The reliquary of the Holy Corporal in the cathedral of Orvieto: patronage and politics” Giovanni Freni CCocnantibus autem cis, acepit lesus panem, et benesivit, ac fregit, deditque dliscipulis suis, etait: Accipite et comedite: hoc est corpus meum. Et accipiens calicer gratias egit: et dedit ils, dicens:Bibite ex hoc ommes. Hic est enim sanguis ‘meum novi testament qui pro multis effundetur in emissioner peceatorum, Matthew 26: 26-8 ‘The reliquary of the Holy Corporal, Ugolino di Vieri and his associate goldsmiths In April 1337, Ser Iacopo di Pietro Vitale, a eamerarius (chamberlain) of the Opera del Duomo of Orvieto, went on horseback to Siena, accompaniedl by a servant, to pay the goldsmith Ugolino di Vieri 100 gold florins. This is the first known payment registered in the account book of the camera for the reliquary of the Holy Corporal of Orvieto, the making of which may have commenced at that time (Figs 4.1 and 4.2) The starting date is suggested by a careful reading of certain documents in the archive of the Opera del Duomo of Orvieto. A document of 10 june 1337 shows that the comerarius was in Siena on three occasions: the frst in August 1536; the second in October 1336; the third in April 1337. In August 1336, Ser Tacopo, together with the caponizestro Giovanni Ammanati, was in Siena to take some measurements to maestro Canto of Siena. Subsequently, in October 1536, he went again to the Tuscan city accompanied by Ser Fredo, a canon of the cathedral of Orvieto, who is mentioned! as a patron in the inscription at the base of the reliquary of the Holy Corporal ‘ac! recipiendam refutationem a magistro Cante’ (to receive a quittance from Mester Canto). The third time Ser lacopo went to Siena expressly to meet Ugolino ‘pro facto tabernaculi de argento’ (for the making of the silver tabernacle) and to pay the goldsmith the aforementioned 100 gold florins. Thus an argument ex sientio allows us118 Giovanni Freni to hypothesize that in October the representatives of the Opera del Duomo may have had a first meeting with the Sienese goldsmith. Six months later, as indicated by a document of 17 April 1337, Ser lacopo paid Ugolino a sum which may thus be connected with the start of work on the reliquary.* Con- firmation is offered by two further documents, of g May 1337 and 10 May 1337 respectively” The first records expenses for the purchase of nails and pipes to make some bellows, as well as eight iron clamps (ponticeli) to be fixed to the work bench to help the masters of the reliquary to carry out the filing work. The seconel reports the purchase of a tanned stag skin for the bellows of Ugolino’s workshop. During this period, Ugolino received a total of 210 gold florins, registered in the account book of the Opera del Duomo on 9 May 1337/ It is likely that the Sienese master needed such a consider. able sum to purchase part of the silver necessary for the reliquary. ‘Thus ‘between April and May 1537 Ugolino and his collaborators were engaged in ‘making all the preparations for the reliquary’s manufacture. ‘The reliquary was finished in 1338, according to the inscription on its base (Gee below). Ugolino and his collaborators may have been able to complete their magnificent work in such a short time because of the special organiza- tion of the workshop which employed a large number of masters contempor- aneously* I may in tum have been the exceptional cost of the undertaking that caused a delay in the final payment, which was not completed until 27 December 1539, according to a document in the archive of the Opera del Duomo? ‘The work commissioned from Ugolino was, at that time, one of the largest reliquaries ever produced by a Sienese goldsmith’s workshop. Its unusual shape, which recalls the facade of a Gothic church, and which was influr enced by the architectonic structure of contemporary polyptychs? was also related to the shape of one of the relic, a corporal ~ a rectangular piece of linen used in the celebration of the mass. This had to be preserved and, on special occasions, displayed unfolded (Fig. 4.3)" ‘he reliquary (Figs 4.1 and 4,2) has a complex ‘modular’ structure, which consists of an architectonic framework to which the enamelled silver panels Were applied. The base, which acts as a sort of predella, is supported by eight feet, each of them bearing a statuette of a seated figure. The four on the front represent the four Evangelists, those on the back four prophets.” Two hexagonal lateral piers, placed on reintorced hexagonal bases, support the main structure of the reliquary, a sort of narrow cupboard, whose front consists of a pair of wide shutters (Fig, 4.3). Two smaller inner pilasters, attached on the front face of the reliquary to the opening shutters, create ¢ further architectonic sub-division. A small cylindrical compartment, visible at the top of the front of the central gable (Fig. 42), over a small gabled structure, contained the relic of THE RELIQUARY OF THE HOLY CORPORAL 139 the bleeding host (see below), Beneath, another small receptacle closed by an enamelled shutter is decorated with a pair of angels displaying the Holy Corporal. The main central gable is surmounted by « complex tripartite suc- ture which supports an enamelled cross and full-length statuettes of the grieving Mary and St John. This recalls other Sienese metalwork, such as the cross reliquary made for the cathedral of Padua anc dated within the second decade ofthe fourteenth century." The two other smaller gables support swo statuettes of prophets, while four statuettes of angels are placed on top of the delicate pinnacles that terminate the polygonal piers. Four small figures of trumpeting angels decorate the base of the front gable, while the architectuse is completed with four lion-gargoyles, located at the same level on the back, and two figures of the she-wolf nursing the twins, placed on the external sides of the main lateral piers. ‘The whole reliquary is decorated with enamelled silver panels, which on. the base, on the shutters and on the back were fixed to the reliquary by nails, ‘or in the case of those on the gables, were attached by the use of frames. The ‘enamels constitute a figurative cycle representing saints, mastyzs and angels con the lateral piers, prophets and angels in the gables, and the narrative of CChrist’s childhood on the base. The story of the Miracle of Bolsena, together with the Gospel episodes relating to the Institution of the Eucharist, are shown on the shutters of the front (Figs 4.5-4.12) and the Passion of Christ fon the back (Figs 4.13~4.16).” A further group of enamelled plaques consti- tutes a frieze around the upper part of the base, which bears the following inscription mentioning the patrons and the makers ofthe reliquay: ‘HOC OPUS FECT FIERI DOMINUS FRATER TRAMUS EPISCOM''S CRUEVETANUS FT DoMIOWUS ANGELUS ARCHIPRESBITER ET DOMINUS LIGUS CAVPELLANtS DONMNT Patt UZONARDUS CANON UNIVETANI FBR MAGIERUN WoL HY Soros anaes (The Lord Friar Tramo, bishop of Orvieto, caused this wor to be made, together with] Lord Angelo, achprest, and Lord Ligo, chaplain ofthe Lord Pope, and Nicolo of Alatro, and Lord Fredo, and Lord Nino, and Lord Leonardo, canons of ‘Orvieto. It was made inthe year of our Lord 1338, inthe time of Pope Benedict XI by Master Ugolino and his associate goldsmiths of Siena The coats of arms of the city of Orvieto and of the Monaldeschi family (of which Bishop Tramo was a member) complete the frioze of the inscription (Gee detail, Fig. 4.4). Small enamelled plaques, with foliate motifs, decorate the inner pilasters, the base and other parts of the seliquary, ‘The modular structure of this work enabled Ugolino to employ a lange number of collaborators, his soi mentioned in the inscription, who could work con- currently and independently on the various paris of the reliquary, which120 Giovanni Freni ‘could then subsequently be assembled." Since Ugolino alone is mentioned in the payment documents,” and he isthe only artist recorded by name in the inscription, scholars from the mid-nineteenth century onwards have tried to distinguish the hand of Ugotino from those of his collaborators in the vari- ‘ous parts which make up the reliquary, paying particular attention to the ‘narrative enamels.” The debate on the attribution ofthe enamels of Ugolino's reliquary has undoubtedly fostered a deeper knowledge of the style of Sienese ‘metalwork in the second quarter of the fourteenth century, but at the same time it has shown the limitations of stylistic attribution, especially given that wwe lack sufficient information about the organization of work inside a gold- smith’s workshop and about the assignment of specific tasks in the case of collaboration among various masters. Unfortunately the Breve dearte deg orafisenesi (goldsmiths' statutes), published by Milanesi, do not deal with these issues," and the published documents are not a great help. In fact many documents published by Milanesi® and Machetti~ which relate to the making of pieces of metalwork, and inscriptions found on metalwork ob. jects, testify that Sienese goldsmiths also collaborated very frequently, even for small commissions. On the other hand, itis almost always impossible to determine who was the master responsible for any specific part of a given work or for a specific phase of production, or even whether one goldsmith simply assembled pieces produced in other workshops, Because of the lack of any secure evidence about his individual style, the artistic personality of Ugolino di Vieri as reconstructed by various scholars is controversial and is largely based on conjecture. It would seem that the reliquary of the Holy Corporal of Bolsena is a work of wide collaboration among Sienese goldsmiths, presumably directed and co-ordinated by Ugolino His other certain work, the reliquary of the head of S. Savino, was also signed by Viva de Senis, and some scholars, such as Gauthier,” have sug, gested the involvement of further masters not mentioned in the inscription for this abject too. A third work frequently assigned to Ugoline, the paten with an enamel of the Annunciation from the church of 8. Domenico in Perugia, now preserved at the Galleria Nazionale dell'Umbria, may not be by his hand. It was recognized by Santi as a work by the Sienese artist because ofa fifteenth-century inventory of objects owned by the Dominicans of Perugia, which mentions a chalice signed by Ugolino and Viva de Senis and provided with a paten showing the Annunciation However in the very same inventory two more chalices, whose patens were also decorated with an “ymago Annuntiationis’ are also recorded.” The identification is therefore insecure, At the current stage of research, the hypothesis put forward by Carli con- ceming the artistic personality of Ugolino di Vieri seems the most convine. ing The forthcoming publication of the photographs of the reliquary of ‘THE RELIQUARY OF THE HOLY CORPORAL 121 Orvieto made at the Istituto Centrale del Restauro, Rome, and further study of Sienese (and non-Sienese) goldsmiths’ work, tozether with the publication of better reproductions of known metalwork, can be expected to advance the study of Ugolino’s style and artistic personality» This paper will now turn to.a consideration ofthe reliquary from a different point of view. ‘The Corpus Christi programme of the reliquary of the Holy Corporal pI Prog y np An Orvietan chronicle, usually attributed to Luca di Domenico Manente, Who seems to have made a compilation based on earlier sources at the begin. ning of the fifteenth century,” gives one of the earfiest accounts of a miracle which happened in Bolsena in 126. The writer records simply and briefly that during 1264, in the church of S. Cristina in Boisena, there occurred the miracle of the Corpus Christi (ie. the host), which was taken by the Orvietan bishop into his city with a solemn ceremony and Kept in the church of S Maria Prisca.* Later sources give a more detailed report of this miraculous event. A priest, a native of Germany or Bohemia (depending on the source), who doubted the reality of transubstantiation, went on pilgrimage to visit the sites of the apostle Peter in order to strengthen his faith. On his way he stopped in Bolsena, and there, in the church of S, Cristina, he celebrated a ‘mass, During the ceremony, while he was consecrating the host, it started to bleed, giving tangible proof of the presence of the body and blood of Christ in the Eucharist. The subject of the Eucharist, and the presence of Christ's flesh and blood in the consecrated host and wine, was at the centre of theological debate in the church during the Middle Ages.* From the early ninth century there is evidence for the emergence of two opposing parties. One, which represented the official position of the Roman church, affirmed that Christ's body was zeally present in the Eucharist as flesh and blood. The other, giving a hetero ox interpretation of the sacrament, maintained that the presence of Christ was merely symbolic, and that the Euchasist referred to a spiritual reality which resided elsewhere.” These opposing parties supported their arguments through the authority of the Fathers, or through the use of grammar and logic." Later, in the age of Scholastcism, the orthodox interpretation was supported through the Aristotelian concepts of substance and accident, and ‘alter and form, as in St Thomas Aquinas's writings,” while the next gen- ration of theotogians explained the presence of Christ in the Euchniee through even more subtle arguments. The Eucharist was the central liturgical event in which the authoritative role of the church hierarchy was given legitimacy. It was only the priest, invested with his sacerdotal authority by the Roman church, who could effect the miraculous event by which bread and wine sacrificed on the altar422 Giownnni Freni turned into the flesh and blood of the Saviour. The priest, therefore, was the only medium between the laity and God, and he alone could carry out the church's mission of salvation. Tt was necessary to teach the nature and the meaning of the Eucharist to lay people, ant this was the dilly of the secular clergy and, after the begin- fing oF the thirteenth century, of the mendicant orders, especially the Do- iinicans and Franciscans, both keepers ofthe orthodox teaching of the Roman church, The y had to preach the mysteries of religion in.a simple vay, He could not use the difficult and subtle language of the theologians, bat he could count on the instrument of the exemple, tales through which the dogmas of Christian religion became intelligible to the broad mass of the laity. Many of these exempla recount miracles through which the nature of the Eucharist was shown to snbelievers, or to those whose faith was-not firm, Sometimes the host tuened into a child, into a bleeding finger, into the mage of the Man of Sorrows or into bleeding flesh. Thus, the miracle of Bolsena, with its bleeding host, is to be considered in the context of the contemporary literature of exempla, and of the missionary concer of the church to teach correct sacramental doctrine. From 2262 Pope Urban IV had resided in Orvieto with the Roman curia, Hie had chosen to take shelter in the Umbrian city since, at that time, after the Battle of Montaperti (+260), the strength and the influence of King Manfred and his Ghibelline alies, who controlled almost the whole of Tuscany, threat ened the territory of the church. The choice of refuge was by no means fortuitous. Orvieto was an impregnable site because of its position on top of a high hill, accessible only by ascending a steep rocky slope. Tt was during Urban IV's residence in the Umbrian city that the feast of Corpus Christi was celebrated for the first time in Orvieto, possibly on 19 June 1264.” This was at the initiative of the pope himself* who, a few ‘months later, in August and then again in September, promulgated the bull ‘Transturus, by which the major festival of Corpus Christi was universally instituted.” ‘Sources from the fist haf ofthe fousteenth century, such as the text ofthe ‘marble inscription in the church of , Cristina in Bolsena® and the play of the miracle of Bolsena," as well as the writings of later authors such as Leonardus de Utino, Antoninus Archbishop of Florence and Onoftius Panvinius,* all Link the miracle uf Dolsenia with the universal institution ofthe solemnity of Corpus Chsti. They all refer to a traditional tale according to which the pope, having heard about the miracle of the bleeding host, ordered the Orvietan bishop to go to Bolsena and to bring the prodigious relics back to Orvieto, After a solemn procession, a religious ceremony, and the public exhibition of the Holy Corporal ~ according to this version ~ the pope uni- versally instituted the solemnity of Corpus Christi and charged Thomas ‘Aquinas with the composition of the office for the new feast. ‘THE RELIQUARY OF THE HOLY CORPORAL 123 Recently many scholars have correctly stressed the fact that Urban IV's personal commitment to the institution ofthe feast of Corpus Christi de- pended mainly on the precedent of Liége, where the ceremony was cel ebrated for the first time in 1246 at the behest of Bishop Robert of Turotte In fact Jacques Pantaleon (later Pope Urban IV), who had been a colleague of Robert when both had been canons at Laon, was at that time archdeacon of Campines, near Liége, and was surely affected by the religious climate of that diocese: Nonetheless it has been convincingly proposed by Lazzarini and Franceschini thatthe miracle of Bolsena would have hae!» role in Urban 1V’s institution of the feast, and that it may well have prompted the pope to celebrate the rte in Orvieto forthe frst time in 126, followed twvo months later by the promulgation of the bull Transiturus* After the death of Urban IV in October 1264, no immediate effort was sade to establish the feast of Corpus Christi universally, The bull Transiturus was not widely diffused, and the resistance of the ecclesiastical authorities towards the institution of the new feast was strong, while the papal chancery was silent on the mater Is reasonable to suppose that this resistance was due more to doctrinal problems than to political matters" a strong party inside the church maintained that such a rita, so funcamental inthe doc- trine of Christian religion, could not be celebrated in the same way as a saint’ feast." Even in Orvieto it would seem that Corpus Christ was not celebrated after 1264, and no reliable source mentions the celebration of the feast in Orvieto ‘explicitly until 1337.” The relics of the miracle of Bolsena, whose memory was linked tothe solemn feast celebrate! in 1264 inthe presence of the pope and the Roman curia, must have been carefully preserved curing this time in a suitable place presumably hidlen from the sight of the faithful” During the second decade of the fourteenth century the universal institu- tion ofthe feast of Corpus Christi was reconsidered ancl carried into effect. ‘At the Counc me, which met between October 1311 and May 3312, Clement V confirmed the bull Transiturus with the letter Si Doninum, But this act together with the decrees of the Council and the Clements, a collection of Decretals promulgated by Clement V, only. gained really wide diffusion when the Clenentines were repromulgated in 7317, ding the pa- pacy of John XXIl, Subsequently, the Dominican Order had an important {ole intho diffusion of the feast of Corps Christ, introcticing the sniversal Dominican observance in 1319 in the chapter of Lyons, while, in the same Year that Thomas Aquinas vias canonized (1525). the chapter of Barcelona ordered thatthe office of Corpus Christi, written by the V/ouerilis Doctor rust be copied into the books of the whole Order.* Thuis the feast would surely have been celebrated in Orvieto after 1317, and the Dominicans of the local community, especially after 1319, must have been particularly involves! in its promotion124 Giovanni Freni In Orvieto, the celebration of Corpus Christi generally resembled other ‘major religious feasts held in the Umbrian city and in other communes of central Italy." But it differed in one significant respect. rather than being, connected, for example, with the cult of a saint, or an event in the life of Chuist, Corpus Christi was linked to the cult of the actual relic of the Cor- poral, stained by the blood of Christ that emanated from the consecrated host during the Mass of Bolsena. The frst known document concerning the celebration ofthe feast in Orvieto, «a riformanza of the commune (minutes of council meetings) from 1337,° records that on the day of the feast a tabernacle wherein the Body of Christ and the Holy Corporal were placed was to be carried in a procession along the streets of the city with an escort of fifteen armed men chosen by the Domini Septem, who were the representatives of the city guilds. According to the text of this legislation, which gives exact instructions about the form of partici- pation of the various groups of citizens in the feast, the relics were to be ‘accompanied by the bishop and the Orvietan clergy, followed by the mem- bers of the civic councils and the whole populace of Orvieto. The nobles of the city had to show themselves ‘parati equis et omamentis’, ie, in full knightly attire, and the representatives of the civic institutions and guilds had to carry candies which, a the end of the procession, were to be offered to the Opera of the cathedral as a contribution to the costs of the building of the cathedral The great importance of this solemnity is further stressed by other provi- sions mentioned in the legislation of 1337. It was established that all work was forbidden on the eve as well as on the day of the feast, and that court proceedings and retalitions (represalie) were suspended for five days ~ Cor- pus Christi itself and the two days preceding and following, which are de- scribed in the documents as ferie.® Such a long period of erie did not occur frequently in the case of other religious feasts in Orvieto or in other city- states of central Italy. It was undoubtedly the importance of the feast of Corpus Christi and of the cult of the relics of the miracle of Bolsena, that prompted the Opera del Duomo to entrust Ugolino di Vier, a Sienese goldsmith, with the making of a magnificent reliquary for the Holy Corporal. At the same time the narrative cycles of the reliquary were designed to provide a visual expasition of the doctrine of the Corpus Christ through the exemplum of the ‘Miracle of Bolsena’ and the narrative of significant episodes of the Gospels. ‘The’ shutters on the front of the reliquary of the Holy Corporal are decorated with twelve translucent enamels, arranged in three registers Fig. 4.2). The plaques of the upper and middle registers constitute a cycle narrating the story of the miracle of Bolsena (Figs 4.5-4.12). The eight ena- THE RELIQUARY OF THE HOLY CORPORAL 125 ‘mels recall the most significant episodes which link the miraculous Mass of Bolsena with the feast of Corpus Chusti. They represent respectively (2) The Miraculous Mass of Bolsena; (2) The foreign priest announces the ‘miraculous event to the pope and the curia; (3) The pope orders the bishop of Orvieto to fetch the Holy Corporal; (4) The bishop of Orvieto takes possession of the Holy Corporal in the church of S. Cristina; (5) and (6) The meeting of the two converging processions at Riochiaro, led respectively by the bishop and the pope; (7) The pope shows the Holy Corporal to the faithful; (6) The pope asks Thomas Aquinas to compose the office of Corpus Christi ‘The plaques placed in the bottom register of the front of the reliquary represent the first four episodes of the Passion of Christ: the Entry into Jerusalem, the Last Supper, the Washing of the Feet, ad Christ Preaching to his Apostles (Figs 4.2, 4.13-4.16). The narrative sequence thus starts from the top left-hand comer and is concluded on the bottom right Correspondingly, the back of the reliquary is decorated with a further twelve plaques which complete the narrative ofthe Passion from the Agony in the Garden up to the Resurrection (Fig. 4.x). Hete the sequence follows a Afferent order, from bottom left fo top right, thus creating a visual continu. ity between the Discourse to the Apostles, on the bottom right of the front, and the following episode of the Agony in the Garcen, on the bottom left of the back ‘The main iconographic source for the Passion cycle isthe back of Daccio’s Maesta* which offered the goldsmith a model for the compositional siéuc. ture, although in these enamels the artist (Ugolino? or more likely Guisino Guidi?) shows his full knowledge of Pietro Lorenzett’s Passion cycle in the lower church of S. Francesco at Assisi,” and of the style of Simone Martini, as seen in the Orsini polyptych,* or as reflected in the New Testament cvcle in the nave of the Collegiata of San Gimignano, now attributed to Simone Martin's circle.” Although the artist of the Mass of Bolsena plaques was not indifferent to the elegance of Simone Martini, as frequently shown in the gestures of his figures and in the arrangement of the craperies, the main feature of his style is his original assimilation ancl elaboration of Giotto’. rational compositional structure, learned through the works of the Lorene, especially Pietro. This is evident in the clear architectonic interiors, which reflect the style of some episodes of the predella of Pietro's Carmelite Polyptych, or of the only remaining panel from the predella of the S, Savino altarpiece.® His characters are never crowded in a confused mass but ave arranged in defined spaces, and always show individual expressions, atti tudes, and movements. This individuality is also stressed in the crowd scenes asin the many figures of the faithful who witness the Mass of Bolsena (Fig, +5) oF those who follow the bishop and the pope in the meeting at Riochiaro126 Giooanni Freni (Figs 4.9 and 410) Here, in the representation of the steep bill of Orvieto and its locality, this master represented the various and different degrees of doubt, questioning, curiosity, and devotion, “Although the artist ofthe Miracle of Bolsena plaques was able to draw on a range of stylistic and compositional sources, it seems he could not rely on any iconographic precedent, The story of the Holy Corporal and the miracu- Tous host was represented for the first time in the figurative arts in Ugolino’s reliquary, which later became a model for further works, such as Ugolino di Prete Ilario's Eucharistic cycle in the chapel of the Corporal in the cathedral ‘of Orvieto." In order to illustrate the story of the miracle of Bolsena in these fenamels the master had thus to rely on accounts circulating at that time. "Apart from the early laconic mention in the chronicle of Luca di Domenico Manente, noted above, there were two early narratives which reported in some detail the story of the miraculous mass: a tradition first recorded in a sixteenth-century manuscript and two sixteenth-century inscriptions; and a medieval miracle play, transcribed in 1405. The former is in a manuscript preserved in the Archive of the Opera del Duomo, copied from a medieval source by the notary Cesare Severo Durantino, possibly by 1563. This text also formed the basis, with minor variations, for two marble inscriptions placed in the church of S. Cristina at Bolsena and in the chapel of the Holy Corporal, dating from 3573-4 and 1601 respectively.” The original text trans- mitted in the manuscript can be dated by means of philological and histori- cal evidence. It shows linguistic forms which were peculiar to the fourteenth century and which were no longer used in the sixteenth century.® At the same time two historical references allow us to establish the terminus post {quem an the terminus ante quem of its composition, The first isthe mention of ‘Thomas Aquinas as ‘Beatus', an evident allusion to the canonization of the doctor eximius in 1323, The second is the mention of the indulgences con- ceded by Urban IV and confirmed by Clement V, through the publication of the Clenentines in 1317, and the contrasting silence on the subject of the bull Etsi devota of 1344, through which Clement VI doubled the indulgences granted by the Transits forthe faithful who visited the cathedral of Orvieto fon the occasion of the feast of Corpus Christi. This failure to mention the Etsi ‘evota, so important in a document belonging to the cathedral of Orvieto, offers a sure terminus ante quem. Thus the original text, copied in 1563, must have been written down between 1323 and 1344." ‘The miracle play of the miracle of Bolsena was performed in Orvieto dur- ing the fourteenth century on the occasion of the feast of Corpus Christi possibly by the confraternity of St Martin, who used to gather in the chapel of the Corporal. The text of the play was transcribed by Tramo di Leonardo, a member of the Orvietan confraterity of St Francis, who collected in one volume the religious plays which were performed in the city. The manu- THE RELIQUARY OF THE HOLY CORPORAL script, now preserved at the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale in Rome, was completed by April 1405. Lazzarini argues that the metrical structure of the play establishes a terminus ante quem of 1370.” Meanwhile a terminus pos! {quem is given by the mention of Thomas Aquinas's authorship of the office of Corpus Christi, which was officially included in the canon of his works by the Dominican chapter in Barcelona in 1323." ‘The text of 1323/44” and the contemporary miracle play” contain many common elements in their narration of the miracle of Bolsena, Both the ac: couints tell of a priest from Germany who did not believe in the sacrament of the Eucharist and who came to visit the sites sacred to St Peter and St Paul to make amends for his sins. During the pilgrimage the clerzyman celebrated mass in the church of S. Cristina of Bolsena. Here, when the foreign priest ‘was consecrating the host, it tuned into bleeding, flesh which dampened the corporal with drops of blood. Urban IV, who at that time resided in Orvieto, having heard of the miracle, sent the bishop of Orvieto to fetch the miracs- lous relics. Later, when the bishop was on his way back, the pope with his ccuria and the faithful went in procession to revere the relies of the true body and blood of Christ. The pope then retuned to Orvieto and summoned ‘Thomas Aquinas, ordering him to compose the office for the newly inst- tuted feast of Corpus Christ. ‘Though the main features of both the accounts show evident similarities, they differ in some significant details. In the medieval text copied by Cesare Severo Durantino in c.1563 the character of the German priest is meticu: lously outlined, and his virtues are strongly stressed. He is a priest remark- able for decency, honesty and faith in God.” The only spot on his innocent soul is his lack of faith in the sacrament of the Euchatist. His devotion is, stressed by the fact that he daily beseeches God to give him a sign and to resolve his doubt” When finally God decides to offer a tangible sign of CChrist’s true presence in the Eucharist, the behaviour of the priest is exern- plary. At first, being taken aback, he tries to hide the miracle, but soon he breaks off the service. Wishing for penitence, he preserves the host and the corporal in the sanctuary and goes to visit the pope, to tell him about the miraculous mass and to beg pardon for his sin ‘The miracle play gives a different account. Here the German priest does not appear s0 virtuous, His confessor, discovering his lack of faith in the Bucharict, conde him on a ponitential pilgrimage to Rome and asks God to give the pilgrim a sign which will help him to gain faith in the sacrament. Later, when the miracle happens, the German priest flees in terror, while the pope is informed of the event by a cleric from Bolsena who was present at the miracle, and who is introduced to Urban IV by the Bishop of Orvieto. further variation in the miracle play account concerns the mission of the bishop, who needs to threaten the reluctant and almost hostile priests and128. Giovanni Freni People of Bolsena with papal excommunication in order to obtain the relics of the miraculous mass, These variations suggest that whereas the account given in the text of 2223/44 would have been acceptable tothe church the second, given by the cru Paay Placed the clergy in a negative light because ofthe strong disbelief and cowardly behaviour of the foreign priest, together with ihe subsequent quarrel between the Bishop of Orvieto, on the one side, and the Fries and people of Bolsena, on the other. It can be no surprise, therefore, thatthe frst text became theofficial version ofthe story ofthe Fly ‘Corporal copied by the notary in 1563, and that it was approved, with a few minor ‘modifications, by the apostolic visitor for transcription in the memorial bier of Holsena of 1573, and in the later inscription of the chapel ofthe Corporal of fon? The pey, in contrast, appears o be an autonomous, posibly lay, Ffodustion to be pevformed by an Orvietan confraternity Its definably ley characteris further suggested by another detail the civic authorities afOrvine, (the Signor Selle the Poesta and the Capitan) are shown to take par in the {anslation of the relics into the city, while they are never even mentioned in the ‘officia’ ecclesiastical account. ‘The narrative of the enamels of the reliquary (1337-8), the ecclesiastical Sceouit of 1323/44 and the miracle play of 1323/70, were all composed in oughly the same period, and itis difficult to establish which of there might fave preceded the others, and what eacirtracitions they shared, Home the account ofthe Miracle of Bolsena given by the silver plaques engraved by the Sienese master shows a strong, correlation withthe ecclesiasticl ee ‘This can be confirmed through a brief analysis of selected scenes Jn the second enamel ofthe series (Fig. 4.6) the ‘foreign’ priest who cele Sprated the miraculous mass, already represented inthe preceding scene is shown alone in the presence of the pope and his court, s in the ecteaenend sere am contrat the miracle play relates that a clergyman from Bolsene, accompanied by the bishop, told the pope about the miracle. The four Smamel (48), showing the episode of the Bishop of Orvieto taking pow, Srocion ofthe relic, does not show the reluctant priests of 8. Crsting ado almost rebellious local people, asthe play suggests, but a solems ceremony curing which the bishop recognizes the Holy Corporal in the presence of, iuitide of devotees, This finds an immediate correspondence in the cate Mente da agttlch rlates thatthe bishop, following the orders othe pope, went tothe church ofS. Cristina accompanied by the priests and a multiecc or Jay People. Inthe following two scenes, which represent the meeting at Riochiaro (Figs 4.9 and 4.10), the civic authorities are not presen in eonace ‘be nattative of the miracle play where they are carefully enumerstad e ie gnamels instead, represent the two converging procession, loa respec. ‘ely by the bishop and the pope, and composed mainly of prelates seal ‘THE RELIQUARY OF THE HOLY CORPORAL. 129 Slergymen, accompanied by groups of laymen who are always placed in a shborinate position. Finally, the episode of the pope showing the rhc te the devout people of Orvieto in the church (Fig. 411) recalls once more the ecesiastical text which relates that the pope himscl having taken in hic ‘ands the Holy Cosporal, brought it to that very Orvietan church (ad ipsara Urbevetanam ecclesiam’) where the relic was preserved in an honoureba piace? The play omits this episode entirely and relates only the meeting at Riochiavo.” Fine Rotable correlation between the enamels ancl the ecclesiastical text is Striking, but not surprising. It is likely, indeed, that both these ‘versione: Were devised in the same Orvietan ecclesiastical milieu, Moreover, ae wwe Fave seen the reliquary was an official commission othe Opere del Deanna Caer the Patronage of the most important members of the hierarchy of the Church of Orvieto including Bishop Tramo himsel: This citcumetince man Qi explain the special importance given tothe figure ofthe bishop in the Shamels, in the Recognition of the Relics (Fig. 45) and especially in the Meeting at Riochiaro (Fig, 4.9). Below the scenes showing the miracle of Bolsena, at the bottom of the front shutters, four enamels introduce the narrative of the Passion of Chaise Despite the fact that their style contrasts strongly with the enamels of he SPY OF the Corporal, thereby introcucing a cerain discontinuity into the Plaques which decorate the shutters, their placement is not accidental. The Eity Into Jerusalem is placed immediatly beneath the fist of the pa of Panels representing the Meeting at Riochiaro (Fig, 4.2), Those latter veence {Figs 4.9 and 4.10) show the two converging processions from Bolsena snd Orvieto, In the firs, the Bishop of Orvieto, dressed in his solemn vectauanc and followed by two deacons supporting the hem of his closk, shows thc pope the Corporal, Behind them is a group of deacons, followed by » ond of lay people. In the second panel the pope, whose vestments are raised vt the ground by two cardinals, is flanked by a young deacon whe bee. Goes, Ten follows the parade ofthe high prelates, accompanied by singing deacons and a group of laymen who close the procession, Such an inane ‘must have been evocative of the later processions which took place om the ‘occasion of the feast of Corpus Chtisti in Orvieto. And its implicit resonance With the Entry into Jeruselen is not surprising, since ‘here would have Gan, Considerable similarities between the Corpus Christi pricesson and thet which feck place on Palm Sunday in Orvieto as elsewhere, itself characterized be 5 Strong Eucharistic symbolism.” But a further and more relevant link be, Risch fepresentation of the Entry into Jerusalem ond the Meeting, a Riochiaro is offered by an eighteenth-century essay on the host of the mivecle wt balsena and the Eucharist, written by Andrea Fonnazzi apostolic pa ‘onolay of Orvieto, Here the author, describing the enamels ofthe reiguerysail eter ademell of the Corporal, maintains that the Entry into Jerusalem specifically pre- figures the entrance ofthe relics into Orvieto. This can indeed be confirmed by a source contemporary with the making of the reliquary: the ecclesiastical account ofthe story of the Corporal, written in 1323/44. This narrative states that when the bishop arrived at the bridge of Riochiaro, he met there the Pope himself, followed by his cardinals, the clergymen and the people of Orvieto, who received the Holy Corporal as if it were Palm Sunday, with boys and young men singing and bearing olive branches.” ‘The episode following the Entry into Jerusalem, the Last Supper, assumes 4 special relevance in this context. The small enamelled panel represents the moment following Jesus’ announcement of his betrayal, according to the Gospel of John (13: 25), but at the same time it recalls the circumstances of the institution of the Eucharist during the Last Supper, as in the narrative of the Synoptic Gospels. Thus the enamels of the shutters of the reliquary con- stitute a coherent celebration ofthe Sacrament. Here, indeed, the institution of the Eucharist is immediately linked with the miracle of Bolsena, the institu- tion of the feast of Corpus Christi and St Thomas's composition of its office. This careful symbolism, which invites an analogical reading, implies that the patrons exercised strict control over the craftsmen. And it is likely that the Dominican Bishop Tramo, a cultivated man, who during his youth was lector in the convent of Orvieto and who subsequently fulfilled important offices in the Order of Preachers,* played a crucial part in the planning of the iconographie programme. Ugolino’s reliquary and politics in medieval Orvieto ‘The making of such a magnificent reliquary to contain the Holy Corporal and the bleeding host of the miracle of Bolsena is certainly linked to the importance assumed by the cult of these relics in Orvieto, which formed the nucleus of a public and civic ceremony, But other noteworthy circumstances which relate to the interests of certain patrons played a fundamental role in the production of one of the most impressive pieces of metalwork of four- teenth-century Italy. We now need to consider the political situation in Orvieto at this time. In 1331 a reaction against the noble families of the city took place in Orvieto. The power of the Popolani was considerably increased: they elected 8 Gonfaloniere della Giustizia, who could count on a thousand armed men. In 1398 the office of Grpitauo del Popul was changed, and the new officer, the Capiteno e Difensore del Popolo, became commander of a stronger and better ‘organized army. Later, in 1333, the Council of the Nobles and Popolani was abolished, and the Council of the Forty Popolani remained in sole charge. Meanwhile, Orvieto was in a situation of crisis because of continuous re- bellions in the contado. The city’s control over the Aldobrandeschine teritory ‘THE RELIQUARY OF THE HOLY CORPORAL 131, ‘was undermined by the actions of the nobles of the contado, while, at the same time, the outpost of Chiusi threatened to declare its independence from Orvieto and to submit to Perugia if some special concessions were not granted, Moreover, the instability of the city was increased by the financial crisis of the commune and frequent disorders due to continuous fighting between members ofthe two rival parties, supporting respectively Napoleone di Pietro Novello ancl Manno di Corrado, the most pawertul nobles of Orvieto, who both belonged (like Bishop Tramo) to the Monaldeschi family. Te was in these difficult circumstances that Manno Monaldeschi, supported by his brother Tramo, the Bishop of Orvieto, managed to effect a coup d'état after his son Corrado and his ally Ugolino di Bonconte had murdered Napoleone. On 14 May 1334 Manno, taking advantage of the weakness of the communal institutions, was appointed by the commune Gosfalonizre del Popolo ancl Gonfaloniere della Giustizia with plenary powers for life. At the same time his closest relatives, his son Corrado ancl his nephew Monaldo di Berardo, were made members ofall the councils ofthe city, with the right to take part in the assemblies and vote as ordinary members. Manno, who ‘was not a bad ruler, managed to guarantee the city a certain welfare and security. He regained control of the contado, and during his signoria some important public works were undertaken, such as the improvement of roads, bridges and the aqueduct. In 1537 his influence and prestige must have been considerable, as he was granted a highly remarkable privilege in the riformanza of 24 May which stipulated the procedures for the feast of Corpus ‘Christi: the procession which passed by all the major churches of Orvieto also had to pass his house.” Although the processions which took place on the feast of Corpus Christi (or for other religious solemnities) cannot be consicleted as a simple mirror of the structure of society in the medieval commune," they do reflect certain aspects of the hierarchical organization of the city. During processions the highest religious authorities, together with the more influential citizens, were the closest to the Eucharist. Moreover, on many occasions quarrels arose among city guilds or religious orders, about thei» position in the proces- sion.” The route was also important. Sometimes it could mark spheres of influence within the city, or in other more common cases it was a link be- tween specific significant sites." Thus in view of the symbolic value of the procession, the high honour rendered to the dictator of Orvieto in 1337 is evident, and clearly shows the measure of his politcal success. AL the same time the prestige of Manno's most important supporter, his brother Bishop Tramo, must at that time have been at its highest point” 1 was during precisely this period that the reliquary of the Holy Corporal was commissioned from Ugotino. Tramo Monalileschi was the most im- Portant patron of this very expensive work as is demonstrated by theinscription on the base of the reliquary itself. To understand the circum- stances of this commission better itis thus necessary to reconstruct the most important events of the life of the Bishop of Orvieto ~ events closely linked to the tumultuous history of the city In 1327 Tramo, who was a Dominican and had held important offices in his Order, was made bishop of Bagnoregio, and the following year he was transferred to the diocese of Orvieto. Little is known about the first years of his bishopric, The account of his life by the contemporary ‘official’ chronicler of the convent of $. Domenico in Orvieto records the life of a modest man, who did not want to accept the honour of his office, and of a saint always dedicated to the care of the poor and of his Orvietan flock. The only blemish on this otherwise immaculate portrait is Tramo's exile from his city during the last year of his life. On that occasion, for reasons which are not made clear, the life of the bishop was in danger, and he had to take shelter in Avignon, at the court of Clement VI, where he died in 1345." Marabottini, author of the biographies of the Orvietan bishops, adds very litle.” The writer stresses Tramo's generosity towards his city after his election, and reports that the bishop had to leave Orvieto on two occasions, because he opposed the civie authorities by defending ‘just causes’. During the last year of his life the prelate tried to pacify his city, but failing to do this, he had to go to Avignon® The documents, however, give a rather different account from the ecclesi- astical sources mentioned above. After the death of Manno, which probably happened in July 1337," Tramo supported his nephews, who had become leaders of the Cervareschi branch of the Monaldeschi clan," and tried to preserve the status quo established during the siguovia of Manno. On 3 Au- gust 1337, through a riformanza, the civic council offered the possibility of a ‘compromise between the Cervareschi and their opponents, led by Ugolino dt Bonconte and Petruccio di Montemarte. A new office was created for this Situation, the four Capitan’ di Parte Guefa, to which the leaders of both rival parties were appointed. But, despite all this, the newly created political bal- ance and peace did not last for long. In the following March the Cervareschi tried to effect a new coup d'état, which would have established the signoria of ‘Tramo.* Apart from Francesco Montemarte's chronicle, the only known docu- ment on this matter is a rformunca of 22 March 1338 This very short docu- ment shows two anomalous circumstances which must be related to the failed coup of the Cervareschi. The first is that the bishop took part in this restricted council meeting The second is that the assembly took place nei- ther in ‘domo Ecclesie’, where the Signori Sette used to gather and to reside, nor in the Palazzo del Popolo, seat of the Padesti,*® but in ‘domibus episcopatus Urbisveteris’ (the Bishop of Orvieto's palace). The resolution of this assembly, which was supported by the civic army organized by the party of Ugolino di Bonconte ani! Pietro Montemarte to- gether with the Popolani, stated that a new government of the Popol! was to be established." On the following day a new popular government was duly in charge,™ and the most important members of the Cervateschi were ex- iled." It is remarkable that Bishop Tramo was not immediately banished in these circumstances, and this is possibly explained by his personal influence. Later he must have had an important role in the temporary reconciliation between his exiled relatives and the city of Orvieto, and he is mentioned as a witness in a document of 6 February 1339 which defines the clauses of the agreement reached."* The war between the Cervareschi and Orvieto started again in September 1339, when the exiled Monaldeschi tried to enter the city In 1340, during the famine and the plague, the hostilities continued." Later at some time before October 1341, Tramo had to leave the city, In October 1541 the Capitano del Patrimonio, a papal official, enjoining the Orvietans to readmit the exiled Monaldeschi, issued an interdict against the city, presum- ably because the Orvietans had banished the bishop.” An attempt to reach an agreement was initiated in August 1342, when the civic council prepared a document in which the conditions of peace were fixed, and the possibility of recenteting the city was offered to those in exile. In this document Tramo is mentioned in a clause which allows the prelate to have a small armed escort on his re-entry into Orvieto." The personal prestige of the bishop is emphasized by the fact that on three different occasions, between September and November, the Orvietans sent their ambassadors to negotiate peace with the outcasts, and each time their interlocutor was Tramo."* He was surely ‘the most influential and respected figure among the exiles. On 12 December 4342 Tramo made his triumphal entry into Orvieto." Again the reconcilia- tion did not last for long, and on 9 July 1344 Corraclo Monaldeschi, his uncle ‘Tramo and their supporters had to leave Orvieto." The prelate took shelter in Avignon at the papal court where he died a year later. The Holy Corporal was the most renowned relic preserved in Orvieto. After the first decade of the fourteenth century, when the feast of Corpus Domini spread throughout the Christian world, thanks largely to the missionary activity of the Dominicans, the Holy Corporal became the object of a popular cult related to the feast dedicated to the institution of the Eucharist. The feast, celebrated in late spring, had its culminating moment in the procession which was at the same time both a religious and 9 civic rite In 1337 Orvieto was in the hands of the power and rich Monaldeschi della Cervara. Two members of this family held the most prestigious civic and religious offices, Manno as Gonflonire det Popwlo and Gonfatonere sen Giustizin for life, his brother Tramo as bishop of the city. It was in these circumstances that Tramo, through the Opera del Duomo, commissioned the334 Giovanni Freni new and magnificent reliquary for the relics of the miracle of Bolsena. Al- though Tramo is never mentioned in the documents of payment to Ugolino i Vieri of Siena, his involvement in this commission is clearly testified by the conspicuous inscription on the base of the reliquary (Fig. 4.4)" The leading role played by the Monaldeschi in this commission further con- firmed by the presence of their coats of arms engraved in the enamelled plaques on both the front and the back of the reliquary, together with those of the pope, in a central position between the shields with the emblems of the city. ‘Thus, the glittering tabernacle of the Holy Corporal, destined to be carried past the residence of the dictator of the city during the procession of Corpus Christi, was meant as a commemoration of the institution of the Eucharist and of its feast, but also as a celebration of the power of the Monaldeschi in ‘Orvieto, Religious and civic spheres were inextricably interlocked in the plans {for the promotion and display of Orvieto's most precious relic. Notes [wish thank the governing Kady ofthe Opera det Duomo of Orso fr having alowed me to ans the sci a the sertan of he Opes fori suitanc, am spl gat Dr Jos Cannon for har advice and support or wansriptions of hee and al eter relevant ems, ee the documentary append (Append which accomporics sey. The documents tase but net taste) are {rnged ine sects, efervd to thoughoat these notes as Dos Does I and Das I See Dues Isa, Ape 7,137, June 1, Cal duane d Orie, Rome, 1935, a3) so Hat emai ofthe elquary lated in sping 137 but he Sock suppost ‘lstatement with any substantial argument Dos 337, May 91337 May 10 ‘The document of May 9337 spc that 500 nails wih Bt heads hectare cx capitis Sores) ere bought om matter Bain lacs forthe mankas of the maser ft rea fh Hat op Te dca hut ton pipe Cl de Froth pcs of on ad eght on hoops 2) sels de ere) were bought a he ‘sorementioned monn. On the following day (0 May 137) the aesount book ofthe Opera dsl Duomo esr apeyenent fr the purase of tanned sg skin (ar ec de cova ‘Mtns ust be te Latin tanshatin ofthe early lie uc, Le bellows. The ward ‘matteo wes quite cosmon inte fourtcnth century. teers a Docc’ Desa ara ia Franco Soccel’sTrnauodle, wee in the second halo te fourteenth ‘anury. For fre elerence see Vow dg Acute rac, sn el 9 Foren s90. pg: Grit Diss fll Lig Haan, vo 9. UTET. Tari 73 pas. Docs L397, May 9 Seo Below, and Appendix I ‘Does #339, De. 2. The document records tht Fate Bartolomeo, peer f the Orvetan Comets tn egal representative of Ugolina, fc fine se etter Heerstonem Spoctem de ters aqui non potende nae agenda dite Macho Jnnis Ra de Supdolomels cameraio de dic tecents cerita tbs oreni t mioRoreno 2 {esumma guingntoram sptuagins gatuo for stdin foe suns haber dbs te ‘magiter Uline acto opere et Lemna Batholei lim camera pro dco oper. Vgore {in intramentsrp mans ser Times Lt Mancini notart de Urseveee The sumo S74 gel vin doesnot correspon to the tal amount ofthe cst of the vlquay, bt ‘Renu which tae Opera del Dusmo may sill have owed to Ugolino when the euaty was Finished Infact the document rfes oan agrement, registered by the notary Timi Lt, 'etween the Senese master and Lemma, who was cnn the Opera del Duou dung » a w. 8 ‘THE RELIQUARY OF THE HOLY CORPORAL 135 198 I ly tht twas impossible t cult the cost of soch an exception] pce of rmeratvork ats very beings tha is ple ac oe Vejen) pdt On he st of the eliquary so ote 8 ‘The dimensions of the eliguary ae height c2 39m wih cos. The rlguary ws recently ‘eSoced bythe Isto Cental del Restnurof Hame elo eta the ais te ‘emoved dnd warstered wo another newly ae raligus Tis sesaraton aimed 3 Png ted, where powable, consolidating ta Gent uae of Ye camel Th enamels wee {leaned witha mi plies! prosedur, ung csi cr. During this resostion. 3 Eensldered how testo preserve the siquary hic en plovad in climate lus comin’ in the chapel ofthe Conplal othe athe St Orvieto where wos inal [lee thank Pols Fltenin ofthe IER, Ror fr having Lindy givens iorlon hout is restoration werk dred by her. and for havi shown rete photograph the ‘elqury made on that scasion Many eiguares made rom the second haf of he hres century up othe midst Sentry enpoy an snchtewonic scare recling thao!» pogo sas Smeines domed ef. thereiquryof te ed ot Galo. 1a Usa a Sk ‘bition catalogue Siena, PalaezoFubbic, 2 fuly-3o Clo a8, Florence 308 ppt and at the head os. sino ed y Lin and Vine Londo (bid ppgo-9s) A sshguary having asuctre modelc! on tht o omemparary pl yeh Spd showing» carta sri to tat ofthe Corporal» Oren, woe made orth {Compagnia di Diptina of the Ospedale Santa Mis dss Scale nna by Lippo ‘Vane and rvomble 3 tptyh gay» Som, pp-yh-s). The achieale ture of Ugalinsrdiquary has sometimes been compared to fe ade othe cathe oO to (eg by MMC Conthty, Ener th mayen ae srUoan rbwur, tgp past) Hewever othe Ane the eguary was made. nly te lore part ofthe (38s fa Btn xt Fv, ‘rome di Ort ef re stirs Rome, 989% Pp. 0s), Whit The Reis on the agae af the Duomo st Orcs Ja! of he arn Cota sis, 29959 pisses ep. pass) The fade ofthe cathel 35m completed wn hes ofthe totic (rum, ox, ppy-8)-On the drawings o the fagade of the ated dated ith ig fhe uot etry Wht so er ata el una dk ‘Gwe In G.Hiloac od I cme df Gri eres cae dt Deo Tun 995- pp.s-o8 with the evan bogrphieefeences “The othe eli which was to be preserved in this requ’ asthe host which Med ring the Mas of lens, Other ees hich came nto conte il the edn ost were preserved the marble aberace whore Ugolnesreliqary Was onc: posod (A Lazar I ilo ‘als, testinonice ecient des I XIV, Rone osc: and I Reeser ste a tos) ‘pat fom King Devi, who & easly recognizable by his tribute, theienticton of he ter te prophets on to Yt fd velgusry, an of msn te ssn nthe ne polygonal pes ciel. Th cme ign aud fo Gc Mangala nd Ca now prverved in the tromury of he eatheda Padi “The ieenography of the ent willbe discussed in deta so “The abbreviations inthe text hae all been expand in his onsen. Many other metalwork pecs shove smile ‘modula sir, whee several pat ould be embed inthe fia lage of werk. Those inclu comps cts such so the rus for ''Suvin's hed, made by Upoinn and Vive di Landa lr chase ofS Chere c! Oveto {Car ‘Su lent small sens? Ani ste, Vl, 108 pp. spool gw a ‘page bu lo simpler wors suchas chalcs and za See Doc (nthe atebtion ofthe eames of he religuty ofthe (ly Corpor ta spec masters, ase ‘Appendis I onthe Fat rr of Ulin i Vie. {GMllanest, Dace per I tre dt oe, Sena 18, op, Die 2969 ps0 The Beda deg oa een of 961 updates sever tines during he eth cote eal main eth the coe ofthe guild the ates ihc cunts the aon a = mos the Sines gl he quality ofthe mals used by Sinn sls nd he gua 9 he ‘etalon produce the relalonsipbetvean msn al ante sam of el ‘ver members the rls forthe metalwork rahe lis weight enone ce fs the ‘Sine document two of Ugollos brothers are mentioned Miia 1856 ep: 1969. Gregorio, dat 1 Sina peor 7)Oe 2 4 » » | Machel “rai senest La Dis, 4, 512038, pp.st0 canbe sre pas Sani, ‘Ritovamento di orceriemedoeal in § Domenico i Feral’, etn dre, fra i555 pean Wen Gilet Neck andre ips adn eget aed cS renin sl ome 96 pay, hv, ys peered th Arh Sto a Regi Sporn dle Corporatio! religion soz © Bmore, Inver sgn um 9, ws puiche by es invent dea agri Domenico Perle tel sce XV Code eo Ss per wi Se Append Il forthe eleven references in notoworhy that in Skee dames lated to the making repising of pices of tmetorko golds war: Ugo nay earl st esc fet Uanemed smosoe oe Boer 338 and 4) {Fumi Epes Uta, Roe air Spon ol 18 pe Blog torre pp at4ty Theol suns of te vo was kone by Ope ‘Mate ibe stents cenay. enc Comenta Manete the aur ee Po of theron aso by fh Say for on hee kewl at om tn tne a Sane ln haa ate Ov ei a ‘quit da po lose dl st rocco Monte Mari ce fi it dato ae" (pah The ‘Sonic ofthe oro 174s lyf b's compan om ee soares Pre Zant Buccs La “sa inca Boe le sue vende’ eins svi arise 973 pp 4s pp 3). On te voile of rincac omar 8 Francesc Cot i Cobar Mens Conia da cena Orta ea pa ‘Ti non 39 af on oe msc cone fa ur Fae Antone Gtr, aT 8 ond blo, “Dato anno fn acini Citna de lena apps mimclo dl Corps Domi et fort Drit perl estonia alan Conn pats Sad Mana Pre, Ene a pnt "(Signa pa) See bow M Rubin, Cor Cit Te Enh Late Mil Cate Cambie 191 R38. Bi peek i. ps7 Id, ppay6 and 0 (un Sct ited th conf mili oft bond in he contesration By hi new fermolatin he sogit atts Cas unlined pone frog whch a sabato ok Plas te achakt won of «Garg Oder oles sek svt Dorin je Gilden spporing «sere potion, mained ta th read was ot ite i the ncuron wth Ch bay sn su ge) On bun ad Ie, theobplane se bide pre's Ihc and expel ppp Daley, Mave Orie 57-134, Cambie 9s pps) Ll te of ‘te aad Perr 336-3380, Londen] Now York 180; pres E Franchi Origine le a bulla “Tat, drwm 31965 P2843) tought tha is wath met ey date the Orica claro of i etal Caspase being th it Ther aftr the Sunday Vlowing Pest, the day elie fore faa acon 0 he previous aio of Liege ta he Sapostiog te bul Pests Lazer gs, pps) hypoeszed, Instead, thatthe Orit elation tok. pace some lie before 8 Seplmber tt th dn ive IW os sivne fo Eve at 8 iy alt Agus the date ofthe st erin ofthe bull Trontus, aces tothe Patan Feros ‘Uiban TV hms cals his event in his eter, accompanied by 2 copy ofthe bl Trt, to Bee ofS'Matin (SA. Pnnazs td Gxt satin, Montara, 131,369) Francechini 165 For discussion ofthe dat ofthe txt se blow. 6 » ee EN I OE DIIOEESEDS EIDE De Bortolo, Lane dramatic, Florence, 2915. pin 967, wo P.-SH 9 ‘lszustn ofthe date othe mirc pay ave below All quoted in M Menalescht Common sri df Mons A data Cart, Vers, 58h flegr-gne For iblogeaphy and a god bistorcalineoducion abut sls fm Lig, see Rubin, 96, Posy pees dao Peach, 1965. ‘A fates element which inks dhe promulgation ofthe Tamsitis vith Lg isthe rendship ietwoon Ubon IV nnd Hap of St Chor (Laas) who spon helt pone he ete (apa eur in One, Hap who wes « Domarcen scl, and coda eg in Gomany in £3 tated the est of Corpus Ct gan fmt aa having ad case! ois the lle of Lidge. Rubin, payers Franceschi, 183 {8 Lazzriny La manent eftudions dell bils “Transit {95a ppansg; Mem, 9b, pps: Franceschi 965 ‘azzriny 19528; Rul 199, pps79-8 I Lazzsn 9320 pan. Lazar, 9528, 213, An eal ce celebration of Corpus Di in Orit src {he ago erty of he chronicle of Luca dk Domenico Mason cs fot etary) asin the everson of the foundation ofthe new ent! (RIS [2-18 sss). Howes, Ssecount fe not ven eredence by tomy solr, who cnet ithe expression ofa netic Astor memery formed i he corse ofthe te fourteen ocr sent cna hus ‘han the atta nation of an tora even See L: Rew". wupers de Santa Se “Maghure: rots ada sova sel dlf pea el Duo i Crete Sig! nore eno Bol dC. Bezzonl,G.Catboraa and G. Vill 1 published a 4 sped sue (of Quado estrada Rm, 49996980 esp. pare se nasa wth frter rf The fet own rod o 9 pub cleat of Crus Dain In Orie dates to 137 (00 Docs I #9}, My 2g) butt vr ily hate fa ‘leben Orit afer 317 ee bel Lazzrint (295, pp.75-7) hypothesis on the bs of 99. allusion by Cen ‘ull dren (tat Deloe the construction ofthe ns anol a spe rary 3s uli the area cae tothe eo yrs to th pow ether o precy ‘ec, However, he extnce of hs erator net proved 2 or evidence ofa special ul felted tothe supponed chapel and there hts ban ho acho sy a the ee ‘he ratory wa supposed obese The conversa dustin of Bo astra the {Crporal related ete etl Sana Mati Prisca the oil eahedrl of Onto Weve The eantrachon of hero extheda rom telat isnt “Cth gusto = [Cle Prope pat moun ft. La pave de i Ot ‘vor lo cleo cll XMEXVY. Lapua dm a eld Ft ve X-Rite gorte sth Ores 4 Clg 191 Le Rs Aarau oo ean aciny, yeep, nts, On, Vs pS ep wth the relevant Bbographia erences .Lambot,‘Lofce de a FiteDie’ Re Biting 54 1012 prions; Rubin, 19, pity (the calf ints nd pte ft asi : “Paonage des Sins ergo cv ans tae ese a nda een Ae arog a Pin he Ts Pcs fh tL Swsin te ante, Si, 16-19 fil 1986. V- Masa Fleet 05%, 3-8 ‘See Does I In 1337 the feast of Corpus Cis fl m9 Ju. Cappel, Com roger pet, Mian, 988 95) Sex Docs I tabemacl in qu it Cores Chit et at ine opera gd ‘OFthe mide ofBosena. “ For the fran the dference been ria eisai pees |. White, Duss, London, 297, ppao2-3iF Decker, Dns Milan, 1984, pps 1.3}. Maginnis, ‘leo Lorenz: A Chronology’ At Ble 8998 p38) Ppstowastr Volpe, Pato enna, Mism 85 pps3-8) 8 ise, ee Vauches 1986,AOR RE e m ES ‘A. Matin, Sinan Matin, Onord 1988, pps 1719. The dae ofthe Ose plyplyh is ‘ect it le nate tht may dae rm ey in Sone’ ne, 1 got Som, pp6-7 Marina, 188, pp. Recently Barma hss beon Wend 35 {Uppe Memn, acne punter and bret la of Semone Marin. See A Cale, Che het del sido “Bara” Stone Martine At dl cone, Seu 9808 1 Dost, Florence 985, ppt} TLC. de Wesel, The Deczatian ofthe West Wal ofthe Sls del Mappamando Sen's Palasco Publ unpuished MA daveraton (Cowal ese of ‘A 1995) Seals the cotton by de Weslo i hs volume ‘he smal panel fom the S. Savin alariece i nw preserved i the Nations Gallery, London, nly n the cas ofthe epcode of Ue pope suderng Thomas Aquinas to compose the oee ‘Sees the archtectre vl tothe pedals of Sione Natin’s St Louis f Toulouse at Judas ‘Taking the Bebe tothe Passion cle nthe Coleg at Son Giigrano. 1 Fam I sntueri dl Sot Corl nel Duomo Ores, Rome, 896, ps0, Ct 3965 PPB0-8 apis Zant Bacchi, 2929, passin. Ibid, ps. Lazear 1508 pats Ariel inteduction transcribed inthe manuscript says that “Questa Representzione fame ‘lent delftae del Gorpe di Crist” (De Barthlomes 93, 88) De Barhlomeis, 1943, Ppa3I-8. Bid Lazeai, 29h Pp aan ps) eb emi ot gn 3-0 uh ants of ‘njectores ne always apport by song pment Ign it 8 is {ho can be gen by the decree of the chapero Brel. ‘This text was published in the thre version af 555 ae of he nt incriptions of 3573-4 and 1 in Fag Zen Buchicdi 973, ppt3-s2- The qucations fom ths ext which ew ae taken fom he version of c565 eich asthe doc fo the archetype “The enti pled in De Barthotomes, 94, vl 1, PPB ‘guldam SacedoeTeuthonicus discetionepreipass,morumique honest tien} Deo Tinos edbntr, Fog Zen Boccia ts se “atamen olan}: Deum quoi n sus oratonibuspracabtur, ut sh ignatir ge latched pe qu poset de uo pcr nn anoigun romaer Ins the apse visitor Mons Alfonso Baring approved the making ofthe Inscription 6 bo ced in the church ofS. Catnip Bosena The xt ofthe nseiption mast have been that In he parchment eopad in 565 (Lazzriny,agssb, p.q-: Fagan! Zen Buehlch, 973 port De Bathalomes 293, p.377-8 see especially. a0 “iod verb sacrament] props sue manus [ofthe pope) fll assump, a ipsam Urbevetanar ecesiny deat elm hyn et cane gost etn ip in ‘Serato ips eclesoe honoree clos, Foghat Zai Buchs 2973 P26 De Barholomes 043. 9.78 Rubin 998, pas. Pennaza 733, pas the chop pope vtatem ad Ponte det ores cous ut vulgar sermon dcr ‘vu clr, fp omanus Toor cum sul Cndinaibus ie religioase camn Uroevetnosut maltainecopioes cml immensa devotions lchrarra eftusone ‘bv vn ee tpn i pe uvenes Usted cu ‘amis lvarm cantante bviam sdvenerun agin Zen Bushes, 7s passim tai. Sex below ote By ‘See Montemarte/Guatero (846, vol. 2 mn.3- BP 10-19) for deta formation about the nttaonal change introduced by Manno in ee ote onl he commane. Se nso Waly 08s pases. 8 & 8 8. m. 9. ». 8 ee OO III IES IDE Montmarte/ Gusti, sh vol. 2.7, pons Mod tun commited othe Traintonane of te aque! snc bere Ks dcatorahy se P. Peaks cq ‘dievale ovitano, ma 942. im LRusl Lt elstro,Hevenae, 193 past 272-5 “nd demu Mano domini Cora See Doe I For the lsat of Mano Monash residence soe Reel, ton2 psn A386 See Rubin. 1991 pats. hid, ppsss-6s Ibid, ppt7-9 Certainly the poli eof Manno Monaldeschi was fundamen in designing the ot of the proctson ofthe Corpus Chris in Orta but arsine asp must lo en Into acount. One af these hasbeen crests By a (gp pre) He note thatthe route of he procession creumsribed an aren stich sorsponded the Orvheans “alte contemporary inageo the i ad excluded gil ess such he Pesto ‘Sant Eg, which was anaes whore provutes gathered nd whch remained a peripheral ‘ren whe, in 96 th commune etic Isa Jwchceetery In const fh prcesion af Corpus Christy that which tok place on the feast the Assumption finite fora more restric ares ofthe cy corespoding tos eins nucleus (cet 193, peav7t. LF (i satura dl Sts Corpor nl Duomo Oi, Rome, 1896, 6 Ca (Gpbse pas and 99813) ed to calelate the su hich 2+ oid to Upon fo he ang ‘ofthe flguay. These atempts whch ate based on Incr ancerigtos sme othe ‘Socumerts a not ake nt acount tht it kl fat wr dan pone i he wnt OF ‘yment and that he reading of some of them presen some amigas For instance. oeumeris produced respectively en vo June 1337 and 36 July 137 fer to fo payments of too gden ori which were made some me alle th itn Api the second on epee ae Ong ay 7, Using esp hora de ato Sut of 20 god florins which he had reeved previously vor occasions but we do not Snow hater thi respt nla Bath, one or none of he ponent ended a 30 ne id hy. Giovanni Del Cacia, Etat dalla cronace di Fr lovann di too del Cac, domenicsno {8 Orieto e L Fum ete dl Rp Dpto los Pans per Un, 33 {acc my, Tergia 97. ppt 7 (pass) Ferdinanco shu Fortin ale Sa ee 1 Spy Rai ner (Rame, oy Poo) seat, Cano Eppa Uren, Ovi 8, pat Ee oa Ctes Nt At, onan 13r5 print Pads. 1560 pts so% Da Caen wh ss sro he Preachers of Onset the same time ar the Bikey and chron ote conven the Dominican gees mom ‘staid intrmation abt Tesna, Tenino wae 3 or ns Orso convent dung his oath {tere wae prior ofthe Dominican convent o Florence, Orit, snd of Peru. He tok pain svea provincial haptry acted ae an slat of tre Mtor Gana an oa in the general chapter of Pari. Subsequently he was decd ovine pri Del Cacia 1907, pon ane 2x67 [Narabotn could be denied with a catsinF, Marabotng, usted by Monde 8, Folge) asthe author of sonnet abou! the four main tances the Nonadesh In ase the Cnloges Eppa Uiicle was probably Witenes sineen entrar published posthumously in 57 He defended some members ofthe ery oat the condition ofthe eve aon (he Pais and also detended woman who tok shel in ont (Mars, 160). Bid, pst. Another sous fr Teen's ies Cacereli's re casa Malibu it ‘holy unveable as noted also by Della Vabe Dalla Vl, son sl Duo rs, Home, 798 pas ‘The eae date of Man's death remains obscure. ehappend, however, teloe 3 Aue! when 1S ea2 coun ined fo brckor a rronlition between Masso cons and poss ane ‘apponets a by Ugotine di Boncone and Petro Mon-rsr ae bel) The fn 9 Aleament of 19 August 1537 nthe Archive of te Operas! Demin hich pase made an behalf of Manno i reported (AOPSM, Libel dl Camartngh 936-30 og Take teh but mt suey rer fo 9 comminion preceding an deaths ‘The name Cervareschio dels Cerears vento Trmo's an Manns branch ofthe Monaldes amily dere rom the Castelo lla Crea forsee which Manno histago or 15. Giovanni Freni td bit nse located between Orv, Bleea,Bagnoen and Montfacone, he del pce Ceca 38,1189 Further iarmation about he four main Fan aa cide amily ding fhe fourteenth contr recorded bid, fol age-go gues ane 96a Monterrte/Guakeo, ol 2 pay: The rire of 3 August 337 decreed that the fo art ceca cari of women anv Poole The So nobles had 1 be Sarit ir ee of te tv val pris, one foreach psy The Cap bad se mth cc ounce wee va tone of hem er an, The ar ast aie son ot Manno, ear, nv Bocas he High fo Be members fa ‘ve coun ‘bud, vl ppavea, Although Monterartemisated sme of the events rated 10 he end Bid. wo Rano Maaldecht sconces lable source He, inde, the Sgr of Ma Mores peg ane o he sone of Petrucio Montemarts the adverse) of on en Morales He Hmwel played an active ptt nthe politcal ife of Ors ae a ra he publication of hs venice (whi has been rested 8 ler ey mamescap) agus that such mistakes in the dating of he events at seventh eae gra ee hi vol. 3 ppLV-LML LN). However iis posible that the seid ot ts Sr fr tows mike, elaing events whic happened long bee isd a write hie eon, ‘Docs 1338, March 2. ‘The mesing at tend by te supreme autores f the cman the Pat the Si Beeline Cae tne rete Pays andthe Wverty-our wie en (id) Cn the problem elated othe set ofthe ssely of he Sie ete, ae Monterarte/ Gua, vo > pas eres Uvseveena ex ne regaur ad popu per pepuhum deivertur eterna (eae et con (bes 338 Mach =) Se ase Montara, vl Pusan Moremate/ Cuter, vol 2,55, 2k Ter as n sty compre fhe St Ste he Tt te Cd Pir ih cae ee attic tbe cy rossalhed the Count o he Cl fle Art wih ete ere Manon the Cou fhe ty oes and Fey sae Far ed These else nd sng recon ais the Cevvarh woe Brevity aatet tne Pl ae rb Lactin of Ugsino di Bonconte 28 Meee Memtemers(ontomarte/Guen, 2836, 9% PP2U-9 ‘The czeuntanes of the exile ofthe Morldoschi were reported y some cronies soe Monaldech fos yr=ge 96-0 Dost ayy, eb 6, The ty of Orvieto was erent by Astaiana di elo da Val Ba rcs Popul Guna cvtate Urey, ond the agreement 5 cap Com omtsdone, reine ofthe "Captans Pion The agrsement io ed or he ston of sin but ot he return of he ess. losemarte Gusher 46 ppst-k. From Mach 339 on, Orvis was cle by Ugolino Mote ucla Momtemars supported by the Fain During 30.0 nw alan Bence ea emu Bonne, Ug ar an Mat Ori, who 3 Saar dal Tepe thesia Mate and Benet wh ine ie tas nl, whe he Pon an the cher nble fails ss ures Pare pose le (ontmast/ Cus, 846, Pps) bid, pp75-7 Subsequently the poston ofthe Cpt i Paria change, nd he ma ising wih Bena ane Mateo Orin. lcs I 342, August 28 os 13 Sept 8; Nov. Now 23 ‘Montemate/ Guster, 846 p17. Ibid, pa this erating to re that bth Tramo and Manso surely had se degree of conta ove! 1 tps del Dunno trout eenerr of te Opera del mo some pas tad on Yel of bot the Monaldesch raters (Does 337, AUB. 1) Appendix I: Documents Abbreviations AOPSM Orvieto, Archivio dell'Opera del Duomo ASO Orvieto, Archivio di Stato ASS Siena, Archivio di Stato |. Ugolino and the Holy Corporal reliquary in the contemporary documents (The documents ofthe AOPSM, unless otherwise indicated in the notes, have ‘been transcribed in full from the original.) LUpolino is recorded as settled in the Popolo di San Giorgio, Siena, in 3329 Subsequently, on 27 December 1339, he is recorded in the Popoto of San Pietro Castelvecchio. Milanesi records Ugolito's last residence in the Popolo of San Martino, but he does not give any clocumentary reference 1929. Verio di Ugolino (father of the master ofthe Holy Corporal reliquary) 2a his sons Ugolino and Giovanni sella house ia Siena (ASS, Denunzie di Contrattiad annum 1329, ¢128). Magis Verius Ugolin et Ugoinus et Johannes eu it, Pop Sancti Geore! cle Senis vendiderunt quondam domum Tarino Barta de Vitec.’ 192 Februmy, The Sienese authorities order « refund to be paid to Ugolino di Vieri because they failed to entrust to him the making of a goblet to be donated to messer Guidoriccio (ASS, Biecherna 174, €92) ‘Anco a Ugolino Orafo eta chorpagni, i quaglicbero per danno che riceverone Giuna chopa che chominciaro, poi no’ sitlse, per fore il dono a Messer Guidorieci..*Art, Politics, and Civic Religion in Central Italy 1261-1352 Essays by Postgraduate Students at the Courtauld Institute of Art Edited by Joanna Cannon and Beth Williamson Courtauld Research Papers No. 1 ASHGATE