Asean sea region Sea of constraint

or sea of environmental cooperation

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BY AMBASSADOR AMADO TOLENTINO ON MARCH 11, 2017ANALYSIS
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Amado S. Tolentino Jr.

IN 1974, the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) spearheaded a Regional Seas
Program. It is an effort to involve countries bordering the seas to meet the challenges of
environmental degradation in the sea, coastal area and inland, and to link sustainable
marine resource management with development. To that end, an action plan and legal
framework are expected to be built up.

For Southeast Asia, the regional seas identified for the purpose of the program was the
East Asian Seas, referring to the Asean seas in the South China Sea. |

UNEPs role is not only as a funding agency but to coordinate activities, ensuring an
integrated approach and taking care that the interdisciplinary character of environmental
problems is not neglected. At the same time, environmental law (national legislation and
bilateral, regional and global agreements) was thought of to provide a firm commitment from
States to maintain the environmental quality of the shared seas. Efforts to achieve this may
include the promotion of harmonization of national legislations, the encouragement of the
adoption of regional agreements to foster cooperation as well as in the implementation of
existing international agreements.

Sadly, while numerous inter-governmental meetings resulted in the adoption by the Asean
member countries at the time (Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand) of
an Action Plan for the Protection and Development of the Marine Environment and Coastal
Areas of the East Asian Seas Region, it became evident by 1990 that the adoption of a legal
framework (draft Convention for the Protection and Development of the Marine and Coastal
Areas of the East Asian Seas Region) would not materialize due to, among others, overlaps
of competing claims of some Asian countries in the Spratly islands area of the South China
Sea.

After 25 years, the situation has worsened, brought about by Chinas assertion of ownership
of almost all of the resource-rich waters of the South China Sea despite rival claims from
Asian countries. Time and again, China has reiterated its indisputable sovereignty claim
over the Spratly islands and its adjacent waters. It is even of the view that freedom of
navigation and overflight for military aircraft does not apply to the South China Sea because
of its claimed ownership of the area.

The US does not recognize Chinas claim. Its military aircraft have repeatedly flown over,
and its ships repeatedly sailed in, the South China Sea, passing through islets where China
has built runways and set up military outposts. Clearly, the US is out to assert its right to
navigation in the South China Sea through which thousands of commercial vessels pass
carrying some $5 trillion worth of goods a year. The US aircraft carrier USS Carl Vinson,
with its supporting ships and planes, has moved into the area. Sovereignty and freedom of
navigation are about to clash in the South China Sea.

Actually, the South China Sea serves as a constraint on naval and maritime cooperation in
Southeast Asia. Differences over threat perceptions relative to China have been at the root
of increasing Asean disunity on security issues. Enmity between Cambodia and the
Philippines at the 2012 Asean Ministerial Meeting in Phnom Penh was emblematic of a
deeper emerging divide between continental and maritime states comprising Asean.
In this regard, Cambodia is generally oriented towards China, with Vietnam being the major
exception. The situation limits Asean solidarity with respect to territorial claimants in the
South China Sea.

Clearly, the four Asean claimants to the disputed island territory in the South China Sea
(Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, the Philippines, Vietnam, which are all claimants with China
and Taiwan) are also divided among themselves such that none has recognized the
sovereignty claims of the others in the region. Add to that the aggravating territorial dispute
over Sabah between Malaysia and the Philippines which spilled into a violent incursion in
2013.

The situation described above further limits the opportunity for Asean claimants to agree on
common positions vis--vis the South China Sea.

Be that as it may, the South China Sea also has some unifying potential within Asean. For
one, the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea stipulates that littoral states around semi-
enclosed seas should cooperate on natural resource conservation and environmental
protection. In this, the Gulf of Thailand littoral states have been successful in setting aside
boundary disputes to pursue joint development. Cambodia and Thailand manifested sincere
cooperation despite tensions over their disputed land territory near the Preah Vihar temple
complex (ultimately decided by the International Court of Justice in favor of Cambodia).
Likewise, Vietnam and Malaysias joint submission of their extended continental shelf claim
to the relevant UN committee in 2009, demonstrate oneness between Asean claimants.

Aseans effectiveness as a vehicle for cooperation will eventually be tested by the progress
in concluding a legally binding Code of Conduct with China over the South China Sea. The
2002 Asean Declaration on a Code of Conduct with China was non-binding and ultimately
failed to reduce tensions over the disputed sea. At this point, it is not clear if the Code of
Conducts terms will improve on those of the Declaration or if it will restrain the rival
claimants activities in the region. Nor is it clear how the desired legally binding Code will be
enforced.
Be that as it may, for the Spratly island group, rich in marine and mineral resources but the
object of overlapping ownership claims, there is the argument in favor of cooperation to
preserve/conserve the ecological wealth of the area. In this connection, it is time that
serious thought be given to the longstanding recommendation for an Asean Area of
Cooperation in the Spratlys as well as the possibilities for the designation of an
internationally protected area status, i.e. International Marine Peace Park, through
multilateral options available. These could further the elaboration of confidence- and
security-building measures in both the military and civilian sectors by the adoption of less
offensive military postures in defense of the environment.

Ambassador Amado Tolentino served as Coordinator, UNEPs Coordinating Body for the
Seas of East Asia (COBSEA). He is currently the national focal point of the International
Center for Comparative Environmental Law (Limoges, France) which enjoys special
consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council (UN ECOSOC).
Asean environmental security
concerns
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BY AMBASSADOR AMADO TOLENTINO ON OCTOBER 3, 2015FEATURED COLUMNS, OP-ED COLUMNS

The effects of extreme weather events caused by climate change are now felt all over the
world warmer temperature causing desertification and inadequate food supply; low lying
areas inundated by rising seas; drought sparked conflicts over water supply as downriver
inhabitants safeguard their share. As a further consequence, food producing areas become
uninhabitable leading to disease, mass migration and conflict. Worst of all, the scarcity of oil
and mineral resources raises tensions between powers that import those commodities. All
these could undermine a countrys capacity to carry out its key function of providing security
to its people.

The security implications of the earths environmental degradation are forcing governments
and militaries to review their long-term defense strategies. Defense planning is increasingly
being shaped by climate and resource considerations.

Asean countries have experienced super typhoons and super droughts; storm surges and
tsunamis which destroyed coastal infrastructures and properties including flooding of roads,
airports, military camps and destroyed hospitals and health centers which brought about
displaced people and population migration. (Earthquakes and volcanic eruptions are not
influenced by the weather). The latest occurrence was the horrendous floods brought about
by a heavy monsoon season in Myanmar which deluged 12 out of the countrys 14 regions.
Rice growing areas were very much affected as flood water drains through the vast
Irrawaddy river delta. The army helped the residents cope with the situation as the
government embraced foreign assistance.

Security implications of severe climate change in the Asean countries include, but is not
limited to, (a) huge movements of people from uninhabitable areas; (b) conflicts over basic
resources like water and food exacerbating water scarcity and increase in food costs and
food shortage; (c) greater incidence of malnutrition, risks of infectious disease outbreaks,
and even death from rising temperatures; (d) energy production and transportation
disruptions of varying lengths and magnitudes; (e) increased demand for disaster and
humanitarian reliefs and limited environment for military operations, e.g. military installations
near coastlines threatened by heavy rains in stormy situations and coastal erosion; (f)
intensified heat waves presenting challenges to outdoor training and personnel efficiency.

Environmental disasters could even be taken advantage of for terrorism. Indeed, the
impacts of global warming are becoming ever more evident and humankind must rise to the
challenge.

In the light of security concerns brought about by global warming, what is the role of Asean
militaries in a resource-stressed environment due to climate disruption? Take note that
energy supply and other imported resources by Asean countries are overly dependent on
sealanes, the Strait of Malacca in particular, between Malaysia, Indonesia and Singapore.
That alone is enough to have Asean countries re-examine and re-think their maritime
priorities to have resource protection a core function of its navies.

The greater need, however, is for strengthening the Asean military capabilities in
anticipation of impending climate wars. This means more soldiers with different training and
weapons defense and security systems designed to operate effectively across the full range
of foreseeable future environments altered by a warmer climate resource war (oil and
minerals), water wars (diminished water for agriculture and water supply shortage for
domestic use) and migratory wars.

With climate change, the demand for rapid military deployments in response and recovery
efforts in disastrous environmental circumstances is likely to increase too and this is a good
time for Asean to plan out to protect its future security, i.e. improving infrastructures
including military installations located in or near coastlines taking into account advances in
engineering design, techniques and technologies. After all, it is better to work with nature
rather than against it.

Definitely, strategies like Asean military to military cooperation and enhanced collaboration
that boost capability and effectiveness will play an increasingly significant role in helping its
most vulnerable members prepare as best they can for a changed warmer world. Whatever
the result will be, humankind must adapt to global warming.

(Ambassador Amado Tolentino served as Coordinator, Asean Nature

Conservation (now Asean Group on Nature Conservation and
Biodiversity).
Asean: Defense evolves in
uncertainties
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BY AMBASSADOR AMADO TOLENTINO ON JULY 22, 2016FEATURED COLUMNS, OP-ED COLUMNS
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Amado S. Tolentino Jr.

MEDIA campaigns by the global defense industry accelerated during the last few years.
Military defense technology exhibition/exposition with seminars, conferences and free
demonstrations of the latest in arms capability increased in number and frequency. Among
Asean countries, Singapore and Indonesia are known to have hosted such events.

Defense procurement drives

Easily noticeable are the Asean countries almost simultaneous procurement drives to
ensure maritime security. Under the military upgrade and modernization program of former
President Aquino, the Philippines acquired patrol frigates, fast transport and support
vessels, helicopters and fighter jets. BRP Tarlac, launched in early 2016, is the first of two
landing platform dock style vessels for the Philippine Navy. Indonesia is constructing a
submarine base on Sulawesi Island and plans to buy Russian-made diesel electric
submarines as well as an amphibious jet-powered aircraft with particular ability in firefighting
and coastal search and rescue.

Singapore, which has the regions only submarine rescue capacity, boosted its sea power
with the delivery of Independence, the lead ship of its Navys Littoral Mission Vessel
program, an effort aimed at developing the countrys latest and most advanced surface
warfare platforms. Malaysia received its first Scorpene submarines while Thailand, the first
to possess Southeast Asias aircraft carrier, purchased a Saab Grippen fighter aircraft
capable of tactical data links.

The arrival in Brunei Darussalam of German-made offshore patrol vessels considerably

enhanced its Navys operational capabilities. Vietnams procurements include fighter
aircrafts, submarines, coastal radar system, maritime patrol helicopters, and fast patrol
vessels for the Vietnam Coast Guard.
Sea drills

With the acquisition of modern military weapons and equipment, naval exercises between
and among Asean countries significantly increased, too. These are exercises designed to
improve professionalism, develop exchange experiences and draw lessons from fellow
navies. The activities evolved out of the Indonesia-Singapore, Malaysia-Singapore, and
Malaysia-Thailand bilateral naval exercise agreements. In addition, some Asean countries
maintain defense engagement activities with the US (US-Philippines Balikatan), Australia
and New Zealand. Of late, Balikatan (Shoulder-to-Shoulder) was not only about maritime
security but humanitarian assistance and disaster response as well.

To those military exercises should be mentioned the fact that China, with claims to most of
the South China Sea, does routine sea drills in the area with the most recent one described
as featuring air control operations with live missiles. China and Malaysia had a joined
military exercise in the same way that the US also had its naval engagement activity in
Vietnam. Japan is into joint military exercises with the US and the Philippines.

China vis--vis Asean

As tension mounts in the region, reports say China uses fishing fleets with armed escorts to
bolster its maritime claims and even trains Chinese fishermen militarily for readiness in case
of checks and intercepts by coast guards and navies of claimant countries in the disputed
South China Sea

To deter China and to reassure its allies, the US undertook last month drills in the Philippine
waters close to the disputed waters, making use of its awesome USS John Stennis and
USS Ronald Reagan. While at sea, the strike gap conducted maritime surveillance,
defensive or combat training, long-range strikes, coordinated maneuvers, and other
exercises. The US Navy explained, As a Pacific nation and Pacific leader, the US has a
national interest in maintaining security peaceful resolution of disputes adherence to
freedom of navigation and over-flight throughout the shared domains.

Interestingly, the China Shipbuilding Corp. proposed the construction of an Underwater

Great Wall consisting of a network of ship and sub-surface sensors that could significantly
erode the undersea warfare advantage held by the US. Specific components of the
surveillance system will include underwater security equipment as well as marine oil and
gas exploration devices.

Aseans united front toward China?

So far, as a regional bloc, Asean has not presented a united front toward China on the
South China Sea issue. While the Philippines and Vietnam have come into direct
confrontation with China, the Mekong River riparian countries Laos and Cambodia prefer to
side with China. Indonesia and Singapore have been a bit outspoken compared to
Malaysia, Thailand and Brunei Darussalam, which chose cautiously to take the middle
stand. This situation enabled China to expand its sway over much of the South China Sea
despite overlapping claims. Add to that the Asean way of non-interference into their
respective internal affairs.
The expectation was Asean would make a clear joint statement after the promulgation of the
Permanent Court of Arbitrations decision in the case brought by the Philippines against
China. None is in the offing. Perhaps, it will not make a joint statement at all as it seems the
arbitration decision even further raised regional tensions undermining the Asean objective of
regional integration.

Aseans changed security environment

There is now a new perception about security concerns in the Asean due to the proliferation
of advanced defense technologies, recent terrorist attacks around the world, the
phenomenon of environmental refugees as a consequence of natural disasters, to mention
a few. In connection therewith, the security implications of overlapping claims over parts of
the South China Sea have forced Asean governments to rethink their long-term defense
strategies.

Be that as it may, defense planning these days is increasingly being shaped by climate and
resource considerations. Take note that majority of Asean countries are vulnerable to
extreme climate disturbances due to global warming and disaster relief, which had come to
be accepted as the militarys secondary role.

The most pressing priority for Asean countries in the changed security environment is to
improve their intelligence-gathering capabilities. Procurement of munitions alone would not
suffice. There ought to have improvement in the regions intelligence sharing and
coordinating capabilities. The era of computer technologies demands the ability to assess,
analyze and decisively act in an emerging situation of critical importance. In short, military
equipment and weapons should be backed up by an effective intelligence capability.

Asean environmental security concerns

Apart from security concerns as mentioned above, the effects of extreme weather events
caused by climate change are more evident in Asean countries. Security implications of
severe climate change in the region include but not limited to: (1) huge movements of
people from areas of natural disasters and internal armed fights; (2) conflicts over basic
resources like water and food, exacerbating water scarcity and increasing food costs and
food shortage; (3) greater incidence of malnutrition, risks of infectious diseases outbreaks;
(4) increased demand for disaster and humanitarian relief; and (5) intensified heat waves
presenting challenges to the militarys outdoor training and personnel efficiency.

In the light of security concerns brought about by global warming, what is the role of Asean
militaries in a resource stressed environment due to climate disruption? For one, energy
supply and other imported resources by Asean countries are overly dependent on sea
lanes, specifically the Strait of Malacca straddling Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia. That
alone is enough to have Asean countries reexamine their maritime priorities to have
resource protection a core function of their navies.

With climate change, the demand for rapid and coordinated military deployment in response
and recovery efforts in disastrous environmental circumstances is likely to increase, and this
is a good time for Asean to plan out and protect its future security, i.e., improving
infrastructures, including military installations located in or near coastlinestaking into
account advances in engineering design techniques and technologies. Indeed, it is better to
work with nature rather than against it.

Asean Agreement on Disaster Management and Emergency

Response

Despite procurement drives and sea drills, Asean countries are hopeful the increased
tensions resulting from the arbitral decision could be successfully managed to avoid actual
armed conflict. Emerging lately from Asean leaderships are possibilities for dialogue push,
reduction of threats and even the practicality of joint management for equitable utilization of
the resources found in the disputed parts of South China Sea, i.e., minerals, fisheries, etc.
Supreme Court Justice Antonio Carpio suggests declaration of the disputed waters as an
international marine park and protected area.

The year 2009 saw the enactment of the Asean Agreement on Disaster Management and
Emergency Response (AADMER), with the objective to provide effective mechanisms to
achieve substantial reduction of disaster losses in lives and in the social, economic and
environmental assets and to respond to disaster emergencies through concerted national
efforts and intensified regional and international cooperation. Pursuant thereto, an Asean
Coordinating Center for Humanitarian Assistance (AHA) on disaster management was set
up in Jakarta to assist Asean member states in preparing for and responding to disasters.

The vulnerability of Asean countries to natural disasters has been extensively discussed in
various forums and documented scientifically. In fact, Asean countries already experienced
horrendous floods brought about by heavy monsoon season, super typhoons, storm surges
and tsunamis, which resulted in loss of lives and damaged infrastructures and properties;
and, although not influenced by climate change, earthquakes and volcanic eruptions, which
gave way to internally displaced people.

Defense preparations by Asean countries on account of the South China Sea issue will not
be put to naught, considering the worldwide acceptance of the militarys secondary role
humanitarian assistance and disaster relief. There is much room in AADMERs identified
priorities like environmental emergencies, early warning and monitoring and climate change
adaptation. Specifically, the Asean military would be most useful in enhancing disaster
preparedness for effective response and to Build Back Better in recovery, rehabilitation
and reconstruction.

Aseans defense should shape or reshape itself to meet the challenges in and opportunities
for humanitarian assistance vis--vis the regions new security and environmental concerns.
After all, Asean is also about convergence in cooperation and conflict as well as disastrous
weather events.

The author is a professor, diplomat and pioneer in the field of environmental law. He writes
independently, notably about Asean environmental law.
ASEAN naval interoperability
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BY AMBASSADOR AMADO TOLENTINO ON FEBRUARY 4, 2017ANALYSIS
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Amado S. Tolentino Jr.

THE Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is distinctly maritime. Even the less
maritime-based Myanmar and Cambodia and landlocked Laos depend on the sea for
national revenue.

Aside from economic community, ASEAN aims at developing a regional security community
too. In fact, some degree of cooperation and coordination have been in place across the
region in terms of naval interoperability to achieve maritime security as well as effective
regional ocean governance.

Actually, ASEANs thrust towards improvement of its navies regional inter-operability is

drawn more to offset threats at sea such as kidnapping, piracy, smuggling, human
trafficking, illegal fishing and even illegal fuel transfers in ports and harbors. A recent
incident which rekindled the debate about maritime security in ASEAN waters, i.e. the Sulu
Sea and the Sulawesi-Mindanao tri-border maritime zone, was the beheading of a
kidnapped Canadian citizen in Sulu a year ago despite a search-and-rescue operation
mounted by the navies of Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines. As a consequence, the
three countries agreed to establish a coordinated maritime patrol regime to stem the
increasing number of kidnappings in the region modeled after the Malacca Strait Patrols
coordinated by Malaysia, Indonesia and Singapore. The patrols being conducted by the
navies of these three countries are done within their respective national maritime
boundaries with no country taking command of anothers maritime assets or personnel.

Overlapping maritime boundaries and territorial disputes, however, constrain effective naval
cooperation in the region. Malaysia and the Philippines have overlapping claims in a
number of areas in the South China Sea while Indonesia and Malaysia are in dispute over
parts of the Celebes Sea and an area off the Kalimantan coast. The situation also hampers
dealing with transnational crimes and militant groups.
Be that as it may, ASEAN countries have committed to bilateral and multilateral defense and
diplomacy forums to enhance cooperative activities and capabilities. One such is the
ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting Plus (the 8 Plus countries are Australia, China, India,
Japan, South Korea, New Zealand, Russia and the United States). The forum is about
peacekeeping operations, military medicine, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief,
counter-terrorism, mine countermeasures and maritime security.

Hosted by the Royal Brunei Armed Forces and the Singapore Armed Forces, the forum
conducted a maritime security and counter-terrorism exercise involving all 18 forum
members in May 2016. Exercise serials included counter-piracy drills, search-and-rescue
scenarios and coordinated ship storming operation on a simulated hijacked vessel sailing
in international waters in the South China Sea.

Aside from different levels of military capabilities, ASEAN countries have a mosaic of
cultures, legal systems and military operational procedures. Thailand, Brunei, Malaysia and
Singapore maintain a level of naval sophistication, including maritime surveillance and
modern war-fighting capability, while others are still in conventional capabilities and the rest
barely capable of conducting operations beyond their coastlines. Thus, to compensate for
the capability gap, some countries have resorted to developing greater levels of naval
cooperation. Vietnam, for instance, has coordinated patrol initiatives with Malaysia and
Cambodia. Recently, a two-way communication link was set up with Brunei and the same is
planned with Indonesia.

Bridging some of the challenges result in improvement of naval interoperability even if the
approach in use leans more toward cooperation between Asean member states or between
members of extra-regional navies as discussed above (Asean Defense Ministers Meeting
Plus).

Apart from combined military exercises, in existence are: i) The Regional Cooperation
Agreement on Combating Piracy and Armed Robbery against Ships in Asia. It is about
maritime information sharing and naval dialogues to enable maritime law enforcement
agencies to respond individually or collectively to maritime security challenges. Eight
ASEAN countries are signatories, with Indonesia and Malaysia not participating. ii) The
Information Fusion Center at Singapores Changi Naval Base. It brings together naval
liaison officers from around 20 countries, including ASEAN countries, with the task of
serving as direct link back to national headquarters and serves as the focal point for
maritime crisis response. (iii) The ASEAN Information Sharing Portal which facilitates
information exchange between various operational centers within ASEAN navies. The portal
can be accessed even via smart phones of individual officers. (iv) The ASEAN Navy Chiefs
Meeting which serves as a platform for discussion among ASEAN naval chiefs to advance
naval and maritime security cooperation.

Strides in interoperability extends to a limited form of capacity-pooling in submarine search-

and-rescue arising out of concerns over the safety of submarine operations. While
Singapore has the regions only submarine rescue capability, the pooling scheme will
greatly improve the other ASEAN navies operating submarines in Indonesia, Malaysia and
Vietnam.
Could an enhanced regional security community emerge out of the expanding opportunities
at ASEAN naval interoperability?

Ambassador Amado Tolentino incorporates ASEAN environmental law

in his current lectures at the San Beda Alabang School of Law.
Environmental refugees: Quickly
spreading
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BY AMBASSADOR AMADO TOLENTINO ON JUNE 15, 2015FEATURED COLUMNS, OP-ED COLUMNS
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Refugees are people who seek asylum for fear of political, racial or religious persecution or
people who leave their homes because of war or civil strife. This traditional notion of
refugees, however, leave out the new, growing and quickly spreading phenomenon of
environmental refugees triggered by natural calamities like earthquakes, tsunamis, volcanic
eruptions, landslides resulting to forced displacement of people. (When people seek refuge
within their own countries as environmental refugees, they are commonly referred to as
internally displaced persons).

Recent scientific studies show that rising seas will supplant encroaching desserts and other
forms of land degradation as the major threat to habitability of many places this century. The
evacuation of 1,400 residents of Papua New Guineas Carteret Islands (the worlds first
climate change refugees according to the UN) due to rising sea levels offers a sobering
vision of the future for coastal populations.

Global warming brought about by excessive fossil fuel use is reported to result to thermal
expansion of the oceans and melting of the icecaps. A one meter increase in sea level will
displace millions of people in the delta regions of the Nile and Ganges rivers, further
compounding land scarcity in Egypt and Bangladesh. To think that world population is
projected to increase by 90 million annually all of them in need of food, water and shelter. In
fact, as the root causes of the on-going Southeast Asian migrant crisis unravel, it would not
be surprising if it turns out in the UNHCR backed Bangkok Special Meeting on Irregular
Migration in the Indian Ocean of concerned countries and other probes being carried out
that some of those boat people are in reality environmental refugees from Bangladesh and
Myanmar aiming for Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia.

The combined effects of warmer climates and higher seas will make typhoons more
frequent and more destructive further damaging the habitability of coastal areas. Extensive
river diversions will markedly lessen the amount of freshwater discharged into coastal areas
while higher sea levels will increase saltwater intrusion thus reducing mangrove forest cover
and disrupting major fisheries within fragile ecosystems. Endangered places that may cease
to exist include, among others, Tuvalu, Kiribati and the Marshall Islands in the Pacific,
Maldives in the Indian Ocean as well as the touristic string of emerald islands and islets in
the Caribbean prompting the formation of an association of small island states working
towards solutions to their plight to counter sea level rise before the United Nations.

Poverty and inadequate development policies along with rapid population growth are the
roots of environmental degradation in the developing world. Present environmental refugees
may already be the biggest single group of displaced persons. By the middle of this century,
people forced to leave their homes and places of livelihood because of flooding,
desertification, toxic pollution, sea level rise or other environmental disruptions may even
constitute the largest in number among those displaced by all other means.

Improvement in general environmental practices particularly agricultural methods, including

soil conservation, which maintains the capability of ecosystems to support life known in
environmental science as carrying capacity will help prevent migration of people. Above all,
rapid population growth must be managed particularly in places most vulnerable to
ecological disasters.

*An environmental law pioneer, Ambassador Amado Tolentino was a

Visiting Fellow at Hawaiis East-West Center.
Asean: Changed security
environment
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BY AMBASSADOR AMADO TOLENTINO ON DECEMBER 18, 2015FEATURED COLUMNS, OP-ED
COLUMNS
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NEW thinking about defense and security environment during the last few years pervades
countries around the world. This was brought about by, to mention a few, the emergence of
a terrorist quasi-state in the Middle East; home-grown terrorist attacks prompting
governments to be on extreme alert; mass immigration to Europe; the proliferation of
advanced defense technologies; internal displacement of people due to armed conflicts; the
phenomenon of environmental refugees including climate migrants as a consequence of
natural disasters; popularity of cyber warfare, which gave way to various levels of internal
uncertainty and a new perception about security concerns.

In the Asean region, tension prevails as rivals jostle over territories in the West Philippine
Sea which has enormous geo-strategic and economic significance. This climate of conflict
has security implications which forced governments to re-think their long-term defense
strategies. In fact, some analysts opined that defense planning is increasingly being shaped
by climate and resource considerations too. Take note that majority of the Asean countries
are vulnerable to extreme climate disturbances due to global warming and disaster relief
had come to be accepted as the militarys secondary role.

The changed defense and security environment in the Asean countries has led to
procurement drivesto ensure stability. Singapore highlights its island defense capabilities
centered on automation and mobility enhancements. The Singapore Armed Forces recently
acquired protected mobility vehicles which enhances ballistic protection for troops and
incorporates a host of safety measures. Earlier, the country significantly boosted its sea
power by commissioning six new frigates.

The Philippines, as part of its long awaited military modernization program, recently
received new aircrafts including jet fighters and helicopters from South Korea. Medium lift
transport and surveillance aircrafts were also acquired from Spain while heavy landing craft
vessels will be acquired from Australia. Meanwhile, as Vietnams economy improves
tremendously, reforms to further professionalize the Vietnam Peoples Army are under way.
Its procurements include, among others, fighter aircrafts, submarines, coastal radar system,
maritime patrol helicopters and fast patrol vessels for the Vietnam Coast Guard.

Brunei Darrusalams off-shore patrol vessels from Germany considerably enhanced its
naval operational capabilities. To improve training, its Navy is building a center of excellence
for seamanship warfare, weapons handling, firefighting and damage control,
communications and engineering training.
Indonesia, on the other hand, identified its need for a complementary submarine fleet that
can fill in the gaps of their new ocean-going submarines. Note that Indonesia maintains a
submarine base in Sulawesi Island.

Malaysia, which established its own Malaysian Maritime

Enforcement Agency in 2005, took delivery of its first Scorpene submarines in 2009 while
Thailand, the first to possess Southeast Asias aircraft carrier has been exploring submarine
procurement.

The rapid expansion of Myanmars Navy backed up by an ambitious program of indigenous

shipbuilding is well noted in the region. Myanmars military or Tatmadaw, however, was
drawn into its largest and costliest military campaign against insurgents in the Kokang
region of northeaster Shan State. The Kokang campaign marked the first time the
Tatmadaw undertook combined arms operations involving mechanized infantry, artillery,
armor and air power under combat conditions.

Those acquisitions of military hardware were made prior to Washingtons announcement of

a US $250 million plan to bolster naval capabilities of the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia,
Vietnam and Japan and before Singapore agreed to the first deployment in the city state of
a US P8Poseidon spy plane, the most advance surveillance aircraft of the US, and long
before the arrival in Subic Bay of USS Tucson, a high endurance submarine with advanced
stealth capabilities.

A rising China turning closer to Russia with US as Pacific hegemon are obviously
contributory to the changed defense and security environment in the countries of Southeast
Asia.

Be that as it may, the most pressing priority for Asean countries in the changed security
environment is to improve their intelligence-gathering capabilities. Procurement of munitions
alone would not suffice to meet the countries security needs. There ought to have
improvement in the regions intelligence sharing and coordinating capabilities. More than
any other time, the new era of intel-centric warfare using innovative information,
communications and computer technologies demands the ability to assess, analyze and
decisively act in an emerging situation of critical importance. In short, military equipment
and weapons advantage should be backed by an effective intelligence capability.

Ambassador Amado Tolentino served as a member of the Experts Group on Environmental

Law of the World Commission on Environment and Development. He lectures at San Beda
Alabang School of Law.