,
fishing, hybrid combinations, bestiary animals, and common labors shared by
several artistic groups practicing in the Flemish-Artesian border region.
Chapter Five
Treasured Collections
Encyclopedias written in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries were part of the
tradition of florilegia, or the gathering of flowers of knowledge from the past,
as Lambert of Saint Omer did in his autograph manuscript of the Liber flori-
dus.1 The medieval authors of encyclopedic works were essentially compilers
who copied, collected, and recollected texts of the ancient writers, including
Aristotle, Cicero, and Isidore of Seville as well as the Church Fathers and
scholastic writers, such as Hugh and Richard of Saint Victor.2 During the
second half of the thirteenth century, Latin encyclopedia were developed and
used more widely due to the growth of university teaching. New programs of
illustration for these texts were based on the same kinds of models from bib-
lical history and the bestiary upon which these authors relied. The Mappe-
munde by Gautier of Metz was written in 1246, and Thomas of Cantimpr
compiled the De natura rerum before 1244.3 Especially popular in the region
of northeast France and Flanders was the Speculum majus by Vincent of
Beauvais, who visited Tournai to compile it some time in the 1250s.4 Trans-
lated from the Latin to Romance in the 1270s, the Trsor by Brunetto Latini
was the first vernacular encyclopedia and was based on Vincents Speculum,
as was Jacob of Maerlants Spiegel Historiael written in Dutch in 1284.5
Many copies of the Speculum majus and Le Trsor were produced
in northern France and Flanders soon after they were completed. The
distribution of these illuminated encyclopedias in the region echoes that of
surviving twelfth- and thirteenth-century copies of Lamberts Liber floridus and
the Aviarium by Hugh of Fouilloy.6 The presence of avian, fantastic or bestial
images in these early reference works shows the function of images in learning
such texts, just as other elements of the mise-en-page, like rubrics and historiated
initials, guided the reader. Of the surviving manuscripts of the Speculum
majus and Le Trsor many are illustrated and some contain marginalia, which
reflects the desire of local patrons for editions of authoritative texts as well as
111
impressive copies to enhance their collections. Although the Speculum majus

served as a model for Le Trsor, similar artists, patrons, and marginal motifs for
the vernacular text continue the points that were raised in previous chapters
regarding the behavior, education, and literacy of the aristocracy. Returning to
the Latin encyclopedia in the next chapter, the approaches to the margins by
contemporary workshops in Arras and Douai can be compared in reference
works intended for use by a literate, monastic audience.
The range of manuscripts illuminated by the workshops in Thr-
ouanne and Arras included the earliest vernacular encyclopedia, Le Trsor.
Spending seven years of exile in France, some of the time in Arras, Brunetto
wrote Le Trsor in French rather than his native Italian because French is
more pleasant and has more in common with all other languages.7 Evidence
for the ownership of the illustrated Trsors is largely lacking, but likely own-
ers range from high nobility to urban professional and clerical classes, as
suggested by Alison Stones.8 Miniatures containing noble patrons in prayer
to Saint Anne point to a lay audience. The heraldry in a margin of one copy
may have pointed to John II of Avesnes, Count of Hainault, but the blazons
have been damaged or reworked.9 The copies related to this manuscript
were illuminated by the inheritors of the Dampierre group in the diocese of
Throuanne who applied the repertoire of common marginal motifssuch
as acrobats, animals, and apeson the fifteen to twenty opening pages of
major sections. Images of women, heraldry, and knights as well as besti-
ary exempla in some copies highlight concerns and lessons for the nobility
in relation to the text and main images. For the sake of comparison, the
marginal motifs appearing in the framed miniatures of the Li ars damour,
de vertu, et de boneurt, compiled by the counts brother Guy of Avesnes,
bishop of Utrecht, provide contexts regarding the aspiring education and
literacy of the nobility.
The design of Le Trsor is based on three books: Wisdom, Ethics, and
Rhetoric. The first book is the longest and contains the most subdivisions
with miniatures. Called the theoretical branch of philosophy, the book of
wisdom was compiled from historical materials from the Old and New Testa-
ments, Solinus, Isidore of Seville, and similar authorities cited by Vincent of
Beauvais. Two sections of Book II on ethics, incorporating the practical and
logical branches, are typically subdivided with illuminated pages: the trans-
lation of Aristotles Nichomachean Ethics and Brunettos own commentary
on the Virtues and Vices, citing authorities such as Solomon, Seneca, and
Cicero. A single illuminated folio opens Book III on rhetoric and politics,
the first third of which is based on Ciceros De Inventione and the remainder
on the government of Italian cities.10
At least half of the forty-six known Trsors from the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries were illuminated with illustrations.11 One early group
of copies illuminated in Douai, near Arras, contains marginalia on the first
opening folio alone. The dating of these manuscripts to ca. 12901310
attests to the immediate popularity of Brunettos encyclopedia in and around
Arras.12 Stones adds to this group a copy in the Vatican Library, Vat. Lat.
3203, containing seventeen miniatures with borders. The first folio contains a
tall windmill in the vertical margin and a man carrying a sack of grain below,
a model used in the Bruges Speculum doctrinale (Openbare Bibliotheek MS
251) and the Valenciennes Obituary-Martyrology (Bibliothque municipale
MS 838).13 The sheer scale of the structure in the margins of the Latin and
French encyclopedia seems to frame the text physically and meaningfully. In
the Bruges Speculum doctrinale, the windmill decorates the book on practical
knowledge, and on the first folio of the Trsor, Brunetto introduces the fact
that the second and third books address the second branch of philosophy,
practical application, which includes the mechanical trades necessary to the
life of men.14 This genre scene in both encyclopedic contexts may be used
to demonstrate the didactic purpose of collecting and applying knowledge,
not unlike the collection of flowers of knowledge in the florilegium tradi-
tion, which Brunetto describes as like a honeycomb collected from different
flowers.15 Implying the literary taste of his reader, Brunetto explains that
the other art necessary to the life of men involves the word, the mouth, and
the tonguethat is, speech.16 When not used to illustrate traditional scenes
from biblical sources, most of the illuminations in encyclopedia were used to
emphasize magisters teaching clerical and noble pupils.
A second generation group of Trsors with marginalia throughout can
be linked stylistically to the illuminators in Throuanne.17 Of the four illu-
minated copies related to this group, only the London Trsor (British Library,
Yates Thompson 19) was treated in Lilian Randalls 1966 catalog for Images
in the Margins. In addition to the fifteen to twenty folios with miniatures and
borders, the London Trsor and another related copy, now in the National
Library of Russia, St. Petersburg (MS Fr.F.v.III,4), include a fully illustrated
bestiary containing over fifty miniatures. Some of these very subjects figure
in the marginal repertoire, such as scenes of capturing apes, mermaids play-
ing music, and regal lions. While the margins are typical in the selection
of repetitive motifsincluding musicians, dancers, acrobats, hunts, and
chasesthere are instances in which the content of the text or illustration
informed the choice of motif. Therefore, each of these manuscripts is exam-
ined in individual terms and in the places where marginal motifs enhance
the message of the text or its illustrations.
Similar both to romance in illustration and to scholarly texts in orga-

nization, this group of interrelated Trsors represents the expansion of the
marginal repertoire into the production of a new type of text. Rubrics subdi-
vide the sections in Brunettos chapters, two or three of which were written
per page, so it is very easy to locate divisions, especially with a list of contents
included in the front matter of many copies. Of course, many interpretations
of the meanings of the images in relation to the text depend upon the rela-
tive literacy of the planner or artist, much less the patron or owner; this issue
remains a critical debate for art historians. In the following examination of
the Throuanne Trsors, the exchange of formal models in the margins are
considered with the cycle of illustrations and with attention to the French
text for more unusual motifs.
The Florence Trsor (Bibliotheca Medicea Laurenziana, Ashburnham
125) is perhaps the latest copy of the group stemming from the master painter
of BnF Estoire and is bound in a compendium context with other instructive
manuals and histories written in the vernacular, including the Pseudo-Turpin
Chronicle, the Sept Sages, and the Gouvernment des princes, among others.
Most of the marginalia are hybrid figures throughout, but the opening folio
and first gatherings contain the Dampierre groups characteristic repertoire.
The re-adaptation of marginal models from the Dampierre group repertoire,
as well as the Trsors bestiary, to underline the principal imagery is evident in
the next two examples: the Paris Trsor (BnF fr. 567), the bestiary of which is
not illustrated, and the St. Petersburg Trsor, the saints and bestiary sections
of which are thoroughly illustrated. The margins of the London Trsor, the
bestiary of which is also illustrated, are compared to another set of didactic
texts (Brussels, Royal Library, MSS 9453, 941126, and 9400) illustrated
with miniatures by the Matre au menton fuyent working around Arras and
by an assistant of the Douai group.18 In addition to teaching scenes and
pseudo-religious scenes on death and the soul, these miscellanies may be seen
as offering contemporary iconographic sources for marginal parodies of the
noble and clerical classes.
Such luxury encyclopedia must have substantially enhanced any collec-
tion of illuminated books, if not for the authoritative content alone then as a
mirror of human knowledge. Brunetto described the moralizing purpose of
his Treasure: . . . he (Brunetto) shows very well what a man must do and
what his moral character must be and how he must live honestly and govern
himself and his household and his belongings according to the sciences of
ethics and economics.19 Each of the manuscripts covered in this chapter
offers a mirror to the purpose and enjoyment of marginal vignettes in a type
of historical text that, as Richard Kaeuper in Chivalry and Violence notes, was
inseparable from the descriptions of battles and journeys in the romances.20

These luxury compilations in the vernacular participate in the expanding lit-
erary tastes of book patrons at the turn of the fourteenth century.
APES AND AUTHORS IN THE FLORENCE TRSOR
At least two styles of illumination were employed to illustrate the compen-

dium with the Trsor and other French texts that is housed in the Biblioteca
Medicea Laurenziana in Florence, Ashburnham MS 125 (335 x 230/222
mm., 266 fols.).21 The first is stylistically similar to the Dampierre group and
is also linked to the Chansonnier of Arras, containing lyrics by Adam of la
Halle and Richard of Fournival (Arras, Mdiathque municipale, MS 139).22
In addition to the demonstrable repertoire on the first folio, the Florence
Trsor has also been connected to the Throuanne group via another Lance-
lot, a Roman dAlexandre, and a psalter for the use of Saint Omer.23
An entirely different style appears in the opening to the Pseudo-Turpin
Chronicle (fol. 121r), although scribal evidence indicates that the compila-
tion was conceived as a whole.24 The remaining texts include the Olympiade
(fol. 135r), Genealogie des rois de France (fol. 135v), Sept Sages (fol. 136v),
Enseignement de sapience (fol. 162bis r), Livre du gouvernment by Giles of
Rome (fol. 166r), and a medicinal tract by Hippocrates (fol. 242r).25 The
text on princely guidance by Giles of Rome is well-illustrated with a minia-
ture and nine historiated initials dividing books on the government of self,
family, and state.26 The opening folios of these texts contain a typical range
of marginalia, including animals, isolated figures, and varied hybrid gro-
tesques. One long-legged modeleither topped by a female torso wearing a
hairnet or more often a bearded male wearing a gilded cone Jewish hatwas
used frequently again in a Histoire de la Guerre Sainte (Books 1625, BnF,
fr. 2754) linking the two histories closely in style.27 The decoration remains
interesting for study in context with these new vernacular texts, especially
in the experience of reading the historical matters and political teachings. A
seperate study of the manuscripts margins is still useful, as they extend the
overlapping of repertoires into the fourteenth century with the next genera-
tion of artists and patrons.
The opening page of the Florence Trsor presents a veritable template
of the motifs used by the BnF-Yale painters (fig. 29), and many of them
were used on the first folio and at the alphabetical divisions of the Monal-
dus Summa discussed in chapter 2. An inhabited letter below the dedication
miniature contains the hunt with hound, hare, and squirrels in the vine-
scrolls. Twice lions challenge armed men, one a knight with a shield and
Figure 29. Here begins the Book of the Treasure, Brunetto Latini, Le Trsor, chap.
1 (Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, ms. Laur. Ashb. 125), fol. 16r.
the other a nude with a buckler. A winged hybrid above the large miniature
blows a long horn, the pennon of which is also similar to the heralds pennon
in the Monaldus Summaa gold saltire on blue ground (fol. 25v). Endlessly
repeated as a motif in the Dampierre repertoire, a hunter aims his bow and
arrow at the buttocks of a jester and the pipe organ is played, as usual, by a
curly-haired youth delicately balanced on a border tendril. The motif of a
hare playing the psaltery was also a staple to the repertoire, as it was used in
the margins of the Monaldus Summa (fol. 58v) and others, but here the hare
holds a shield with three dark dots on tarnished field, recalling the Kokelare
arms in the Dampierre Psalter (fol. 177).
Also underlining the first miniature, the educational purpose of the
manuscript is pointed out with a parody of a schoolroom of apes, with an
attached scene of the ape master disciplining one with a birch. The same
motif was used beneath a miniature of the seven magisters in the opening
miniature to the Sept Sages in BnF fr. 95 as well as to mock the figure of Hip-
pocrates in the Estoire (fig. 26). Pigmies joust on cocks in the upper border
next to a tale of ape lore. Taking advantage of the apes tendency toward
mimicry, one trick to catching an ape was to take off and put on ones shoes,
leaving one stuck in the ground for the ape to tie itself down.28 The com-
position fits well to the tendrils of the pinwheel borders associated with the
Throuanne style. The outline of the Flemish proverb a fool sits on eggs is
visible in the lower right corner, on which the scene was usually placed, but
the subsequent users of this book either scraped or overused the corner of
the page because it is chipped and faded. Beginning the text, the miniature
itself contains a pile of treasures in the form of brown, almond-shaped stones
at the feet of the author and the noble patron, which may have suggested
the nesting-eggs scene. A similar juxtaposition of the nesting eggs motif and
stones in the principal iconography was pointed out in the eighth quire of
the Dampierre Psalter with the Martyrdom of Saint Stephen (tables 3a-3b).
A comparison of the opening folios of the Florence Trsor (fig. 29) and
the Monaldus Summa (fig. 9) shows how similar templates or clusters of
marginalia were chosen in part as suitable for similar places on the borders,
but also how the content of the main miniature was underlined by the selec-
tion of motifs. Attached to the upper border above both author portraits is a
winged hybrid, perched like a gargoyle in the Trsor and bending a bow and
arrow in the Summa. A battle between a knight and a lion occurs upon a
horizontal tendril in the outer right margin of both opening folios. The loca-
tions for vignettes with apes are placed beneath the first column of text and
within a pinwheel corner of the borders. In the Trsor, the boot trap and the
ape school occupy the upper right pinwheel and the bas-de-page respectively.
In the Summas bas-de-page, an ape trapping a bird constitutes another motif

on trickery, while in the corner pinwheel, an ape physician holding a flask
and diagnosing a stork parodies the advisory prescription of the Franciscan
monk in the initial.29 Tied in these borders to contemporary authors, ape
parodies mimic the compositional drawings of the learned in medieval soci-
ety, especially magisters and monks, featured in the miniatures beginning the
text. In places such as the first folio patterns are followed but also selected in
relation to the whole of the page or the quire. By echoing the authors posi-
tions the apes are used to reinforce the authority of the texts as well as the
manuscripts use for the replication of sources.
Densely illustrated, the first gatherings of the Florence Trsor contain
marginalia that seem to be repetitious with little relation to the text, which
is related to a stagnation of development that can be observed in manuscript
margins by the early fourteenth century.30 The subsequent opening folios
with miniatures in the first quires of text contain motifs common to the rep-
ertoire. On fol. 20v, above a miniature with a magister and princes illustrat-
ing Chapter 19 on the establishment of kingdoms, a crippled nude is shot by
an arrow; below, an ape baits a bird and hounds catch a stag. On the facing
folio, opening Chapter 21 (fol. 21r), the hunting theme continues in the
margins with a falconer and a composition of apes with one pushing three
others in a wheelbarrow. Abandoning the typical model for the illustration
of Noahs Ark, which floats on water and contains Noah with the dove, the
scene emphasizes the building of the ark to illustrate Things that happened
in the second age of the world. The falconer may have been used to allude
to the missing episode of the return of a bird to its keeper, while the more
unusual image of an ape pushing a wheelbarrow containing apes may have
been used to allude to the carriage of animals on board as well as the per-
ceived folly of Noah. The latter motif follows a model used in various ways in
thirteenth-century manuscripts, such as a wheelbarrow with apes in a collec-
tion of ancient texts (Arras, Bibliothque municipale, MS 1043)31 and con-
taining a bald-headed fool with a bauble in a mid-thirteenth century copy of
Aristotles Physics (London, British Library, Harley MS 3487).32 Containing
an uppity woman in the cart next to Frau Minne piercing the lovers heart
with an arrow in the BnF Estoire is another variation to the composition (fol.
24v). Underlining the folly of the ancients, again apes are brought into play
from the marginal repertoire.
A breakdown of the first three quireseach containing twelve folios
of the Florence Trsor shows that a number of bifolia were illuminated on
both sides. Although the manuscript is the large scale of romances, the den-
sity of illuminations in the first gatherings allowed for many illustrations
and the marginalia to be painted at the same time. Four folios were illu-
minated on the recto and verso (fols. 21r-v, 23r-v, 25r-v, and 36r-v) and
including these seven bifolia were illuminated on both halves (fols. 1623,
1821, 2431, 2530, 2728, 3239, and 3536).
Treated much like contemporary histories or Arthurian romances, the
first quires of the Florence Trsor contain numerous spears, swords, and other
weapons in addition to hybrids and dogs. Across the spread of each bifolium,
variety seems to be the rule. One example, however, is worth mentioning in
light of the Dampierre group clusters: On the bas-de-page of fols. 25v-30r,
spears with pennons echo each otherheld first by a dog and then by a
knight hybrid toward a nude. The upper margins of this bifolium also fea-
ture knights in combatone a full figure and the other a hybrid. A closer
examination of the bifolia may reveal more about the methods of the artists,
such as the design of compositions, the application of pigments, and the
sharing of models, but the interaction of the marginalia with the text seems
scant. Meanwhile, the three contemporary Trsors by the Throuanne group
contain evidence of attention to the texts and illustrations at divisions made
significant by the illuminators uses of the marginal repertoire.
MAN AND BEAST IN THE PARIS TRSOR
The Trsor in Paris, BnF fr. 567, ca. 1297 (355 x 245 mm.), contains twenty-
one illuminated pages in 158 folios. The bestiary is not illustrated except for
one large miniature with three lions laid on three registers.33 The miniatures
have burnished gold backgrounds for schoolroom scenes and illustrations of
the cycle. Marginalia below and above the miniatures are punctuated with
familiar figures from the repertoire, such as apes and hybrids. Motifs involv-
ing man and beast from the calendar and bestiary traditions are used on sev-
eral folios to underline the textual and illustrative contents.
The opening folio to the manuscript depicts lewdness or baseness on
the upper and lower borders. In the upper margin, a flesh-colored ape twists
to scratch his anus and to the right an ape physician examines a flask of urine,
again in parody of the author depicted in the opening miniature.34 In the
lower border, a half-nude male with a blue turban and wispy britches riding
backward on a lion seems to be the prey of a nobleman on horseback and his
huntsman with a spear. Echoing the hunting motif, small furry animals, a hare
and a squirrel, are perched in the oak-leaf terminus near the fore edge of the
folio. They also complement the licentiousness of the riding backward motif,
which compounded with the turban on the Saracen Other provides an exotic
character for the worldly scope of the Trsor.35 In the opening miniature,
a single nobleman reading from a bifolium is seated on the ground below the
magister seated at a lecturn, and thus the contrasting positions of apes and
horsemen on the upper and lower borders echo the statuses of the clerical
and noble figures in the miniature.
In the second quire, one page (fols. 15r-15v) shares the openings of
Chapters 63 and 64 on The New Law and The parentage of Our Lady,
which seem to be particular places of focus in the Throuanne group Trsors.
Featuring the genealogy of Christ, the chapters are illustrated with a Jesse
Tree and Saint Anne with the Virgin and Child respectively. On the recto,
a lone unicorn hides in the tri-leaf border, while the miniature shows the
crucified Christ held by the Virgin Mother standing on the figure of Jesse.
Described in Chapter 198 of the bestiary, only a virgin could capture the
unicorn; therefore, the beast points to the image of the Virgin Mary, which
illustrates the capacity of the artist to connect thematically related motifs. On
the verso, the same unicorn was traced exactly from one side of the page to
the other so that it appears on the left side of the upper border on the recto
and on the right side on the verso (fig. 30). This time, however, a partially
draped, naked hunter aims his spear toward the beast. In the bas-de-page, a
hound chases a stag. The miniature includes Saint Anne with the Virgin and
Child in her arms and a male aristocrat kneeling at her feet. In one sense, the
hunting motifs on the upper and lower borders here play a role in identifying
the readers presumed noble status, represented by the supposed patrons vair-
lined cape in the miniature. The noblemans supplication to the Holy Family,
however, is contrasted by the exemplum of a half-naked, profane figure aim-
ing his spear at the prone, innocent beast in the upper margin.
The third quire also has two closely related margins. Chapter 86, Here
begins the first law (fol. 18r), is illustrated with a scene of the Adoration of
the Magithe text for which continues in the next sentence on the verso.
Underneath the miniature, an ape stands with a bird on his glove and talons
in his other hand. The ape parodies the magi, figures of royalty for whom
gifts of falcons were documented.36 A hare and a squirrel perched in the
upper border also supplement the hunting theme. In the same place on the
lower terminal two folios later, a lady clad in a gilded dress with long sleeves
and a hairnet with a veil holds her falcon aloft (fol. 20r). In the margin above,
a hound springs upon hares in the foliage. In the main miniature, a violent
battle in the manner of romance miniatures illustrates Chapter 90, How
the empire of Rome returned to the Italians.37 Blazoned shields in the now-
smeared skirmish also emphasize noble birth, both past and contemporary.38
The two marginal motifs of an ape and a woman as falconers echo each other
as models and as parodies of historical princes in the illustrations.
Figure 30. The parentage of Our Lady, Brunetto Latini, Le Trsor, chap. 64 (Paris,
Bibliothque nationale de France, MS fr. 567), fol. 15v.
Figure 31. How nature works, Brunetto Latini, Le Trsor, chap. 99 (Paris, Biblio-
thque nationale de France, MS fr. 567), fol. 24v.
Two compositions involving man and beast are unusual in the margins
of manuscripts by the Throuanne group, raising questions about their pos-
sible applications to the text. Two gory animal scenes accompany the open-
ings to Chapter 99, How nature works in the elements (fig. 31),39 and
the second section on the Virtues and Vices (Bk. II, Chapter 50, fol. 77v).
The first miniature illustrates how the nature of all things is established by
the four complexions, and within a concentric disk of the elements a physi-
cian with a flask stands over a nude, sleeping Adam, which was also painted
with a figure of God as Creator in the margin of fol. 3r. Near the end of the
manuscript, the second miniature contains a cleric seated and speaking to
two figures that are badly smeared. In contrast to the nine other scenes with
a magister wearing a fur-trimmed biretta, this cleric is the only tonsured head
of an authority.
The marginal scenes are comparable because they are composed of man
killing beast and beast killing man. Beneath the text defining the elements, a
well-drawn bull complete with horns and genitalia carries a hooded man on
its back; sitting on his knees, the man wields an axe over the beast. This motif
derives from the traditional Flemish calendar for the labor of the month of
December, and it can be related to the text of Chapter 99 in one of several
ways. First, possibly a pun on the Latin for bull, the word taris is written in
the last line of text just above the slaughter composition. Alternatively, the
text explains the four humors followed by the four seasons, the vocabulary
of which may have suggested the winter calendar illustration. The words for
cold and moist appear in the definition of phlegm, for example, as well as in
the definition of winter on the next page. Sanguine, or blood, is the second
complexion and its hot and moist character denotes spring. In the literal
sense, the letting of blood through the aorta was the first task in butcher-
ing, shown below on the lower border. By contrast, the left margin contains
a man playing a pipe organa favorite model in the repertoire (BnF fr. 95,
fol. 273r, and Florence Trsor, fig. 29). He may stand symbolically in con-
trast as a healthy, vivacious lad described with the elements for sanguinity.
Still, another line of text that introduces the elements further enhances the
choice of a slaughter scene. Brunetto notes that all things are made with the
same elements, of similar composition are the bodies of men and beasts and
all animals . . . , equating the flesh of man and animals.40 The composition
of a man on top of the beast in the margin seems unusual until the vernacu-
lar text is considered, providing a number of possible verbal connections to
the visual model.
On fol. 77v, opening chapter 50 of Book II on the Virtues and Vices,
the miniature contains a tonsured, seated cleric and two standing figures
whose visages are badly smeared.41 Above, a most unusual hybrid appears:
a lions body, a dark misshapen human head, and a human arm (hand and
elbow) protruding from its big teeth. The misshapen figure must reflect one
of three beasts described in the bestiary: the third lion eating human flesh in
the only miniature of the manuscripts own bestiary (fol. 51r);42 the manti-
core, a beast described and often illustrated with a human head eating human
flesh, particularly an arm; or the crocodile, which is illustrated in the Lon-
don Trsor with a hairy body and an arm protruding from its jaws (fol. 49r).
In Lambert of Saint Omers autograph manuscript for the Liber floridus, the
crocodile also opens the bestiary, and to illustrate it, the body of a lion was
drawn with a human face bearing a grin of teeth.43
There is not much of a textual connection to the page, however, unless
the passage of text in the second column across from the miniature can be
considered. Just as man achieved lordship over other creatures, similarly a
company of humans cannot be without a lord, and there can be no nobler
lord than man; thus it is with every man: either he is above another or he
is beneath him.44 The crocodile and the manticore were described with
human heads, and their voracious desires for human flesh perhaps represents
one facet of mans subordination to naturealso commented upon in the
margin of How nature works with the bull slaughter. In contrast to the
standard scenes of the magister in the Paris Trsor the marginal bestial motifs
are brought into play with the comprehension of the text.
SHIELDS AND SEXES IN THE ST. PETERSBURG TRSOR
If the vignettes featuring heraldry in the margins have been correctly iden-
tified, the St. Petersburg Trsor, MS Fr.F.v.III,4, may have been made for
a noble household ca. 12901320. The arms of John II of Avesnes, who
became count of Hainault in 1290 in addition to Holland and Luxem-
bourg in 1299, are suggested by Stones; another shield is repainted but may
have been the arms of Luxembourg belonging to Johns wife, Phillipine (fol.
28v).45 Without depending too heavily on individual patrons, however, the
inclusion of fifteen blazons in the margins certainly reflects a commission
for a noble patron. Containing 149 folios (310 x 220 mm.), there are a total
of 115 miniatures, including the bestiary, but many of the marginal motifs
remain unstudied.46 Recently produced in facsimile with complete analyses,
the manuscript can be examined in terms of the potential high-ranking noble
audience more readily than those copies without heraldry.47
Models seen in the Henricus Bible, the BnF-Yale Vulgate Arthur,
and the Dampierre Psalter are repeated in the margins of the St. Petersburg
Trsor, and its bestiary miniatures contain motifs already in use in marginal
spaces. For example, under the illustration of Noahs Ark in Chapter 21,
Things that happened in the second age of the world, an ape aiming an
arrow at the backside of an ape mounted on a stag repeats the obscenae in
the other manuscripts. Alexandra Constantinowas 1937 article reproduces
the numerous jongleurs throughout the margins of this manuscript, but she
defines the apes and hares as disguises for entertainers and as members of the
jugglers companies.48 More important, however, the models of jongleurs
appear frequently in male and female pairs: the acrobat balancing a board
and the woman playing a pipe and tabor (fol. 13v); a man playing a portable
organ and a woman bending backward (fol. 19v); or a woman dancing and
a hooded man playing lowland bagpipes (fol. 53r). Equally important is the
amount of heraldrya total of fifteen shields that refer specifically to the
noble court and, along with the marginal jongleurs and jousts, add to the
luxury of this copy containing the greatest number of illustrations.
Considered in context, the marginal images of male and female pairs
may be seen to echo themes in the principal miniatures they accompany.
The first pair occurs with a miniature illustrating the Reign of Women,
Chapter 30, in which two women flank and crown a large, central queen.
In the margin, the female playing a pipe and tabor is wearing a hairnet and
gown and the sway of her hip echoes the queens sway in the main minia-
ture (fol. 13v). A female dancer with a hooded bagpiper is common, and in
this manuscript they flank the illustration depicting female and male lions
(Chapter 174, fol. 53r). Another pair, a youth with a portable organ and a
backbending female, decorate the opening to Chapter 64, the The parent-
age of Our Lady, in which donors kneel on either side in prayer to Saint
Anne holding the Virgin and Child (fol. 19v). In the same miniature for the
Paris Trsor, only the male supplicant is included. In this manuscript, a male
wearing an arming cap kneels to the right and on the left is another male fig-
ure with curly hair wearing a hooded robe or cowl. The drawing of the head
seems more faded than altered, so whether the image originally depicted a
female patron cannot be discerned. Another plausible relationship, however,
is that between the nobleman and noble-born clerical adviser, confessor, or
relative; for example Guy of Avesnes was the bishop of Utrecht, the compiler
of a didactic treatise on love, virtue, and happiness, and the brother of John
II of Avesnes, Count of Hainault. Such peer-related, horizontal ties are not
unimaginable during this period, but the depiction here is noteworthy for
the possible patronage context of the Avesnes family.
As Stones notes, it is odd that with the predominance of heraldry in the
margins, no coats of arms appear with the images of the Virgin with the Jesse
Tree and with Saint Anneimages that often feature patrons.49 Shields hang
from the borders at other fairly prominent divisions, however, including the
illustrations of the Kings of France, the Emperor and the Pope, the First Law,
the lions in the bestiary, and the opening to Book II on Virtues and Vices. Pairs
of shields, now scraped, hang from the lower border stalks of two openings:
the Kings of France, Chapter 39 (fol. 15), for which the illustration is unique
to the group, and the First Law, Chapter 86 (fol. 22v), the miniature of which
contains a Gnadenstuhl Trinity.50 Blazons were also painted on shields for
three jousts, including models by the master painter of the BnF Estoire such as
a pair of centaurs and a combat upon other mens shoulders. The latter bas-de-
page motif, in addition to a single shield hanging from a tendril in the upper
border, accompanies Chapter 96 on Emperor Frederick II and Pope Innocent
(fol. 26v), which ends the historical section of the Trsor with a fairly recent
episode in European history. The emphasis on nobility with gilded shields and
jousting youths may have made the illustration more salient to an audience
such as the Avesnes. In the margins of this manuscript, like those in the BnF-
Yale Vulgate Arthur, emphases on gender and rank seem to have been used to
underline the interests of a noble reader. Meanwhile, parallels between visual
models can also be seen as influencing the artistic choices.
At the opening to Chapter 99, How nature works in the elements,
apes wearing hoods and holding heraldic shields charge each other astride a
stag and a ram (fol. 28v). The gules charges on the shields are damaged; if
they had once been lions, they would indicate the arms of Holland and Lux-
embourg.51 In the upper margin, an ape baits a couple of birds with a decoy.
Framed with concentric circles the miniature containing a doctor treating a
man in bed opens the text on the nature of mans four complexions. Ape paro-
dies of physicians were common in the repertoire of these painters and were
frequently depicted on the first folioas in the St. Petersburg, Florence, and
London Trsors, the Monaldus Summa, and the Yale Lancelot.52 An elaboration
of ape parodies on this folio may be seen as indicating how the artist expanded
upon a theme without directly repeating the same composition for the ape
physician used on the first folio and the magister used inside the miniature.
Heraldry also appears in the bestiary section on the lions page and
on the last, which shares the opening for Book II of the Trsor on ethics.
In the border underneath the miniature with two lions (the lioness with a
bone and the male with a mane) is a shield with or a chevron gules (fol. 53r).
The same shield is repeated but badly worn with another hanging from the
lower border stalks on fol. 59r, opening Book II with a rubric on the Virtues
and Vices and a miniature containing a tonsured cleric and tonsured stu-
dents. On the foliate curl to the right an acrobat balances one sword up and
the other down, using a Dampierre model perhaps to reinforce the opposite
directions of vice and virtue. The cross-legged form of the figure also follows
that of the hooded man appearing in the last two exempla of the bestiary
depicted in the left column, capturing an apes favorite offspring and then
fooling a tiger.53
The miniatures for the final subdivisions of Aristotles Ethics, Brunettos
virtues and vices, and the third book on rhetoric are illustrated with school-
room scenes. Brunettos second section of Book II, Chapter 50, opens with
the common type of miniature containing a schoolroom administered by a
tonsured cleric and contains a bas-de-page composition of two centaurs, one
female wearing a veil and the other male with curly hair, jousting with shields
over their torsos (fol. 77r). The shields include the blazons of Flanders dif-
ferenced with a bend gules, recalling the arms of William of Termonde, facing
or a saltire gules a fess sable.54 An extra opening in the middle of the second
half of Book II on knowledge (Chapter 68, fol. 85v) and the last opening to
Book III on rhetoric (fol. 110v) both open with the same classroom scene,
except these contain a magister teaching tonsured pupils. In the bas-de-pages,
two apes as falconers, one holding an owl and pointing to a stork, then two
seated lions share the same pigments: the left figure of each is painted pink
and the right dark brown. The magister figure is not as grand in scale or dress
as the author portrait on the opening folio, the borders of which include a
shield, a lion, and an ape physician as well as a gilded-antlered stagimages
that are repeated beneath the magister scenes on the last opening pages.
As in the Paris Trsor at the opening to Chapter 104 on How the world
is round, and how the four elements are established, man clashes with beast
in the margins.55 Despite the number of shields with blazons, two border
knights in action hold only a vermillion teardrop shield and a gold buckler.
The upper border knight rams a sword through a grotesques throat, while
the lower knight points a spear with a gold pennon across the bas-de-page
toward a large snail sitting on a mound of earth (fol. 30v). The text describes
the how roundness is the strongest shape, as in the arch of a house or the
capacity of a vessel. The choice of a snail for this margin may be employed
to echo the miniatures concentric circles illustrating the elements or to aug-
ment the text, but reversing the order of nature with the heavier substance
of the shell on the exterior. In other contexts, however, the snail connotes
vice and social disorder, so it is possible that the exclusion of heraldry in the
parody may avert any slander to the intended reader.
The heraldry painted in the margins of the St. Petersburg Trsor may
be seen as pointing to a patron like John II of Avesnes, but the amount of
miniatures and decoration certainly point to a luxury commission. Whereas
male and female pairs underline miniatures incorporating the female sex, the
shields accompany scenes depicting seated magisters or enthroned rulers, per-
haps to emphasize the education of a noble reader. In addition to the dam-
aged shields, the contents of the donor scene with Saint Anne complicate
more solid efforts to attribute patronage. Therefore, the specific readership
of this luxury volume remains in question. The London Trsor is a slightly
later copy with a similar cycle of miniatures and its marginal motifs may
also be seen as operating to engage the noble status of the patron for didactic
emphases.
THE KNIGHT AND THE LADY IN THE LONDON TRSOR
Like the St. Petersburg Trsor, the London Trsor, Yates Thompson MS 19,
contains a fully illuminated bestiary; however, it contains half of the open-
ing sectionsthe same fifteen as those in the Paris Trsor less two of its extra
illuminations (fols. 8r and 86v).56 Dating slightly earlier in style, the St.
Petersburg manuscript may have served as the model for the London Tr-
sor. Common motifs occur on three folios with a single grotesque-hybrid in
the margins, four folios with musicians, and five folios with animal chases,
including the pursuit of a lion, a hare, and a stag. Other recognizable mod-
els include a crippled jester with bells and a juggler with a gold dish. The
remaining margins of the London Trsor were used to evoke the themes of
romance, mainly highlighting knights and riders: pairs of apes joust twice,
errant knights ride solo twice, and twice a knight confronts a snail and once
more a dragon. The heraldry of metal devices on colored shields is not trace-
able, however, so a specific audience cannot be suggested. Reception of the
didactic text can still be considered along with the placement of two themes
about women. First, an unusual depiction of a naked woman riding a unicorn
punctuates the significance of the manuscripts most recurrent theme in the
margins: riding horseback. Second, the image of the courting couple appears
with resonance under the illustration for The parentage of Our Lady.
The first folio opens with a miniature with the magister seated and
teaching from a folio-laden lectern under an ornate Gothic gable. Among
his students are tonsured monks, but they are eclipsed by two noblemen in
the foregroundone writing and the other holding an open codex. In the
margins, a viol player with a dancing dog, a bagpiper on the shoulders of
a hybrid, and a rabbit are among the common motifs for an opening page.
Two motifs in the lower border are often repeated in the manuscripts made
in Throuanne. A hybrid archer twists and aims a bow and arrow at a bird,
which is echoed by five additional species of birds along the left border. To
the right is a jousting combat scene: one ape fully outfitted on an ibex and
carrying a shield and spear charges after another ape facing backward on a
unicorn and holding a buckler and sword. The remaining riders in the Lon-
don Trsor are less oriented toward parody and more demonstrative of noble
ranks, signified by their dress and their mounts. In a text designed to describe
the order of the world in the vernacular, the marginal positions of these rid-
ers seem fitted to the noble reader who is pictured among literate clerics and
addressed by the author-magister in the first miniature.
The emphasis on knighthood in the margins seems intentional, with par-
ticular attention paid to variety in forms of dress and deportment. A nobleman
charges on a palfrey, barely fitting between the lower border and the text in two
cases. The miniature opening Chapter 6 on How God made all things in the
beginning contains a scene with the Creation of Adam accompanied by a stag,
a lion, and possibly a ram. In contrast to the female serpent grotesques in the
other margins, and squeezed onto the lower border arabesque to the same scale
as the songbirds along the other borders, a youth with curly hair and holding a
whip rides alone (fig. 32). The display of bachelorhood may have been used to
echo the absence of Eve in the miniature, a sort of primordial and premarital
state.57 Sandra Hindmans identification of such a figure as a bacheler would
play a significant role in the reception of this encyclopedia if it had been used
in the context of educating noble youth. In fact the didactic purpose of Bru-
nettos Trsor was formally expressed this way, he shows very well what a man
must do and what his moral character must be, more so than in the romances
models of historic adventure, military prowess, and chivalric behavior.
In the second instance of a young knight errant, the textual support is
more straightforward. A falconer on a rearing horse appears in the vertical
margin of Chapter 99, How nature works and was established by the four
complexions. The Flemish calendar scene for labor of the month of May
was depicted in terms of the leisure of the nobility, especially falconry.58 In
this image, the well-dressed youth wears a garland, blue stockings, and a
sheathed sword. As in the Paris Trsor, the choice of a calendar scene may
have been suggested by the terms used in textual descriptions of the san-
guine humor or the spring season. Meanwhile the chase of a stag above and
the rabbit hiding in a vine below were used to echo the hunting motif of the
noble falconer.
An exception to the noble class depicted in the margins occurs on the
page illustrating The things that happened in the second age of the world,
Chapter 21, a text begun with an illustration of Noahs Ark, this time includ-
ing his wife, family, and animals in the arches. Two women of base disposi-
tions occupy the margins (fig. 33). One stands on her hands upside-down in
Figure 32. How God made all things in the beginning, Brunetto Latini, Le Trsor,
chap. 6 (Permission The British Library, Yates Thompson MS 19), fol. 5r.
Figure 33. The things that happened in the second age, Brunetto Latini, Le Trsor,
chap. 21 (Permission The British Library, Yates Thompson MS 19), fol. 10r.
the vertical margin, a well-known model copied by Villard of Honnecourt

and repeated in the St. Petersburg Trsor among others. On the bas-de-page,
a naked woman wearing nothing but a hairnet and a tail charges on a uni-
corn. Both figures represent the unnatural and the licentious in medieval
iconography, serving in this case together as negative exempla.59 The two
figures could also have been used to refer to the passage of text concerning
the genealogy from Seth through Noah. After Eve, the only mention of any
wives or women at all is the reference to the two wives of Lamech and their
offspring: the first builders, the first to make viols and other instruments,
and the first blacksmiths, from whom descended many evil lineages who
abandoned God and his commandments (Chapter 20).60 While this text
appears on the previous verso, another immediate reference occurs at the
end of the second column of text on the recto in which Lots escape from
Sodom and Gomorra is mentioned (Chapter 22). The inclusion of female
models in the margins to stand for Lots daughters may also serve to supple-
ment the moral against licentious behavior. These churlish women contrast
sharply with the thematic strain regarding the noble class in the remaining
margins, particularly in contrast to the lady depicted in the marginal love
scene opening The parentage of Our Lady (fig. 35).
The miniatures for The New Law and The parentage of Our Lady
follow slightly different compositions respectively with the Virgin standing
on Jesse, holding a crucifix, and surrounded by a vine of noble-headed cam-
eos followed on the verso by Saint Anne in twin niches elaborated with the
inclusion of Elizabeth and Esmeria (Chapters 6364). In the upper margin
of the first folio, one cat chases a mouse and another has caught one (fig.
34). To the right, a hybrid archer shoots an arrow at a bird below and again
the motif is paired with a mock joust. The bas-de-page features apes with
swords and shields facing each other on male and female camels. Although
the shields are damaged, the association of heraldry with a genealogical com-
position was certainly a symbiotic one highlighting the social status of the
manuscripts owner and the importance of titled lineage.61 In the bas-de-page
of the second folio, two lovers embrace beneath a tree filled with birds (fig.
35). The lady holds a hawk and the man cups the womans chin. As in the
BnF-Yale Vulgate Arthur, the scene of courtship depicted in conjunction
with scenes about lineage may be used to show that these were intertwined
concerns to the medieval nobility played out in the margins of vernacular
romances and histories. In contrast to the errant knights in this manuscript,
the love scene may cast marriage and progeny as courtly virtues of woman-
hood, or conversely from the romance tradition, the female hunter may serve
to warn noble men of womens sexual dangers.
Figure 34. The New Law, Brunetto Latini, Le Trsor, chap. 63 (Permission The
British Library, Yates Thompson MS 19), fol. 18r.
Figure 35. The parentage of Our Lady, Brunetto Latini, Le Trsor, chap. 64 (Per-
mission The British Library, Yates Thompson MS 19), fol. 18v.
Twice a bedecked knight charges with his lance against oversized snails
on the lower borders of folios opening the two divisions of Part II, both of
which are are rubricated des visces et des vertus: Aristotles Ethics and Brunet-
tos own commentary on the Virtues and Vices. (fig. 36, fols. 65r and 87r).
The prologue lists the four virtues prized as jewels, including prudence, tem-
perance, courage, and justice. As the vice of cowardice had been depicted as a
knight afraid of a snail, here courage against the threat could alternatively be
seen as a stab at virtue, except that the natural baseness of the animal makes
it unworthy prey for splendid jousting gear and thus a humorous parody of
the knight in arms. The twist on the motif to open Brunettos commentary
on the virtues and vices may underline the text: Just as a man achieved lord-
ship over other creatures. On the right margin of the first opening, an archer
has aimed his bow and shot an arrow toward a serpent growing from the ter-
minal of the upper border. On the next page, folio 65v, the text translated
from the beginning of Aristotle addresses the student like an archer: Just as
an archer aims his bows arrow towards a target, similarly each art has a final
Figure 36. Prologue to Artistotles Ethics, Brunetto Latini, Le Trsor, book II (Per-
mission The British Library, Yates Thompson MS 19), fol. 65r.
goal which guides its works.62 The text goes on to explain the different class
divisions in society, including clerics, laborers, and tradesmen, whose gover-
nor rules them for the common good. Albeit common motifs, the knights
combat and the archers aim serve as visual cues drawing attention to social
rank and to learning in the text.
Also suggested as a possible meaning for the threatening snail is social-
climbing. The growth of the urban bourgeois and patrician classes resulted
in struggles between the count and the towns; meanwhile the nobility was
experiencing social anxieties in the face of increased monarchial power. To
identify a social group posing such a humorous threat to the aristocracy,
Randall locates textual slanders against the Lombard bankers and brokers
who were in northern Europe and who largely financed the landed nobil-
ity and the Dampierre house in particular.63 Given the connotations toward
class conflict, the choice of the theme in the context of the encyclopedia
seems directly influenced by the proximate text and rubrics.
Such humorous motifs that parody knighthood, including all kinds
of unlikely riders and fictional foes, can be understood in multiple ways
by the texts they underline.64 The same theme of combat against a snail
appears in the margins for the same kind of text on the virtues and vices in
Latin, which Vincent of Beauvais includes in the Speculum doctrinale (fig.
49). In a miniature in the Li ars damour (KBR 9543), considered in the
next section, the nobleman drops his silver gilt sword at the sight of a hare
and a snail to illustrate a section in a book on virtues (fig. 37).65 The use of
the motif in these cases matches the textual meaning for both clerical and
lay audiences. With connotations in the social realm, the snails in these
cases are placed in textual contexts that define the moral behavior of the
nobility.
The scenes of lovers under a tree and the armed knight defeating a
snail were the subjects of miniatures in another didactic text written in
the early fourteenth century and illuminated by the Matre au menton
fuyant in an especially commissioned new text, Li ars damour, de vertu,
et de boneurt. Although there are few hints concerning patronage with
the Trsors of the Throuanne repertoire, the Li ars manuscripts are closely
linked to the Avesnes of Hainault and Holland. The text was intended to
be a didactic compendium in French for the behavior and knowledge of a
courtly noble; with the illustrations the text is a close, immediate textual
source for the iconographic background to popular marginal images in the
marginal repertoire. In addition, two collections of fabliaux and verses were
illustrated in Douai or Arras with minimal marginalia. The contexts of the
illustrations in these manuscripts may be used to provide a useful assessment
for the contemporary reception of marginalia as exempla targeted for the

conduct of noble-born men and women.
MINIATURES AND MARGINS IN VERNACULAR TOMES
Li ars damour, de vertu, et de boneurt was compiled by Guy of Avesnes,

bishop of Utrecht (13011317) and the brother of John II, the count of
Hainault. Written between 1290 and 1302 and similar in content to Bru-
nettos Trsor, the text resulted from studies of Aristotles Nichomachean
Ethics as well as Procles, Seneca, Cicero, and Thomas Aquinas, among oth-
ers. Of the two illustrated copies in the Royal Library of Belgium, the first
(KBR MS 9543) contains a riddle about the author in the margin, point-
ing to a bilingual reader of French and Flemish. In her article solving this
riddle, Janet F. van der Meulen suggests that Guy and his teacher, Hendrik
Bate, are pictured together as scholars with an astrolobe and an exemplum
in a miniature opening the fifth book of Part II.66 The later copy (KBR MS
9548) contains the work of a different artist based in Arras and not all of the
same illustrations; however, due to its rarity and localization it has been sug-
gested that it may have belonged to someone important like a prelate of the
Avesnes.67 While the miniatures of KBR 9543 made it into Randalls Images
in the Margins because the subject matter of the illustrations shares themes
with the margins, the later KBR 9548 did not although its borders display
only terminal figures.68 Studying miniatures in the Li ars damour provides
an opportunity to consider popular marginal motifs as framed illustrations
of a text written in the vernacular.
The divisions between texts are not prominently marked on the pages
for which new sections begin; rather, numbers spelled out in the running titles
help to subdivide the books within the three parts. The column-width min-
iatures feature common compositions for the illustration of the moral lessons
enumerated in the text. The first part contains four books and nineteen illustra-
tions (fols. 12r-70v). The second part opens more significantly with an image
of Christ in Majesty, enthroned in a mandorla, holding a mappa mundi, and
flanked by angels with censors. The second part contains six books and forty-
seven miniatures (fols. 71r-267v), and its third book contains the most illus-
trations of any in the manuscript, numbering twenty-eight (fols. 116r-202r).69
The third part contains two books but opens with only one illustration (fols.
268r-314). In it, a tonsured cleric reads from an exemplum on a lecturn, but
he is turned away from an audience of six aristocrats with curly hair.
Following an alphabetical index (fols. 14v) and a table of contents
(fols. 5r-11r) in the front matter, the first illustration is not about the
author but rather shows the God of Love shooting arrows at lovers (fol.
12r). Although it is a framed miniature on burnished gold background,
Randall cites the image as an example of Man and woman before Eros
in tree which appears in the margins of fourteenth-century manuscripts
made in Ghent and on the first folio of the Arras Chansonnier.70 With
profane love imagery occupying the first frame, the moralistic text is
immediately set in relation to the interests of the laity. Part I, the art of
love, presents several miniatures of the medieval family, an investigation
into which has been opened by van der Meulen in her article on the recep-
tion to the art of love by the families of Avesnes and Dampierre.71 In
the first book, the marginal riddle regarding the author is written next
to a scene of the Judgment of Solomon featuring a father, mother, and
swaddled baby (fol. 13v).72 Opening the second book is an unusual scene
of lovers standing inside the same cloak between two trees and holding an
unwound scroll (fol. 22v). The second book ends with a scene of parents
disciplining their children, which is instructive regarding the purposes of
learning the material presented in the text (fol. 47r). Twice in the manu-
script conjugal love is illustrated with a couple in bed, the first followed
by the disorderly housewife in the third book of Part I and the second fea-
turing royalty under an ermine bed cover in the third book of Part II (fols.
53v and 131v). Becoming more popular through the fourteenth century,
the motif of the housewife beating her husband (fol. 54r) shows an early
appearance in this manuscript.73 Here husband and wife are seated on a
bench, but her raised cudgel contrasts with the typical scenes of conver-
sations between lovers, one of which opens the fourth book, as well as
scenes of laymen with confessors and advisers with rulers.
Other motifs framed in the miniatures are commonly found in the
margins. In the second book of Part I on the art of love, hunting is rep-
resented by a young man on horseback with a falcon (fol. 25v).74 Bestiary
themes are included in the fourth book of Part I; for example, a tigress fooled
by a mirror appears as a spotted doe (fol. 60r) and a wolf chases a lamb
(fol. 59v). In the third book of Part II on the virtues and vices, bestiality is
illustrated by a lion hybrid emitting a human head from its mouth and a
human torso from its back (fol. 187v). Twice a man confronts a beast (fols.
23v and 122r): the first confrontation contains an oversized serpent attack-
ing a nobleman and the second contains a knight defeating the serpent. On
the same folio depicting the nobleman and the serpent, a second miniature
shows the same nobleman with instruments of leisure, illustrating the man-
ners of men according to their age. On the ground are balls and a paddle and
the nobleman kneels holding a type of gaming stick and a bow. Near the end
of the manuscript, at the base of the text, a two-column width miniature is

the only illustration for the sixth book of Part II. Showing the pleasures of
man (les delectations bones), eleven wavy-haired men engage in tumbling, a
medieval form of stickball (with the same paddle as that on the ground in
the other illustration), feasting, and rolling dice (fol. 251v). Many of these
motifs, whether falconry, games, combats, or hybrids, appear frequently in
the margins of contemporary manuscripts, so their functions as illustration
in this manuscript carry with them explanations for social and behavioral
expectations.
A closely related series of miniatures opens the third book of Part II,
containing the most illustrations and addressing the virtues and vices one by
one. The image of a knight fleeing from a hare and a snail was used to illustrate
things to fear and not to fear with force (fig. 37). The didactic iconography
of the marginal image, after all, had been connected to vice in both Latin and
French texts by different painters and is here connected to a contemporary
text ordered by a bishop.75 The knight throws his hands up, dropping his
buckler and a scythe, at the sight of both a hare and a snail. In the minia-
tures of the preceding and two following folios, identifiable arms are figured
in combat scenes. In the battle scene of the facing page, three bendlets appear
on the shield (fol. 116v). In the next quire, illustrating a lesson on strength
(fol. 118v), the arms of Hainault with three chevrons are included. The arms
of Flanders are figured in a combat between knights in the miniature on fol.
121r. In this passage of imagery on these quires (fols. 110117 and 118125),
the popular vice of cowardice was collated with the heraldry and lessons on
military strength to emphasize moral fortitude for the warrior class.
Scholars have provided numerous explanations for the significance of
the snail motif in the marginalia of the thirteenth century, ranging from the
natural garden nuisance espoused by Champfleury to the social derision of
the Lombard bankers in the region located by Randall in popular litera-
ture.76 Associated with the virtues and vices rubrics in the London Trsor,
the motif is used by another artist to supplement the same text in the Latin
encyclopedia, the Bruges Speculum doctrinale (see fig. 49). Frightened by a
hare in the Dampierre Psalter (fol. 184r), the cowardly knight appears on
the recto of the same page as a youthful bachelor with a shield involved in
a boar hunt, appearing in the seventeenth quire with a mermaid, a nude
male, and two foxes attacked by simpler men (tables 5a-5b). In the devo-
tional context the motif may appear parody the prowess of the patron but
may also appear more closely the text of Psalm 118:31, Domine ne confun-
dus me (put me not to shame). The context of the motif in Yale 229, with
a knight on horseback confronting a snail on a dung heap (fol. 169r), on
Figure 37. Li ars damour, de vertu, et de boneurt (Brussels, Royal Library of Bel-
gium, MS 9543), fol. 117r.
the other hand, appears on the same bifolium as a bestiary motif associated
with discipline in times of war: the falcon eating its prey (fol. 174v).77 The
confrontation against the snail accompanies a miniature illustrating King
Arthur threatening a squire and sounding his horn; the avian composi-
tion appears on the lower border next to a miniature illustrating Lancelots
dementia in the woods. These various manifestations of cowardice operate
in each case to amplify the ignoble versus noble behaviors espoused by the
text and images they accompany.
Two more manuscripts associated with the Douai group and the Ma-
tre au menton fuyent contain the snail motif in margins near miniatures
concerning the literacy and the soul of laity. The Recueil ascetique, Brussels,
KBR MS 9400, is a vernacular text of 109 folios and was painted by hands
connected to the Douai group. Twice hybrid men hold shields, the first con-
taining the arms that Gaspar and Lyna used to trace provenance to Flanders:
de gueules a quatre cotices dargent.78 Mass is said in the nearby miniature
for Twelve Sacraments for the Soul. Next to another miniature of a noble
woman at mass (fol. 88v), illustrating the Credo in French, a man with
a cudgel fights a snail in the margin (fig. 38). On the following folio, the
Morals of Philosophers is illustrated by an image of Cicero and Cato as
magisters; in the margin a plain shield is held by a hybrid knight (fol. 90v).79
The association of the snail motif and shields in this section of a didactic text
again seems to be used to reiterate the moral aspirations and spiritual guid-
ance encouraged toward the literacy of the secular nobility.
In KBR MS 941126, a Recueil de posies morales, fabliaux, dits, et contes,
was painted by the Matre au menton fuyant and the assistant. On fol. 105r,
Adam of Suel as a magister and a nobleman holding gloves gesticulate in conver-
sation and in the bas-de-page a man with a sword flees from a snail (fig. 39).80
In the same gathering on the previous folio, another marginal image shows a
man taking an axe against a snail, while the miniature shows a verse on the soul
in which a physician or magister narrates, while the figure lying in bed emits a
naked figure out of his mouth to a hovering angel. These illustrations emphasize
the confession and counsel of a nobleman as superior to the violent, irrational
vices embodied in the margins. The circumstances for the production of this
kind of text and the other didactic collections such as Le Trsor allow the small-
est motifs to play a role in gauging the reception of such self-reflexive imagery.
The different contexts in which these motifs were used in vernacular
texts illustrates a common thread among them in that their functions were
didactic and aimed toward the education of the nobility who read them. The
early use of the snail motif in the stone relief of the choir of Notre Dame at
Chartres reflects the moralistic view of the clergy; the motif s recurrence in
142
Figure 38. Recueil asctique, (Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, MS

9400), fol. 88v-89r. Figure 39. Recueil de posies morales, fabliaux, dits, et
contes (Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, MS, 9411-
26), fol. 105r.
texts on the virtues and vices enhances the exemplum for the noble reader.81
In the case of these compilations and collections, the parody of the nobility
directed to a noble audience can be used to empower the reader with the
moral, historical, and philosophical truths that can be found in the French
text without the conduit of Latin literacy.
Chapter Six
Opening Books, Underlining Authorities
The Speculum majus as a text has long been a staple to medieval art his-
tory, although, oddly enough, the illuminated manuscripts themselves were
largely neglected. Emile Mle, in The Gothic Image, approached Gothic art in
France through the lenses of the Mirrors of Vincent of Beauvais. If Aqui-
nas was the most powerful thinker of the Middle Ages, Vincent of Beauvais
was certainly the most comprehensive.1 Looking at the nascent naturalism
of the margins under the rubric of the Mirror of Nature, Mle echoes Saint
Bernard of Clairvauxs disgust at these unclean monkeys, these savage lions,
and monstrous centaurs within the church walls and concludes, It is evi-
dent that the flora and fauna of medieval art, natural or fantastic, has in most
cases a value that is purely decorative.2 The illuminated copies of the Specu-
lum majus in the present chapter show instead how marginalia were used to
perform suturing functions for the reader with typical motifs and variations
on popular themes.
Vincents Speculum majus was written for the edification of the French
king Louis IX. Soon after its completion, copies were illuminated for mon-
asteries in the dioceses of Throuanne, Tournai, and Arras. Although the
illuminated manuscripts of the Speculum majus recently have received some
long overdue attention, the marginalia of the Flemish-Artesian regions cop-
ies remain discounted for their supposed lack of any relationship to the text.3
Three centers of manuscript production in particularSaint Omer, Arras,
and Douaiilluminated multi-volume encyclopedias with historiated ini-
tials and borders with marginal imagery. The Dampierre group, broadened
in its later generation and influence to become the Throuanne group; the
Matre au menton fuyant, likely based in Arras; and the Douai group, which
introduces a variety of motifs to the marginal repertoire, each were involved
in illuminating parts of the Speculum majus for regional monastic patrons.4
The three styles may be used to illustrate the different ways illuminators
145
employed standardized motifs to facilitate citing the authorities and to guide

the reader toward learning exempla, metaphors, or allegorical senses outside
the text.
The manuscripts of the Speculum majus are typically incomplete because
the text was three times the size of the Bible. In fact, Vincent designed the
Speculum majus to be broken up, since a whole multi-volume set would result
in an extraordinary expense for any one library or book owner.5 Divided into
the mirrors of history, nature, and doctrine, each mirror contains thirty-two
books of thirty to fifty folios each. Split into volumes, each contains 300400
folios and measures over forty centimeters in height. Unlike the column-
width miniatures in the Trsors, historiated initials are used to open each book
of the Latin text. Although the three parts of the Speculum majus examined
in this study come from different centers on the Franco-Flemish border, the
marginal images in each distinguish the page from the repeated initials that
open each book. Some divisions have illustrations with biblical or historical
subjects, but most initials contain magisters with birettas and tonsured monks
often gesticulating or reading over a group of seated students, but magisters
also perform the roles of author, narrator, advisor, and doctor.6
Of the three parts constituting the Speculum majus, the Speculum histo-
riale was more frequently illustrated. One volume, MS 131, now in the city
library in Boulogne-sur-Mer, was illuminated in Saint Omer, Throuanne,
and is linked stylistically to the Dampierre group.7 This volume contains
nineteen historiated initials with burnished gold backgrounds and animated
borders dividing the books over the course of 420 folios (fig. 40). According
to the colophon, this Speculum historiale was destined in 1297 for Eustache
of Lille, the abbot of the Benedictine Abbey of Saint Bertin near Saint Omer
(129497).8 The text and illuminations, but not the marginalia, were cop-
ied almost exactly in the early fourteenth century in Boulogne-sur-Mer,
MS 130.9 The later manuscript includes a second volume, suggesting that
MS 131 also originally contained two volumes. The text in the second vol-
ume of MS 130 contains Vincents compilations of exempla, such as those
by Hlinand of Froidmont and the lives of saints.10 Rather than proverbs
and fables, however, the marginalia in these volumes echo themes popular
in contemporary romances and chansonniers. Decorated with hunting scenes
and duels on the borders, this history text is illustrated primarily with emper-
ors dressed as contemporary royalty.
There are only two known illuminated sets of the Speculum naturale,
of which one, consisting of three volumes, is housed in the former Prmon-
stratensian Abbey of Bonne-Esprence in Vellereille-les-Brayeux east of Arras
where it was illuminated (figs. 41, 4446).11 Alison Stones identifies the
Figure 40. Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum historiale, book 13 (Bibliothque munici-

pale de Boulogne-sur-Mer (France), MS 131), fol. 285v.
artist with manuscripts illuminated by the Matre au menton fuyant who

was responsible for all of the eighteen illuminated folios in two of the vol-
umes, including a prologue for each and opening nine books in the first vol-
ume (MS 4, 369 folios) and seven books in the second volume (MS 5, 250
folios).12 Divided according to the days and particular events of creation,
each book opens with a historiated initial containing illustrations of the nat-
ural world against red or blue patterned backgrounds. Figures of a magister
wearing a biretta or God with a halo and beard narrate the Creation scenes,
perhaps interchanging the Classical Latin teacher and the Christian author-
ity of Christ.13 In these volumes, the marginalia are neatly arranged along
the bas-de-page with one figure under each column of text and occasionally a
songbird on the ivy-leaf terminal. Hybrid combinations of human heads and
animal bodies are more frequently represented than other motifs.
The third and last part of the majus, composed separately by Vincent of
Beauvais around 1250, is the Speculum doctrinale. The only surviving illumi-
nated copy of this text belonged to the former Cistercian Abbey of Ter Duinen
and dates roughly to the last two decades of the thirteenth century (figs. 42, 47
51). Containing 340 folios, nine are illuminated with initials containing masters
and students to begin the Apologia and to divide books 18 on letters and mor-
als. It was illuminated in Douai, in the diocese of Arras, where other large-scale
liturgical and vernacular prose manuscripts were illuminated by the same paint-
ers for Cistercian patrons.14 Compared to the courtly demeanors and fluid lines
of the Parisian style visible in the other works, the style of this group appears
to be simplified and sketchy, with stocky figures and unfinished contours. But
the marginalia are not limited to one or two motifs and feature instead over five
vignettes per page. The motifs are also more playful and are often inter-related,
with scenes from everyday life, visual puns, and bestial exempla.
Since encyclopedias were primarily copies of past authorities, they were
useful reference tools for the art of rhetoric practiced by masters, teachers, and
preachers alike. Vincents examples of natural, historical, and doctrinal matters
were intended to be committed to memory in order to compose or to speak
with written authority.15 Despite the different needs for the illustrations of each
Mirror, the opening of each was used to emphasize the citation of the text. In the
opening initial of the Apologia to the Boulogne Speculum historiale, Vincent is
depicted in his Dominican tonsure and habit. He sits in a chair-desk and copies
a book that is set upon an oversized classical columnperhaps emphasizing the
ancient sources upon which his text was based. In the initial for the beginning
of the Prologue to the Vellereille Speculum naturale, the author is depicted as a
magister wearing a biretta and reads from an exemplum on a lectern attached
to his basilica-shaped bench (fig. 41). The first sentence of text emphasizes
Figure 41. Prologue, Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum naturale (Vellereille-les-Brayeux,

Abbaye de Bonne-Esprance (Belgium), MS 5, Books 2632), fol. 1r.
Figure 42. Apologia, Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum doctrinale (Bruges, Openbare

Bibliotheek, MS 251), fol. 1r.
recollection (memori), speaking (labilitas), and writing (scripta). The Bruges

Speculum doctrinale opens with the cloistered novitiate or chapter house, over
which presides a tonsured monk teaching and pointing to an exemplum on the
lectern (fig. 42).
In The Book of Memory, Mary Carruthers explains that for medieval
authors text-making, writing, or speaking involved the placing or gathering
together of divided bits. In short, authorities that were read were also digested
and could then be ruminated into a composition.16 Vincent cited his sources
parenthetically so as not to lose the sources in the margins, as was the prac-
tice in the twelfth century, and the scribes highlighted the names of those
authorities in red rubrics.17 When it came to recalling things, mental games
were not considered childish but served to aid in meditation and preaching.
The game of bowls in the margins of the Vellereille Speculum naturale and
the Bruges Speculum doctrinale perhaps served as reminders to do so, espe-
cially in juxtaposition to the magisters in the initials (fig. 41).18 By contrast,
the same game in the BnF-Yale Vulgate Arthur twice accompanies images of
womens deception,19 thus illustrating how the same motif indicating a rhe-
torical device operates for two different contexts.
Only one quotidian vignette is repeated in the encyclopedia of the
three regional styles: the scene of fishing. According to Lilian Randalls
index of images in the margins, the scene of a man fishing in a stream was
not common in the late thirteenth century.20 In terms of the context of
an encyclopedias use, there are several ways to interpret the motif. The
common notion of the devil as a fisher of men may have been employed
to contribute a general, moral anecdote to support the didactic sense of
the text. In French, the words pcheur (sinner) and pcheur (fisherman)
are near homonyms, according a role for the vernacular in the margins of
the Latin text. In the context of the monastic library, a scene of fishing
could also refer to the readers action of referencing and remembering the
authorities cited.
According to Carruthers, metaphors of hunting and fishing were often
cited in treatises on the art of memory. Hunting for words and fishing for
thoughts were ways to search the inventory of ones memory bank.21 Birds
were another ubiquitous motif used in the treatises on memory: Birds, like
memories, need to be hunted down.22 In Brunetto Latinis copy of Aris-
totles Ethics, the archer aiming his bow and arrow illustrates that every art
has purpose guiding its works (fig. 36).23 The margins of all three parts of
the Speculum majus include birds perched on the initials and borders. Bows
and arrows being aimed at different prey, more often birds and stags than
buttocks, were common enough to any repertoire, but the function of the
encyclopedic text itself may be used to suggest that the decoration was par-
ticularly meaningful in this context. The provenances of the Speculum majus
manuscripts in monastic libraries contribute to understanding the educa-
tional purpose of marginalia in the cloister versus the leisure context.
BOULOGNE SPECULUM HISTORIALE
The role of kingship is emphasized in fifteen of the eighteen initials for the
Boulogne-sur-Mer copy of the Speculum historiale (Bibliothque municipale
de Boulogne-sur-Mer, MS 131). Crowned rulers seem to supply the appro-
priate iconography for a mirror of world history that was originally written
for the education of the reigning monarch, Louis IX, but this particular copy
was made for the abbot of Saint Bertin, Eustache of Lille. Embossed against
the gold backgrounds, the rulers either stand in a niche or sit enthroned
before advisers or their households. The fishing scene in this manuscript
occurs in the bas-de-page between a twisting ape and a hunter and beneath
the enthroned Diocletian addressing two men to open book 13 (fig. 40).
In the letter M of book 8, the ruler Tyberius consults a magister and illus-
trates the type of relationship the advising cleric was supposed to hold with
the court (fol. 146r). The lessons of ancient kings are pictured primarily as
conversations with kings, whose historical exempla are framed both by the
authority of the letter and by the didactic function of the borders surround-
ing the text.
Five initials contain narrative scenes (fols. 54v, 77v, 174r, 202r, and
231v). For three books, the stories are elaborated in the lower margin (fols.
77v, 95r, and 105bis v), and these scenes were copied in the next generations
copy, Boulogne-sur-Mer MS 130. In the first pair of the historiated initials,
the Finding of Moses is followed by the dream of Astiages regarding his
daughters progeny (books 34). The lower border contains a crowned and
swaddled Cyrus protected by a dog; the man with the swaddled, crowned
baby and its mother to the right echo the previous initials composition with
Moses as a baby. Emphasis on succession continues in the narrative margins
of the next pair of folios for books 5 and 6. First, the reign of Alexander
the Great begins with his succession to Philip of Macedonia in the I-ini-
tial, and the battle with Persians ensues below with blazons on the shields
of the knights and a herald (fol. 95r).24 Then upon the death of Alexander,
the empire is divided among four rulers standing two-by-two in the I-initial
(fol. 105bis v). In the bas-de-page, Alexanders deathbed is depicted along
with several onlookers, a composition echoing those in historiated initials
used previously in Astiagess dream and later in the larger scale composition
illustrating Claudiuss succession (fol. 202, book 10).25 Likely engaged in

contemporary politics at the crossroads of Flanders, England, and France,
the owner of this manuscript may have seen these illustrations and their mar-
ginal extensions as emphasizing the terms of progeny and succession neces-
sary to the secular rulers.
In the Boulogne Speculum historiale, the device for using narrative mar-
ginalia to enhance the scenes in the historiated initials was applied to the
margins of a sumptuously decorated bible, Saint Omer, Bibliothque munic-
ipale, MS 5, also illuminated by the Throuanne group. As Stones notes,
the similar narrative enhancement makes the Boulogne copy of the Specu-
lum historiale highly individualized.26 Other divisions in the manuscript
contain otherwise basic models in the repertoire. Scenes of a royal audience
were standard to the repertory of illuminators and did not require specific
knowledge of the text. Many of the marginal images were also chosen from
standardized models.27 Especially numerous are the marginal scenes of hunt-
ingincluding combinations of hare, stag, hound, and hunterthat deco-
rate the lower border of eleven folios. Fighting with a sword and buckler
occurs on six folios, two of which are duels, and the latter three depict a man
battling a grotesque hybrid. Apes appear five times in the borders of this vol-
ume, twice snaring birds, twice eating fruit, and once wielding a sword (fig.
40). These motifs are perhaps the most common of the major workshops
in northern Europe, but Carruthers argues for their utility in what she calls
memory-work, which is especially appropriate for the authorities Vincent
quoted on history. In distinguishing the page with what Richard Rouse and
Mary Rouse term artificial finding devices, the repetitive can perform addi-
tional functions for the reader of the manuscript.28
As metaphors of hunting were often cited in treatises on the art of
memory, the motif of the bow and arrow had metaphorical meanings in
the context of Dominican education, which was the intention of Vincent
of Beauvais. Hugh of Saint Chers quote, First the bow is bent in study,
then the arrow is released in preaching, emphasizes the role of learning and
memorization before composition and speech.29 In the illustrations of the
Boulogne historiale, the rulers more frequently speak to an audience in the
initials, enacting their authority through past examples of rulership. The
marginalia underlined the function of the Speculum as a source for the con-
sultation of authorities in and on history, whose examples could be gathered
in and recalled from memory.
In the margins of the Boulogne Speculum historiale, the model pattern for
the eleven hunting scenes displays a choice of four figures, represented together
on fol. 146r: a hare, a stag, a hound, and a hunter (some blowing bugles
rather than aiming bows). Four of the vignettes contain three figures (fols. 1r,
8v, 259v, 337v), three contain two (fols. 28v, 174r, 285v), and three contain
only one of the figures (fols. 231v, 389r, 436r). In addition, folios at the begin-
ning and end of the volume both contain apes trapping birds below the first
column (fols. 28v and 436r). The artist betrays his use of a model on fol. 28v.
The margin of the page below the arabesque tendrils contains a preliminary
sketch of a dog pouncing to the right. In the twelve depictions of a hound, this
is one of two facing right instead of left. The second hound facing right is the
one that suckles Cyrus in the bas-de-page of fol. 77v.
The Boulogne Speculum historiale was copied three decades later from
within the same abbey. A different artistic hand was responsible for each
of the two volumes of MS 130 (books 118 and 1932).30 Evidence of
the first artist on fol. 183v, which was left unpainted, shows that marginal
motifs were drawn alongside the miniatures and borders before gilding or
coloring (fig. 43). The modeling upon the older work is faithful to the nar-
rative scenes, but the marginalia are more attenuated and decorative: spiky
Figure 43. Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum historiale, book 10 (Bibliothque munici-

pale de Boulogne-sur-Mer (France), MS 130), fol. 183v.
hybrids echo the form of spiky border tendrils and hares populate most of
the borders. The narrative marginalia follow the older manuscripts mod-
els fairly closely; for the battle against the Persians, however, the shields
and pennon are decorated with plain colors of vermillion, pink, and green
rather than with blazons (fol. 83r). On the other hand, models such as the
hound chasing the stag are copied exactly (e.g. fol. 8v in MS 131 and fol.
5v in MS 130).
A well-known center of learning, the abbey of Saint Bertin served as a
conduit for the Anglo-Norman ecclesiastics, who in turn took the cult into
England.31 According to archival records, numerous authors and compilers
visited the sizable library, so the encyclopedia may have been consulted or
viewed by any number of clerics. In his various roles as the caretaker of the
Benedictine community or as an adviser to local princes, Abbot Eustache was
supplied with at least two sumptuous volumes of historical exempla. Latin
texts in these monastic library collections, such as the Speculum historiale,
served as models for vernacular texts as well, such as the Spiegel Historiael
written in Dutch by Jacob of Maerlant, who was educated in Bruges at Saint
Donation. Possibly made for Count Floris V of Holland, one sumptuous
manuscript of this verse history was illustrated in Ghent with a few mar-
gins containing mermen, hunters, and prey, as well as heraldry in the min-
iatures.32 Whether written for an abbot or a count, the difference between
the Latin authorities and vernacular verses did not alter the importance of
recalling similar examples in history.
The marginal images in the Boulogne Speculum historiale may be used
to illustrate that although many of the repertoire figures were repeated, seem-
ing somewhat stagnant, the hunts and chases may have provided encour-
agement to the memory work expected of a reference book in the way that
Carruthers proposes. Alternatively, the popular pastimes of the nobility may
simply have been used to echo the secular world illustrated in the minia-
tures. Educational curricula certainly influenced the needs for consultation
and memory resulting in a two-fold basis for the aesthetic elaboration in the
borders: the prestige of a deluxe edition of a relatively new text in the abba-
cys acquisitions and the practical application of repeated motifs to arrive at
exempla, metaphors, or the literary and allegorical senses for citation and
oration. In turning to another section of the Speculum, on nature, the unnat-
ural combinations of hybrids and the memory motifs of hunts and duels by
the Matre au menton fuyant illustrate another approach to the borders of
a reference work with complementary ties to the illustrations in the initials
and the words in the rubrics.
VELLEREILLE SPECULUM NATURALE
A pair of volumes of the Speculum naturale has recently come to light in the
collection of the former Prmonstratensian Abbey of Bonne-Esprance in
Vellereille-les-Brayeux, MS 4, books 1625 (XVII-XXV)33 and MS 5, books
2632.34 Organized according to the days of Creation, the initials illustrate
the latter books for the fifth day showing the creation of the birds and fish;
for the sixth day including the creation of different kinds of animals, ser-
pents, man, and the nature of his soul; and for the seventh day expanding on
questions of the Universe, sin, life, and geography. Figures of authority in the
initials recite the order of events; they vary evenly between a tonsured monk,
a magister, and God as Creator.35 Although the margins in this manuscript
contain a number of hybrid creatures and conflicts, as well as other typical
motifs, the marginalia do exhibit subtle relationships to the iconography in
the historiated initials and sometimes the running title or rubrics.
The two volumes both open formally with prologues, rubricated with
Apologia toti operis. They each open with a magister narrating about the four
elements in the first and consulting an exemplum in the second. The first
prologue depicts him pointing at fire, earth, and water. In the lower margin,
human hybrids play the psaltery and the harp. The second opening depicts
the scholar at a desk, with one hand resting on his chin and the other on the
open bifolium on the lectern (fig. 41). Below, a bird is perched on the vine
tendril over game of bowls on the lower border.
On the subject of the seventh day, De universo, a figure of the Creator
explains the realms of the universe, which are embodied by an angel, two
men, a lion, and a dog (book 29, fig. 44). The marginalia include a songbird,
an owl perched in the corner, and originally the fishing scene below. Sym-
bolically the owl was considered evil, underlining the negative exemplum of
the fisherman now excised from the margin. Created on the fifth day, birds
and the fish are subjects of previous initials opening books 1617 (XVII-
XVIII). On the sixth day at books 1819 (XIX-XX), illustrations of wild and
domestic animals include a lion and a dog, which are repeated in the seventh
days initial about the Universe.36 The contents of the margins with birds and
fish seem to complement the spectrum of beings presented in these initials.37
Also possibly accounting for the fishing motif is the subject of the following
book 30 concerning mans sinful nature, if the Latin peccator (sinner) is sug-
gestive of the piscator (fisherman).
Complementary relationships between the margins and the historiated
initials occur elsewhere in the manuscript; these were overlooked in Christel
Meiers article on the initials.38 Under the initial depicting the creation of
Figure 44. Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum naturale, book 29 (Vellereille-les-Brayeux,

Abbaye de Bonne-Esprance (Belgium), MS 5, Books 26-32), fol. 146r.
the domestic animals, including a horse, hound, and pet dog, a cat chasing a
mouse in the margin supplements the domestic menagerie above (book 28,
fol. 19). This natural hunting motif had a long tradition in the earliest mar-
ginalia of manuscript illumination in the Book of Kells. Running after the
cat and mouse, a harpy with the veiled head of a lady and the body of a bird
might suggest the feminine wiles of lay women.39 In the next books initial,
the lion, stag, and hare represent the wild beasts; hounds below bound across
the border after a small rabbit, again enhancing the menagerie of hunted
prey. Below the book opening with the Creation of Eve (book 23, fol. 266r),
a male centaur plays the tabor while the female dances, perhaps embodying
corporeal lust with their animal hinds.40
The last book of the Vellereille Speculum naturale summarizes the geog-
raphy of the world (book 32, fig. 45), illustrated by God enthroned and
holding an orb with the tripartite mappa mundi. In the marginal composi-
tion, the artist clearly understood the encyclopedic sense of the illustration,
for the lower border contains a bat-winged dragon (the only serpent of its
kind in the manuscript) and an unusual hybrid in the form of an elephant.
Since Africa and Asia stood outside the margins of medieval Europe, the ele-
phant famed by Isidore of Seville is attempted with the long trunk holding
a fish. The design was so uncommon that it was practiced on the opposite
folio (fig. 46).41 The two hybrids may represent the myth of the red pigment,
dragonsblood. Romantically named and widely used in book-decoration,
the color was described in medieval encyclopedias as a pigment formed not
merely from dragons but from the mingling of the blood of elephants and
dragons that have killed each other in battle.42 The description of Africa and
Asia in the map and in the text may have suggested the exotic source of the
artists pigment.
Another folios marginal grotesques exhibit a careful reading of the
rubricated running title at the top of the folio for book 26. In the historiated
initial, a man sleeps on a bed while a magister gesticulates in oral recitation.
On the lower border, two hybrids face each other. One, a knight in profile
with the body of a hound charges at a frontally-faced visage with wide open
eyes and a kettle for a crown. The running title specifies that the book is
about dreaming and waking (De somno et vigilia), illustrated by the sleeping
figure in the initial. Supplementing the content of the text and illustration,
the contrast between the darkened profile and the whole face on the mar-
ginal hybrids is clearly intended for a readers use and reception.43
Hybrids and grotesques engaging in conflict from opposite sides of the
page are characteristic of many of the other opening folios in this Speculum
naturale. Of the eighteen openings, ten pairs of hybrids decorate the lower
Figure 45. Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum naturale, book 32 (Vellereille-les-Brayeux,

Abbaye de Bonne-Esprance (Belgium), MS 5, Books 26-32), fol. 330v.
Figure 46. Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum naturale, book 32, cont. (Vellereille-les-
Brayeux, Abbaye de Bonne-Esprance (Belgium), MS 5, Books 26-32), fol. 331r.
borders; there are also three single hybrids next to other figures on the eight
remaining folios, which include common motifs such as chases, games, rams,
and an ape shot in the rear. Carruthers addresses hybrids and violent compo-
sitions in particular, arguing that their unexpected juxtapositions were used to
provide mnemonic devices. Although the subject of the image may have noth-
ing to do with the content of the text, the composition provided a dynamic
template upon which bits of informationlike syllables of a word or par-
enthetical citationscould be attached and retained in the memory.44 The
varied compositions of hybrids bring to mind the placing together of divided
bits advocated by Hugh of Saint Victor.45 These few examples are cited to
show that the subject of the text may have been recalled according to such
memory devices as the construction of hybrids, hunting scenes, and duels.46
The career of the Matre au menton fuyant remains to be explored in

more detail now that Stones has identified a number of the manuscripts dat-
ing from the 1290s to 1325 with which the master and his assistants were
involved.47 In particular, the psalter in Tournai Cathedral (Scaldis H 12/2)
may have been intended for William of Termonde, and its margins contain
the bawdiest acrobatic apes with genitalia in addition to the hybrid figures
whose models were repeated in this Speculum naturale.48 The interactions
with the text and supplements to the principal illuminations that the mar-
ginalia are allowed to carry in this text remain to be gauged in future stud-
ies against the devotional and vernacular prose texts for which the Matre
au menton fuyant was responsible. Likewise, the work of the nearby Douai
group, discussed in the next section on the Bruges Speculum doctrinale, also
included devotional, liturgical, and vernacular texts, but the Douai artists
marginal motifs display a greater range and variety of iconographic sources
that also need exploration in future studies. Rather than attempting a com-
prehensive review of the groups marginal repertoire, the Bruges Speculum
doctrinale provides an unusual text containing a range of marginalia that
function most clearly as exempla for a monastic context.
BRUGES SPECULUM DOCTRINALE
In the third part of the Speculum majus, the mirror of doctrine, Vincent
of Beauvais organizes the realm of human knowledge according to scholarly,
practical and moral criteria. In this sense, it was especially useful to preachers
and teachers. Yet the only illuminated copy surviving from the thirteenth
century belonged to the Cistercian Abbey of Ter Duinen (Bruges, Openbare
Bibliotheek, MS 251). On the last page of text, Beate Marie de Thosane
is inscribed, tracing its later acquisition by the daughter monastery of Ter
Doest.49 Some of the intended owners of other liturgical manuscripts in this
style have been traced to Cistercian cloisters. The same painters, likely based in
Douai, also illuminated an Obituary-Martyrology given by a lay woman to the
Cistercian convent of Notre-Dame-des-Prs in Douai (now in Valenciennes,
Bibliothque municipale, MS 838),50 as well as a psalter-hours for Saint-Am
(now in Brussels, Royal Library, MS 9391). In addition to Stoness discussion of
a windmill in the Douai groups repertoire, many of the marginal subjects need
further comparison in relation to their liturgical and devotional contexts.51 For
the margins of the Speculum docrinale specifically, the iconographic sources are
sought in the functional context of the citation of written authorities.
In the Bruges Speculum doctrinale, illuminated folios divide nine books
on letters and morals comprising the first half of the Speculum doctrinale.
Each opening page features around five or six figural compositions staged
on the upper, vertical, and lower borders. By contrast, the other two regional
groups had limited their compositions to the lower borders. Instructions to
the artist in French may have directed the contents of the historiated initial
to the effect of Paint a master and students here.52 The marginal images,
on the other hand, were painted without such written instruction. Although
some of these marginal vignettes are composed of conventional motifs shared
among several groups of artists, others exhibit innovative variations in rela-
tion to one another. From one illuminated division to the next, the com-
bined use of marginal parodies and metaphors and variations of motifs about
literacy and knowledge provides a basis for insight into the reception of a
Latin encyclopedia.
The keeper of manuscripts at the Openbare Bibliotheek in Bruges,
Ludo Vandamme, distinguishes that the images in the scenes in the histo-
riated initials of the Bruges Speculum doctrinale illustrate the life of leraar
and leerling (teachers and learning), while volksleven (folk life) is depicted in
the margins.53 The historiated initials contain figures of magisters and monks
reading, speaking, and teaching, and the marginalia are made to carry vivid
references to these actions alongside the genre scenes. Although other vol-
umes of the Speculum majus open with conventional portraits of the author
writing, this volume opens with the cloistered schoolroom, over which pre-
sides a tonsured monk pointing to an exemplum on the lectern (fig. 42).
This is one of two types of scenes.54 First, five initials contain a tonsured
monk or a magister, and sometimes both, as in the first books initial with a
game of bowls in the margin (fol. 24r). They stand and gesture over smaller-
scale tonsured novices seated on the ground and reading books. The second
type of composition in four consecutive initials consists of a seated magister
gesturing to a group representing a segment of medieval society, including
farmers, princes, a family, and a nobleman. The relationships between the
marginal genre scenes and the social groups in these cases are clear, but there
also exists an interplay of imagery across the margins, rubrics, and text that
deserves continued investigation in other manuscripts beyond this studys
introduction.
On several openings, the marginalia reflect the social station of the
audience presented in the initial, perhaps prompting the volksleven motifs.
The historiated initial opening book 6 on economics, for example, contains
a family with two small children; in the lower margin is the fisherman,
whose pole is echoed by batons of a ball player and a beater of a beast (fol.
222v).55 Fables incorporating bugs, such as those of Odo of Cheriton on
The Flea or The Heretic and the Fly, may be referred to in the upper
border by an unusual composition of a spider chased by a walking, bearded,

hairy head wearing a simplified abbots mitre or a Jewish cone-hat.56 These
fables employ the annoyance of bugs on ones face and their escapism for
different lessons on God as maker of all visible things or on sinners who run
from the Church. In the initial to book 4 on practical knowledge, farmers
stand before the magister. On the upper border, two figures of women in the
margins are brought into play as quotidian humor on laborers: one beats a
stork from her washing and another plays a sheaf with a rake as if it were a
violin. On the lower border, an image of a man carrying a sack of grain to a
large windmill in the vertical margin appears in the Valenciennes Obituary-
Martyrology, also for a Cistercian audience, and in the Vatican Library copy
of Le Trsor also on practical knowledge.57
The manuscript opens with an Apologus, stating the whole of the work,
and a table of the eighteen books in four columns (fols. 7v-23v).58 Whereas
the mirror of nature was divided into parts based on the days of Creation, the
mirror of human knowledge is explained as raising mans intellect from the
original sin that debased him. As if setting the stage for reading the margina-
lia, a figure of authority is parodied in the lower margin of the first folio (fig.
42): a furry hybrid with a mitre blesses a nude figure with an arm stretch-
ing from his nose. An unusual motif, the form of the blessing abbot hybrid
seems to echo Alan of Lilles sentiment that authority has a wax nose, which
means that it can be bent into taking different meanings.59 Facing the bless-
ing wax nose is a classic nude, twisting and gesturing at his buttocks and
the names of the Church Fathers. As the first page is turned, the hand ges-
tures of both bas-de-page figures seem to alert the readers attention to the
reappearance of genitalia and oration throughout the margins.
The folios opening the first section on letters, including books on phi-
losophy, grammar, and logic, contain marginalia related to the use of texts and
speech. The opening of the book on grammar includes two figures reading
exempla in the margins, like the students in the initial, and a violent duel takes
place below (book 2, fig. 47). There are two scenes of sowing seeds: the tradi-
tional calendar scene in the lower left and a man loosening soil with a rake in
the upper border between the words of the running title, De arte Gramatica.
In medieval education, the learning of grammar was often related to the sow-
ing of seeds. As if tainting the garden (i.e., snail as a garden pest), a naked man
wearing a snail shell walks backward in the lower right corner. The naked back-
side could have been used simply to parody to the Cistercian habit of not wear-
ing pants.60 Together, Michael Camilles interpretations of exposed buttocks
and of the snail as a hermaphrodite and Ruth Melinkoffs interpretation of
backward (or blind) movement amount to a negatively charged image for the
Figure 47. De arte gramatica, Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum doctrinale, book 2

(Bruges, Openbare Bibliotheek, MS 251), fol. 54v.
Figure 48. Dyaletica, Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum doctrinale, book 3 (Bruges,

Openbare Bibliotheek, MS 251), fol. 112v.
medieval reader.61 This figure may also have been used to echo the metaphors
of one authority on the subjects of rhetoric, letters, and morals: Alan of Lille.
In his Plaint of Nature (De planctu Natura), he likened the abuse of grammar to
homosexual relations, stating, Sodomy upsets the correct state of verbs, predi-
cates, and noun declensions.62 This backward figure with its rear end exposed
disturbs the laws of nature, just as solecism disturbs the laws of grammar.63
Twice each, the terms for solecism and barbarism are defined in the text begin-
ning De arte Gramatica as things to be avoided in writing. Also in the text arti-
ficial, or crafted, form is emphasized for noble language, perhaps echoed by
the duel in the lower margin. The association of sodomy with the perversion of
language was a tradition in medieval Latin texts that used solecism to allegorize
social, rhetorical, and dialectic transgressions.64
In the following book, Dyaletica (Logic), the trope of sowing seeds in the
earth is carried to another level (book 3, fig. 48). Whereas the previous books
upper margin contained a man with a rake, this time on the upper border,
a naked man wearing a gilded crown shoves his genitals into the mound of
earth. The motifs models conflate two conventional compositions for Job on
the dung heap and the drowning King David, while the action itself implies
progeny. An expanded parody, the sequence of the images about sowing seeds
on the upper borders of the folios was used to pair visually the subjects of the
booksGrammar and Logictogether. Meanwhile, in the lower right corner
where the male-snail stood, a hybrid man hammers an axe into the mouth of a
grotesque. Art historians recognize this composition as that of a sculptor carv-
ing a grotesque for a cathedral. Alan of Lille used the hammer and anvil as a
metaphor to connect the perverse relations of sexual acts that issue no seeds to
incorrect verbal expressionor the abuse of grammar expounded in the text.65
Parodies on speech continue across the lower border of the opening folio
to the fifth book on moral problems, De monostica (fig. 49). On the right side, a
jester wearing trousers where genitalia were originally drawn plays a harp echo-
ing the profane scenes of entertainment on the lower border. To the right a man
and some youths watch a puppet show and in the center is a dog dancing to the
pipe and tabor. To the left a wingless serpent called a blindworm, with its eyes
closed and head tonsured, chants from a lectern to an absent audience.66 The
contrast between the scenes seems to mock the canons who chanted Latin in
the choir with the use of vernacular tales performed outside the church.
In the upper border between the running titles on practical ethics (the
previous book 4) and morals (book 5), a man beats a snail with a cudgel.67
The book on morals was intended to teach man how to subdue his passions.
The first line of the text next to the initials opens the subject of the book
on virtutibus et vicijs (virtues and vices). As in the Trsors, the text is clearly
Figure 49. De monostica, Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum doctrinale, book 5 (Bru-

ges, Openbare Bibliotheek, MS 251), fol. 191r.
highlighted by the parody on cowardice. In the initial, a magister wearing a

biretta instructs a prince wearing a crown, holding gloves, and accompanied
by his clerk. Because the vice of cowardice was more often directed toward
the noble class, the presence of a ruler in the historiated initial may have sug-
gested the use of an exemplum that connoted class conflict.
In the margins of the last two books in this volume on politics and
litigation (books 78), an animal, either a fox or a cat wearing a cowl, twice
reads from an open exemplum (fig. 50).68 Next to a game of frog-in-the-
middle, the bare end of a jester performs as the reading animals lectern. This
motif echoes the position of the naked male-snail, bent over and in the lower
right corner (fig.47). Directly over the motif, the word molesta may directly
relate the image to the medieval metaphor for solecism. The figure pushes his
genitalia into the text as an interface, or literal pointer, between writing and
speaking. Anti-Semitism, as noted in the fable of the Heretic and the Fly,
may also have informed the reading of this parody on reading.
In the margin of the following opening to the book on politics and
litigation, the reading animal stands to the left and apes trap a bird below.
Figure 50. De politica, Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum doctrinale, book 7 (Bruges,

Openbare Bibliotheek, MS 251), fol. 254v.
Figure 51. De causis et litibus, Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum doctrinale, book 8

(Bruges, Openbare Bibliotheek, MS 251), fol. 299v.
In the upper margin, next to the running title on politics ending in the first
column and over the initial beginning the section on litigation, a popular
parody on rhetoric is itself parodied (fig. 51). The trope from the story
of Reynard and the Cock involves the fowl using flattery to trick the fox
into letting him go. As in the Dampierre group model, the whole scene
includes a rooster in the foxs mouth and the farm wife chasing it with her
distaff aloft. Here, the coq is drawn as a literal pun on the French word
for a phallus, which is positioned instead in the foxs mouth.69 Another
question of reception arises when a viewer sees the same motifa fox
with a coqexemplified in the Henricus Bible (fig. 1) and parodied in the
Bruges Speculum doctrinale. Would the chance viewer of both manuscripts
distinguish the uses of exempla in the different types of texts as exegesis or
commentary? Or would they have been read similarly in the Cistercian house
as parodies against Franciscans? The association of phallic imagery with the
fox, on the one hand, is certainly gendered since the housewife must recover
her stolen coq, but on the other hand, is used like other genitals to emphasize
the foxs famed rhetoric in fables. In relation to the contexts of the book on
politics and law on the same folio and of the whole manuscripts marginalia,
the parody on the conventional fable mainly highlights the craft of speech
employed in consulting an encyclopedia.
For this single surviving illustrated copy of the Speculum doctrinale, the
encyclopedic function of the text was meant to allow the readers to employ
and enjoy the varied motifs of everyday life and exemplary parody. The intro-
duction of phalluses and buttocks to parody aspects of reading and speech
especially implicate the literacy of the manuscripts readers. Scenes of fight-
ing, hunting, hybrid combats, and figural pointers in each of the encyclo-
pedia reiterate the manuscripts function for the citation of authorities. The
monastic contexts of these reference works make the issue of preaching with
exempla problematic, but the marginalia is no less didactic. The Benedictine
and Cistercian abbeys alike were faced with the education of their novitiate
and lay brotherhood, in addition to the curatorial duties and political diplo-
macies of an abbot, which allow the didactic role of marginalia to prevail in
various reading and consulting scenarios.
The workshops addressed in this chapter approached marginalia in dif-
ferent ways for a relatively new text lacking well-known cycles of illustration.
Each of the Latin encyclopedia contains a different degree of interaction with
the text: the Boulogne Speculum historiale contains margins related to the
narrative function of the historiated text, the Vellereille Speculum naturale
contains margins complementary to the content of the initials and the words
in the rubrics, and the Bruges Speculum doctrinale contains margins with
various references within and without the text. For each opening of a book
in Vincents Speculum majus, the initial frames the didactic function of the
text, while the marginalia are meant to add variation and specialization that
could be used to assist in the referencing of the textual divisions, whether in
the librarys tomes or in the readers memory.
Chapter Seven
Conclusion
The marginal repertoires developed in the northern French and Flemish

counties during the late thirteenth century were applied to a spectrum of
traditional and new types of medieval texts. The difficult question for art
historians is: was the planner or painter literate enough in Latin or in French
to pick up on and comment visually upon the text? For marginalia espe-
cially, there is no absolute answer to the question and opinion is dependent
on studying each case individually. Different kinds of manuscripts require
different approaches. The text is brought in when and if there appears to
be a connection, which sometimes proves to be extremely informative and
other times a questionable stretch. Some related text and image examples
may point to the role of a planner, libraire, or master illustrator. Conversely,
observing the obedience to visual models focuses attention on the patterns
and variations of the repertoire to account for artistic choices. As part of
the larger visual matrix of individual bifolia and gatherings, the contents of
the illustrations and historiated initials also affected the choices for border
motifs. Consequently, the subject of the motif and its placement in relation
to the text and illustration certainly affected the response from the viewer
who engaged with each folio.
The relationships of marginal images to the principal images, the text,
and the gatherings constitute the artistic side of reception and production,
yet the audience plays an important role in the process of reading and seeing
to generate meaning. Medieval sources about potential clients, cloistered or
castled, are diverse and fragmentary: provenances provided by colophons or
heraldry, abbreviated inventories of possessions, letters between dignitaries,
and household expense accounts, to name a few.1 Each of the illuminated
manuscripts made for one of these clients contains a unique fingerprint in the
marginal embellishment forming an interface of concerns between the point
of planning and the point of reading. Therefore, the salience of motifsbe
171
they mermaids or monks, shields or shooters, or foxes or birdsdepends

greatly on the reading context, of which little can be truly known. The refec-
tory, chapel, or scriptorium of the monastery certainly differed from the feast
and audience halls of the secular court; of course, either space was never
wholly absent of its own noble or religious members. Also during the late
thirteenth century, the ongoing transition from an oral reading culture to a
silent one, or from public to private, makes knowledge of how manuscripts
and their marginalia were actually used uncertain. Smaller scale psalters and
books of hours containing numerous marginal images were intended for
individual, private devotional practices. Larger scale romances and encyclo-
pedia required different modes of reading by more broadly defined audiences
for whom the marginal images played roles that either entertained social val-
ues or facilitated memory work.
Both Latin and French texts illuminated with marginalia in the late
thirteenth century contain clearly demonstrable text and image relationships
that are often tied to the literary or moral interests of the possible readers.
The caveat remains that there may exist equal or many more cases, even
within the same manuscript, lacking any conceivable relationship. The del-
uge of marginalia into all kinds of booksa development explained in the
previous chaptersleads to a repetitive stagnation by the mid-fourteenth
century, a point that Lilian Randall observes in her survey, Images in the Mar-
gins.2 The approach to marginalia in the manuscript age of reproduction
must accommodate for the factor of decorative adornment, but as studies
like Madeline Cavinesss Reframing Medieval Art show, the density of illumi-
nation and choices for figures were factors that exercised considerable influ-
ence on the reading experience of the text. Like Caviness, Michael Camille
also considers the margins as spaces of active agency in which images were
used to twist, prod, and evoke viewer responses. In his Toward an Aesthetic of
Reception, Hans Robert Jauss especially argues for the non-static experience
of the work of art as entering into the matrix of already shifting ideologies.
The variety and adaptability of marginal images contribute to the historical
moment of each manuscript that involves the text, the illustration, and the
reader within the interactive experience of the book. The intersection of the
marginal repertoire in a variety of reading contexts during the late thirteenth
century reflects a growing, diverse clientele for bookmakers and thus broader
developments of literacy, learning, and reception.
The transmission of marginal motifs from manuscript to manuscript
and from workshop to workshop is a complex web, as books traveled as fre-
quently as painters did in the area from Bruges and Saint Omer to Arras and
Tournai. While matters of organizing methods and artistic literacy cannot
Conclusion 173
always be firmly established, consideration of all of the folios contents can

help ascertain the choices made for marginal motifs and those that enhanced
the reading experience. Gauging the significance of these illuminated texts to
the intended audiences can be explored through the amount and expense of
each books illustrations as well as through the density and variations of the
framing marginalia. Through a contextual analysis of the marginal imagery
in each manuscript, the examination of religious manuscripts linked with
vernacular and encyclopedic texts by style, iconography, or patron is integral
to understanding the duplicity and multiplicity of marginalia. The breadth
of manuscript types and the ability to trace motifs and similar conjunctions
of motifs from book to book strengthen the analyses presented in the case
studies of individual manuscripts.
The context of the stylistically and iconographically related Dampierre
group provides the widest early repertoire, the widest range of manuscripts,
and the widest influence in northern France and Flanders. In the Henricus
Bible and the Monaldus Summa, the physical relationships of the marginal
images to the decorated initials show how the Dampierre group tied margi-
nalia as exempla or anti-exempla to textual elements assumed to be read by
a literate reader in the Cistercian monastery. The key examples in the Mon-
aldus Summa contrast profane motifs with Latin terms. As an antagonistic
counterpart to the text, the ass plays bagpipes on the initial for the word Sac-
erdos (fig. 11). The association of the arms of the count of Flanders with an
ape in the Y of Yconomus (Economics)a signe held by a singeis another
example that was repeated in many subsequent manuscripts (fig. 10). The
significance of heraldry as a sign in the contexts of the related psalters and
vernacular histories illuminated in Throuanne places such manuscripts
directly between the makers and the intended readers.
In order to conduct detailed codicological analyses and to explore
the placement of marginalia within each manuscript, many details of the
pages were excluded to highlight the relevance of both idiosyncratic and
certain prevalent motifs. The experimental method that I used to analyze the
Dampierre Psalter, according to pre-cut sides of parchment and subsequent
quire collations, still needs further testing to determine whether such
practices were common. Recent experiments with making parchment from
goatskins suggested the methods practicality for the preparation of such a
small book.3 The evidence for the production of quires in bound books can
be drawn from the codicological examination of pricking patterns, pigment
distribution, figural scale, and pattern repetition. Using this method may
also contribute to understanding the puzzling distribution of artistic or
scribal hands within such manuscripts and to the examination of other
petite manuscripts with dense marginalia.4 Should future tests support the
usefulness of this method, the use of book publishing software could provide
a hypertext model into which folio photographs could be reconstructed into
bifolia and quire sequences.
There is still much work to be done along these lines on the BnF-Yale
Vulgate Arthur. The prose text and the rich imagery together may be used to
offer a range of perspectives for picturing the culture of the medieval nobility.5
Demonstrated in several manuscripts, the marginal imagery by the Dampi-
erre group provides a range of examples in which associations are connected
to readers, and in the romance attention to the familial, the political, and
the moral was underlined in significant ways, especially through marginal
figures of women and heraldry. As shown by the Rouses model of Richard
and Jeanne of Montbaston, the time it took to illuminate a manuscript quire
by quire can account for clusters of images in the margins and the division
of labor. While marginal motifs in the BnF-Yale Vulgate Arthur were meant
to interact with the principal imagery and text on some folios, the motifs can
also be associated with one another in neighboring bifolia and quires. These
clusters in the bound manuscript generate further questions about the plan-
ning, reading, and purpose of a deluxe romance for the noble household.
In the historiography of marginalia, iconographic sources like bestiar-
ies and historical exempla are cited, but contemporary illustrated manuscript
sources also need to be included as informing the meaningful reception of
certain motifs, particularly by the monastic audiences whose houses owned
reference works. The presence of copies of Lambert of Saint Omers Liber
floridus or Hugh of Fouilloys Aviarium in the libraries of the region contrib-
utes to the general pool of iconographic sources. In addition, the preserved
contents of the Ter Duinen and Ter Doest libraries in Bruges provide a trea-
sure trove of textual authorities who are cited by thirteenth century authors.
The illustrated compilations of history, nature, and human thought by Vin-
cent of Beauvais and Brunetto Latini were developed from such textual and
visual sources for the purpose of educating princely courts. The illustrated
copies of these contemporary authors in northern France and Flanders can
be included among manuscripts subject to the development of marginal
illumination.
The emergence of marginalia in encyclopedia, along with religious and
secular books from the same workshops, corresponds with the new devel-
opments in organizing knowledge.6 The margins could be used to organize
responses to these texts in ways that supplement the texts didactic functions.
Mary Carruthers explores the devices of hunting, fishing, violence, games, and
hybrid constructions as they pervaded the margins of all kinds of manuscripts
Conclusion 175
and were included in treatises on memory. The use of such themes in illustrated
Latin manuscripts intended for consultation and memory supports her conclu-
sions. Meanwhile the development of vernacular histories and didactic compi-
lations, illustrated with column-width miniatures with gold backgrounds like
those in romances, contain marginalia implying a noble audiences interests
and reading literacy. Sources for marginal motifs found within the compiled
texts and the illustration cycles point to the presumed literacy of the noble
book owner. The example of the verncacular manuscripts of Li ars damour,
written by a multi-lingual scholar and bishop of noble lineage, cites Latin
authorities such as Aristotles Ethics and also provides literal explanations for
popular marginal subjects illustrated in the miniatures.7 Despite the different
ways in which the Latin or vernacular encyclopedia were consulted, to organize
authorial texts or to narrate historical feats, recurring motifs aid in framing the
significance of the text for the individual reader.
In her state of the field essay in Studies in Iconography, Lucy Freeman
Sandler observed that Most investigations of marginal imagery have been
limited in scope to one or another aspectgenric, parodic, scatological,
monstrousand conclusions about meaning have often been excessively
categorical as a result.8 Indeed, much of the groundwork has been laid by
these studies and the continued discussion about the contexts of marginal
images such as the fool sitting on eggs or blazoned shields proves further that
there should be allowance for contradictory and overlapping meanings, as
Sandler suggests.9 In looking at all of the images in whole books, the focus
on a regionally localized group of manuscripts with shared marginalia pro-
vides a contextual basis for considering such variations in use and meaning.
During the mid-thirteenth century, marginalia emerged in a shifting
space of linguistic change in which vernacular texts were penned by authors
and Latin texts were recited by the laity. In addition, around the same time
as the northern French and Flemish development in illumination, marginalia
appear in Hebrew texts in Spain, books of hours in Oxford, and Aristotles
Physics in Paris.10 Looking at the quire structures of these manuscripts and
the varied repertoires employed in them promises much more to reveal in
terms of artistic practices and functional contexts. Meanwhile, the workshops
in the dioceses of Throuanne, Arras, Lige, Brabant, and Bruges continued
to provide marginalia with such varied and edifying roles in a cross-section
of book types that more in-depth examinations of these manuscripts are still
warranted.
Codicology and reception theories are both valuable methods for
understanding the effect of the whole book in its historical moment. Readers
in the modern age of the computer and the Internet are not far removed from
the experience of adopting a new, widespread, visceral, and visual technology

to access information and entertainment. In the latter half of the thirteenth
century the democratization of the technology of illuminated manuscripts
was comparably swift. Marginalia embellishing so many book types of the
period distinguish each manuscript from those produced before it or those
produced after it. Therefore, the tiny marginal images demanded attention
from makers and readers alike. Jousting, hunting, playing, praying, dancing,
and seducing, marginal subjects can illuminate the manuscripts historical
contexts from transmission and production to reception and ideology. The
borders serve as a rich framework through which that history permeates.
Notes
NOTES TO CHAPTER ONE

1. On the state of the field, see Lucy Freeman Sandler, The Study of Marginal
Imagery: Past, Present, and Future, Studies in Iconography 18 (1997): 149.
Some recent case studies include Anne Rudloff Stanton The Queen Mary
Psalter: A Study of Affect and Audience, Transactions of the American Philo-
sophical Society, vol. 91, pt. 6 (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Soci-
ety, 2001); John Higgitt, The Murthly Hours: Devotion, Literacy and Luxury
in Paris, England and the Gaelic West (London: British Library and Univer-
sity of Toronto Press in association with the National Library of Scotland,
2000); Michael Camille, Mirror in Parchment: The Luttrell Psalter and the
Making of Medieval England (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998);
and Adelaide Bennett, A Thirteenth-Century French Book of Hours for
Marie, The Journal of the Walters Art Gallery 54 (1996): 2137.
2. In her indispensable study, Images in the Margins of Gothic Manuscripts
(Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1966), Lilian
Randall calls the late thirteenth century a first phase of experimentation
and developing repertoires. In her breakdown of the 226 manuscripts in
the study, she lists 167 Continental examples with marginalia and 60 from
the English side of the Channel. In categories such as romances, historical
works, encyclopedia, and poetry, only a few were illuminated in England;
over 40 originated in northern France or Flanders, over half of which date
to the late thirteenth century, 1213.
3. Randall, Images in the Margins, 910.
4. See Maurits Smeyers, Flemish Miniatures from the 8th to the mid-16th
Century: The Medieval World on Parchment, trans. Karen Bowen and
Dirk Imhof (Leuven: Uitgeverij Davidsfonds, 1999), chap. 3, 113 ff. For
dioceses, see . de Moreau, Histoire de lglise en Belgique: Circonscriptions
Ecclsiastiques Chapitres, Abbayes, Couvents avant 1559, vol. 1 (Brussels:
Ldition Universelle, S. A., 1948), map IA. For counties, see Theo Luykx,
Het Grafelijk Geslacht Dampierre en zijn Strijd tegen Filips de Schone (Leuven:
177
178 Notes to Chapter One
Davidsfonds, 1951), 2; and M. G. A. Vale, The Princely Court: Medieval

Courts and Culture in North-west Europe, 12701380 (Oxford, New York:
Oxford University Press, 2001), 38081, map 2.
5. Jonathan J. G. Alexander, The Decorated Letter (New York: G. Braziller,
1978), 16, 18.
6. Michael Camille, Image on the Edge: The Margins of Medieval Art (Cam-
bridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1992), 22. Labeled Folly
crosses the philosophical text, a bald-headed man is pushed in a wheelbar-
row over the initial containing the author wearing a cone hat and gesturing
to the sky (British Library, Harley MS 3487, fol. 22v), 23, fig. 7. Other
manuscripts with marginal vignettes dating to the 1260s include Cambrai,
Bibliothque municipale, MSS 189190 (1266), Bibliothque nationale
de France, Arsenal MS 3191 (1268), and the Isabelle Psalter (Cambridge,
Fitzwilliam MS 300), according to Alison Stones, The Illustrations of the
French Prose Lancelot in Belgium, Flanders and Paris, 12501340 (Ph.D.,
University of London, 1971), 83.
7. The developments in medieval book production for various needs and audi-
ences constitute the chapters of the survey by Christopher de Hamel, A His-
tory of Illuminated Manuscripts (Oxford: Phaidon, 1986), 1113.
8. Lucy Freeman Sandler, Gothic Manuscripts, 12851385, 2 vols., A Survey
of Manuscripts Illuminated in the British Isles, ed. Jonathan J. G. Alexan-
der (London: Harvey Miller, 1986), cat. nos. 9, 16a, and 48. Sandler lists
two chronicles and a genealogy dating to the thirteenth century, but the
only Arthurian Romance listed is MS Royal 20.D.iv, which was illuminated
originally in Arras but repainted by the Bohun master in the 1360s, cat. no.
136. Several Parisian ateliers begin to add marginalia around 125060 but
limited the decoration to hounds, hares, and duels, as illustrated in Robert
Branner, Manuscript Painting in Paris during the Reign of St. Louis (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1977), plates VII, X, and fig. 6.
9. Jonathan J. G. Alexander, Art History, Literary History, and the Study of
Medieval Illuminated Manuscripts, Studies in Iconography 18 (1997): 56. For
a recent study on the audiences of divergent material in individual manu-
scripts, see Andrew Taylor, Textual Situations: Three Medieval Manuscripts and
Their Readers (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002). The
readership is evidenced by the textual choices of Plato and the Song of Roland
in one manuscript, a trilingual compendium of lais, fables, hunting treatises,
and amour courtois in another, and a third legal compendium written in Italy
and illuminated with marginalia in England. Taylor argues that several sorts
of reception can be expected, respectively: minstrel recitation, chant, or refec-
tory reading for Digby 23(2), silent reading and fantasization for Harley 978,
and scholarly consultation for Digby 23(1) and Royal 10.E.4, 9.
10. See R. W. Scheller, Exemplum: Model-Book Drawings and the Practice of Artis-
tic Transmission in the Middle Ages (ca. 900-ca.1470), trans. Michael Hoyle
Notes to Chapter One 179
(Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2001); Alison Stones, Secular

Manuscript Illumination in France, in Medieval Manuscripts and Textual
Criticism, ed. Christopher Kleinhenz (Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina, Dept. of Romance Languages, 1977), 96. Ross Woodrow and the
University of Newcastle, Australia, provide an on-line digital version of Vil-
lard of Honnecourts folios, Portfolio of Villard de Honnecourt (2000), http://
www.newcastle.edu.au/school/fine-art/publications/villard/index.htm.
12. This phrase is modified from the title of the 1936 essay, Walter Benjamin,
The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction, in Illuminations,
ed. Hannah Arendt (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1968). In Benja-
mins view, the decline of the individual aura of artwork that accompanied
commercial forms of popular culture collapsed the hierarchy between the
model and the copy. Recent surveys of manuscript production show how the
commercial market was expanding during the thirteenth century with uni-
versity and secular interests in addition to devotional needs, for which mar-
ginalia was not exclusive. See de Hamel, History of Illuminated Manuscripts,
127130, 14950; and Mary A. Rouse and Richard H. Rouse, Manuscripts
and their Makers: Commercial Book Producers in Medieval Paris, 12001500
(Turnhout, Belgium: Harvey Miller, 2000). As noted by a recent study on
the marginalia in early modern printed books, the appearance of a manu-
script layout lent authenticity and authority to the printed copies. William
W. E. Slights Managing Readers: Printed Marginalia in English Renaissance
Books (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2001). Slights examines
the marginalia of Bibles, history books, and polemics to gauge the ways they
were made to manage readers responses, engaging such issues as generic
differentiation among kinds of annotated books, textual authority, and the
historical development of the reading experience, 7.
13. Smeyers, Flemish Miniatures, 11371.
14. Judith H. Oliver, Gothic Manuscript Illumination in the Diocese of Lige (c.
1250c. 1330), Corpus of Illuminated Manuscripts from the Low Coun-
tries, ed. Maurits Smeyers, 2 vols. (Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters, 1988).
15. Kerstin B. E. Carlvant, Thirteenth-Century Illumination in Bruges and
Ghent (Ph.D., Columbia University, 1978).
16. The groundwork in Stoness dissertation, French Prose Lancelot, and sub-
sequent research is published in Alison Stones, Gothic Manuscripts: c. 1260
1320, A Survey of Manuscripts Illuminated in France (Turnhout, Belgium:
Brepols Publishers, forthcoming).
17. Alison Stones, Sacred and Profane Arts: Secular and Liturgical Book Illumina-
tion in the Thirteenth Century, in The Epic in Medieval Society: Aesthetic and
Moral Values, ed. Harald Scholler (Tubingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1977), 109.
18. Jonathan J. G. Alexander, Preliminary marginal drawings in medieval
manuscripts, in Artistes, Artisans et Production Artistique au Moyen ge, ed.
Xavier Barral Altet, Colloque international: Centre National de la Recherche

Scientifique, Universit de Rennes, 26 mai 1983 (Paris: Picard, 1990), 307
19, and Alison Stones, Indications crites et modles picturaux, guides aux
peintres de manuscrits enlumins aux environs de 1300, in Ibid., 32149,
discuss much of the evidence surviving in individual manuscripts.
19. Camille, Image on the Edge, 4243.
20. Alexander, Preliminary marginal drawings, 307.
21. In reference to Oxford, Bodleian Library, Bodley MS 264, Keith Busby,
Codex and Context: Reading Old French Verse Narrative in Manuscript
(Amsterdam; New York: Rodopi, 2002), 314.
22. Jonathan J. G. Alexander, Medieval Illuminators and their Methods of Work
(New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1992), 53; and Rouse and
Rouse, Manuscripts and their Makers, 1: 13. For a case study of these itiner-
ant painters and shifting styles, see Alison Stones, Stylistic Associations,
Evolution, and Collaboration: Charting the Bute Painters Career, The J.
Paul Getty Museum Journal 23 (1994): 1129.
23. Busby, Codex and Context, 31415; Stones, Sacred and Profane Arts, 109.
24. Alison Stones, A Note on the Matre au menton fuyant, in Als Ich Can:
In Memorium, Professor Maurits Smeyers, Corpus of Illuminated Manuscripts,
vols. 1112, Low Countries Series 8, ed. Bert Cardon (Leuven: Uitgeverij
Peeters, 2002), addresses a number of the manuscripts produced by the associ-
ated groups in the diocese of Arras, 1248. One psalter, called the Tournai Psal-
ter (Tournai Cathedral, Scaldis H 12/2), is outstanding for its graphic simians,
numerous shields, and a binding illuminated with eight narrative panels.
25. Alison Stones elaborates on the interchange between Arras and Douai in
The Illustrated Chrtien Manuscripts and their Artistic Context, in The
Manuscripts of Chrtien de Troyes, eds. Terry Nixon, Keith Busby, Alison
Stones and Lori Walters (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1993), 25253.
26. Related religious manuscripts include the Martyrology at Valenciennes, MS
838, and the Book of Hours, Royal Library of Belgium, MS 9391, both
of which are addressed in A. Brm, Ein Buchmalereiatelier in Arras um
1274, Wallraf-Richartz Jahrbuch 54 (1993): 77104. The group also must
be explored in light of the Antiphonal at the Walters Art Gallery, MSS 759
762, which is thoroughly outlined in the catalog by Lilian M. C. Randall,
Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in the Walters Art Gallery: Belgium,
12501530 (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1997), vol. 3, pt. I:
nos. 219A-D.
27. Sandler, Study of Marginal Imagery, 149; Jean Wirth, Les marges
drleries des manuscrits gothiques: problmes de mthode, in History and
Images: Towards a New Iconology, ed. Axel Bolvig and Phillip Lindley (Turn-
hout: Brepols, 2003), 277300.
28. Emile Mle, The Gothic Image: Religious Art in France of the Thirteenth Cen-
tury (1913; New York: Harper & Row, 1972), 6263.
29. For example, Camille Gaspar and Frdric Lyna, Les principaux manuscrits
peintures de la Bibliothque Royale de Belgique (1937; amplified reprint by
C. Van den Bergen-Patens et al., Brussels: Bibliothque Royale, 1984); and
M. R. James, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Second Series of Fifty Manuscripts
(nos. 51100) in the Collection of Henry Yates Thompson (Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press, 1902).
30. See especially On the Aesthetic Attitude in Romanesque Art (1947) and
From Mozarabic to Romanesque in Silos (1939), reprinted in Romanesque
Art, Selected Papers (New York: Braziller, 1977), 127 and 28101. Several
recent reflections on Schapiro have seriously considered his social claims.
Michael Camille, How New York Stole the Idea of Romanesque Art:
Medieval, Modern and Postmodern in Meyer Schapiro, Oxford Art Jour-
nal 17, no. 1 (1994): 6575; Thomas E. Crow, The Intelligence of Art, Bet-
tie Allison Rand Lectures in Art History (Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 1999): 123; and challenges to the manuscript models
and patronage context have recently been made by John Williams, Meyer
Schapiro in Silos: Pursuing an Iconography of Style, Art Bulletin 85, no. 3
(2003): 44268.
31. Jonathan J. G. Alexander, Iconography and Ideology: Uncovering Social
Meanings in Western Medieval Christian Art, Studies in Iconography 15
(1993): 45. The shift in approach is apparent in the title of the recent study
on devotional books by Madeline H. Caviness, Reframing Medieval Art: Dif-
ference, Margins, Boundaries (Boston: Tufts University, 2001), http://nils.lib.
tufts.edu/Caviness/.
33. L. M. J. Delaiss, Towards a History of the Medieval Book, in Codico-
logica, ed. J. P. Gumbert, M. J. M. de Haan, and A. Grujis (Leiden: 1976):
7583.
34. Rouse and Rouse, Manuscripts and their Makers, 1: 1315.
35. The interchange of motifs and meanings in medieval media is studied by A.
M. Koldeweij, A Barefaced Roman de la Rose (Paris B.N., ms. fr. 25526) and
Some Late Medieval Mass-Produced Badges of a Sexual Nature, in Flanders
in a European Perspective, ed. Maurits Smeyers and Bert Cardon (Leuven:
1995): 499516. In her study on the reception of the Roman de la Rose, Syl-
via Huot sees the imagery and the quire construction as an unfolding, cir-
cular, visual gloss to the poem, in The Romance of the Rose and its Medieval
Readers: Interpretation, Reception, Manuscript Transmission (Cambridge and
New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993). Rouse and Rouse argue that
Jeanne of Montbaston was not a literary critic, Manuscripts and their Mak-
ers, 1: 258259. In her recent discussion of medieval phallic imagery, Ruth
Mellinkoff cites neither of the manuscript studies, in Averting Demons: The
Protective Power of Medieval Visual Motifs and Themes, (Los Angeles: Ruth
Mellinkoff Publications, 2004), 1: 134135.
36. Rouse and Rouse, Manuscripts and their Makers, 2: figs. 2223.
37. Ibid., 1: 259.
38. Michelle Brown, Understanding Illuminated Manuscripts: A Guide to Techni-
cal Terms (Malibu, CA: J. Paul Getty Museum in association with the Brit-
ish Library, 1994), 21. Unless otherwise indicated, this guide is used for
technical terms.
40. Lilian M. C. Randall, Exempla as a Source of Gothic Marginal Illumina-
tion, Art Bulletin 39, no. 1 (1957): 97107.
41. Lilian M. C. Randall, The Snail in Gothic Marginal Warfare, Speculum
37, no. 3 (1962): 36062. Seventy representations of the motif in twenty-
nine manuscripts, ca. 12901325, are surveyed.
42. Lilian M. C. Randall, A Mediaeval Slander, Art Bulletin 42, no. 1 (1960):
3335.
43. Wirth argues that there is no textual evidence for anti-English sentiments
in laying eggs, although the notion or slander of tailed Englishmen was
particularly common, in Les marges drleries, 289. In the household
accounts for 1290, on the other hand, it is notable that King Edward I gave
his court 450 gilded eggs for Easter. Venetia Newall, An Egg at Easter: A
Folklore Study (London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1971), 219.
44. Phillippe Verdier, Woman in the Marginalia of Manuscripts and Related
Works, in The Role of Women in the Middle Ages: Papers of the 6th Annual
Conference of the Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Studies at the State
University of New York, Binghamton, 1972, ed. R. T. Morewedge (Binghamton:
1975), 121187; Karl P. Wentersdorf, The Symbolic Significance of Figurae
Scatologicae in Gothic Manuscripts, in Word, Picture, and Spectacle, ed. Clif-
ford Davidson, Early Drama, Art, and Music Monograph Series, 5 (Kalama-
zoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, Western Michican University, 1984),
119.
45. Sandler, Study of Marginal Imagery, 43.
46. Ibid., 36.
47. Ibid., 23.
48. Studies previous to Michael Camilles monograph, Mirror in Parchment, on
the Luttrell Psalter (London, British Library, Additional MS 42130) include
Janet Backhouse, The Luttrell Psalter (New York: New Amsterdam, 1989);
Lucy Freeman Sandler, The Word in the Text and the Image on the Mar-
gin: The Case of the Luttrell Psalter, The Journal of the Walters Art Gallery
54 (1996): 87100. Studies on the Hours of Jeanne dEvreux (New York,
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, The Cloisters 54.1.2) include Lilian M.
C. Randall, Games and the Passion in Pucelles Hours of Jeanne dEvreux,
Speculum 47 (1972): 24853; Madeline H. Caviness, Patron or Matron?
A Capetian Bride and a Vade Mecum for Her Marriage Bed, Speculum 68
(1993): 33362; and Joan A. Holladay, The Education of Jeanne dEvreux:
Personal Piety and Dynastic Salvation in her Book of Hours at the Clois-
ters, Art History 17 (1994): 585611.
49. Camille, Mirror in Parchment, 13.
51. Schapiro, Romanesque Art, 42; Camille, Image on the Edge, 43.
52. Jeffrey F. Hamburger, Review of Image on the Edge, by Michael Camille Art
Bulletin 75, no. 2 (1993): 31926.
53. A survey of the historical contexts for this motif in English choirs can be
found in my article, Elizabeth B. Moore, Marital Virtue and Sexual Sat-
ire: The Disorderly Marriage on English Misericords, Les Arts Profanes du
Moyen Age (Paris) 6 (Autumn 1997): 26284.
54. Sandler, Study of Marginal Imagery, 35. Mikhail Bakhtin, Rabelais and
His World, trans. Helene Iswolsky (1968; Bloomington: Indiana University
Press, 1984).
55. Caviness, Reframing Medieval Art, chap. 3.
56. Caviness, Patron or Matron?, 343 passim.
57. The marginalia of the Dampierre Psalter and Tournai Psalter are counted in
the data of Caviness, Reframing Medieval Art, chap. 3, table 3. An account
of the same motifs in the deluxe romances, histories, and encyclopedia is
still needed.
58. Lucy Freeman Sandler, A Bawdy Betrothal in the Ormesby Psalter, in
Tribute to Lotte Brand Philip: Art Historian and Detective, ed. W. W. Clark et
al. (New York: Abaris Books, 1985), 15459.
59. Wirth, Les marges drolleries, 28385. See also for this motif, Randall,
Games and the Passion, 24853, and Richard H. Randall, Jr., Frog
in the Middle, Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 16, no. 10 (1958):
26992.
60. Wirth, Les marges drolleries, 286. This is explained through a critique
of oblique references in the Alexander Romance (Bodley MS 264) studied
by S. K. Davenport, Illustrations Direct and Oblique in the Margins of an
Alexander Romance at Oxford, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Insti-
tutes 34 (1971): 8395.
61. Wirth, Les marges drolleries, 290, 299. Also, the point is made on mor-
alizations of Reynard the Fox preaching to the geese, who would represent
sinners to a Dominican, but Dominican followers to a Franciscan, 287.
62. Ibid., 298.
63. Alexander, Iconography and Ideology, 6.
64. See the recent study by Erin Jordan, Women Power, and Religious Patron-
age in the Middle Ages, The New Middle Ages (New York: Palgrave, 2006)
11721, app.1.
65. A transcription of Matthew Paris description of Margaret as a doughty
lady is available in Rouse and Rouse, Manuscripts and their Makers, 1: 83,
2: 189, app. 4A.
66. Based on the genealogy table in Michel de Waha and Jean Dugnoille, De
Avesnes en Holland vr 1299, in 1299: Een Graaf, Drie Graafschappen; de
vereniging van Holland, Zeeland, en Henegouwen, ed. D. de Boer et al. (Hil-
versum: Verloren, 2000), 29.
67. Based on the genealogy table in Luykx, Het Grafelijk Geslacht Dampierre,
11215.
68. H. P. Kraus, A Psalter Written and Illuminated for Margaret the Black of
Constantinople, Countess of Flanders and Hainaut, in Choice Manuscripts
and Books, Bindings and Autographs, cat.75 (New York: H. P. Kraus, 1960),
no. 88, 9597; henceforth called the Margaret the Black Psalter.
69. Stones, Matre au menton fuyant, 125758. The painters connected to
projects with the Matre au menton fuyant were active around Arras, Tour-
nai, Cambrai and Douai.
70. Alison Stones The Illustrations of BN, fr. 95 and Yale 229: Prolegomena
to a Comparative Analysis, in Word and Image in Arthurian Literature, ed.
Keith Busby (New York and London: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1996):
231.
71. Gabrielle Spiegel, Romancing the Past: The Rise of Vernacular Prose Historiog-
raphy in Thirteenth-Century France (Berkeley: University of California Press,
1993), 14.
72. Ibid., 54.
73. Jozef Janssens and Martine Meuwese, Jacob van Maerlant, Spiegel Historiael:
De Miniaturen uit het Handschrift Den Haag, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, KA
XX (Leuven: Davidsfonds/Clauwaert, 1997), 910.
74. Sandra Hindman, Sealed in Parchment: Rereadings of Knighthood in the Illu-
minated Manuscripts of Chretian de Troyes (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1994), 2.
75. Sylvia Huot, Review of Sealed in Parchment, by Sandra Hindman, Studies in
Iconography 17 (1996): 417420.
76. In The Princely Court, Vale confirms that much of the confusion arises from
differing accounts in French and Dutch, each with their own biases, 2.
77. Ibid., 117.
78. Ibid., 8485.
79. David Nicholas, Medieval Flanders (London, New York: Longman, 1992),
14547; Stones, Secular Manuscript Illumination, 85; and M. le Cha-
noine Dehaisnes, Documents et Extraits Divers concernant lHistoire de lArt
dans la Flandre, lArtois et le Hainaut avant le XVe sicle (Lille: L. Quarr,
1886), 56169.
80. See my entry on this manuscript in Bert Cardon et al., Medieval Mastery:
Book Illumination from Charlemagne to Charles the Bold, 8001475 (Leu-
ven: Uitgeverij Davidsfonds and Brepols Publishers, 2002), cat. no. 38. For
a detailed list of motifs, see Willem van den Bossche, Le Viel Rentier
dAudenarde et la Codicologie, Scriptorium 23 (1969): 3951.
Notes to Chapter Two 185
81. Instead, Vale referred to the mural program in Westminster; see Paul Binski, The
Painted Chamber at Westminster (London: The Society of Antiquaries, 1986).
82. The Bijloke Museum in Ghent has several examples of ceramic knights, c.
132326. Gent: Duizend Jaar Kunst en Cultuur, ed. A. de Schryver (Ghent:
Centrum voor Kunst en Cultuur, 1975), Afb. 16, cat. nos. 42021.
83. A more detailed example of this interchange is found in my article, Eliza-
beth B. Moore, The Urban Fabric and Framework of Ghent in the Mar-
gins of Oxford, Bodleian Library, MSS Douce 56, in Als Ich Can: Liber
Amicorum in Memory of Professor Maurits Smeyers, ed. Bert Cardon et al.,
Corpus of Illuminated Manuscripts, Low Countries Series 8, vols. 1112
(Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters, 2002), 9831006.
84. De Hamel, History of Illuminated Manuscripts, 150.
85. Joyce Coleman, Public Reading and the Reading Public in Late Medieval Eng-
land and France (Cambridge University Press, 1996), 35.
NOTES TO CHAPTER TWO

1. In 1624, the abbeys of Ter Duinen and Ter Doest merged. 125 manuscripts
from the abbey of Ter Doest and now in the Openbare Bibliotheek in Bruges
are listed in the exhibition catalog by Valerie Logghe, Schatten uit de Biekorf:
middeleeuwse handschriften uit Ter Doest (Brugge: Stadsdrukkerij, 1994),
2733. Twenty-three manuscripts from Ter Doest are in the Grootsemina-
rie, based on provenances given by A. de Poorter, Catalogue des Manuscrits
de la Bibliothque Publique de la Ville de Bruges (Gehrbloux, Paris: J. Duco-
lot, Societe dEdition les Belles Lettres, 1934). For the contents of both
libraries and the close connection to Bruges, see G. I. Lieftinck, De librijen
en scriptoria der Westvlaamse Cistercinser-abdijen Ter Duinen en Ter Doest in
de 12e en 13e eeuw en de betrekkingen tot het atelier van de kapittelschool van
Sint Donatiaan te Brugge, vol. 15, no. 2, Mededelingen van de Koninklijke
Vlaamse Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten van
Belgi: Klasse der Letteren (Brussel: Paleis der Academin, 1953).
2. Alexander, Decorated Letter, 18; Otto Pcht, Book Illumination in the Middle
Ages: An Introduction (London, Oxford, New York: Harvey Miller Publish-
ers and Oxford University Press, 1986), 45.
3. Carlvant discusses the emergence of extenders as part of the page layout, a
mid-thirteenth century development out of Paris, Thirteenth-Century Illu-
mination, 41. E. J. Beers study on Bibles from Tournai and Arras focuses
on the Dominican Bible in Lille, Bibliothque municipale, MS 1, of 1264,
Liller Bibelcodices, Tournai und die Scriptorien der Stadt Arras, Aachener
Kunstblatter 43 (1972): 190226.
4. Walter Cahn, The Structure of Cistercian Bibles, in Studies in Cistercian
Art and Architecture, ed. Meredith Parsons Lillich, Cistercian Studies 89
186 Notes to Chapter Two
(Kalamazoo, Michigan: Cistercian Publications, 1987), 8182. Carolingian

and Romanesque monasteries may have owned at least two or three Bibles,
according to Christopher de Hamel, The Book: A History of the Bible (Lon-
don; New York: Phaidon, 2001), 94.
5. Some examples were not known to Randall at the time or contained few
relevant subjects; Images in the Margins, 15. For example, the margins of
Openbare Bibliotheek MS 373, a collection of Tabulae, contain only a bird,
stag and hare, and a duel (fols. 1r, 82r, 94v). And, Bruges, Grootseminarie
MS 54/100, called the Spermalie Breviary, contains three decorated folios
with marginalia, including three Cistercian nuns, a hybrid abbot, a duel, a
squirrel eating, an ape eating, a bagpipe player, and a jongleur balancing a
sword (fols. 12r, 220r, 223r). One folio in a missal for St. Peters Abbey in
Ghent (Bijloke Abbey, MS 601, fol. 167) contains minute figures attached
to the three decorated initials: a green grotesque, an ape, and a nude.
6. The colophons are on fol. 218v of MS 4/1, fol. 231r of MS 5/191, and
fol. 334r of Bruges, Openbare Bibliotheek, MS 6 (430x310 mm.). Kerstin
B. E. Carlvant, Vlaamse kunst op perkament: Handschriften en miniaturen te
Brugge van de 12de tot de 16de eeuw (Bruges: Gruuthusemuseum, 1981),
no. 79, 17173, plates 6870. D. Anselm Hoste, De Handschriften van Ter
Doest (Steenbrugge: Sint-Pietersabdij, 1993), 2267, 1389, plates 2627.
See also, Maurits Smeyers, Een Cistercinzervoorschrift en zijn toepass-
ing, in Bernardus en de Cistercienzrfamilie in Belgi (Leuven: 1990): 81
95; and Alison Stones, The Minnesota Vincent of Beauvais and Cistercian
13th c. Book Decoration, The James Ford Bell Lectures, no. 14 (Minneapo-
lis: 1977), 9.
7. Carlvant, Thirteenth-Century Illumination, 72, n. 1, lists the works tran-
scribed by Henricus. Lieftincks paleographic study traces Henricuss hand to
ownership marks in Bruges, Openbare Bibliotheek, MSS 45 and 61, which
were donated to the abbey by the canons of Saint Donation in Bruges, De
librijen en scriptoria, 4647.
8. In The Cistercians in Medieval Art (Kalamazoo, Michigan: Cistercian Pub-
lications, 1998), James France specifies that Henricus was connected to the
workshop of the Counts of Flanders at Bruges, 129. The colophon is in
Bruges, Openbare Bibliotheek, MS 13 (fol. 180v), fig. 82. France notes that
monks heads and those of lay brothers were also pictured in the tiles of the
Ter Duinen abbey.
9. Carlvant, Thirteenth-Century Illumination, 72; Logghe, Schatten uit de
Biekorf, 27.
10. Carlvant notes that the original set may have contained four volumes, and
it is the second that is missing, Vlaamse kunst op perkament, 171, n. 1. The
folios for divisions are listed in the catalog entry in de Poorter, Catalogue des
Manuscrits, 2425.
11. Stones, Minnesota Vincent of Beauvais, 1819.
12. Sonia Scott-Fleming, The Analysis of Pen Flourishing in Thirteenth-Century

Manuscripts (Leiden, New York: E.J. Brill, 1989), synopsis.
13. On determining importance by the size according to lines of text, a fif-
teenth-century Sienese writer on sermons notes, Thus, each division will
become clearly apparent to the reader, according to Alexander, Decorated
Letter, 21, n. 40. I follow the example of Conrad Rudolphs analysis of the
Moralia in Job in Dijon, which begins with technical aspects and traces the
development of the artists conception of the letters, Violence and Daily
Life: Reading, Art, and Polemics in the Cteaux Moralia in Job (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1997), 34. The more complex initials pause
and engage the readers contemplation of spiritual struggle, 35. The violent
monsters and daily life compositions are used to engage the literality or the
sense of the text, 62.
14. Definitions for zoo-anthropomorphic (conflated human and animal forms),
anthropomorphic (human form), and inhabited (figures among foliage) are
based on Brown, Understanding Illuminated Manuscripts, 126, 11, and 72.
15. Margaret T. Gibson, The Bible in the Latin West, Medieval Book, vol. 1
(Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame, 1993), 910.
16. Schapiro, On the Aesthetic Attitude, 9.
17. De Hamel, History of the Bible, 20.
18. Jonathan J. G. Alexander, Italian Renaissance Portraits, Lowrie J. Daly, S.
J., Lecture, at the Thirtieth Annual Saint Louis Conference on Manuscript
Studies, Vatican Film Library, Saint Louis University, 11 October 2003.
For the distinction of magister, the term is borrowed from Jan Ziolkowski,
Mastering Authority and Authorizing Matters in the Long Twelfth-Cen-
tury, Medieval Academy of America, Plenary Lecture, at the 40th Interna-
tional Congress on Medieval Studies, Kalamazoo, Michigan, May 6, 2005.
19. Willene B. Clark, The Medieval Book of Birds: Hugh of Fouilloys Aviarium,
Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies 80 (Binghamton: State Univer-
sity of New York, 1992), 239241, fig. 23, 53. In bestiaries, hoopoes are
described as having an odd crest and are depicted as any other bird with odd
feathers on its head or back, 37. Two traits are described: one that was foul
and enjoyed dung (loves sorrow which causes death of spirit), and another
that cared well for its parents with shelter. The double meaning in this par-
ticular birds background may contribute to the idea that multiple senses
could be learned with such exempla. Beryl Rowland, The Art of Memory
and the Bestiary, in Beasts and Birds of the Middle Ages: The Bestiary and Its
Legacy, ed. Willene B. Clark and Meradith T. McMunn (Philadelphia: Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania Press, 1989), 17.
20. For the Woman and fox motif, see Randall, Images in the Margins, 228.
For the text of two popular French poems, see Kenneth Varty, Reynard the
Fox: A Study of the Fox in Medieval English Art (Leicester: Leicester Univer-
sity Press, 1967), 3436.
21. Wirth, Les marges drleries, 287.

22. Saint Bernard of Clairvaux wrote of three types of fox: flatterers, detrac-
tors, and seducers of the spirit, cited in France, Cistercians in Medieval Art,
215.
23. De Hamel, History of the Bible, 9596.
25. Randall, Exempla as a Source, 104105. The reflection in the mirror, the
scared rabbit, and the dream of a blind man refer to a blank state of mind,
according to Helen Adolf, The Ass and the Harp, Speculum 25 (1950): 53.
26. By contrast, the Dominican Bible in Lille, Bibliothque municipale, MS
1, is contemporary and contains scenes in quatrefoils illustrating the fall of
man. Hunting in the margins of Genesis, a nude with a pipe and tabor at
Kings I, and dragons composing most of the borders can be counted. Beer,
Liller Bibelcodices, fig. 1.
27. The hair and beard are similar to a conversus depicted in a Beaulieu man-
uscript, reproduced in France, Cistercians in Medieval Art, 131, fig. 83.
Regarding the brown cowls used for images of Cistercians, France notes that
the rule for dress specifies undyed, not white, fabric, 7880.
28. Randall, Images in the Margins, plate 86, figs. 410414.
29. The prophet with a scroll is perched on a later initial (5/191, fol. 199v), illus-
trated in Lieftinck, De librijen en scriptoria, fig. 15. The initial O contains
a Pushmipullu dragon, coined by Lucy Freeman Sandler, Reflections on
the Construction of Hybrids in English Gothic Marginal Illustration, in
Art the Ape of Nature: Studies in Honor of H. W. Janson, ed. Moshe Barasch
and Lucy Freeman Sandler (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1981), 59.
30. For Apocalypse imagery, see Brunsdon Yapp, Birds in Medieval Manuscripts
(New York: Schocken Books, 1982, 1981), plates 1415.
31. Both texts include De pastoribus by Hugh of Fouilloy. The Ter Duinen Avi-
ary (Bruges, Grootseminarie, MS 89/54) was listed in the inventory for the
Ter Doest library after 1624. Logghe, Schatten uit de Biekorf, 2733. Ex-
Dyson Perrins, MS 26, is now Getty, MS XV, 3. Clark, Medieval Book of
Birds, cat. no. 28, 290292. As Clark states, the lower folio corners are well
thumbed in enough aviaries to assume that they were well used in their
original monastic environments, 26.
32. Yapp, Birds in Medieval Manuscripts, 14, plates 1415. The bestiary of
Jacques of Vitry employs the crane for virtues and vices. See Claude Bre-
mond, Le bestiaire de Jacques de Vitry, in Lanimal exemplaire au Moyen
ge, Ve-XVe sicles, ed. Jacques Berlioz and Marie Anne Polo de Beaulieu
(Rennes: University Press of Rennes, 1999), 113.
33. H. W. Janson, Apes and Ape Lore in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance
(London: The Warburg Institute, University of London, 1952), 178.
34. Willene B. Clark, The Illustrated Medieval Aviary and the Lay-Brother-
hood, Gesta 21 (1982): 67.
35. Carlvant, Thirteenth-Century Illumination, 47 and 73; Smeyers, Flemish

Miniatures, 139. Carlvant notes that themes like magnificent Tritons can
be traced to Arras, Bibliothque municipale, MS 561Boulogne-sur-Mer,
Bibliothque municipale, MS 4.
36. Dijon, Bibliothque municipale, MS 168, 169, 170, 173. Rudolph, Vio-
lence and Daily Life, figs. 136. For the initials and marginal figures in the
Book of Kells (Dublin, Trinity College Library, MS 58), see Heather Pul-
liam, Therefore do I speak to them in parables: Meaning in the Margins
of the Book of Kells, in Making and Meaning in Insular Art, ed. Rachel
Moss (Dublin: Four Courts Press, forthcoming). I am grateful to Dr. Pul-
liam for an advance copy of this essay.
37. A similar template of an abbot and a dragon used by Bruges artists is found
in the Spermalie Breviary, Grootseminarie, MS 54/100, fol. 12.
38. These terms are based on those discussed by Caviness, Reframing Medieval
Art, chap. 3. The fecund motifs of the Ruth initial also include foliage from
the tail and loudness through the trumpet.
40. Stones, Secular Manuscript Illumination, 91, figs. 1112. According to
Randalls index in Images in the Margins, an ape steps on the tail of a crowned
merman in the Feischi Psalter, a later Psalter-Hours for Dominican use,
from the Ghent school of the early fourteenth century, Baltimore, Walters
Art Gallery MS 85, 130010 (fol. 81v), 188. Manuscripts in the Walters Art
Gallery, vol. 3, pt. I: no. 221, 6567, fig. 427. On fols. 115r-116v, the arms
of Flanders appear opposite a lady. This manuscript also includes a house-
wife chasing a fox (fol. 91v) and an ass playing a harp (fol. 85r), motifs of
the repertoire recycled in close proximity.
41. Carlvant labels these as drolerie-motieven from the secular world in
Vlaamse kunst op perkament, 172. As Rudolph notes in his analysis, the class
or station of the figures was not really at issue in the Cteaux Moralia as
much as the figures were drawn to convey the larger sense of the text being
reflected, Violence and Daily Life, 44. But, in late thirteenth century Flan-
ders, class or station may have been at issue with noble patronage, including
the income from abbots and novices of noble birth.
42. Suzannah Biernoff, Sight and Embodiment in the Middle Ages (New York:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 18. Biernoff distinguishes between the terms
flesh and body, neither of which fit comfortably in a dualistic con-
struct with soul and spirit. With a more complex model in mind,
exploration of the bodies in the margins of monastic manuscripts can use
more analysis.
43. Clark, Illustrated Medieval Aviary, 71.
44. Ibid., 67. Biblical verses are based on the Douai version of the Vulgate.
45. Ibid.
46. Ibid.
47. Regarding the censorship, Michael Camille argues that when such physi-
cal interaction with the image occurred, at any point in the manuscripts
history, associations with the demonic were essentially averted, Obscen-
ity under Erasure: Censorship in Medieval Illuminated Manuscripts, in
Obscenity: Social Control and Artistic Creation in the European Middle Ages,
ed. Jan M. Ziolkowski (Leiden: Brill, 1998): 148. According to Mellinkoff s
recent iconographic study, Averting Demons, the incorporation of nude fig-
ures may have been intended for apotropaic functions, averting like with
like, or flesh with flesh, 1: 129.
48. Michael Camille, Glossing the Flesh: Scopophilia and the Margins of the
Medieval Book, in The Margins of the Text, ed. D.C. Greetham, Editorial
Theory and Literary Criticism (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press,
1997): 257.
49. Biernoff, Sight and Embodiment, 3437 and 11420.
50. Camille, Glossing the Flesh, 257.
51. Rudolph, Violence and Daily Life, chap. 4.
52. Wentersdorf, Figurae Scatologicae, 2.
53. Carlvant points to the book of Numbers, which opens with the initial L in
which a heavily robed man, bearded and horned as Moses, is accompanied
by an angel and two hybrids (MS 4/1, fol. 109r), illustrated in Vlaamse
kunst op perkament, 172.
54. Janson, Apes and Ape Lore, 166.
55. Ibid., 165.
56. Hoste, De Handschriften van Ter Doest, 138, also points to Daniel in a den
with seven lions in a Bible from Cteaux (Dijon, Bibliothque municipale,
MS 132). Hoste suggests that illuminators from Artois and Picardy in Bru-
ges were employed on the drolleries, rather than Henricus himself, 139.
57. In the twelfth century, Hugh of Saint Victor viewed the page is a vineyard
and a garden, and the visual motifs surrounding the texts of this period
were more vegetable and foliate than corporeal. Alexander, Decorated Letter,
18.
58. The phrase is also repeated in the description of heaven at the end of Isaiah,
65:25.
59. Claire Van Nerom, Cistercian Tiles, Relief Tiles and Related Inlaid Design
at the Abbey of Les Dunes (West Flanders, Belgium), in Studies in Cister-
cian Art and Architecture, ed. Meredith Parsons Lillich, Cistercian Studies
134 (Kalamazoo, Michigan: Cistercian Publications, 1993), 4:4950, figs.
37.
60. Claire Van Nerom, Le Pavement du lavatorium de Coxyde et ses similitudes
avec St. Omer, Cteaux: commentarii cistercienses 35 (1984): 285318.
61. In the ceramics collection of the Bijloke Museum, Ghent, Belgium.
62. Nicolas Huyghebaert et al., Monasticon Belge: Province de Flandre Occi-
dentale, 3: 2 (Lige: Centre National de Recherches dHistoire Religieuse,
1966), 33435. Abbot Nicolas was versed in law (jurisprudential clarus),

but sources to not distinguish whether he acquired his learning through
the monastery or before he took the robe, 390. Jean III Servaes (Jean
dOostberg) was abbot of Ter Doest 12741279, then accepted the post at
Ter Duinen where he died in 1297 or 1299. He may have transported man-
uscripts between scriptoria, including the Abbey of Saint Bertin where, in
1277, Jean complied for an annual rent. In 1273 Margaret of Flanders had
already given twenty bonniers of land and the isle of Wulpen, and confirmed
gifts in 1276. Floris V, count of Holland and married to one of the Dampi-
erre daughters, Beatrice, donated the grange of Monsterhoek and exempted
the monks from paying taxes.
63. Ibid., 336.
64. Ibid., 327.
65. An allegorical illustration of Christ and the abbot as shepherds caring for
sheep and goats illustrates the text on De pastoribus by Hugh of Fouilloy in
the Ter Duinen Aviary (Grootseminarie MS 89/54, fol. 115r). Clark, Medi-
eval Book of Birds, 272, fig. 23.
66. Huyghebaert, Monasticon Belge, 334, n. 2.
67. Carlvant, Thirteenth-Century Illumination, 3346; Lieftinck, De librijen
en scriptoria, apps. B and C.
68. Logghe, Schatten uit de Biekorf, 2733.
69. An ex-libris from Ter Duinen, when it entered the library of Ter Doest, pro-
vides the provenance. Carlvant, Vlaamse kunst op perkament, cat. no. 80,
173. The manuscript consists of eighteen quires of twelve folios each, the
first beginning on fol. 2r. There is a second copy of the Summa with mod-
est illumination by the Tweede-Ghent group dated to 1286 (Douai, Biblio-
thque municipale, MS 639), Thirteenth-Century Illumination, 117.
70. Bruges, Openbare Bibliotheek MS 373, fol. 80r. A. de Poorter, Catalogue
des manuscrits, (1934), 413. Ter Duinens scriptorium also had a sig-
nature method of foliation that was alphabetical. A bookmark survives
that provides a key for the symbols next to the letters, as well as an A-G
scale on the other side that could be held alongside a text, and its vertical
placement down the page was noted in the index. Mary A. Rouse and
Richard H. Rouse, Authentic Witnesses: Approaches to Medieval Texts and
Manuscripts (Notre Dame, Ind: University of Notre Dame Press, 1991),
2278.
71. Charles F. Briggs, Late Medieval Texts and Tabulae: The Case of Giles of
Rome, De Regimine Principum, Manuscripta 37, no. 3 (1993): 253.
72. Of the two hands involved in the illumination of the Monaldus Summa and
the BnF-Yale Vulgate Arthur, one worked on the Psalter of Guy of Dampi-
erre and the other is prominent in BnF fr. 95, BnF latin 1076, and Marseille
BM MS 111. Stones, Illustrations of BN, fr. 95 and Yale 229, 22930, n.
127. See also Carlvant, Thirteenth-Century Illumination, 68, n. 1.
192 Notes to Chapter Three
73. Like the Dampierre Psalter, c. 127585, this is one of the earliest manu-
scripts with smaller initials filled with busts. Carlvant, Thirteenth-Century
Illumination, 227.
74. The bugler counts for both music and hunting with a falcon also perched
by the foliate initial. A pennon on the bugle carries a coat of arms (gold
saltire on blue ground with four white circles), but they have not been iden-
tified in surviving rolls. In the Yale Romance, the same motif bears the arms
of Flanders on fol. 23v (see fig. 23).
75. Several recorded examples of the burdens placed by Guy of Dampierre
upon the Cistercian monasteries in this study, dating to 1294, 1297, and
1302, are examples in Huyghebaert et al., Monasticon Belge, passim. See also
Nicholas, Medieval Flanders, 158.
77. Stones, Sacred and Profane Arts, 109.
78. Randall, Exempla as a Source, 104.
79. Rouse and Rouse, Authentic Witnesses, 192.
80. Ibid., 210.
81. Ibid., 211. The Rouses point to the example of Peter of Capua, who was
both a master and a cardinal and likened his career to Rachel and Leah,
respectively the contemplative and the active life.
83. James S. Donnelly, The Decline of the Cistercian Lay-Brotherhood, History Series
no. 3 (New York: Fordham University Press, 1949). William of Saeftingen from
Ter Doest was famous for striking the count, Robert of Artois, in 1302, 59.
84. Ibid., 35.
86. Randall, Exempla as a Source, 97.
NOTES TO CHAPTER THREE

1. Sandler, Case of the Luttrell Psalter, 87100; Paula Gerson, Margins
for Eros, Romance Languages 5 (1993): 4753; and Paul F. Gehl, Texts
and Textures: Dirty Pictures and Other Things in Medieval Manuscripts,
Corona 3 (1983): 6877. Among others, these scholars have found specific
relationships between text and adjacent marginal imagery in fourteenth-
century devotional manuscripts.
2. Kraus, Psalter for Margaret the Black, 9597. I thank Alison Stones and
Christopher de Hamel for their assistance in attempting to locate the manu-
script, which was last sold at Sothebys in 1988, 21.vi.88, lot 73.
3. Francois Avril, Manuscrits, in LArt au temps des rois maudits: Philippe le
Bel et ses fils, 12851328, ed. Jean Favier, Elisabeth Lalou, and Jean-Rene
Gaborit (Paris: Galeries nationales du Grand Palais, 1998), 397, no. 209A-
209B.
Notes to Chapter Three 193
4. Stones, Illustrations of BN, fr. 95 and Yale 229, 231.

5. Hindman, Sealed in Parchment, 4647; Huot, The Romance of the Rose,
273322.
6. Camille, Mirror in Parchment, 65; Sandler, Study of Marginal Imagery,
23.
7. Paul Saenger, Space Between Words: The Origins of Silent Reading (Stanford,
California: Stanford University Press, 1997), 265.
8. The psalter measures 110x80 mm. Based on the historiated initials for
Psalms 19 and 26, which are reproduced, the program of illumination
seems to follow the traditional scenes of David Kraus, Psalter for Margaret
the Black, 9597. For a description of the countess, see Rouse and Rouse,
Manuscripts and their Makers, 2: app. 4A.
9. Kraus, Psalter for Margaret the Black, 97.
10. Over thirty psalms are missing, Ibid. 95. I have not been able to examine
this manuscript in person. If the quires were broken apart, an examination
of the text would be necessary to suggest any reconstruction.
11. Ibid., 96; Randall, Images in the Margins, s.v. Merman as knight with stan-
dard, arms of Hainaut, 188.
12. Randall, Images in the Margins, fig. 503. If the calendar is a smaller quire of
six, and if the intact quires are composed of twelve folios, then these images
would occur together in the fourth quire.
13. Ibid., s.v. Patroness, Margaret of Flanders and Hainaut, kneeling, with pet
dog, 195.
14. Ibid., s.v. Merman with harp, mermaid dancing, 188.
15. Kraus, Psalter for Margaret the Black, 95.
16. Carlvant, Thirteenth-Century Illumination, 77, n. 2, compares the Tabu-
lae decretalium in Bruges, Openbare Bibliotheek, MS 373, whose scribe also
came from Bruges to the Psalter for Margaret (Kraus cat. 75, no. 88), a psal-
ter-hours (Berkeley, University of California, MS 28), and Aschaffenburg,
Hofbibliothek MS 5. Stones, Illustrations of BN, fr. 95 and Yale 229,
256, n. 127, adds about a dozen others to this group. In an earlier article,
Secular Manuscript Illumination, Stones posits the group as two artists
of different training employed in the same workshop, 91.
17. 245 folios, 107(115) x 78 mm. A full description is available in Gaspar and
Lyna, Les principaux manuscrits, no. 95.
18. Livia Stijnss dates are based on the arms of John of Namur (b. 1266) on
fol. 8v, and Baudouin of Dampierre (d.1275 [sic]) on fol. 7v, Het Psalter
Van Gwijde Van Dampierre: Een Kostbaar Handschrift uit de Koninklijke
Bibliotheek te Brussel, De Vlaamse Gids 37, no. 2 (1953): 86. According
to Luykxs genealogy table, however, Baudouin died in 1296, Het Grafelijk
Geslacht Dampierre, 112115. Gaspar and Lyna date the psalter to 1280
97, due to absence of the arms of Countess Margaret (d. 1280) and of John
of Dampierre (d. 1291), Les principaux manuscrits, 1: 220221. The lack
of arms for John of Dampierre, Guys third son, may be due to his posi-
tions as chancellor of Flanders, bishop of Metz, and archbishop of Lige,
according to Luykx, Het Grafelijk Geslacht Dampierre, 112113. Stones
notes that the heavy over painting of the shields masks accurate dating.
Rather, 12751285 is a position that links it stylistically to BnF fr.412 and
BnF fr. 15106, both dated around 1285, in Illustrations of BN, fr. 95 and
Yale 229, n. 126.
19. For example, on fol. 8v, the gilding of the arms of the Gruthuse of Bruges
is brighter than those of John of Namur (b. 1266), the first son of Guy of
Dampierres second marriage to Isabella of Luxembourg. Also on this page
are the arms of the family Villain of Ghent and those of the Ghistelles. The
arms of Flanders appear pure through the verso.
20. Joseph Destre, Le Psautier de Guy de Dampierre, XIIIe sicle, in Messager
des Science Historiques, Archives des Arts et de la Bibliographie de Belgique
(Ghent: 1890): 377390; (1891): 8188, 12932. The second installment
includes a whimsical description of various marginalia, followed by an out-
line of the armory in the full-page miniatures.
21. Gaspar and Lyna, Les principaux manuscrits, 1: 219228, 2: no. 95, 4345,
plate 45.
22. L. M. J. Delaiss, Medieval Miniatures from the Department of Manuscripts,
the Royal Library of Belgium (New York: H. N. Abrams, 1965), 53.
23. This opening has been the signature reproduction of the psalter, so much so
that the page is darker and more brittle than the rest of the manuscript. See
also Smeyers, Flemish Miniatures, 139, fig. 43.
24. Delaiss, Medieval Miniatures, 52.
25. The tip-ins remain in the gutter (quires 78), and the remaining full-page
illuminations result in gatherings of thirteen folios (quires 5, 10, 14 and
16). Only one full page illumination has text written on the other side, fol.
128r, which is the only quire of the Psalms text with six folios.
26. Gnter Haseloff, in Die Psalterillustration im 13. Jahrhundert (Kiel: 1938),
lists six other manuscripts for the use of Saint Omer, 122123, table 19.
27. Caviness, Reframing the Margins, fig. 3.31. For this opening, see also my
entry in Cardon, Medieval Mastery, cat. no. 37.
28. Carlvant, Thirteenth-Century Illumination, 227.
29. The Lapidarium at Saint Bavos Abbey, Ghent, preserves many examples of
polychrome corbel heads depicting ladies with wimples and veils and men
with crowns and chaplets.
30. Caviness, Reframing Medieval Art, claims a lack of mermen in the manu-
scripts that she examined in chap. 3, Hedging in Men and Women. In
the Dampierre Psalter, however, there are two: fol. 35v (line-ending, playing
flute and tabor) and fol. 151v (initial I, with trumpet and cane).
31. The initials are not included in the list of lettrines in Gaspar and Lyna,
Les principaux manuscrits, but listed as bordures like all the marginalia and
included as les principales scenes humoristiques qui ornent les baguettes

marginales (italics mine), 4445.
32. Caviness, Reframing Medieval Art, table 3. Like Randall, Caviness divorces
the motifs from their codicological context, so some connections pass under
the systematic radar. For example, the housewife chasing a fox is accounted
for in the category of fecundityspindle rather than weapon, fable, or
fox.
33. Caviness, Reframing Medieval Art, chap. 3. Caviness adds in chap.4, as far
as we know medieval art never produced a wholly erotic spectacle of the
nude, so it might not have occupied an imaginary field outside the gro-
tesque, i.e. considered ugly, as stated by Giles of Rome.
34. Luykx, Het Grafelijk Geslacht Dampierre, 97. Caviness argues that Guy
was over sixty with many children entering marriages, and as his wife
was likely reaching menopause, the marginal images of women were posi-
tioned as negative to encourage chastity, in Reframing Medieval Art, chap.
3, n. 20.
35. Rouse and Rouse, Manuscripts and Their Makers, 1: 259.
36. Alexander, Medieval Illuminators, 40; de Hamel, History of Illuminated
Manuscripts, 8991. Christopher de Hamel explains that the quires may
have been given to scribes loosely folded, either pre-cut and held with a
bit of string; for a surviving un-cut quaternion, see Scribes and Illumina-
tors (Toronto, Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 1992), fig. 19; see also
The British Library Guide to Manuscript Illumination: History and Techniques
(Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001), 4041, 45.
37. James Douglas Farquar, The Manuscript as a Book, in Pen to Press: Illus-
trated Manuscripts and Printed Books in the First Century of Printing, ed. S.
Hindman and J. D. Farquar (College Park: University of Maryland, 1977),
3033.
38. Lon Gilissen, Prolgomnes la Codicologie: Recherches sur la Construction
des Cahiers et la Mise en Page des Manuscrits Mdivaux (Ghent: ditions
Scientifiques Story-Scienta S.P.R.L., 1977), figs. 616.
39. Ibid., figs. 14.
40. In tables illustrating individual quires, initials and their contents are fol-
lowed by a semi-colon, then the marginal subjects are separated by commas.
For greater simplicity, initials with interlace, serpents, or small, attached
heads are usually excluded. Where human heads are mentioned, they fill the
field of the initial.
41. The act of subversion through parody may reflect the patrons cynicism
about the papal court of Boniface VIII in letters pleading the case for the
Flemish in 129899. Vale, The Princely Court, 2122.
42. Other manuscripts, like the Franciscan Psalter (BnF latin 1076), the Feischi
Psalter (Walters Art Gallery MS 85), or a Breviary for Saint Peters Abbey
in Ghent (British Library, Add. MS 29253), contain the arms of Flanders in
an initial or margin, but these do not necessarily confirm provenance as the

coats of arms themselves were copied as patterns in other media.
43. Camille, Image on the Edge, 100; Mirror in Parchment, 65.
44. The full-page miniature on the last folio of quire 12 (fol. 128v), composed
of six folios, does contain arms on the corners, and unusually, this miniature
was painted on a text folio rather than tipped in on stronger parchment. The
shields are suggested as belonging to van Beest, Bavinckove or Moorslede,
and Graeve or Melden, Gaspar and Lyna, Les principaux manuscrits, 2: 45.
45. Randall, Mediaeval Slander, 2538; Exempla as a Source, 97107. See
also Bremond, Le bestiaire de Jacques de Vitry, 114, in which the ass
illustrates the devil. Also the essays by Marie Anne Polo de Beaulieu, Du
bon usage de lanimal dans les recueils mdivaux dexempla, in Lanimal
exemplaire au Moyen ge, Ve-XVe sicles, ed. Jacques Berlioz and Marie Anne
Polo de Beaulieu (Rennes: University Press of Rennes, 1999), 15169, and
Franco Morenzoni, Les animaux exemplaires dans les recueils de Distinctio-
nes bibliques alphabtiques du XIIIe sicle, in Ibid.,17884, also provide
good examples of original sermon terminology.
46. Randall, Mediaeval Slander, 38.
47. Nicholas, Medieval Flanders, 190. For a detailed account of the Battle of the
Golden Spurs between the Leliaerts and Clauwaerts, see J. F. Verbruggen
and Rolf Falter, 1302: Opstand in Vlaanderen (Tielt: Lannoo, 2001).
49. Ibid., 228. Caviness, Reframing Medieval Art, 24.
50. At the end of the psalter, the arms of Flanders also appear in a decorated let-
ter of the closing prayers (fols. 204v). A centaur on the lower border of fol.
216r holds an uncolored shield with the lion rampant.
51. In Picardy and Flanders local nobles founded numerous collegiate churches
to serve as a necropolis for the family, noted especially by Hindman in her
discussion of divisible patrimony sent as dowries for inheritors entering the
church, in Sealed in Parchment, 41.
52. Haseloff, Die Psalterillustration, 110111. The Dampierre Psalter has this
in common with the Jacobuspsalters group in Haseloff, table 9, which
includes BnF latin 1076 and one for the use of Saint Bertin (Arras, Grand
Seminaire), in which the initials are excised.
53. Wirth, Les marges drleries, 286, makes a point about over-interpreting
the symbolism of musical scenes in the Psalms as they are so common.
54. Polo de Beaulieu, Du bon usage de lanimal, 16970. In the same collec-
tion of sermons, the serpent and birds of prey are also related to the devils
entrapment. At the same time, the dog is twice related to man, as are the
falcon, owl, and fish. The sinner is named in stories about the ass, dog,
gazelle, wolf, and the ape. The lion and wolf are also called thieves.
55. Morenzoni, Les animaux exemplaires, 18586. The prevalence of the dog
and the horse in collections of Distinctiones reflects the quantitative and
qualitative importance of the two animals in medieval society of the thir-

teenth century.
56. Nicholas, Medieval Flanders, 181.
57. Randall, Images in the Margins, figs. 193195. It should be noted that fig.
193 is from the Dampierre Psalter, not fig. 194, which is from the Marga-
ret the Black Psalter; discussed and reproduced in Paul Wackers, Medieval
French and Dutch Renardian Epics: Between Literature and Society, in
Reynard the Fox: Social Engagement and Cultural Metamorphoses in the Beast
Epic from the Middle Ages to the Present, ed. Elaine C. Block and Kenneth
Varty (New York: Berghahn Books, 2000), 68, fig. 4.2.
58. If the red underneath frames a chevron in the oxidized silver, perhaps they
belong to Gistel like those on fol. 8v. Gaspar and Lyna, Les principaux
manuscrits, 1: 222 and 225.
59. Vale, The Princely Court, 17984, and app. 6.
60. Adolf highlights the appearance of this motif in the Tristan, Ass and Harp,
5354.
62. Ibid.
63. Like the appearance of this shield in the escutcheon of the prefatory Nativ-
ity scene (fol. 8v), this shield appears to be brushed with a different gilt.
64. Nicholas, Medieval Flanders, 18384, 18990.
65. Hindman, Sealed in Parchment, distinguishes five views of knighthood. The
image of the chain mailed seignor emphasizes the senior inheritor, shown
in seals on horseback with a shield, 119. The adoption of shields by newer
nobility and castellans made the equestrian distinction necessary. In com-
parison, depicted with shield and weapon and usually with curly hair, the
bachelor emphasizes youth and adventure before marriage.
66. Gaspar and Lyna, Les principaux manuscrits, 1: 224.
67. Nicholas, Medieval Flanders, 180.
68. Unidentified by Gaspar and Lyna, Les principaux manuscrits, 1: 224.
69. Caviness, Reframing Medieval Art, fig. 3.32. For the goat and he-goat (bouc)
as exemplars, see Bremond, Le bestiaire de Jacques de Vitry, 116. For ser-
mons in north France, see Polo de Beaulieu, Du bon usage de lanimal,
165, and Morenzoni, Les animaux exemplaires, 174.
70. Ann Payne, Medieval Beasts (London: The British Library, 1990), 32.
71. Caviness, Reframing Medieval Art, table 3.
72. Gaspar and Lyna, op. cit., 223. Ernest Warlop, The Flemish Nobility before
1300, (Kortrijk: Desmet-Huysman, 1975), pt. II, 1: 908, no. 119, s.v.
Koekelare-West Flanders, arr. Diksmunde.
73. The shield has a darker lower half and lighter upper half. The arms of the
family of Villain of Ghent need further investigation: Plain, a chief, some-
times charged, typically compose the armorial and equestrian seals of the
castellans of Ghent. Ibid., 835, no. 89.
74. Luykx, Het Grafelijk Geslacht Dampierre, 112.

75. Nicholas, Medieval Flanders, 159. See also Vale, The Princely Court, table
17, for a list of nobles in the household residence of Guy of Dampierre.
77. Mary D. Stanger, Literary Patronage at the Medieval Court of Flanders,
French Studies 11 (1957): 22223.
79. The fourth quire illustrates the application of color in illuminating a quires
margins: a particular salmon pink is used for lion, squirrel, and stag on one
side of the parchment.
80. Ibid., 229, n. 123.
81. Randall, Images in the Margins, 20. Stones, French Prose Lancelot, 439;
Haseloff, Die Psalterillustration, classifies the cycle of historiated initials as
Jacobuspsalter, 110111.
82. Another psalter listed with this group is BnF, Smith Lesouef MS 20, which
has borders with figures on ten historiated initial pages, Stones, French
Prose Lancelot, 4403. Stones is also unable to trace the two arms listed
by Joseph Billioud, Trs Anciennes Heures de Throuanne la Biblio-
thque de Marseille, in Les Trsors des Bilbliothques de France, ed. mile
Dacier (Paris: Les ditions dArt et dHistoire, 1935), 175. Descriptions of
88 motifs are listed in Victor Leroquais, Les psautiers manuscrits latins des
bibliothques publiques de France, (Mcon: Protat, 19401), 2: 6366. See
also Jean Porcher, Les manuscrits a peintures en France du XIIIe au XVIe siecle
(Paris: Bibliotheque nationale, 1955), no. 72.
83. Fols. 8v and 33r. Billioud, Trs Anciennes Heures de Throuanne, 175.
84. Brian Timms, Studies in Heraldry, s.v. The Arms (2005), http://perso.
numericable.fr/~briantimms/era/armsrollsblazons.htm.
85. Billioud, Trs Anciennes Heures de Throuanne, 174; Avril, Manuscrits,
308.
86. Billioud, Trs Anciennes Heures de Throuanne, 171, plates 6264; it is pos-
sible that the inscription on fol. 136r is in same quire with fol. 141r, 175176.
87. The Franciscan Psalter measures 193x136 mm., with a text block of 116x70
mm. and unit of ruling at 6 mm., which is exactly the same size as Mar-
seilles 111, Avril, Manuscrits, 308. The quires were determined mainly by
locating the central cord; several catchwords remain (112v, 142v, 168v) and
erased signatures are visible. Fols. 184v and 18688 have prayers in French
added in a sixteenth-century hand, as well as devotional etchings including
Saint Francis and Saint Claire of Assisi.
88. Leroquais, Les psautiers, 2: 63.
89. Ibid., 65. In additon, fol. 116.
90. Saint Elizabeth appears with Saint Clare and Saint Francis in the Feischi
Psalter (Walters Art Gallery MS 45), Randall, Images in the Margins, fig.
611.
Notes to Chapter Four 199
91. Randall, Images in the Margins, fig. 259. This first figure of the patroness
is damaged, mainly on the face, which is rubbed, and on the hands, which
were redrawn.
92. Billioud, Trs Anciennes Heures de Throuanne, 175, 183. Billioud favors
the use of Saint Omer over Rome based on the Picardian dialect.
93. Joan Holladay, Relics, Reliquaries, and Religious Women: Visualizing the
Holy Virgins of Cologne, Studies in Iconography 18 (1997): 95.
94. Vale, The Princely Court, 229.
95. Ibid., 230.
96. Carlvant, Thirteenth-Century Illumination, 328; Smeyers, Flemish Min-
iatures, 137; Oliver, Manuscript Illumination in Lige, 101.
NOTES TO CHAPTER FOUR

1. These texts are unusual additions to a romance. For the historiography, see
Stones, Illustrations of BN, fr. 95 and Yale 229, 204. A recent catalogue
entry for BnF, fr. 95, is in Avril, Manuscrits, 307, no. 208.
2. Roger Sherman Loomis and Laura Hibbard Loomis, Arthurian Legends in
Medieval Art (New York: Modern Language Association of America, 1938),
95. At the time, the Yale volume was in the collection of Sir Thomas Phil-
lips (no. 130) and inaccessible through photographs.
3. Barbara Shailor, s.v. MS 229 (New Haven: Yale University, Beinecke
Library, 1984), http://webtext.library.yale.edu/beinflat/pre1600.ms229.
htm. In Digital Images Online, http://beinecke.library.yale.edu/dl_crosscol-
lex/ (New Haven: Yale University, Beinecke Library, 2005), s.v. MS 229
and select additional images. Stones expands the possibilities for heraldic
identification in Illustrations of BN, fr. 95 and Yale 229, 232. Identified
by Gaspar and Lyna in Les pricipaux manuscrits, many of the shields corre-
spond to those of nobles documented in the Flemish court, 45.
4. Randall, Images in the Margins, passim.
6. Camille, Image on the Edge, 100108, figs. 50, 54, 55, and 56. For a discus-
sion of stock motifs, see Stones, Secular Manuscript Illumination, 9596.
7. For example, see William Tronzo, review of The Metamorphosis of Marginal
Images: from Antiquity to Present Time, eds. Nurith Kenaan-Kedar and Asher
Ovadiah (The Yolanda and David Katz Faculty of the Arts, Tel Aviv Univer-
sity, 2001), The Medieval Review (June 1, 2004).
8. I thank Alison Stones for an advance copy of her next article on the manu-
script, The Illustrations of the Mort Artu in Yale 229: Formats, Choices,
and Comparisons, in The Mort Artu in Yale 229, ed. Elizabeth Willingham
(Turnhout: Brepols, following).
9. The spontaneous experience of the reader is the element missing from the
formal, or aesthetic, and Marxist, or socio-political, approaches to literary
200 Notes to Chapter Four
history, in Hans Robert Jauss, Toward an Aesthetic of Reception, trans. Timo-

thy Bahti, Theory and History of Literature, vol. 2 (Minneapolis: Univer-
sity of Minnesota Press, 1982), 19.
10. Stones, Matre au menton fuyant, 1258.
11. I am grateful to Lynn Ramey for an advance copy of her forthcoming arti-
cle, Images of Rebellion: The Social and Political Context of the Images
of Yale 229 La Mort Roi Artus, in The Mort Artu in Yale 229, ed. Elizabeth
Willingham (Turnhout: Brepols, forthcoming).
12. Camille, Image on the Edge, 100 and 105.
13. Stones, Illustrations of BN, fr. 95 and Yale 229, nn. 36 and 129. As noted
by Stones, William (Guillaume) would have had children at the time this
manuscript was made. The argument, however, presumes that bedroom
scenes were considered inappropriate to medieval viewers, and accounts less
for the illumination of BnF fr. 95, which contains many more nudes and
women misbehaving in the margins.
14. Paul Saenger. Space Between Words: The Origins of Silent Reading (Stanford,
Califronia: Stanford University Press, 1997), 265.
15. Vale, The Princely Court, 147; see also David Herlihy, Medieval Households
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985), 149 and 155.
16. Vale, The Princely Court, 326, table 16.
17. Ibid., 329, table 18.
18. Another interesting letter transcribed by Vale is one from Guy of Dampi-
erre, written ca. 1299 concerning his huntsman, or veneur, Gillion Roussel,
Ibid., 362, app. 6.
19. Ibid., 183
20. The boar is not included in the bestiary by Brunetto Latini, but it is included
as one of six bestiary motifs in the illustrations of La Chevalerie de Judas
Macab, which is also linked specifically to William of Termonde. Meradith
T. McMunn, Bestiary Influences in Two Thirteenth-Century Romances,
in Beasts and Birds of the Middle Ages: The Bestiary and Its Legacy, ed. Wil-
lene B. Clark and Meradith T. McMunn (Philadelphia: University of Penn-
sylvania Press, 1989), 135.
21. Camille adds, Arms are always emblems of power, so where they appear
in any medieval manuscript will be places of particular focus, in Mirror in
Parchment, 65.
22. Ramey emphasizes the lord and vassal relationships depicted in the minia-
tures of the Mort Artu, perhaps reflecting those of the contemporary royalty
and nobility, Images of Rebellion, forthcoming.
23. Dictionary of Heraldry (London: Brockhampton Press, 1997), 51. The color
upon color rule does not always apply for bordures.
24. In her dissertation, Stones states that the assistant in the BnF volume does
not appear in the Yale volume, French Prose Lancelot, 174. In the later
prolegomena article, she indicates that the assistant is the same in both, yet
more responsible for the latter, Illustrations of BN, fr. 95 and Yale 229,
227. Nevertheless, it is difficult to distinguish one hand from another with-
out more experience, and Stones shows that on several folios of Yale 229 it is
very difficult to tell (e.g. bifolium 169r-174v and fol. 175r in quire 22).
26. Stones, French Prose Lancelot, 174.
28. Centaurs do not appear in the selected quires in the Yale manuscript for
table 10.
29. Stones, Illustrations of BN, fr. 95 and Yale 229, 233. Other shields held
by centaurs have not been identified (fols. 199v, 242v, 291).
30. Richard Barber, Chivalry, Cistercianism and the Grail, in A Companion to
the Lancelot-Grail Cycle, ed. Carol R. Dover (Woodbridge, UK and Roches-
ter, NY: Boydell & Brewer, 2003), 4.
31. Stones, Secular Manuscript Illumination, 85. In addition, the inventory
of the Count of Hainaut, John II of Avesnes, includes a large romance ki
parolle de Nasciien, de Mellin et de Lancelot du Lach.
32. Stones illustrates the template of heraldry, apes, and fish body in the Damp-
ierre Psalter and the Yale Lancelot, Secular Manuscript Illumination, 91,
figs. 1112.
33. Stones, Illustrations of BN, fr. 95 and Yale 229, 232. Both names are in the
Wijnbergen Roll (546 and 1254), the latter listed under Flanders. Timms,
Studies in Heraldry, s.v. Wijnbergen Roll. Whether opposing arms reflect
the counts retinue or known rivals remains to be explored in the historical
record, which would certainly affect interpretations of parody or flattery in
the manuscripts post-history.
34. Carol Dover, Imagines Historiarum: Text and Image in the French Prose
Lancelot, in Word and Image in Arthurian Literature, ed. Keith Busby (New
York and London: Garland Publishing, 1996), 84.
35. Elspeth Kennedy, The Making of the Lancelot-Grail Cycle, in A Compan-
ion to the Lancelot-Grail Cycle, ed. Carol R. Dover (Woodbridge, UK and
Rochester, NY: Boydell & Brewer), 15.
36. Camille illustrates how a similar pennon on a trumpet in the Luttrell Psalter
activates associations for the reader in the context of the bear baiting and
hunting horns on the same folio, Mirror in Parchment, 65, fig. 17.
37. Camille, Image on the Edge, 100, fig. 54.
38. Barber, Cistercianism and the Grail, 3.
39. Ibid., 6.
40. In addition to two miniatures, three three-line initials containing heads
(two women and Lancelot) substitute the initials that are typically com-
posed of red and blue bifurcated backgrounds and white filigree designs.
Shailor identifies these as the head of the damsel who brings news of Lance-
lot, Lancelot himself, and Lancelots guide, MS 229, 25.
41. Wirth argues against Randalls textual sources and apparent play on words
(couv and cou), but as Randall emphasizes, this theme is particular to the
Flemish manuscripts, in Les marges drolleries, 289; Randall, Mediaeval
Slander, 35. The cowl in combination with the naked backside may refer
to the Cistercian habit of not wearing pants. France, Cistercians in Medieval
Art, 77. Considered in connection with the collection of eggs at monaster-
ies during Lent, the motif also points to the possibility of religious parody.
Randall, Mediaeval Slander, 29.
42. Nicholas, Medieval Flanders, 18590. Ramey emphasizes that the images
of anti-royal rebellion can be linked to current problems of the count, the
patriciate, and the French king, Images of Rebellion, 10. Based on the
text of a prose genealogy of the counts of Boulogne, vassals of the counts
of Flanders, Hindman notes that the founder of the house of Flanders was
Arthur, King of Britain, and states, Arthur becomes a kind of antitype for
the King of France, to whom the Counts of Flanders owed homage, Sealed
in Parchment, 123. In addition, Edward I gave his court 450 gilded eggs
for Easter, according to household accounts in 1290, so the motif may be
a more direct parody for the primary audience; Venetia Newall, An Egg at
Easter: A Folklore Study (London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1971), 219.
43. H. O. Sommer, The Vulgate Version of the Arthurian Romance (New York:
AMS Press, 1979), 5: 223, line 38.
44. For the blazon, or a cross gules, Stones adds Jean of Velaines (Bar 1270), Ber-
gheim, Val dIsere, and Crainhem; to the arms of Court, argent a lion gules,
is added Wallincourt, in Illustrations of BN, fr. 95 and Yale 229, 232.
The arms of Bergen or Bergues appear in an escutcheon of fol. 11v in the
Dampierre Psalter and are listed in the Vermandois Roll (228) and Chifflet-
Prinet Roll; Mortaignes appear in an escutcheon of fol. 9v in the Dampierre
Psalter and the Vermandois Roll (802); and Court or Wallincourts appear
in another escutcheon of fol. 11v in the Dampierre Psalter and as Waulain-
court in the Vermandois Roll (314). Appearing on fol. 362r, the latter arms
with an additional bordure gules is listed for Walincourt in the Wijnbergen
Roll (820). Timms, Studies in Heraldry s.v. Wijnbergen Roll.
45. Vale, The Princely Court, 147. Warlop lists Gilbert V as le chatelain de Ber-
gues in 1281, Flemish Nobility, 2: 653657, no. 20.
47. Michael Camille, The Medieval Art of Love: Objects and Subjects of Desire
(New York: Abrams, 1998), 54.
49. Sommer, Vulgate Version, 5: 24447.
50. Hindman emphasizes the controversy of ca. 1280, when John II of Avesnes
also claimed the blazon of Flanders, Sealed in Parchment, 126127. See also
Thrse de Hemptinne, Holland, Zeeland en Henegouwen onder het huis
van Avesnes (12991345: Het successverhaal van een personele unie?, in
1299: Een Graaf, Drie Graafschappen; de vereniging van Holland, Zeeland,

en Henegouwen, ed. D. E. H. de Boer, E. H. P. Cordfunke, and H. Sarfatij
(Hilversum: Verloren, 2000), 3839.
51. Ramey, Images of Rebellion, forthcoming. For the importance of King
Arthur to the Flemish court, see Olivier Collet, Littrature, histoire, pouvoir
et mcenat: La Cour de Flandre au XIIIe sicle, Mdivales: Langue, Textes,
Histoire 38 (2000): 87110; Albert Derolez, King Arthur in Flanders, in
Festschrift Rudolf Stamm zu Seinem Sechzigsten Begurtstag, ed. Eduard Kolb
and Jorg Hasler (Bern and Munich: Francke Verlag, 1969), 23947; and
Stanger, Literary Patronage, 21429. See also Spiegel, Romancing the Past,
5354, and Hindman, Sealed in Parchment, 7.
52. E. Jane Burns, in her analysis of the social definitions and key icons of
courtly attire, argues that garments were employed to negotiate issues of
gender and desire, class and subversion, Courtly Love Undressed: Reading
Through Clothes in Medieval French Culture (Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press, 2002), 13, 53.
53. Richard W. Kaeuper, Chivalry and Violence in Medieval Europe (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1999), 209. Both artists collaborated in this quire,
Stones, Illustrations of BN, fr. 95 and Yale 229, 227.
55. Verdier, Woman in the Marginalia, 12187.
56. Ibid.,16163.
57. Randall, Images in the Margins, figs. 46. A bifolium (fols. 248255) with
small miniatures in this quire is worth noting. On one side Cain kills Abel,
and on the other Bohort and Lionel joust and saved from each other with a
bolt of fire from heaven.
58. Ibid., fig. 708.
59. Verdier, Woman in the Marginalia, 136.
60. Rouse and Rouse, Manuscripts and their Makers, 2: app. 4A.
61. These ladies may also have been used to recall the description of the three
most beautiful women listed in an earlier account of Lancelots childhood.
See Kennedy, Making of the Cycle, 1415.
62. Vale, The Princely Court, 188.
63. One single-scene miniature not discussed here depicts a courtly gathering in
which a queen and a falconer accompany two kings (fol. 291r). In the upper
border centaurs with indistinguishable shields battle, while on the lower bor-
der knights wield large swords, one knight cutting into his own leg.
64. Vale, The Princely Court, 22; Warlop, Flemish Nobility, 2: 983, no. 144. The
arms appear on the pennon of an ape opposite another on fol. 238v in the
thirtieth quire.
65. According to the Wijnbergen Roll, Milly is also a possibility. Stones, Illus-
trations of BN, fr. 95 and Yale 229, 233. Stones suggests that with fewer
bedroom scenes the Yale Lancelot was intended for a younger audience, so
the audience for the BnF Estoire, by default, may belong to an older genera-
tion(?), 205, n. 36. The three architectural styles of the faade may reflect a
model illustration for the three tombs that the duchess visits before return-
ing to the castle, but this detail is excluded from the text. Sommer, Vulgate
Version, 1: 207208.
66. Luykx, Het Grafelijk Geslacht Dampierre, 112. Vale, The Princely Court, uses
the Ordinace of the household of John of Brabant, son of Duke John I, as
he resided in the court of Edward I, to illustrate a smaller scale household
for a young prince, 4950.
67. The shield of Flanders appears in the miniature on fol. 281v. In the thirty-
first quire, two shields held by jousting centaurs are without identifiable
blazons (fol. 242v); on the recto, a shield held by a man wearing a large red
cone hat (a Crusader knight?) holds a previously blazoned shield against a
lion. In the thirty-fourth quire, the arms of Flanders appear without gold
ground, held next to a nibbling ape and over a single-scene miniature docu-
menting the writing of the adventures (fol. 268r). Jousting centaurs (fol.
291r) with unidentified shields re-appear in the thirty-seventh quire.
68. Sommer, Vulgate Version, 2: 283, line 4.
69. Luykx, Het Grafelijk Geslacht Dampierre, 112. Vale, The Princely Court, uses
the Ordinace of the household of John of Brabant, son of Duke John I, as
he resided in the court of Edward I, to illustrate a smaller scale household
for a young prince, 4950.
70. Sommer, Vulgate Version, 2: 256, line 21. This female character is known
variously as Vivian, Ninian, or Nimue, as well as the Lady of the Lake. I
extend my thanks to Susan Aronstein at the University of Wyoming for her
assistance in translating parts of the text of the BnF manuscript.
71. Sandler emphasizes in her study of the bawdy betrothal in the Ormesby
Psalter how the interaction of figural scenes with animal motifs on the same
page enhances their significance, in Bawdy Betrothal, 15459.
73. Ibid., 2: 271, lines 2030.
74. Ibid., 2: 289, lines 2627.
75. Susan Smith, The Power of Women: A Topos in Medieval Art and Literature
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), 15354.
77. While Smith cites the textual source for Hippocrates in the Saint Graal, this
early illustration is not noted, Power of Women, 156.
79. Randall notes three other illustrations in Exempla as a Source, 106, n. 72.
The manuscripts include Bibliothque de lArsenal, MS 3516; a Speculum
Beatae Mariae Virginis, formerly in the Chester Beatty Collection; and Yates
Thompson, MS 8 (fol. 187r).
80. Smith, Power of Women, 122, figs. 3 and 21.

82. Knowledge of the life of Saint Catherine of Alexandria may also have
informed the choice of this motif, as she was known to be triumphant over
the philosophers. David Hugh Farmer, The Oxford Dictionary of Saints, 3rd
ed. (Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), s.v. Catherine of
Alexandria.
83. Randall, Images in the Margins, fig. 403. Camille, Medieval Art of Love,
41. The latter motif is reversed on another page, but isolated, in the same
volume (fol. 209v). The ducking stool is illustrated in the Rutland
Psalter, fig. 731. For the same motif, Randall lists Douai, Bibliothque
municipale, MS 193, a psalter for the Dominican use of Saint-Omer,
early 14th c. Camille illustrates British Library, Harley MS 3487, fol. 22v,
of Aristotles Physics as Folly crosses the philosophical text, Image on the
Edge, fig. 7.
84. Sommer, Vulgate Version, 1: 58, line 12. Alternatively, if the word corre or
coure is used above for this abbreviated section of the text, then there might
exist some sort of play on the French for courtship and the hunt, as well as
courir, to ride, as well as colloquially, to spread rumors.
85. Camille, Medieval Art of Love, 41.
86. Burns, Courtly Love Undressed, 3132.
87. Stones, Illustrations of the Mort Artu in Yale 229, forthcoming.
88. One small crowned nude with a spear and blank shield appears in the upper
corner of a border on fol. 295r in the thirty-seventh quire.
90. Largely illegible, the shield may contain argent a lion rampant and bordure
gules listed in the Wijnbergen Roll (820). Timms, Studies in Heraldry, s.v.
Wijnbergen Roll.
91. Ruth Mellinkoff notes the varied uses of nudity in religious scenes, includ-
ing Adam and Eve, souls resurrected in the Last Judgment, and sinless saints,
in Outcasts: Signs of Otherness in Northern European Art of the Late Middle
Ages, California Studies in the History of Art (Berkeley and Los Angeles:
University of California Press, 1993), 203.
92. Delorez, King Arthur in Flanders, 241.
93. Saenger, Space Between Words, 265.
94. Ramey, Images of Rebellion, forthcoming.
95. Malcom Jones cites the Robert of Brunnes Chronicle, c. 1330, in The Secret
Middle Ages (Sutton Publishing, 2002), 67.
96. For example, around 1290, the count of Holland, Floris V, sent Edward I
the gift of a falcon. Vale, The Princely Court, 371, app. 9.
97. W. A. Nitze, The Exhumation of King Arthur at Glastonbury, Speculum
9, no. 4 (1934): 360.
98. Rouse and Rouse, discuss the biography of Adenet le Roi in Manuscripts and
their Makers, chap. 4.
206 Notes to Chapter Five
99. The frontispiece is located in Paris, BnF Bibliothque de lArsenal 3142, fol.
1r. Ibid., 2: fig. 53.
100. Ibid., 1: 100.
101. Baudouin van den Abeele, La fauconnerie dans les letters franaises du XIIe au
XIVe sicle, Mediaevalia Lovaniensia 18 (Leuven: Leuven University Press,
1990), 336.
102. Jauss, Aesthetic of Reception, 20.
103. Ibid., 19.
NOTES TO CHAPTER FIVE

1. Carlvant, Thirteenth-Century Illumination, 6166.
2. The sources cited by Vincent of Beauvais are discussed in Astrik L. Gabriel, The
Educational Ideas of Vincent of Beauvais, 2nd ed. (Notre Dame, IN: University of
Notre Dame Press, 1962), 8; and Michel Lemoine, LOeuvre Encyclopdique
de Vincent de Beauvais, Cahiers dHistoire Mondiale 9, no. 3 (1966): 577.
3. An illustrated De Natura rerum from the thirteenth century is in Valenci-
ennes, Bibliothque municipale, MS 320. M. Michle Mulchahey, First the
bow is bent in study: Dominican Education before 1350, Studies and Texts
132 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1998), 467. For the
culmination of such texts in later illumination, see Lucy Freeman Sandler
and James Le Palmer, Omne Bonum: A Fourteenth-Century Encyclopedia of
Universal Knowledge: British Library MSS Royal 6 E VI-6 E VII (London:
Harvey Miller Publishers, 1996).
4. Alison Stones, Prolegomena to a Corpus of Vincent of Beauvais Illustra-
tions, in Vincent de Beauvais: intentions et receptions dune oeuvre encyclo-
pdique au Moyen ge, ed. Monique Paulmier-Foucart, Serge Lusignan and
Alain Nadeau (Montreal: Bellarmin, 1990), 3012.
5. For the marginal motifs in the Spiegel Historiael, see Janssens and Meuwese,
Spiegel Historiael, fols. 3v-4r, 12r, 29r, 49v, 67r, 95v, and 208r.
6. Clark, Medieval Book of Birds, passim; Albert Derolez, The Autograph Man-
uscript of the Liber Floridus: A Key to the Encyclopedia of Lambert of Saint-
Omer, vol. 4, Corpus Christianorum, Autographa Medii Aevi (Turnholt:
Brepols, 1998), 11, 18590, app. 1.
7. Paul Barrette and Spurgeon Baldwin, eds., The Book of the Treasure, Garland
Library of Medieval Literature, vol. 90 (New York: Garland, 1993), viii, 2.
9. In the inventory made upon the counts death in 1304, a Trsor is not spe-
cifically listed, albeit most of the entries are more descriptive than titular.
Dehaisnes, Documents et Extraits Divers, 154158.
10. Barrette and Baldwin, Book of the Treasure, ix-x, 23.
11. Julia Bolton Holloway, Brunetto Latini: An Analytic Bibliography (London,
Wolfeboro, NH: Grant & Cutler, 1986), 2025. The article by Patricia M.
Notes to Chapter Five 207
Gathercole, Illuminations on the Manuscripts of Brunetto Latini, Italica

43 (1966): 34552, summarizes some of the subject matter in fourteen
manuscripts dating from thirteenth to sixteenth centuries and in the Biblio-
thque nationale de France.
12. The group includes Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, MS 10228; BnF fr.
1110; and Arras, Mdiathque municipale, MS 182/1060. Alison Stones,
A Note on the North French Manuscripts of Brunetto Latinis Trsor, in
Festschrift for Lucy Freeman Sandler, eds. K. Smith and C. Krinsky (Turn-
hout: Brepols, forthcoming). I am grateful to Dr. Stones for an advance
copy of this essay.
13. Ibid.
14. Barrette and Baldwin, Book of the Treasure, 4.
15. Ibid., 1.
16. Ibid., 4.
17. A table of illustrations comparing both groups, Chapter Headings and
Sigla after Carmody, can be found in Alison Stones, The Illustrated Man-
uscripts of Brunetto Latini, Le Trsor, to c. 1320, in The City and the Book
II: The Manuscript, the Illumination, ed. Julia Bolton Holloway (Florence,
2002), http://www.florin.ms/beth5.html.
18. Stones, Matre au menton fuyant, 1247. The name is coined according to
the characteristic noted by Gaspar and Lyna for KBR MSS 9400, 941126,
and 9543, in Les principaux manuscrits, nos. 87, 89, and 90.
19. Opening to Book III, Barrette and Baldwin, Book of the Treasure, 279.
20. Kaeuper, Chivalry and Violence, 31.
21. Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana (Florence: Nardini Editore, 1986) Tav. 75,
124.
22. See my entry for this manuscript in Cardon, Medieval Mastery, 205, no.
39.
23. Stones, French Prose Lancelot, 169170, 178. This group includes Oxford
Univeristy, Ashmole MS 828, Brussels, Royal Library MS, 11040, and Paris,
Bibliothque nationale, MS Smith Lesouf 20.
24. Ronald N. Walpole, The Old French Johannes translation of the Pseudo-Turpin
chronicle (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), 31936, provides
a good description for the whole manuscript, including the Trsor section.
25. Ibid., 320.
26. Giles of Rome, Li Livres du Gouvernement des Rois: A XIIIth Century French
Version of Egido Colonnas Treatise De Regimine Principum (1899; New York
and London: Columbia University Press, 1966). An Augustinian friar and
professor of theology at the university of Paris, Giles borrowed heavily from
Aristotles moral philosophical works to write this lengthy instruction manual
for rulers dedicated it to Philip the Fair in 1280. The eventual popularity of
this text corresponds with the growth in didactic literature about lordship and
governance, even among the lesser nobility. Briggs, Late Medieval Texts and
Tabulae, 253275. The text is used to comment on the education of princely

behaviors and on the freak nature of female hybrids representing irrational
impulses by Caviness, in Reframing Medieval Art, chap. 3, nn. 23.
27. See William of Tyre, A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea, trans. Emily
Atwater Babcock and A.C. Krey, 2 vols. (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1943).
29. On the ape as physician, see David A. Sprunger, Parodic Animal Physi-
cians from the Margins of Medieval Manuscripts, in Animals in the Middle
Ages: A Book of Essays, ed. Nona C. Flores, Garland Medieval Casebooks
(New York and London: Garland, 1996), 6781. In the Yale Lancelot, the
same motif appears beneath the first-column illustration of monks bidding
Lancelot adieu before his tomb adventure (see fig. 22).
31. Ibid., 65.
32. Folly crosses the philisophical text, Camille, Image on the Edge, 23, fig. 7.
33. Catalogue des Manuscrits Francais, Ancien Fonds (Paris: 1868), 1: 56.
34. Sprunger, Parodic Animal Physicians, 67.
35. Ruth Mellinkoff, Riding Backwards: The Theme of Humiliation and the
Symbol of Evil, Viator 4 (1973): 15376. See also Lynn Tarte Ramey,
Christian, Saracen and Genre in Medieval French Literature, Studies in Medi-
eval History and Culture (New York & London: Routledge, 2001), 3.
36. Van den Abeele, La fauconnerie dans les lettres, 250. For example, around
1290, the count of Holland, Floris V, sent Edward I the gift of a falcon.
Vale, The Princely Court, 3771, app. 9.
37. Barrette and Baldwin, Book of the Treasure, bk. 1, chap. 90, 50.
38. Stones has discerned the blazons in the badly smeared miniature, but they
are not yet identified. These are or a double-headed eagle sable, gules a lion
argent [white], and barruly or and gules a bend sable charged with cockle-shells
argent [white], Stones, North French Manuscripts, forthcoming.
39. Barrette and Baldwin, Book of the Treasure, bk. 1, chap. 99, 60.
40. Ibid., bk. 1, chap. 99, 60. The pointing hand in the margin highlights the
text German and French.
41. Ibid., bk. 2, chap. 50, 192. The last two opening folios in this manuscript
are treated on separate bifolia, with the miniature ending the column of text
on the verso page and the decorated initial, borders, and a marginal figure
decorate the following recto.
42. A much smaller lion, not following the three models opening the bestiary,
appears in the margin of one of the last opening folios (fol. 87r). The croco-
dile is described in chap. 131, the first in the bestiary; the lion is described
in chap. 174; the manticore is in chap. 192.
43. Albert Derolez, The Autograph Manuscript of the Liber Floridus: A Key to the
Encyclopedia of Lambert of Saint-Omer, Corpus Christianorum, Autographa
Notes to Chapter Five 209
Medii Aevi, vol. 4 (Turnholt: Brepols, 1998), plate 22, fol. 61v of Ghent,
University Library, MS 92.
45. Stones supplies new information on the damaged shields in North French
Manuscripts, forthcoming. The arms of Holland are or a lion gules. The
other shield has barry argent (white) and azur a bend gules overall; the arms
of Luxembourg would have the same background, but a lion gules overall,
which presumes the bend is a repaint. The shield for Luxembourg is in
Jir Louda and Michael Maclagan, Heraldry of the Royal Families of Europe
(New York: C.N. Potter : Distributed by Crown Publishers, 1981), table
33. Stones is still skeptical because the other shields do not easily fit and,
like these, have been partially erased and repainted. The arms on fol. 149v
provide the fifteenth-century provenance of Chtillon-Coligny. A. de
Laborde, Les Principaux Manuscrits a Peintures Conserves dans LAncienne
Bibliotheque Imperiale Publique de Saint-Petersbourg, Publications de la
Societe Francaise de Reproductions de Manuscrits a Peintures (Paris: La
Societe Francaise de Reproductions de Manuscrits a Peintures, 1936), 25
26, cat. no. 21.
46. Tamara Pavlovna Voronova and A. Sterligov, Western European Illuminated
Manuscripts of the 8th to the 16th centuries in the National Library of Russia,
St. Petersburg: France, Spain, England, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands (St.
Petersburg: Parkstone Press, Aurora, 1996), nos. 5671. This differs from
the 1937 article on the manuscript, reporting 89 miniatures, 60 of them in
the bestiary, plus eighteen large grotesques, in Alexandra Constantinowa,
Li Tresors of Brunetto Latini, Art Bulletin 19 (1937): 203219.
47. Brunetto Latini, Li livres dou tresor, trans. Jaume Turr (Barcelona: M.
Moleiro, eds., 2000).
48. Constantinowa, Li Tresors, 217.
49. Stones, North French Manuscripts, forthcoming.
50. Stones, Illustrated Manuscripts of Brunetto Latini, 27.
51. Stones, North French Manuscripts, forthcoming. Illustrated in Voronova
and Sterligov, Western European Manuscripts, fig. 56.
52. Sprunger, Parodic Animal Physicians, 73.
53. Janson, Apes and Ape Lore, 172. Illustrated in Voronova and Sterligov, West-
ern European Manuscripts, fig. 60.
56. Stones, North French Manuscripts, forthcoming. M. R. Jamess catalog
entry on the manuscript (162 fols., 310 x 212 mm.) includes the textual
divisions as well as good descriptions of the miniatures and borders, in
Descriptive Catalogue of the Second Series, 145150, no. 74. Fol. 65 is num-
bered twice in the manuscript.
57. Hindman, Sealed in Parchment, 77.
58. Van den Abeele, La fauconnerie dans les lettres, frontispiece (Dampierre Psal-
ter, KBR 10607, fol. 3).
60. Barrette and Baldwin, Book of the Treasure, bk. II, chap. 2, 144.
61. Camille, Mirror in Parchment, 65.
63. Based on seventy occurrences of the theme in twenty-nine manuscripts, ca.
12801320. Randall, Snail in Warfare, 358. Randall also cites the mid-
thirteenth century Image du Monde by Gautier de Metz, where in the sixth
root of Accide, pusillanimity is typified by fear before a snail, 361.
64. Alexander, Iconography and Ideology, 33.
65. Randall, Snail in Warfare, 361.
66. Van der Meulen, Avesnes en Dampierre of De kunst der liefde: Over
boeken, bisschoppen en Henegouwse ambities, in 1299: Een Graaf, Drie
Graafschappen; de vereniging van Holland, Zeeland, en Henegouwen, ed. D.
E. H. de Boer, E. H. P. Cordfunke, and H. Sarfatij (Hilversum: Verloren,
2000), 6164, figs. 3 and 6. The authorship of Ars damour is found in a
riddle on fol. 13v of MS 9543, ending the second chapter: si vous savez
dire en thiois, which indicates a Flemish reader. Van der Meulen also rejects
a previous attribution to Jan van Arkel as dating too late.
67. Stones, Matre au menton fuyant, 1261. Stones calls this bishop Guil-
laume, but in van der Meulen, Avesnes en Dampierre, 5859, and in the
genealogy chart in de Waha and Dugnoille, De Avesnes en Holland vr
1299, 12, the bishop is Gwijde, Flemish for Guy.
68. Stones, French Prose Lancelot, lists the subjects of the miniatures but not
the marginalia, 247250. Border figures, including birds, dragons, and
hybrids occur on just less than half of the illuminated folios. Stones, Ma-
tre au menton fuyant, 1263. The fabliaux compilation is included in Ran-
dall, Images in the Margins, (MS 941126, figs. 271, 348, 385), while the
aesthetics volume was not (MS 9400).
69. Within the end of this section, however, fols 178v-183v contain li quars
(fourth book) in the running title, followed by fols. 184v-201v containing
li tiers (third book) in the running title. Either the six folios were misplaced,
which would re-order three illustrations, or the scribe misnumbered the
running titles.
70. Randall, Images in the Margins, fig. 396. See my discussion of the motif in
the Ghent Tweede manuscripts, Moore, Fabric and Framework of Ghent,
1002, and my entry on the latter manuscript, Cardon, Medieval Mastery,
205, no. 39.
71. Van der Meulen, Avesnes en Dampierre, 4850.
72. Ibid., fig. 3.
73. Ibid., fig. 4.
74. Van den Abeele, La fauconnerie dans les lettres, 104.
Notes to Chapter Six 211
75. Randall, Snail in Warfare, 361. Alexander, Iconography and Ideology,

33. Alexander does not use supporting textual evidence for the early-four-
teenth century context of the motif, arguing that the images are ideological
and that it was the nature of the ideology to be hidden.
77. Van den Abeele, La fauconnerie dans les lettres, 250.
78. Gaspar and Lyna, Les pricipaux manuscrits, 209. It seems fake with color on
color: red ground with four maroon stripes each outlined in white.
79. Ibid., this marginal image is not noted.
80. Randall, Images in the Margins, fig. 385.
81. Michael Camille, Gothic Art, Glorious Visions (New York: Harry N. Abrams,
1996), 144, fig. 104. More work on the text of these recueils needs to be
done before a more holistic approach can be used; although the marginalia
are limited in variety, the texts will be useful for iconography
NOTES TO CHAPTER SIX

1. Chap. 2, bks. 14, in Mle, The Gothic Image, 2324.
2. Ibid., 49.
3. For a discussion of the historiated initials of manuscripts in this chapter,
see Christel Meier, Bilder der Wissenschaft: Die Illustration des Speculum
maius von Vincenz von Beauvais im enzyklopadischen Kontext, Fruhmit-
telalterliche Studien, Jahrbuch des Instituts fr Frhmittelalterforschung der
Universitt Mnster 33 (1999): 26067 and 27579; Stones, Vincent of
Beauvais Illustrations, 304, n. 7; and Alison Stones, A Note on some re-
discovered Vincent of Beauvais volumes, Vincent of Beauvais Newsletter 26
(2001): 1013.
5. Vincent specified the organizational purpose to Louis IX. B. L. Ullman, A
Project for a New Edition of Vincent de Beauvais, Speculum 8 (1933): 317.
A good bibliography on the Speculum majus is found in Johannes Benedic-
tus Voorbij, Het Speculum Historiale van Vincent van Beauvais: een studie
van zijn ontstaansgeschiedenis (Groningen: Rijksuniversiteit, 1991), xv-xxxi.
See also Hans Voorbij, Vincent of Beauvais O.P. (Utrecht University, The
Netherlands, 2001), http://www.cs.uu.nl/groups/IK/archives/vb_home.
htm.
6. The use of this twelfth-century Latin term is based on the discussion of
such teachers in medieval learning treatises by Ziolkowski, Mastering
Authority, n. 11. In Bilder der Wissenschaft, Meier draws the distinction
between a Lehrerfigur (teacher) and the Schpfer (Creator), 261.
7. Stones compares the illuminated copies of the Speculum historiale in the
appendices of Vincent of Beauvais Illustrations, 304, 315329. The
description of MS 131, however, is incomplete (fols. 231v, 361v, 411v, and
212 Notes to Chapter Six
436r contain figures on the borders). Book 5 opens on fol. 95r with a battle
scene in the border and two kings in the historiated initial I. In addition,
the ape in the lower border of fol. 54v is eating a gold ball, not carrying
babies in bag, 323, app. B.
8. Stones observes that the artists associated with the manuscript reserved his-
toriated initials for Latin texts and framed miniatures for romances, Ibid.,
311. Fol. 388v contains the colophon, in capital letters alternating blue and
red. The abbots full name is Eustache Gomer der Lille, also Eustasius de
Insula.
9. For the groups of manuscripts associated with the early fourteenth-century
artists, see Alison Stones, Notes on Three Illuminated Alexander Manu-
scripts, in The Medieval Alexander Legend and Romance Epic: Essays in
Honor of David J. A. Ross, ed. Peter Noble, Lucie Polak, and Claire Isoz
(Millwood, NY: Kraus International, 1982), n. 31.
10. For more on these texts, see Mulchahey, Dominican Education before 1350,
469.
11. In the same collection, a third volume of the Speculum naturale and two
volumes of the Speculum historiale are decorated with penwork flourish-
ing. The second surviving illuminated copy of the Speculum naturale, Laon,
Bibliothque municipale, MS 426, dates to the early fourteenth century
and contains books 1118, discussed in Meier, Bilder der Wissenschaft,
26770, figs. 5759, and Stones, Matre au menton fuyant, 1248, ill. 2.
The volume can be paired with BnF, MS lat. 6248C, with books 1927, as
noted in Stones, Re-discovered Vincent of Beauvais Volumes, 10.
13. Ziolkowski, Mastering Authority, n. 8.
14. The illuminators have been connected to a number of Cistercian patrons,
whose manuscripts are datable to the last quarter of the thirteenth century.
They also illuminated copies of the Trsor by Latini, in which the first folio
only contains marginalia. In a recent essay, Stones doubts the attribution of
this workshop to Arras put forth by A. Brm, Ein Buchmalereiatelier in
Arras, 77104, and she places the artists more firmly in Douai, in North
French Mansucripts, forthcoming.
15. Gabriel, Educational Ideas of Vincent of Beauvais, 9.
16. The memory bits culled from works read and digested are ruminated into
a compositionthat is basically what an author does with authorities.
Mary Carruthers, The Book of Memory: A Study of Memory in Medieval
Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 189. Carruthers
distinguishes the term author from auctor, an auctor is simply one whose
writings are full of authorities, whereas an author acquires authority only
by having his works remembered and copied by later generations. A. J. Min-
nis further notes that Vincent uses actor for his opinions or those of mod-
ern doctors, Medieval Theory of Authorship: Scholastic literary attitudes in
the later Middle Ages (1984; Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,

1988), 157.
17. Minnis, Medieval Theory of Authorship, 157. The citations in the Bruges
Speculum doctrinale are underlined in red ink instead of rubricated text.
18. Contributor to the exhibition catalog, Rijkdom bedreigd, ed. Ren de Herdt
and Patrick Viaene (Brussels: Gemeentekrediet, 1990), Ludo Vandamme
emphasizes the realism of games and illustrates fol. 24r with the game of
bowls on the lower border; the figures in opposing positions are similar to
the magister and monk in the initial directly above, 192.
19. The juxtaposition of the magister and the game of bowls was also made in
the Estoire del Graal in the margin over the foolish Aristotle (BnF fr. 95, fol.
61v); in another case of female deception, the game underlines the episode
of Gueneveres poisoned apples in the Mort Artu (Yale 229, fol. 293r).
20. Randall, Images in the Margins, s.v. Man fishing, under which only two
manuscripts date to the last quarter of the thirteenth century; the later gen-
eration of artists, ca. 1330, in the Ghent-Tweede school, elaborated on the
theme at length. See my article, Moore, Fabric and Framework of Ghent,
98990. Since these manuscripts were not known to Randall, this study
adds the Latin encyclopedic context to the significance of the repertoire.
21. Carruthers, The Book of Memory, 246.
22. Ibid.
24. The shields include: or three chevrons gules (dIvry) and or three bendlets sable
(also on the pennon, Denisy or Denisi) against or a lion rampant gules (Ber-
gues, Bergen) and or a dragon sable. Names are cited according to the bla-
zons listed in Timms, Studies in Heraldry, s.v. The Arms. This folio is not
included in Stoness list of illustrations, Vincent of Beauvais Illustrations,
323, app. B.
25. Stones, Vincent of Beauvais Illustrations, 324, app. B. This scene was
standard to the Alexander cycles of illuminations. The large-beaked bird to
the right may be based on a caladrius, a bird that was fabled to turn its face
away from death, but here faces the left scene. In the copied manuscript,
MS 130, the bird resembles a stork but still faces the scene (fol. 92v). Payne,
Medieval Beasts, 6667.
26. The illuminated bible, Saint Omer MS 5, contains typologies between the
historiated initials and margins, Stones, Vincent of Beauvais Illustrations,
313.
27. Stones, Secular Manuscript Illumination, 95.
28. The development of artificial finding devices, page layout, and alphabeti-
zation is discussed in Rouse and Rouse, Authentic Witnesses, 191219.
29. The quote from Hugh of Saint Chers Postilla super Genesim is the title of
the recent study on Dominican education by Mulchahey, Dominican Edu-
cation before 1350. The library at Ter Doest had at least four copies of Hugh
214 Notes to Chapter Six
of Saint Chers works, so the Benedictine abbey may have owned such
resources as well. Logghe, Schatten uit de Biekorf, 28.
30. Stones, Vincent of Beauvais Illustrations, 31718.
31. Farmer, Oxford Dictionary of Saints, 54.
32. See Janssens and Meuwese, Spiegel Historiael, 910, fols. 95v and 208r.
Mermen as hunters decorate borders on fols. 12r and 49v.
33. Although the Roman numerals in the running titles of recto folios number
the books of this volume of the Speculum naturale, the numbers conflict
with those in the 1624 edition published by Baltazaris Belieri, reprinted as
Vincentius Bellovacensis, Speculum Quadruplex sive Speculum Maius: natu-
rale, doctrinale, morale, historiale (1624; Graz-Austria: Akademische Druck-
u. Verlagsanstalt, 1964). For the location of book numbers and titles, I
follow the printed text in books 1621 and 2325, also used in the list
of subtitles by Lemoine, LOeuvre Encyclopdique, 57179. For this vol-
ume, the numbers of the books are followed in parentheses by the Roman
numerals in the manuscripts running title.
34. Also in Bonne-Esprance, books 915 make up another volume of the Spec-
ulum naturale, and like it, books 17 and 2431 of the Speculum historiale
set contain only pen-flourished initials. Photographs of the illuminated vol-
umes, with the books numbered to facilitate finding the text in the 1624
printed edition, are available in the on-line photo library at the Royal Insti-
tute for the Study and Conservation of Belgiums Artistic Heritage (Brussels:
KIKIRPA, 2001), http://www.kikirpa.be/www2/Site_irpa/En/Doc/Photon-
line.htm, s.v. Speculum naturale.
35. There are six monks, six magisters, and five figures of God, who holds a
small figure of Eve in the first, a closed book in three of the initials, and the
mappa mundi in the last. The remaining historiated initial depicts the angel
and devil fighting over ones soul; the marginalia on this folio have been
rubbed out (fol. 53v, book 27).
36. Meier, Bilder der Wissenschaft, 266 and 262.
37. Several figures in this manuscript have been excised and rubbed out. One
figure rubbed out in the initial may have been a hybrid devil, for the text
discusses the parts of the animal corpus here. As Camille explains in
Obscenity under Erasure, the offense of some figures so struck a reader to
obliterate them and make them absent, fig. 7.
38. Meier, Bilder der Wissenschaft, 252.
39. For the sexual connotations of small, furry animals and harpies, see Cavi-
ness, Reframing Medieval Art, chap. 3.
40. Ibid.
41. For other cases of drawings and instructions in the margins of manuscripts,
see Alexander, Preliminary marginal drawings, 30719.
42. Botanists suggest that it comes from the sap of the shrub Pterocarpus draco.
Vladimir Baranov, Materials and Techniques of Manuscript Production,
chap. 2 in Medieval Manuscript Manual (Budapest: Department of Medi-

eval Studies, Central European University), http://www.ceu.hu/medstud/
manual/MMM/pigments.html.
43. See my catalog entry for this manuscript in Cardon, Medieval Mastery, 209,
no. 41.
44. Carruthers, The Book of Memory, 134, 137, and 142.
45. Ibid., 13335.
46. See Sandler, Construction of Hybrids, 5165.
47. Stones, Matre au menton fuyant,1263.
48. Ibid., 125758; Caviness, Reframing Medieval Art, includes this psalters
marginal images in table 3.
49. De Herdt., Rijkdom bedreigd, 192. See also catalog entries by Carlvant,
Vlaamse kunst op perkament, 12122; Logghe, Schatten uit de Biekorf, 22;
and Hoste, De Handschriften van Ter Doest, 4345, plates 1113, and
183; and see W. P. Dezutter, Vincentius van Beauvais, Speculum Doctri-
nale, Het Brugs Ommeland 21 (1981): 32628.
50. Randall, Manuscripts in the Walters Art Gallery, vol. 3, pt. 1: 32, cat. nos.
219A and C.
51. Stones, North French Manuscripts, forthcoming. The Book of Hours,
KBR MS 9391, includes two themes of women with distaffs and bugs on
fol. 96r; and the apes with wheelbarrow and the laying eggs motifs
echo the Dampierre group repertoire. Randall, Images in the Margins, fig.
399.
52. Alexander, Preliminary marginal drawings, 307.
53. De Herdt, Rijkdom bedreigd, 192.
54. The initials are addressed by Meier, Bilder der Wissenschaft, 27579.
55. Since the Bruges manuscript has a numbered introduction, the Roman
numerals for books in the running title are one more than those in the 1624
edition of the Speculum Quadruplex, which are used here for locating the
rubrics and text.
56. John C. Jacobs, ed., The Fables of Odo of Cheriton (Syracuse: Syracuse Uni-
versity Press, 1985), 132 and 82.
57. Valenciennes, Bibliothque municipale, MS 838, and Vaticani latini MS
3203, fol. 1r. The former is illustrated in Hoste, De Handschriften van Ter
Doest, 45.
58. De Poorter, Catalogue des Manuscrits, 2: 292.
59. Minnis, Medieval Theory of Authorship, 265, n. 100.
60. France, Cistercians in Medieval Art, 77.
61. Ruth Mellinkoff, Riding Backwards: The Theme of Humiliation and the
Symbol of Evil, Viator 4 (1973): 15376.
62. Jan M. Ziolkowski, Alan of Lilles Grammar of Sex (Medieval Academy of
America, 1985), 15.
63. Ibid., 14.
216 Notes to Chapter Seven
64. In Mervellous Signals: Poetics and Sign Theory in the Middle Ages (Lincoln
and London: University of Nebraska Press, 1986), Eugene Vance argues
that Dantes attribution of sodomy to Brunetto was not based on sexual per-
version but rather was used for the graver misuse of language and violence
against social order, 242.
65. Ziolkowski, Grammar of Sex, 2729. He hammers on an anvil which issues
no seeds. The very hammer itself shudders in horror of its anvil, 30.
66. The term is used by Caviness, Reframing Medieval Art, chap. 3.
68. At the Misericordia Internationale session at the 38th International Congress
on Medieval Studies, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, May 2003,
participants in the Iconographic Roundtable suggested that this white ani-
mal could refer to the cat, Tibert, but I use fox since the animal with the
coq in the upper margin looks similar to the reading animals. In Images in
the Margin, Randall lists s.v., Fox with book but not the same for Cat
with. . . . The artist made changes in detail from the traditional models, so
substituting or perceiving a cat may shift the significance for the viewer. The
anti-Semitism of the cat may also play a role, as a sign addressed by Sara
Lipton, Jews, heretics, and the sign of the cat in the Bible moralise, Word
& Image 8, no. 4 (1992): 36281.
69. Varty, Reynard the Fox, 3133. This literal pun reflects the Continental use
of the motif, which depicts the fox with a rooster, while the English images
use the goose as the fowl.
NOTES TO CHAPTER SEVEN

1. For the thirteenth century, Dehaisnes, Documents et Extraits Divers, 56250;
Vale, The Princely Court, apps. 111.
3. I am grateful to my co-author, Tim Spence, for inspiring and making this
project possible, The medium is the message: The Craft of Parchment
Making, Exhibition Lecture, The Art of the Book, Museum of Art and
Archeology, University of Missouri-Columbia (March 13, 2003).
4. I begin to make codicological inquiries into one psalter-hours made in
Ghent during the 1320s in Moore, Fabric and Framework of Ghent,
9831006. See also K. B. Elisabet Carlvant, Collaboration in a Fourteenth-
Century Psalter: The Franciscan Iconographer and the Two Flemish Illumi-
nators of MS 3384,8o in the Copenhagen Royal Library (Steenbrugge: Sint
Pietersabdij, 1982).
5. The 2000 NEH Seminar on Yale 229, The Arthurian Illustrated Manu-
script and the Culture of the High Middle Ages, at Yale University and
instructed by Howard Bloch, drew together historians, literary historians,
and art historians to examine the language of the text, the representations
Notes to Chapter Seven 217
of the idealized court, and the relationship between the two. The results of
the seminar are forthcoming in Elizabeth Willingham, ed., The Mort Artu
in Yale 229, (Turnhout: Brepols, forthcoming).
6. In Glossing the Flesh, Camille argues this point regarding nudes, heads,
and bodies in the margins, 25152.
7. Alexander notes that despite definitive textual sources, images carry ideo-
logical workings with them which are not so explicit, in Iconography and
Ideology, 33.
8. Sandler, The Study of Marginal Imagery, 43.
9. Ibid.
10. Marc Michael Epstein, Dreams of Subversion in Medieval Jewish Art and
Literature (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997);
Claire Donovan, The de Brailes Hours: Shaping the Book of Hours in Thir-
teenth-Century Oxford (London: The British Library, 1991); and for the
spectrum of illustrated encyclopedia, see Roland Schaer, dir., Tous les sav-
iors du monde: Encyclopdies et bibliothques, de Sumer au XXIe sicle (Paris:
Bibliothque nationale de France, Flammarion, 1996), in particular Marie-
Hlne Tesnire, De lcriture, jardin de la Sagesse, au Livre des merveilles
du monde: six modles desprit encyclopdique medieval, 5798.
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Index
Numbers in italics indicate pages with figures.
A Arras Chansonnier (Arras, Medithque

abbot, 27, 41 municipale, MS 139), 115,
acrobat. See jongleur 138
Adam, 122, 123, 129, 130, 205n. 91 Arras Psalter (Arras, Muse Diocesian, MS
Adenet le Roi, 68, 109, 205n. 98 47), 69, 71, 103, 104, 108
Alan of Lille, De planctu Natura, 163, 166 Arras: diocese of, 2, 1617, 19, 98, 145,
Alexander the Great, 101, 105, 152; 148, 180n. 24; manuscript illu-
romance of, 5, 183n. 60, 213n. mination in, 56, 16, 14546,
25 11214, 13637, 185n. 3,
Alexander, Jonathan, 7, 15, 21 212n. 14
Ambrose, Saint, 3, 2527, 38 Arthur, King, 10, 11, 26, 80, 83, 93, 99,
angel, 7, 66 table 6a, 67, 76 table 9b, 80, 102, 106, 1089, 141
137, 141, 156, 157, 214n. 35 Arthurian romance, 16, 79, 97, 110, 119,
Anne, Saint, 112, 120, 121, 12526, 128, 178n. 8
132, 134 Artois: court of, 2; manuscript illumination
ape, 3, 14, 25, 30, 3335, 34, 39, 40, 41, in, 21, 190n. 56
47, 49 table 1, 55, 64, 6668, ass, 10, 42, 4243, 5558, 56 table 3a, 64,
67 table 6b, 71, 78, 83, table 65, 173, 189n. 40, 196n. 45,
10, 86, 87, 88 table 11, 89, 91, 196n. 54
93, 97, 101, 103, 11213, 116, author portrait, 3, 23, 26, 38, 39, 107, 116,
11720, 12529, 132, 133, 117, 127, 149, 150, 162
147, 15254, 1601,168, 173,
186n. 5, 189n. 40, 196n. 54, B
201n. 32, 203n. 64, 204n. 67, bachelor, 11, 17, 50, 54, 6364, 65, 68, 83,
208n. 29, 212n. 7, 215n. 51 87, 88, 91, 93, 99, 129, 130,
Aristotle: Ethics, 112, 127, 134, 137, 151, 134, 139, 140, 197n. 65
175; Physics, 2, 118, 175; bagpipes, 27, 32, 42, 43, 47, 49, 56 table
mounted by Phyllis, 86, 1013, 3b, 59 table 4b, 6162 table
104, 105, 108, 213n. 19 5a, 64, 89, 101, 125, 128, 150,
arms, coats of. See heraldry 168
233
234 Index
battle scene, 5, 7, 16, 72, 83, 85, 93, 1012, historiale), 146, 147, 15255;
105, 108, 115, 120, 139, 152, MS 130 (Speculum historiale),
155 146, 152, 154, 154
beaver, 66 Brabant, 83, 86, 100; arms of, 99, 100, 101.
Bernard of Clairvaux, Saint, 7, 24, 33, 38, See also John I of Brabant
145, 197n. 22 Bruges Speculum doctrinale. See Bruges,
bestiary, 29, 66, 83, 11114, 119, 12427, Openbare Bibliotheek, MS 251
138, 141, 188n. 32, 200n. 20 Bruges, 2, 4, 6, 21, 3638, 48, 66, 185n. 1
Bible, 2, 22, 26, 38, 146, 179n. 12. See also Bruges, Archief Grootseminarie MSS 4/1
Henricus Bible and 5/191 (Henricus Bible),
bifolia, -um, 910, 4546, 5354, 5659, 2, 3, 6, 2122, 23, 2433, 28,
6167, 7177, 8889, 9193, 30, 31, 34, 35, 3538, 40, 55,
96, 99, 1012, 11820, 156, 57, 64, 66, 69, 89, 93, 107,
171, 174, 201n. 24, 203n. 57, 124, 169, 173; MS 45/144
tables 26b, 8a-9b (Monaldus Summa), 6, 2122,
bird, 2, 14, 22, 2529, 36, 39, 40, 51, 56 35, 3738, 39, 41, 42, 43,
table 3a, 5758, 66 table 6, 67 51, 115, 117, 173, 191n. 72;
68, 72, 78, 86, 102, 118, 120, Openbare Bibliotheek, MS 6
126, 12829, 132, 13335, (Henricus Bible), 21, 24; MS
147, 148, 14950, 151, 153 251 (Bruges Speculum doctri-
54, 156, 159, 168, 172, 186n. nale), 113, 139, 148, 150, 151,
5, 196n. 54, 210n. 68 16169, 164, 165, 167, 168,
blazon. See heraldry 169
BnF Estoire, 69, 7980, 88 table 11, 94, 98, Bruges, Archief Grootseminarie MSS 4/1
118, 126 and 5/191 (Henricus Bible), 2,
BnF Graal, 88 table 11, 99, 100, 102, 103, 3, 6, 2122, 23, 2433, 28, 30,
105. 108, 213n. 19 31, 34, 35, 3538, 40, 55, 57,
BnF Merlin, 79, 87, 88 table 11, 101 64, 66, 69, 89, 93, 107, 124,
BnF-Yale Vulgate Arthur (Paris, BnF, MS fr. 169, 173; MS 45/144 (Mon-
95; New Haven, Yale MS 229), aldus Summa), 6, 2122, 35,
6, 10, 16, 19, 26, 38, 40, 46, 3738, 39, 41, 42, 43, 51, 115,
48, 64, 689, 71, 78, 7988, 117, 173, 191n. 72; Openbare
97, 110, 124, 126, 132, 151, Bibliotheek, MS 6 (Henricus
174, 191n. 72, 216n. 5, tables Bible), 21, 24; MS 251 (Bruges
1011. See also BnF Estoire, BnF Speculum doctrinale), 113, 139,
Graal, BnF Merlin, Yale Lance- 148, 150, 151, 16169, 164,
lot, Yale Mort Artu, Yale Queste 165, 167, 168, 169
boar, 62 table 5b, 63, 83, 94, 139, 200n. 20 Brunetto Latini, Le Trsor, 6, 16, 11115,
Bohort, 106, 109, 203n. 57 116, 123, 127, 129, 134, 137,
book of hours, 6, 40, 78, 172, 175. See also 151, 174, 200n. 20, 216n. 64
Brussels, KBR, MS 9391; Mar- Brussels, KBR, MS 1175 (Viel Rentier
seilles, MS 111 dOudenaarde), 17; MS 9391
Book of Kells. See Dublin (Book of Hours), 161, 180n.
Boulogne Speculum historiale. See Boulogne- 26, 215n. 51; MS 9400 (Recueil
sur-Mer, MS 131 ascetique), 142; MS 941126
Boulogne-sur-Mer, Bibliothque municipale, (Recueil de poesies moral), 142;
MS 131 (Boulogne Speculum MS 9543 (Li ars damour),
Index 235
140; MS 10607 (Dampierre crocodile, 124, 208n. 42

Psalter), 6, 10, 16, 29, 32, 39,
45, 4748, 50, 52, 53, 55, 58, D
60, 61,63, 65, 6869, 72, 75, Dampierre group, 2, 4, 6, 16, 19, 21, 24,
8386, 89, 94, 109, 117, 124, 27, 29, 32, 35, 3738, 44, 45,
139, 173, 183n. 57, 191n. 4748, 58, 69, 74, 83, 89, 93
7273, 201n. 32, 202n. 44, 94, 112, 11415, 119, 14546,
tables 16b 169, 17374
bull, 121, 12324 Dampierre Psalter. See Brussels, KBR, MS
10607
C dancer, 7, 25, 54 table 2, 5556 table 3b,
calendar scene, 5, 49, 69, 109, 119, 122, 81, 86, 98, 113, 125
123, 129, 163, 164 dancing, 14, 47, 128, 158, 166
Camille, Michael, 2, 9, 1213, 33, 46, 55, Daniel, 28, 32, 36, 190n. 56
7980, 82, 92, 9697, 172 David, 51, 58 table 4a, 59, 73, 74, 75 table
Carruthers, Mary, 151, 153, 155, 160, 174 8b, 76 table 9b, 103, 104, 108,
cat, 132, 133, 158, 168, 216n. 68 166
Caviness, Madeline, 1315, 51, 53, 63, 68, destrier, 16, 81, 84, 89, 98, 107, 134
86, 172 devil, 49 table 1, 5859 tables 4a-b, 60, 61,
centaur, 3, 26, 49, 69, 7172, 74 table 8a, 62 table 5a, 7475 table 8b,
7778, 83, 8586, 88 table 11, 196n. 45, 196n. 54, 108, 151,
99, 100, 119, 12627, 145, 214n. 35, 214n. 37
158, 196n. 50, 201n. 2829, Dijon, Bibliothque municipale, MS 168,
203n. 63, 204n. 67 169, 170, 173 (Moralia in Job),
Christ, 14, 29, 49, 67 table 6a, 68, 72, 120, 30, 33, 187n. 13, 189n. 36
137, 142, 148, 191n. 65 dog, 47, 49, 51, 54 table 2, 59, 6162 table
Cistercian, 6, 2122, 24, 2628, 34, 43, 148, 5a, 72, 74 table 8a, 76 table 9b,
161, 163, 170, 173, 202n. 41, 83, 105, 119, 128, 134, 152,
212n. 14 154, 156, 157, 158, 166, 196n.
Cteaux Moralia in Job. See Dijon 5455. See also hound
Clare of Assisi, Saint, 72, 77, 198n. 90 Douai group, 6, 114, 141, 145, 161,
cleric, 1213, 112, 123, 12627, 129, 212n.14
135, 13637, 150, 152, 155, Douai, manuscript illumination in, 56, 16,
169 11213, 136, 145, 148
codicology, 69, 1214, 46, 53, 79, 88, 91, dragon, 3233, 36, 4041, 41, 51, 62 table
173 5b, 74, 128, 158, 159, 188n.
compendia, -um, 6, 11415, 136, 178n. 9 29, 189n. 37, 210n. 68. See also
coq, 57, 86, 169, 170. See also rooster grotesque, serpent
courtly love, 63, 9697, 102, 106 Dublin, Trinity College Library, MS 58
Courtrai, 18, 82 (Book of Kells), 30, 189n. 36
courtship, 81, 84, 86, 87, 91, 9697, 101 duel, 7, 86, 146, 153, 155, 160, 163, 164,
2, 132, 134, 138, 205n. 84 166, 178n. 8, 186n. 5
cowardice, 10, 63, 134, 139, 140, 141,
168 E
crane, 29, 51, 62 table 5a, 188n. 32 Edward I (king of England), 68, 93, 1089,
Creation, 129, 148, 156, 158, 163 182n. 43, 202n. 42, 204n. 66,
Credo, 61, 141, 142 205n. 96, 208n. 36
236 Index
Edward II (king of England), 16 fox, 3, 10, 26, 32, 47, 49 table 1, 5558,
eggs, 10, 11, 558, 56 table 3b, 934, 108 56 table 3a, 6162 table 5a, 63,
9, 116, 175, 182n. 43, 202n. 85 table 10, 86, 139, 168, 169,
4142, 117, 215n. 51 16870, 172, 188n. 22, 195n.
elephant, 158, 159, 160 32, 216n. 6869. See also Rey-
Elizabeth of Hungary, Saint, 72, 77, 198n. 90 nard the Fox
encyclopedia, 2, 56, 9, 22, 38, 11114, Francis, Saint, 40, 71 table 7, 70, 72, 7476
129, 136, 139, 145, 148, 151, tables 89, 77
155, 158, 162, 170, 172, 174 Franciscan Psalter. See Paris, BnF, MS latin
75, 177n. 2, 217n. 10 1076
Eve, 129, 132, 158, 205n. 91, 214n. 35 Franciscan, 39, 43, 72, 77, 118, 170, 183n.
exempla, 68, 143, 146, 155; animal, 83, 85, 61
110, 120, 148, 169; sermon, 10, Frau Minne, 105, 118
26, 4243, 5758, 102
G
F Galahad, 84, 97, 99
fable, 26, 5758, 61, 63, 85, 110, 16263, games, 5, 139, 160, 174; bowls, 149, 151,
168, 178n. 9 156, 162, 213n. 1819; frog in
fabliaux, 8, 136, 141 the middle, 14, 168, 168
falcon, 28, 37, 107, 120, 134, 141, 192n. gathering. See quire
74, 51, 196n. 54; falconer, 67 genealogy, 89, 9697, 120, 132, 178n. 8,
table 6b, 96, 1069, 118, 120, 202n. 42
127, 129, 138, 203n. 63; fal- genitalia, 14, 28, 33, 63, 108, 123, 150,
conry, 49, 129, 139 161, 163, 164, 165, 166, 168,
fish, 31, 3132, 36, 64, 6667 table 6b, 168
90, 156, 158 196n. 54; fishing, Ghent, 4, 17, 37, 48, 59, 64, 67, 138, 155;
147, 15152, 156, 157, 159, St. Michaels, 18; St. Peters
160, 162 Abbey, 59, 61, 186n. 5, 189n.
Flanders: arms of, 18, 41, 4648, 50, 57, 42, 195n. 42; Thirty-Nine, 64;
61, 72, 74 table 8a, 75, 86, Villain of, 67, 194n. 19
87, 89, 91, 92, 94, 95, 97, gittern, 51, 52, 54 table 2, 90, 107, 109
99101, 127, 139, 173, 195n. goat, 3, 26, 197n. 69
42, 196n. 50, 202n. 50, 204n. God, as Creator, 123, 130, 148, 156, 157,
67; county of, 2, 15, 1718, 158, 159, 163, 214 n. 35; of
61, 72, 77, 98, 111, 174; court Love, 138
(household) of, 10, 1516, grammar, 86, 163, 166; grammatica, 103,
45, 57, 59, 78, 83, 89, 93, 97, 163, 166
106, 196n. 51, 202n. 42; man- grotesque, 13, 50, 53, 92, 115, 130, 135,
uscript illumination in, 46, 150, 165. See also hybrid, ser-
21, 40, 111, 141, 173, 177n. pent
2. See also Guy of Dampierre, Gruthuse of Bruges, 64, 89, 194n. 19
count of Guenevere, 11, 81, 9394, 9697, 102,
Florence Trsor (Florence, Biblioteca Medici 213n. 19
Laurenziana, MS Ashburnham Guy of Avesnes, bishop of Utrecht, 112,
125), 40, 11419, 116 125, 137
Floris V, count of Holland, 1516, 155, Guy of Dampierre, Count of Flanders, 6,
191n. 62, 205n. 96, 208n. 36 15, 19, 48, 58, 6364, 67, 77,
Index 237
82, 94, 99, 109, 192n. 75, hound, 1314, 37, 51, 78, 83, 102, 115,
198n. 75, 200n. 18 116, 118, 120, 121, 15355,
158, 178n. 8. See also dog
H Hours of Jeanne dEvreux. See New York,
Hainault: arms of, 4647, 99100, 139; Metropolitan Museum of Art
county of, 2, 15, 47, 83, 97, household, 13, 17, 61, 80, 8283, 88, 99,
136. See also John of Avesnes, 110, 114, 124, 171, 174, 204n.
count of 66
hare, 3, 14, 26, 40, 47, 49, 51, 58 table 4a, housewife, 10, 26, 32, 57, 86, 138, 170,
6162 table 5a, 63, 67 table 6b, 195n. 32
68, 72, 75 table 8b, 76 table 9b, Hugh of Fouilloy, Aviarium, 2729, 3233,
78, 91, 115, 116, 117, 11920, 36, 43; De pastoribus, 111, 160,
125, 128, 136, 139, 140, 147, 174, 188n. 31, 191n. 65
153, 155, 158, 178n. 8, 186n. Hugh of Saint Cher, 38, 153, 213n. 29
5. See also rabbit Hugh of Saint Victor, 36, 38, 57, 160
harp, 30, 42, 47, 156, 166 167 hunter, 49, 63, 68, 83, 85 table 10, 86, 88
Henricus Bible. See Bruges, Archief Groot- table 11, 89, 117, 120, 132,
eseminarie MSS 4/1, 5/191 15253, 155, 200n. 18
Henricus, scribe, 2, 22, 37, 186n. 78, hunting, 7, 1314, 17, 40, 63, 6667, 83,
190n. 56 94, 113, 115, 11820, 129,
heraldry, 10, 12, 16, 18, 3435, 40, 41, 13839, 146, 151, 153, 155,
4549 table 1, 50, 55, 5758, 158, 160, 170, 178n.9, 40,
61, 6364, 65, 6669, 70, 74, 192n. 74, 205n. 84
78, 79, 81, 8386, 85 table 10, hybrid, 3, 22, 26, 2932, 30, 31, 37, 39, 51,
88 table 11, 89, 9197, 95, 72, 78, 86, 11415, 116, 117,
99102, 1067, 110, 112, 117, 119, 124, 128, 130, 132, 138
1248, 132, 133, 139, 152, 39, 141, 164, 165, 208n. 26
155, 171, 17374, 201n. 32
herm, 22, 2627, 41, 61, 63, 70, 72, 83, 86, I
89, 94 I-initial, 23, 24, 2732, 30, 31, 51, 52, 54
Hippocrates, 1023, 103, 115, 117, 204n. 5, 64, 65, 66, 70, 712, 74, 77,
77 107, 152, 194n. 30, 212n. 7
Histoire de la Guerre Sainte. See Paris, BnF, initial: foliate, 24, 2829, 31, 38; inhabited,
MS fr. 2754 2, 3, 8, 21, 23, 24, 28, 34, 35,
historiated initial, 78, 17, 21, 50, 51, 55, 38, 41, 116; pen-flourished, 24,
5759, 6869, 72, 73, 7475, 39; with bust or cameo, 11, 36,
77, 84, 91, 92, 93, 103, 104, 39, 41, 47, 51, 192n. 73, 195n.
111, 115, 14546, 147, 148, 40, 201n. 40; zoo-anthropo-
150, 15253, 154, 156, 157, morphic, 2, 21, 24, 30, 31, 51,
158, 159, 162, 164, 165, 167, 65. See also I-initial, historiated
168, 169, 17071, 212n. 8, initial
213n. 26 Isaiah, 25, 33, 35, 36
hoopoe, 3, 26, 56 table 3a, 5758, 187n. 19
horse, 11, 1718, 37, 54, 61, 64, 81, 8283, J
89, 90, 91, 92, 9394, 95, 101 Jacob of Maerlant, Spiegel Historiael. See The
2, 11920, 12829, 130, 135, Hague
13839, 158, 196n. 55 Jacques of Vitry, 26, 55, 101, 188n. 32
238 Index
James, Saint (the Lesser), 72, 76 table 9b, 77 Lai dAristote, 86, 1012, 105
Jauss, Hans Robert, 110, 172 Lambert of Saint Omer, Liber floridus, 108,
Jeanne, Countess of Flanders, 15, 77, 98 111, 124, 174
Jerome, Saint, 25, 27, 36, 38 Lancelot, 11, 81, 8384, 8889, 90, 91,
Jesse Tree, 36, 120, 125, 132 9394, 95, 9697, 99, 101,
jester. See jongleur 1059, 107, 141
John I of Avesnes, Count of Hainault, 15, 83 Les Dunes, Abbey of. See Ter Duinen, Abbey of
John I of Brabant, 99, 101, 109, 204n. 66 Li ars damour. See Brussels, KBR MS 9543
John II of Avesnes, Count of Hainault, Lux- libraire, 5, 89, 22, 171
embourg, and Holland, 15, 19, lion, 3, 11, 23, 2627, 35, 3536, 39, 51,
97, 112, 12425, 137, 201n. 61, 72, 83, 89, 91, 93, 96, 101,
31, 201n. 50 113, 115, 116, 117, 119, 124
John, Saint, 51, 72 29, 145, 156, 157, 158, 196n.
Jonah, 25, 29, 30, 3132, 6667 table 6b 54, 204n. 67, 208n. 42
jongleur, 2, 3, 7, 25, 27, 29, 47, 51, 52, literacy, 2, 5, 8, 15, 18, 46, 53, 58, 61, 112,
5455, 58 table 4a, 61, 86, 102, 114, 141, 143, 162, 170, 172,
107, 11213, 12526, 128, 168 175
joust, 3233, 34, 35, 83, 87, 89, 9192, 92, London Trsor. See London, BL Yates
94, 95, 9799, 100, 101, 111, Thompson MS 19
116, 117, 12529, 132, 133 London, British Library, Additional MS
juggler. See jongleur 42130 (Luttrell Psalter), 12, 46,
182n. 48; Additional MS 62925
K (Rutland Psalter), 2, 205n. 83;
knight, 5, 10, 1618, 39, 47, 51, 54 table 2, Harley MS 3487 (Aristotles
58 table 4a, 612 table 5a-b, 63, Physics), 118, 178n. 6; Yates
67 table 6b, 67, 74, 74 table 8a, Thompson MS 19 (London Tr-
76 table 9b, 77, 80, 81, 8385 sor), 11314, 124, 126, 12829,
table 10, 86, 87, 88 table 11, 130, 131, 13239, 133, 134,
89, 92, 93, 9394, 9799, 101, 135; Yates Thompson MS 43
105, 107, 110, 112, 115, 116, (Psalter-Hours), 78
117, 119, 1279, 130, 132, Louis IX (king of France), 1516, 54, 145,
134, 135, 136, 1389, 141, 152
152, 158, 185n. 82, 197n. 65. Luttrell Psalter. See London, BL, Additional
See also Lancelot, warrior MS 42130
Kokelare, arms of, 66, 117
M
L magister, 26, 86, 88 table 11, 102, 104, 113,
La Chevalerie de Judas Maccabee et ses nobles 116, 11718, 120, 122, 12324,
freres. See Paris, BnF, MS fr. 15104 12729, 141, 142, 146, 148,
Lady of the Lake, 32, 89, 90, 9394, 96, 149, 15152, 156, 158, 16263,
204n. 70 164, 165, 167, 168, 187n. 18,
lady, 12, 39, 47, 51, 58 table 4a, 74 table 8a, 213n. 1819, 214n. 35
61, 77, 81, 8385 table 10, 87, Matre au menton fuyent, 6, 80, 114, 136,
88 table 11, 89, 91, 9194, 95, 141, 145, 148, 155, 161, 184n.
9699, 100, 101, 1056, 120, 69
132, 134, 158, 189n. 40, 194n. Mle, Emile, 7, 145
29, 203n. 61. See also women manticore, 124, 208n. 42
Index 239
manuscripts. See under Arras; Boulogne-sur- musical instruments. See bagpipes, gittern,
Mer; Bruges; Brussels; Dijon; harp, pipe and tabor, pipe organ,
Dublin; Florence; London; psaltery, trumpet, viol
Marseilles; New Haven; New
York; Oxford; Paris; St. Omer; N
St. Petersburg; Tournai; Valen- Nascien, 99, 1012
ciennes; Vatican Library; Veller- nesting eggs. See eggs
eille-les-Brayeux; The Hague New Haven, Yale University, Beinecke Rare
mappa mundi, 137, 158, 214n. 35 Book and Manuscript Library,
Margaret the Black Psalter. See New York, MS 229 (Vulgate Arthur). See
H. P. Kraus BnF-Yale Vulgate Arthur, Yale
Margaret the Black, Countess of Flanders Lancelot, Yale Mort Artu, Yale
and Hainault, 1516, 4546, Queste
48, 64, 77, 9899, 183n. 65, New York, H.P. Kraus, cat. 75, no. 88 (Mar-
191n. 62 garet the Black Psalter), 45, 48,
Margaret, Saint, 47 51, 55, 61, 184n. 68, 197n. 57;
Marseilles Hours, (Marseilles, Bibliothque The Metropolitan Museum of
municipale, MS 111), 45, 69, 77 Art, The Cloisters 54.1.2 (Hours
Martin, Saint, 54 table 2 of Jeanne dEvreux), 12, 14,
memory, 13, 148, 151, 153, 155, 160, 170, 182n. 48
172, 175, 212n. 16 Noah, 118, 125, 129, 131, 132
Merlin, 87, 1012, 108 nude, 2, 7, 2425, 28, 30, 3036, 52, 61,
mermaid, 7, 32, 37, 47, 48 table 1, 51, 53, 62 table 5a, 63, 71, 74, 85 table
55, 62 table 5a, 6364, 65, 68, 10, 86, 88 table 11, 103, 104,
85, 89, 90, 9394, 113, 139, 107, 1069, 116, 11719, 121,
172 123, 139, 150, 163, 164, 165,
merman, 2931, 37, 47, 51, 83, 85, 91, 94, 168, 190n. 47, 195n. 33, 200n.
95, 155, 189n. 40, 214n. 32 13, 205n. 88, 205n. 91, 217n. 6
merpeople, 47, 55, 64, 69, 78, 85 table 10, nun, 78, 71 table 7, 72, 74 table 8a, 75,
86, 8889 77, 98, 186n. 5
mirror of knowledge, 6, 16, 110, 114,
14546, 148, 152, 161, 163. O
See also encyclopedia, reference obscenity, 13, 102, 125, 214n. 37
work Ormesby Psalter. See Oxford, Douce MS 366
Monaldus of Istria, 6, 21, 38 owl, 28, 127, 156, 157
Monaldus Summa. See Bruges, Archief Oxford, Bodleian Library, Douce MS 24
Grootseminarie, MS 45/144 (Psalter), 78; Douce MS 366
monk, 78, 22, 23, 25, 27, 29, 3738, 43, (Ormesby Psalter), 14, 204n. 71
62 table 5a, 71 table 7, 83, 91,
94, 95, 98, 118, 128, 146, 151, P
156, 162, 169, 172, 186n. 8, palfrey, 89, 98, 129
213n. 18, 214n. 35 Paris Trsor. See Paris, BnF, MS fr. 567
Montbaston, Jeanne and Robert of, 89, 53, Paris, 2, 4, 8, 18, 22, 37, 53, 61, 68, 82, 89,
89, 174 148, 175, 178n. 8
Mortaigne, arms of, 61, 94, 202n. 44 Paris, BnF, MS fr. 95, see BnF Estoire, BnF
Moses, 25, 33, 152 Graal, BnF Merlin, BnF-Yale
mouse, 132, 133, 158 Vulgate Arthur; MS fr. 567 (Paris
240 Index
Trsor), 114, 11925, 121, 122, Randall, Lilian, 4, 10, 14, 22, 4243, 47,
12729; MS fr. 2754 (Histoire 55, 57, 79, 93, 113, 13639,
de la Guerre Sainte), 115; MS fr. 151
15104 (La Chevalerie de Judas reference work, 6, 12, 16, 18, 3738, 43
Maccabee et ses nobles freres), 16, 44, 11112, 155, 170. See also
80, 200n. 20; MS latin 1076 encyclopedia
(Franciscan Psalter), 4546, 48, Reynard the Fox, 26, 61, 85, 169, 183n. 61
6972, 70, 71 table 7, 73, 746 rhetoric, 112, 127, 148, 166, 16970
tables 89, 85, 98, 198n. 87 Robert of Bthune, Count of Flanders, 17,
patron, image of, 47, 71 table 7, 72, 73, 58, 61, 89
7576 table 9b, 77, 112, 120, romance, 2, 56, 9, 1213, 1618, 26,
121, 12526 32, 46, 7880, 8283, 88, 92,
patronage, 2, 6, 12, 1517, 37, 4647, 97, 99, 106, 10810, 11415,
51, 5758, 68, 82, 88, 9697, 11820, 12829, 132, 146,
10912, 11415, 12425, 128, 172, 17475, 177n. 2
136, 145, 148 rooster, 3, 26, 56 table 3b, 5758, 116, 169,
peacock, 28, 32, 58 table 4a, 66 table 6a, 216n. 69. See also coq
74 table 8a Rouse, Richard and Mary Rouse, 89, 43,
pelican, 2829, 32 153, 174
Peter, Saint, 56 table 3a, 57, 59 table 4b Ruth, 25, 31, 3132, 64, 93
Pettegem, 77, 82 Rutland Psalter. See London, BL, Additional
Phyllis, 1013, 104, 105, 108 MS 62925
pipe and tabor, 73, 125, 166, 167
pipe organ, 47, 72, 116, 117, 121, 123 S
Power of Women topos, 69, 102 Saint Omer, 6, 28, 77, 14546, 172
prophet, 23, 2425, 27, 29, 188n. 29 Saint Omer, Bibliothque municipale, MS 5
prose, 10, 1617, 78, 80, 82, 89, 97, 106, (Bible), 28, 153
148, 161, 174, 202n. 42 saint, 67, 257, 36, 467, 51, 71 table 7, 72,
psalter, 56, 9, 40, 4551, 53, 6869, 74, 75, 98, 114, 146, 205n. 91. See
7778, 80, 83, 88, 98, 107, also individual saints by name
115, 17273. See also Dampierre scatology, 12, 175
Psalter, Franciscan Psalter, Arras senses, 2526, 42, 146, 155, 187n. 13,
Psalter, Tournai Psalter 187n. 19, 189n. 41
psaltery, 40, 51, 117, 156 Sept Sages, 79, 11415, 117
serpent, 40, 50, 56 table 3a, 59, 62 table 5a,
Q 6364, 85, 94, 134, 135, 138,
quaternion, 5354, tables 26b, 74, tables 156, 166, 167, 195n. 40, 196n.
8a-9b 54. See also dragon, grotesque
quire, 6, 810, 40, 42, 4547, 49, 51, 53 shield. See heraldry
55, 5759, 6167, 7172, 75, snail, 10, 12728, 134, 135, 136, 139, 140,
8586, 8889, 91, 9394, 96, 141, 142, 163, 164, 166, 167,
99, 1012, 1056, 1089, 117 168
20, 139, 17375, tables 111 sparrow, 28, 29, 3233, 36
squirrel, 3, 26, 51, 74, 115, 116, 11920
R St. Petersburg Trsor (National Library of
rabbit, 10, 63, 94, 102, 12829, 158, 188n. Russia, MS Fr.F.v.III,4), 113
25. See also hare 14, 12428
Index 241
stag, 3, 26, 39, 56 table 3b, 57, 62 table 5a, Vellereille Speculum naturale (Vellereille-
67 table 6b, 70, 74 table 8a, 76 les-Brayeux, Abbaye de Bonne-
table 9b, 89, 101, 118, 120, 121, Esprance, MSS 45), 146, 148,
1259, 153, 155, 158, 186n. 5 149, 151, 15661, 157, 159,
Stephen, Saint, 56 table 3a, 57, 117 160
Stones, Alison, 56, 16, 32, 42, 46, 69, 79, vice, 26, 89, 127. See also Virtues and Vices,
82, 8485, 96, 106, 11213, cowardice
12425, 146, 153, 161 Viel Rentier dOudenaarde. See Brussels,
stork, 2930, 39, 90, 91, 127, 131 KBR, MS 1175
swallow, 29, 57, 66 table 6a, 67 Villard of Honnecourt, 132, 179n. 10
Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum majus, 6,
T 16, 11112, 136, 14546, 148,
tail, on human, 10, 31, 51, 52, 5354 table 149, 150, 151, 153, 161, 170,
2, 57 table 5a, 63, 74, 93, 106 174, 206n. 2
9, 107, 131, 132 viol, 11, 39, 40, 5556 table 3a, 62 table 5a,
Ter Doest, Abbey of, 21, 3638, 40, 43, 64, 65, 66 table 6a, 73, 76 table
161, 174, 185n. 1, 213n. 29 9b, 81, 94, 128, 132
Ter Duinen, Abbey of, 2122, 28, 34, Virtues and Vices, 63, 112, 123, 12627,
3638, 40, 43, 148, 161, 174, 134, 135, 136, 139, 143, 166,
185n. 1, 186n. 8, 191n. 70 188n. 32
The Hague, Royal Library, MS KA.XX
(Spiegel Historiael), 16, 111, 155 W
Throuanne group, 115, 117, 11920, 123, warrior, 41, 41, 70, 71 table 7, 72. See also
145, 153 knight
Throuanne: diocese of, 2, 6, 21, 69, 77, wheelbarrow, 105, 118, 178n. 6
112, 145; manuscript illumina- William of Termonde, 16, 46, 48, 58, 80,
tion in, 2, 56, 11214, 128 83, 89, 9394, 107, 127, 161,
Tournai Psalter (Tournai Cathedral, Scaldis 200n. 13
H 12/2), 16, 80, 161, 180n. 24, windmill, 113, 161, 163
183n. 57 Wirth, Jean, 14, 26
Tournai: diocese of, 2, 21, 111, 145; manu- women, 1214, 47, 51, 53, 56 table 3a, 62
script illumination in, 5, 172, table 5b, 63, 85, 88, 94, 9799,
184n. 69, 185n. 3 1012, 1056, 112, 118, 120,
trumpet, 31, 62 table 5b, 66 table 6a, 91, 125, 12829, 131, 132, 151,
92, 116 158, 163, 174, 195n. 34, 215n.
51; noble woman, 31, 4748,
U 77, 98, 13738, 141, 142. See
unicorn, 120, 121, 1289, 131, 132 also lady
Ursula, Saint, 52, 70, 74 table 8a, 75, 77
Y
V Yale Lancelot, 11, 32, 39, 61, 63, 79, 82, 85
Valenciennes, Bibliothque municipale, MS table 10, 8889, 90, 91, 92, 95,
838 (Obituary-Martyrology), 115, 126, 208n. 29
113, 161, 163 Yale Mort Artu, 7980, 82, 85 table 10, 94,
Vatican Library, Vatican Library, Vat. Lat. 98, 1069, 107
MS 3203 (Vatican Trsor), 113, Yale Queste, 16, 7980, 81, 8385 table 10,
163 86, 89, 9394, 97, 107

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Studies in Medieval History

Worlds Made Flesh Traveling through Text

Elizabeth Moore Hunt

List of Manuscripts xvii

1. Prologue to Genesis, Henricus Bible (Bruges, Archief

2. Lancelot, pt. 3 (Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript

3. Book of Genesis, Henricus Bible (Bruges, Archief

4. Book of Daniel, Henricus Bible (Bruges, Archief

5. Prologue to Abdias (Obadiah), Henricus Bible (Bruges,

6. Book of Ruth, Henricus Bible (Bruges, Archief

7. Book of Isaiah, Henricus Bible (Bruges, Archief

8. Prologue to Isaiah, Henricus Bible (Bruges, Archief

9. Prologue, Monaldus of Istria, Summa de jure canonico

10. Yconomus, Monaldus of Istria, Summa de jure canonico

11. Sacerdos, Monaldus of Istria, Summa de jure canonico

12. Psalm 52, Dampierre Psalter (Brussels, Royal Library of

13. Psalm 42, Dampierre Psalter (Brussels, Royal Library of

14. Psalms 4647, Dampierre Psalter (Brussels, Royal Library

15. Psalm 71, Dampierre Psalter (Brussels, Royal Library of

16. Psalm 65, Dampierre Psalter (Brussels, Royal Library of

17. Psalms 8485, Franciscan Psalter (Paris, Bibliothque nationale

18. Psalm 80, Franciscan Psalter (Paris, Bibliothque nationale

20. LEstoire de Merlin (Paris, Bibliothque nationale de

21. Lancelot, pt. 3 (Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript

22. Lancelot, pt. 3 (Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript

23. Lancelot, pt. 3 (Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript

24. Lancelot, pt. 3 (Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library,

25. LEstoire del Saint Graal (Paris, Bibliothque nationale de

26. LEstoire del Saint Graal (Paris, Bibliothque nationale de

27. Psalm 68, Psalter-Book of Hours, use of Throuanne

28. Mort Artu (Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library,

29. Here begins the Book of the Treasure, Brunetto Latini,

30. The parentage of Our Lady, Brunetto Latini, Le Trsor,

31. How nature works, Brunetto Latini, Le Trsor, chap. 99

32. How God made all things in the beginning, Brunetto

33. The things that happened in the second age, Brunetto

34. The New Law, Brunetto Latini, Le Trsor, chap. 63

35. The parentage of Our Lady, Brunetto Latini, Le Trsor,

36. Prologue to Artistotles Ethics, Brunetto Latini, Le Trsor,

37. Li ars damour, de vertu, et de boneurt (Brussels, Royal Library

38. Recueil asctique (Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, MS

39. Recueil de posies morales, fabliaux, dits, contes (Brussels,

40. Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum historiale, book 13

41. Prologue, Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum naturale

42. Apologia, Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum doctrinale

43. Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum historiale, book 10

44. Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum naturale, book 29

45. Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum naturale, book 32

46. Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum naturale, book 32, cont.

47. De arte gramatica, Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum

48. Dyaletica, Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum doctrinale,

49. De monostica, Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum doctrinale,

50. De politica, Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum doctrinale,

51. De causis et litibus, Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum

1. Quires 322, Dampierre Psalter, KBR MS 10607. 49

2. Distribution of marginal images on side B of quire 7,

3a. Distribution of marginal images on side A of quire 13,

3b. Distribution of marginal images on side B of quire 13,

4a. Distribution of marginal images on side A of quire 8,

4b. Distribution of marginal images on side B of quire 8,

5a. Distribution of marginal images on side A of quire 17,

5b. Distribution of marginal images on side B of quire 17,

6a. Distribution of marginal images on side A of quire 16,