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Flake modification in European Early and

Early-Middle Pleistocene stone tool
assemblages

Article in Quaternary International December 2013

DOI: 10.1016/j.quaint.2013.05.024

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 Quaternary International 316 (2013) 140e154

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Flake modication in European Early and EarlyeMiddle Pleistocene

stone tool assemblages
Deborah Barsky a, b, *, Joan Garcia a, b, Kenneth Martnez a, b, Robert Sala a, b, Yossi Zaidner c, d,
Eudald Carbonell a, b, e, Isidro Toro-Moyano f
a
Institut Catal de Paleoecologia Humana i Evoluci Social, c/Marcelli Domingo s/n, Campus Sescelades URV, Edici W3, 43007 Tarragona, Spain
b
Area de Prehistoria, Universitat Rovira i Virgili (URV), Avinguda de Catalunya 35, 43002 Tarragona, Spain
c
Institute of Archaeology, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Jerusalem 91905, Israel
d
Zinman Institute of Archaeology, University of Haifa, Mount Carmel, 31905 Haifa, Israel
e
Visiting Professor, Institute of Vertebrate Paleontology and Paleoanthropology of Beijing (IVPP), China
f
Museo Arqueolgico de Granada, Carrera Del Darro 41-43, 18010 Granada, Spain

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Article history: Early and EarlyeMiddle Pleistocene archeological sites provide data about human dispersals into Europe
Available online 20 May 2013 from at least 1.2 Ma. Up to now, the fragmentary archeological record indicated only sporadic hominin
presence, with punctated migration waves not necessarily leading to colonization. We consider an
alternative demographical picture in which hominin presence in Europe could have been sustained from
this time. This paper explores the possibility that early hominin groups confronted different landscapes
by adapting their technology to changing ecosystems. Innovative technological achievements were
developed into new forms out of potential existing within the variability of early stone industries, leading
to the production of a more diversied toolkit. Among these innovations, the increased secondary
knapping of akes points to conceptually more complex production sequences. This paper proposes a
comparative view of secondary knapped akes from some key EarlyeMiddle Pleistocene sites in order to
explore the hypothesis of demographical stability in Western Europe from this time.
! 2013 Elsevier Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction
The last quarter of a century has been marked by signicant
research in Quaternary Prehistory that is helping to answer some of
the questions about the earliest inhabitants of Europe. The Early
Pleistocene site of Dmanisi (Georgia, Caucasus), for example, has
yielded hominin remains and artifacts in a well dened strati-
graphical context. The human fossil bearing level is dated to
1.81 Ma by 40Ar/39Ar (Lumley et al., 2002) and archeological evi-
dence attests that the site was occupied from 1.85 Ma, a date close
to the rst appearance of Homo erectus in Africa (Ferring et al.,
2011). The Dmanisi hominins, referred to as Homo georgicus
(Gabunia et al., 2000, 2002; Vekua et al., 2002; Lordkipanidze et al.,
2007), were found in association with fauna and stone artifacts
(Nioradze and Justus, 1998; Celiberti et al., 2004; Lumley et al.,
* Corresponding author. Institut Catal de Paleoecologia Humana i Evoluci So-
cial, c/Marcelli Domingo s/n, Campus Sescelades URV, Edici W3, 43007 Tarragona,
Spain.
E-mail addresses: dbarsky@iphes.cat, dbarsky@hotmail.fr (D. Barsky).
2005; Baena et al., 2010; Mgeladze et al., 2011). The hominin re-
mains have been found to present a range of features recalling
African hominins (Homo habilis, Homo rudolfensis) while others are
closer to Asian H. erectus (Rosas and Bermdez de Castro, 1998;
Gabunia et al., 2002; Dennell, 2009). They constitute a key nd that
has indelibly marked ideas about the rst peopling of Eurasia. The
site is located in the piedmont of the Georgian Caucasus mountain
range, juxtaposing Central Asia, Eastern Europe and the Near East.
This area is now recognized as an important passageway connect-
ing Africa, Asia and Europe and, as such, a potential source of Early
Pleistocene fossils and artifacts.
While there is growing evidence from Asia (Zhu et al., 2008;
Boeda et al., 2011) the present archeological record indicates Africa
as the most probable origin for the Dmanisi hominins. The Levan-
tine corridor thus appears both geographically and chronologically
as the most likely passageway from Africa into Eurasia. At the time
of the Dmanisi occupation, the Near East was dominated by a warm,
steppic environment; in a context of general aridity (Agust and
Lordkipanidze, 2011; Bar-Yosef and Belmaker, 2011). The
spreading of savannah-like landscapes throughout the Mediterra-
nean basin at the beginning of the Lower Pleistocene may have

1040-6182/$ e see front matter ! 2013 Elsevier Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2013.05.024
 D. Barsky et al. / Quaternary International 316 (2013) 140e154 141

favoured the dispersion of East African hominins already well
adapted to this kind of environment (Dennell, 2003). In the context
of an open, sparsely wooded setting, human groups would have
diffused throughout the region, frequenting deltaic and other water
rich environments in search of prey. At Dmanisi, hominins consti-
tute the only clear African component in the large mammal
assemblage and a link between the faunal and human migrations
into this area has yet to be established. This has led to the hy-
pothesis that the human exodus out of Africa may be closely con-
nected with an enlarged capacity to mediate the environment by
using stone tools (Agust and Lordkipanidze, 2011). At this stage of
the Early Pleistocene, roaming human groups brought with them
the knowhow required for the manufacture of crude but fairly
standardized stone implements, including large, heavy-duty tools
and small, sharp-edged akes.
The technological traditions characterizing assemblages dating
to this period, referred to as Mode 1, Oldowan, or Pre-Oldowan
(Clark, 1969; Leakey, 1971; Lumley et al., 2005), appear to have
taken root in Africa, stemming from a long tradition of stone
knapping that eventually evolved into diversied stone toolkits
(Mode 2 or Acheulian techno-complex). In Africa, M. Leakeys
monographic work on the Olduvai Gorge cultural sequence (1971)
was established as a reference for forthcoming techno-typological
descriptions of early stone industries. The denomination Old-
owan came to be widely used for simple core-ake industries that
pre-dated the more complex Acheulian toolkits, containing han-
daxes, cleavers and retouched tools. In her study of the lithics from
Lower Bed II, she also coined the terms Developed Oldowan A for
Oldowan assemblages containing more spheroids and sub-
spheroids and with more diverse retouched tools and Developed
Oldowan B for those with a low handaxe and cleaver index (Leakey,
1971). The term Oldowan now covers an exceedingly vast
geographical and chronological framework (Barsky, 2009; Shea,
2013) and has even been used to designate Middle Pleistocene
core-ake assemblages in Europe that contain pebble tools but do
not include handaxes, cleavers or standardized small retouched
tools (Lumley et al., 2009).
Introduced nearly half a century ago, the 6-Mode system (Clark,
1969) has enjoyed widespread use for classifying technological
features of early stone industries without entailing geographical or
chronological connotations. It was elaborated after European stone
toolkits but also takes into account biological and cultural evidence
coming out of Africa and Asia at the time. Unlike the eponymous
term Acheulian created by G. de Mortillet (1872) to describe
handaxe industries from Frances middle Somme river terraces at St
Acheul, the term Mode 2 was not created to describe a particular
stone tool assemblage but rather industries containing large bifa-
cial cutting tools made from akes and cores (Clark, 1969). As with
the analytic system elaborated by Laplace (1972), the Mode system
sought to evade complications characteristic of the typologically-
based classication systems (Bordes, 1968) founded on the idea of
fossil directors and implying a linear view and proposing a coherent
chrono-cultural framework.
The oldest material evidence of hominins in Europe indicates
that techno-social behaviour comparable to African Mode 1
continued long after the appearance of Mode 2 in other areas of the
world (ca. 1.7 Ma in Africa, ca. 1.5 Ma in India, ca. 1.6 Ma in the
Levant and ca. 1 Ma in North Africa (Bar-Yosef and Goren-Inbar,
1993; Raynal et al., 2001; Lepre et al., 2011; Pappu et al., 2011;
Beyene et al., 2013)). Yet, a closer look at some of the industries
suggests, on the contrary, that hominins were already engaged
upon a pathway leading towards technological Diversity (Carbonell
et al., 2009). Such a scenario suggests the effacement of imaginary
dividing lines separating one from another techno-complex, and
their replacement by a vision of continuous technological
advancement that now appears more in line with the archaeolog-
ical record. Presently, a number of Western European sites provide
a sufcient Mode 1 lithic sample to sketch out an initial charac-
terization of the technological capacities of the earliest inhabitants
of Europe (Table 1). This enlarged data set serves to dene a sort of
pool of Variability within the earliest toolkits (Carbonell et al., 2009)
that reect an analogous level of cognitive complexity. This paper
discusses the origins for e and possible survival of e early tech-
nological traditions in southern Europe up to the appearance of
Mode 2 (Diversity phase, Carbonell et al., 2009), focusing on spe-
cic features of some Early and EarlyeMiddle Pleistocene stone tool
assemblages e specically secondary knapped akes, based on data
from some major sites situated in the Levant and Western Europe.

Table 1
Earliest Western European Mode 1 and Mode 2 sites.

Country Site name Age Traces of Hominin Secondary knapped Dominant References
(Ma) human remains akes and/or modied
intervention retouched tools ake
on bones R: rare morpho-type
P: present
A: absent
X:small lithic
sample

Earliest Mode 1
Ukraine Korolevo level VII 0.95 e e X e Koulakovska et al., 2010
Bulgaria Kozarnika Cave 1.6e1.4 Yes e X e Sirakov et al., 2010
Great Britain Happisburgh 3 0.95e0.7 e e P Notches Partt et al., 2010
France le Vallonnet 0.984e1.07 Yes e A e Lumley et al., 1988; Echassoux, 2004
Loire river basin, >1 e e R ? Desprie et al., 2006
Pont-de-Lavaud
Lzignan-la-Cbe w1.4e1.2 Yes e X e Crochet et al., 2009
Italy Arce, Colle Marino, >0.78 e e R Notches, Biddittu, 1984; Cauche et al., 2004
Fontana Liri (Latium) denticulates
Ca Belvedere di 1 e e R Denticulates, Gagnepain et al., 1992; Yokoyama et al., 1992;
Montepoggiolo scrapers Peretto et al., 1998; Falgures, 2003; Arzarello
and Peretto, 2010
Pirro Nord 1.6e1.3 e e X e Gliozzi et al., 1997; Arzarello et al., 2007, 2009;
Arzarello and Peretto, 2010
(continued on next page)
142 D. Barsky et al. / Quaternary International 316 (2013) 140e154

Table 1 (continued )

Country Site name Age Traces of Hominin Secondary knapped Dominant References
(Ma) human remains akes and/or modied
intervention retouched tools ake
on bones R: rare morpho-type
P: present
A: absent
X:small lithic
sample

Spain Atapuerca, >0.8 Yes Homo P Notches, Carbonell et al., 1995, 1999, 2001, 2005;
Gran Dolina, antecessor denticulates Bermdez de Castro et al., 1997; Carlos Dez
level TD6 et al., 1999; Falgures et al., 1999, 2001; Pars
and Prez-Gonzlez, 1999; Berger et al., 2008;
Oll et al., 2013
Vallparads 1.07e0.98 Yes e P Notches, Madurell-Malapeira et al., 2010, 2012; Martnez
denticulates et al., 2010; Duval et al., 2011b; Garca et al.,
2011, 2012, 2013
Atapuerca, 1.2 Yes Homo sp. X e Rosas et al., 2001; Pars et al., 2006; Carbonell
Sima de lElefante, et al., 2008; Bermdez de Castro et al., 2010, 2011;
level TE9 Oll et al., 2013; Rodrguez et al., 2011
Barranco Len 1.4 Yes e R Notches Agust et al., 1987, 1996; Gibert et al., 1989; Tixier
Fuente Nueva 3 1.3 Yes e R Notches et al., 1996; Turq et al., 1996; Martinez Navarro
et al., 1997, 2003; Oms et al., 1999, 2000a, 2000b;
Agusti and Madurell, 2003; Blain, 2003;
Furi, 2003; Toro et al., 2003, 2009, 2010a, 2010b,
2011; Fajardo, 2009; Barsky et al., 2010;
Duval et al., 2011a, 2012; Espigares et al., 2013
Earliest Mode 2
Italy Isernia la Pineta w0.6 Yes e P Denticulate Crovetto et al., 1994; Peretto, 1994; Coltorti et al.,
morpho-types 2005; Thun Hohenstein et al., 2009
Notarchirico w0.65 P Scrapers Piperno, 1999
France Loire River Basin; w0.7e0.6 e e P Scrapers Desprie et al., 2009, 2010
la Niora
Caune de lArago w0.6 Yes Homo P Scrapers Barsky and Lumley, 2004, 2005, 2010;
P levels heidelbergensis Lumley and Barsky, 2004; Lumley et al., 2004;
Barsky et al., 2005

Variability is proposed as an appropriate term to describe the
structure of industries presently grouped under the denominations
Mode 1 or Oldowan and may be dened as: a closed system
within which core-ake assemblages, knapped from local raw
materials, are dominated by unidirectional and orthogonal knap-
ping schemes: Potential gives way to technological Diversity latent
within the system through the occasional production of new
morpho-types. It follows that, in different areas of the globe, Di-
versity in stone toolkits signalling Mode 2 or Acheulian achieve-
ment occurred diachronically when structurally similar innovative
technologies existing within Mode 1 were selected to be developed
in order to deal with regional-specic external impact factors (raw
material constraints, environmental pressures). Large ake
production-transformation, multifacial and (especially) bifacial and
discoidal knapping schemes as well as the use of akes as cores or
as supports for retouched tools are among the most signicant
technological innovations that muted systems into Diversity. In
Europe, Mode 2 industries presenting some or all of these charac-
teristics appear and develop between 0.7 and 0.5 Ma (Piperno,
1999; Desprie et al., 2009, 2010; Barsky and Lumley, 2010).
Some of the sites do not include handaxes and cleavers or show
alternate presence of these tool types: Isernia La Pineta, Caune de
lArago, Vrtesszls, Bilzingsleben (Svoboda, 1987; Mania, 1990;
Peretto, 1994; Barsky and Lumley, 2005, 2010; Coltorti et al., 2005).
However, their divergence towards Mode 2 is marked by the range
of other features characterizing Diversity (Carbonell et al., 2009)
some of which may or may not be represented according to dif-
ferential site context (higher mobility, standardisation of small and
large toolkits, discoidal and/or hierarchical knapping technology).
This concept is useful for understanding why specic models
were repeatedly produced and underlines the extraterritorial and
diachronical quality of techno-functional selection. It helps to
explain the temporal gap separating the diversication of toolkits
in Western Europe (ca. 0.65 Ma, Caune de lArago P levels and
Middle Loire Basin, La Noira, Lumley et al., 1984; Barsky and Lumley,
2010; Desprie et al., 2009, 2010) from elsewhere in Eurasia
(1.5 Ma, Attirampakkam, Pappu et al., 2011) and the Levant (1.4e
1.6 Ma, Ubeidiya, Tchernov, 1992; Bar-Yosef and Goren-Inbar, 1993;
Martnez-Navarro et al., 2009, 2012; Bar-Yosef and Belmaker, 2011).
While new discoveries are needed to ll these gaps, the hypothesis
of a long-term, uninterrupted occupation of Europe from at least
1.2 Ma (Garcia et al., 2011) may be understood within the context of
technological VariabilityeDiversity (Carbonell et al., 2009) if we
consider that Mode 1 evolved in analogous ways towards Mode 2
because the ways it that it could change were dependent upon the
structural nature of its components.
2. Early material evidence outside of Africa
Different migration routes into Europe were certainly open to
hominins and other mammals at different times during the Early
and EarlyeMiddle Pleistocene but more data is needed to verify the
origins of the newcomers. An eastern provenance for human
groups could be proposed through looking at migrations of some
large mammals from Asia into Europe (Palombo, 2008), which
suggest the crossing of the Black sea region, either through Russia
and Ukraine, and/or via the more southerly route through Turkey
(Kuhn, 2009). To date, these areas have provided only sparse evi-
dence for an early human presence. Reports of Oldowan type
industries from the Taman Peninsula (1.6e1.2 Ma, Bogatyri/Sinyaya
Balka and Rodniki sites; Shchelinsky et al., 2010) and Mode 1
lithics documented from Korolevo, in Transcarpathia, Ukraine
(0.95 Ma, level VII, Koulakovska et al., 2010), lend credence to the
hypothesis of migrations through regions north of the Black Sea.
 D. Barsky et al. / Quaternary International 316 (2013) 140e154
Hominins are thought to have occupied mainland Asia even before
2 Ma (Dong, 2006; Boda and Yamei, 2011; Otte, 2011) and evi-
dence from southern Asia suggests that their presence could have
been maintained (Raynolds and Johnson, 1985; Rendell et al., 1989;
Gaillard, 2006). Some authors do not exclude the possibility that H.
erectus could have evolved in Asia from an earlier form of Homo
(Culotta, 1995; Dennell and Roebroeks, 2005; Dennell, 2009; Otte,
2011). Continuity in the occupation of these lands may be sup-
ported by the early appearance of Acheulian or Mode 2 industries,
especially in South Asia (1.5e1.2 Ma at Attirampakkam, Pappu et al.,
2011). Acheulian or Mode 2 industries are known from China and
Korea (Hou et al., 2000; Lumley and Tianyuan, 2008; Dennell, 2009;
Lumley et al., 2011), questioning the long-standing hypothesis of a
chrono-cultural frontier limiting the expansion of the Acheulian
across northern India (Movius, 1949). It has been argued that low
population density could explain the paucity of Acheulian sites in
East Asia (Lycett and Norton, 2010). Differences are noted, for
example, between the Acheulian with LCT production e typical of
East African and Indian assemblages e and the East Asian
Acheulian with bifacial implements fashioned on cobbles
(Corvinus, 2004; Lycett and Norton, 2010).
In the Levant, Ubeidiya provides solid evidence for the early
arrival of human groups possessing a relatively advanced lithic
techno-complex (Early Acheulian, Bar-Yosef and Goren-Inbar, 1993)
and also fauna originating in Africa (Tchernov, 1992; Martnez-
Navarro et al., 2009, 2012; Bar-Yosef and Belmaker, 2011), while
Bizat Ruhama exhibits an Oldowan-like assemblage dated roughly
to the same time-span (1.6e1.2 Ma, Levant, Ronen et al., 1998, 2006;
Ronen, 2006; Mallol et al., 2010; Zaidner et al., 2010, 2013;
Yeshurun et al., 2011; Martnez Navarro et al., 2012). However, the
Levant was not the only route from Africa into Eurasia; the Bab-el-
Mandeb Straits may also have punctually provided a passageway
from Erythria/Djibouti into the Yemen and the Saudi Arabian
Penninsula (Chauhan, 2009) although there is still no evidence for
the existence of a landbridge there since the Pliocene (Petraglia and
Rose, 2009; Bar-Yosef and Belmaker, 2011). Hominins could also
have crossed over from Africa into Europe at different times during
the Pleistocene via the Straits of Gibraltar, as is suggested by
technological similarities between some North African and Spanish
assemblages (Santonja and Villa, 2006; Sharon, 2011). Another
possible route into Europe could have existed sporadically from
Tunisia to Sicily, but archeological evidence does not provide in-
formation about specic migration events (Villa, 2001). Further-
more, unlike in Spain, the industries from the oldest Italian
Acheulian sites do not show specic afnities to the early North
African Acheulian assemblages with their numerous LCTs on large
akes and their signicant proportion of cleavers (Raynal et al.,
2001; Piperno and Tagliacozzo, 2001).
Whatever the geographical scenario of the earliest human
dispersions into Europe, the North African Maghreb region was
certainly a stepping stone for populations settled there seeking
out new lands in the northern hemisphere. From the onset of the
Quaternary, the Saharan desert barrier was reduced during
interglacial periods, notably between 2.4 and 1.9 Ma (Agust and
Lordkipanidze, 2011) and moist grassland conditions developed
along the coastal areas of North Africa. The An Hanech and El
Kherba sites provide the best evidence to date conrming that this
area was inhabited during the Early Pleistocene by hominins
producing lithics attributed to the Oldowan (1.8 Ma, Algeria,
Sahnouni, 2006; Sahnouni et al. 2010). The paucity of well docu-
mented Early Pleistocene sites in the Maghreb has led some au-
thors to point out the possible incidental nature of early human
occupations in the region (Dennell, 2003). Whether human mi-
grations into Western Europe occurred in waves or as a single
migration event, early colonization is now attested thanks to
143
evidence from a growing number of sites situated in Western
Europe, including in England, dating to between 1.6 and 0.78 Ma
(Table 1). Some have yielded fossils bearing cut marks attributed
to stone tools and/or traces of intentional breakage (Carlos Dez
et al., 1999; Rosas et al., 2001; Echassoux, 2004; Martnez et al.,
2010; Sirakov et al., 2010; Garcia et al., 2011; Espigares et al.,
2013) or cannibalism (Atapuercas TD6, Fernndez-Jalvo et al.,
1996, 1999). Three of the sites have yielded hominin remains
(Dmanisi: H. georgicus; Atapuercas Elefante TE9: Homo sp. and
Gran Dolina TD6: Homo antecessor).
What, if anything can these lithic samples tell us about the or-
igins of the rst inhabitants of Europe? Up to now, looking to stone
tool technology as a potential source of information about cultural
transmission and, by extension, early migration routes, has been
more largely explored for assemblages with standardized compo-
nents, such as large cutting tools (Goren-Inbar et al., 2000; Sharon,
2009). Tracing human displacements through the transit and ex-
change of material knowhow becomes more feasible over time
following the Middle Paleolithic and then into the Neolithic and
beyond. However, widening interest in the earliest manifestations
of stone tool industries reveals that they could indeed be suf-
ciently divergent to provide meaningful intra-site comparisons
(Barsky, 2009).
Whether or not techno-social Diversity was achieved gradually
through convergence or rapidly by replacement, there is, globally, a
shift towards greater complexity that cannot be summed up soley
on the basis of presence/absence of handaxes and cleavers. We
must recognize the full range of criteria composing the continuum
leading from one to another technological achievement, including:
greater mobility; the production of large sized akes for trans-
formation into LCTs; the systematic use of bifacial discoid knap-
ping strategies and the hierarchization of knapping surfaces; and
increased frequency in the secondary use of akes. Fluctuating
ratios of handaxes and cleavers are known from some African sites
with sequential archeo-stratigraphical contexts (Leakey, 1971;
Isaac, 1976; Clark and Kurashina, 1979; de la Torre, 2011) and are
also documented in the Levant, at Ubeidiya (Bar-Yosef and Goren-
Inbar, 1993) and Gesher Benet Yaaqov (Goren-Inbar and
Saragusti, 1996; Goren-Inbar, 1998; Goren-Inbar and Sharon,
2006). Handaxes and cleavers are recognized at Evron-Quarry (ca.
1 Ma, Ronen, 1991) while Bizat Ruhama has yielded a non-handaxe
industry where bifacial discoidal knapping was not practiced and
where there is evidence for systematic secondary knapping of
akes (Zaidner et al., 2010; Zaidner, 2011, 2013).
Also, some EarlyeMiddle Pleistocene Western European sites
have yielded industries without handaxes and cleavers but with
bifacial knapping, secondary use of akes and/or retouched tools or
with an alternate presence/absence of handaxes: Isernia La Pineta,
Caune de lArago, Vrtesszls, Bilzingsleben (Svoboda, 1987;
Mania, 1990; Peretto, 1994; Barsky and Lumley, 2005; Coltorti et al.,
2005; Lumley and Barsky, 2010). For example, at the Caune de
lArago (France, Pyrenees-Orientales, 690e90 Ka; Yokoyama and
Nguyen, 1981; Lumley et al., 1984; Yokoyama et al., 1985;
Falgures et al., 2004; Moigne et al., 2006), some levels of the
Middle stratigraphical Complex (Unit II: levels J, I and H and Unit I:
level K) have yielded an industry devoid of handaxes and cleavers,
while these tools are documented in other levels located in both the
Lower and Upper parts of the sequence (Barsky, 2007; Barsky and
Lumley, 2010). This is also the case at the Italian site of Notarchir-
ico (ca. 0.6 Ma, Piperno, 1999). Contrastingly, the industries from
Isernia la Pineta entirely lack handaxes and cleavers, while they
present secondary use of akes, bifacial knapping methods and
relatively standardized macro tools (Molise, Italy, ca. 0.6 Ma,
Crovetto et al., 1994; Peretto, 1994; Longo et al., 1997; Coltori et al.,
2005; Rufo et al., 2009).
144 D. Barsky et al. / Quaternary International 316 (2013) 140e154
3. Secondary knapped akes in early stone industries
Looking at data from the African and Eurasian stone artifact
record (Fig. 1), it appears that core-ake assemblages were
diachronically yet invariably developed into more complex in-
dustries in which akes were often secondarily knapped. In the
category of the secondary knapped akes (Zaidner, 2013), we
include all akes that were secondarily knapped, aked or
retouched. We use this term rather than the conventional
retouched akes since in some of the Early and EarlyeMiddle
Pleistocene assemblages the retouched-like forms were created
unintentionally. Although morphologically many of these artifacts
resemble retouched tools, the knapping experiments indicate that
retouched-like artifacts are unintentional products of ake knap-
ping using an anvil as a support (Crovetto et al., 1994; Longo et al.,
1997; Garcia et al., 2013; Zaidner, 2013). The term retouched akes
is used only when it is clear that the retouch was intentional.
There is no doubt that, along with the presence/absence of
handaxes and cleavers, increased secondary knapping of akes is a
key question to consider when discussing how early stone tool
assemblages may reect behavioral norms. The appearance, pro-
fusion and standardization of retouched toolkits in early stone tool
assemblages suggest that the secondary knapping of akes was a
behaviour selected by hominins as an adaptively successful life
strategy. On a geographically and chronologically broad scale, we
note that the earliest African assemblages only rarely include cores
on akes or retouched tools; in Ethiopia, at Kada Gona EG-10, EG-12
and Ounda Gona OGS-7 (2.6 Ma, Semaw et al., 1997, 2010; Semaw,
2000), or at the 2.3 Ma sites of AL666 and AL894 (Kimbel et al.,
1996; Goldman-Neuman and Hovers, 2009). Only a few roughly
retouched akes have been reported from the 2.4e2.3 Ma West
Turkana Lake basin sites of Lokalelei 1 and Lokalelei 2C (Kibunjia,
1994; Roche et al., 1999; Roche, 2000; Delagnes and Roche,
2005). Also in the Turkana Lake basin, the 2.34 Ma site of Omo 71
has yielded cores and non-modied akes (Howell et al., 1987; de la
Torre, 2004). According to the African archeological record, akes
and fragments were not further reduced or shaped in a signicant
way until around 1.8e1.5 Ma, at sites such as Melka Kuntur Garba
IV (1.5 Ma, Piperno and Bulgarelli-Piperno, 1974; Chavaillon, 1976)
and Gadeb (1.5 Ma, Clark and Kurashina, 1976, 1979; de la Torre,
2011) in Ethiopia, at Olduvai Gorge in Tanzania (Bed I, 1.8 Ma,
Leakey, 1971) or at An Hanech and El-Kherba in North Africa
Fig. 1. Map showing some of the Mode 1 and Mode 2 sites mentioned in the text.
(1.8 Ma, Sahnouni, 2006). In spite of the chronological and
geographical gap separating Western Europe from these African
sites, analogous structural changes appear to have occurred within
the context of technological continuity, pointing towards some
kind of structural unity.
The industries from Ubeidiya seem to reect a comparable level
of technological competence to those from Olduvai Gorges Upper
Bed II, and are referred to as Developed Oldowan B or Early
Acheulian (Bar-Yosef and Goren-Inbar, 1993; Bar-Yosef and
Belmaker, 2011). Remarkable similarities include: large ake pro-
duction, the presence of picks, handaxes and cleavers and the
manufacture of retouched tools. Such long-distance relationships
may be examined structurally, using global observations to look at
formal assemblage attributes that may somehow link the industries
to their artisans; at least on a conceptual level. According to the
Western European archeological record, industries attributed to the
Acheulian or Mode 2 appear rather more abruptly around 0.7e
0.6 Ma. This may reect phenomenon of techno-functional conti-
nuity (convergence) and/or exchange through dispersion (India,
Levant). In any case, the exponential increase in the frequency and
diversity of secondary knapped akes (Isernia la Pineta) and
retouched tools (Caune de lArago) in MiddleeMiddle and then
Upper Pleistocene assemblages translates the success of a learned
behaviour. It remains unclear whether or not there is a formal link
between secondary knapped akes that were not systematically
used (Crovetto et al., 1994) and the development of retouched tools
that served to perform a variety of tasks (Oll et al., 2013). We may
hypothesize that their increase in toolkits indicates that they were
an essential element contributing to growing technical complexity
from this timeframe. Other criteria commonly dening Mode 2,
such as the production of large akes for LCTs (Sharon, 2009), is
virtually unknown in most of Western Europe except from sites in
the Iberian Peninsula where they appear relatively late (from
around OIS 9) and where ake extraction methods and some
morpho-types resemble those known in North Africa (Santonja and
Villa, 2006; Sharon, 2011).
In the earliest Eurasian toolkits such as Dmanisi and Orce, sec-
ondary knapped akes e however scarce and non-standardized e
are generally characterized by notches (Lumley et al., 2005; Toro-
Moyano et al., 2010a, 2010b) that may be simply related to small
ake production. Only a handful of European Mode 1 sites provide a
lithic sample sufciently rich to observe their frequency: Dmanisi
 D. Barsky et al. / Quaternary International 316 (2013) 140e154
(0.2% Mgeladze et al., 2011), Barranco Len and Fuente Nueva 3 (0%,
Toro-Moyano et al., 2010a, 2010b), Montepoggiolo (0.9%, Peretto
et al., 1998), Atapuerca level TD6 (6%, Carbonell et al., 1999, 2001;
Oll et al., 2013), Pont-de-Lavaud (3,9%, Desprie et al., 2006, 2009),
le Vallonnet (2%, Lumley et al., 1988), Korolevo levels VI, VII (w2%,
Koulakovska et al., 2010). In these assemblages, secondary ake
modication most often gave way to notched, becked or denticulate
artifacts. In Western Europe, scraper type tools come to dominate
retouched toolkits generally following an initial proliferation phase
(ca. 0.7 Ma, Table 1); although there are some exceptions (Isernia la
Pineta, Crovetto et al., 1994).
In the Levant, at Ubeidiya, secondary knapped akes have been
documented to contain a signicant proportion of notched (18e
39%) and denticulate (11e27%) pieces (Bar-Yosef and Goren-Inbar,
1993), some of which may indeed correspond to knapped akes
rather than tools (Shea and Bar Yosef, 1999). It is unclear whether
the occupation of this site signals permanent colonization of the
Levant since it pre-dates other Mode 2 sites such as Evron Quarry
(ca. 1.0 Ma, Ronen, 1991; Porat and Ronen, 2002; Ron et al., 2003) or
Gesher Benet Yaakov (ca. 0.78 Ma, Verosub et al., 1998; Feibel,
2001, 2004), that could indicate a more enduring human occupa-
tion (Bar-Yosef and Belfer-Cohen, 2001). The Levantine Early
Pleistocene site of Bizat Ruhama, dated roughly to the same time-
span as Ubeidiya (1.6e1.2 Ma, Zaidner et al., 2010; Yeshurun et al.
2011; Martnez-Navarro et al., 2012), has yielded a Mode 1 in-
dustry with exceptionally high frequencies of Clactonian notches,
pointed pieces, denticulates and akes with abrupt retouch-like
scars. Although morphologically many of these artifacts resemble
retouched tools, the knapping experiments indicate that
retouched-like artifacts are unintentional products from ake
knapping using an anvil as a support (Zaidner, 2013). The suggested
goal of the knapping was to produce small, thin akes identical to
those detached from the edges of the akes knapped during
Fig. 2. Notched and denticulate morpho-types from Ubeidiya. Photos: Jordi Mestre, IPHES.
145
experiments. In Bizat Ruhama this method was used because of the
reduced size of the locally available int pebbles and the absence of
adequate aking angles that hindered the initiation of knapping
sequences and the organization of core reduction.
Secondary knapped akes from Bizat Ruhama produced similar
morphologies to some of the artifacts from Ubeidiya and also to
those present in some Western European industries such as Vall-
parads (Barcelona, Spain, Garcia et al., 2013), Isernia la Pineta (Forli,
Italy, Crovetto et al., 1994) and the Western European site of the
Caune de lAragos P levels (Eastern Pyrenees, France, Barsky and
Lumley, 2010) (Figs. 2e6). Comparatively, the Caune de lArago P
levels industries are distinguished by a truly standardized small
retouched toolkit, about half of which is composed of scraper types
(Barsky and Lumley, 2010). However, it also contains numerous
becked and pointed tools on akes (Tayac points, becked tools, Bill
Hook types). Such small pointed artifacts were shaped either by
two adjacent notches or by a notch and a retouched edge. In spite of
their large formal variability, these implements display standard-
ized models with dimensional and raw material choice norms (int,
quartzite).
Overall, the notched artifacts discussed here are small and they
display mean dimensions close to those of the non-modied akes
and fragments: Vallparads 23.8 mm (Martnez et al., 2010);
Caune de lArago P levels w30 mm (Lumley and Barsky, 2004);
Isernia Sector II: 31 mm (Crovetto, 1991); Ubeidiya all layers: 20e
30 mm (Bar-Yosef and Goren-Inbar, 1993); Bizat Ruhama 25 mm.
In some later sites where scrapers dominate, retouched supports
tend to show larger average dimensions then their non-modied
counterparts (as higher up in the stratigraphical section of the
Caune de lArago, Lumley and Barsky, 2004).
Convergence and cultural diffusion could have been agents of
technical transmission and these phenomena were not necessarily
mutually exclusive: innovative technologies could have been
146 D. Barsky et al. / Quaternary International 316 (2013) 140e154
Fig. 3. Notched and denticulate morpho-types (secondary retouched akes from Bizat Ruhama). Photos: Jordi Mestre, IPHES.
imported into Western Europe and integrated quite readily by
populations living there if they had reached a stage of cultural
readiness that enabled them to integrate new technological
concepts with relative facility. We might expect that existing pop-
ulations would readily learn, adopt and transmit new technological
and typological strategies if they presented adaptive advantages.
At the earlier Orce sites of Barranco Len and Fuente Nueva 3,
polyhedron shaped cores most commonly result from bipolar
knapping on an anvil applied to int nodules, rather than akes,
through the application of orthogonal knapping strategies (Toro-
Moyano et al., 2010a, 2010b). Cube-shaped cores show stigmata
typical of peripheral aking using bipolar on an anvil technique
(opposite impact points, mid-length and Siret breakage lines, par-
allel removal negatives). At Vallparads and Caune de lArago P
levels, technical continuity is translated by similar core types
knapped from small quartz pebbles. At Bizat Ruhama experiments
demonstrated that the bipolar on an anvil method applied in a
recurrent, peripheral gesture to reduce akes produced notched
and denticulate implements similar to those observed at Ubeidiya,
Vallparads, Isernia la Pineta and even the Caune de lArago P
levels (Crovetto et al., 1994; Barsky and Lumley et al., 2005; Zaidner
et al., 2010, 2013; Garcia et al., 2013). Both cube-shaped cores and
akes used as cores seem to translate knapping strategies clearly
oriented towards maximalizing the production of tiny akes from
raw materials of reduced size. Technological variability therefore
exists within the bipolar on an anvil technique applied for small
ake production and nal product morphology depended more
largely on the initial form of the support than on the kinds of raw
materials used.
4. Discussion
The earliest Western European sites have yielded lithic assem-
blages with a few secondary knapped akes and/or retouched
supports. At the Spanish sites of Barranco Len and Fuente Nueva 3
(Orce, Andalusia), industries are characterized by: the use of local
raw materials, cores and akes produced by unidirectional and
orthogonal reduction strategies and a low degree of core elabora-
tion. These, essentially core-ake industries, also contain heavy-
duty tools but lack standardized retouched tools. Raw materials
were differentially employed: int was used to produce small akes
that probably served as cutting tools, while limestone was
preferred for larger format, heavy-duty tools that were better
suited for percussion activities. No handaxes and cleavers were
found at either site and centripetal bifacial knapping strategies
were not systematically employed. Orce hominins chose between
direct hammer or bipolar on an anvil method, depending on the
size and quality of the rocks. Bipolar on an anvil knapping was
preferred (but not exclusive) as an expedient solution for reducing
mediocre quality materials into effective cutting tools. Cores
knapped from int nodules using the bipolar on an anvil method
commonly show polyhedron forms. This constitutes an important
techno-morphological difference from the core forms present at
Bizat Ruhama or Isernia la Pineta where akes were used as sup-
ports for additional, peripheral reduction. We observe therefore
that two, very different operative schemes were employed at these
sites to obtain a similar nal product: tiny akes.
The secondary knapped akes from Bizat Ruhama, Vallparads
and Isernia la Pineta provide a structural model linking Earlye
 D. Barsky et al. / Quaternary International 316 (2013) 140e154
Fig. 4. Notched and denticulate morpho-types from Vallparads. Photos: S. Olivares, M. Rovira and J. Vilalta.
Middle Pleistocene sites and suggesting techno-functional conti-
nuity through the Middle Pleistocene by the persistence and
development of notched morpho-types. Between 1 Ma and 0.8 Ma
in the northern Mediterranean basin, notched and denticulated
morpho-types are documented as dominant among toolkits with
secondary ake knapping and/or retouch (Table 1). The possibility
that such, initially inadvertently produced morpho-types were
subsequently manufactured intentionally into becked and pointed
tool types is a factor that contributes to the increasingly complex
DiversityeMultiplicity scheme of technological achievement
described by Carbonell et al. (2009). This dominance of notched
morpho-types among secondary knapped akes may therefore be
an archaic feature of some Mode 2 industries that are still in a
microlithic phase during the Early to EarlyeMiddle Pleistocene
(Derevianko, 2006). The so-called Mode 1/Mode 2 transition may
therefore not have been an abrupt occurrence and data presented
here points rather towards convergence within the context of a
continuous occupation of Western Europe.
The Caune de lArago P levels assemblage comprises stan-
dardized tool types that were to persist into later Western Euro-
pean stone tool assemblages such as: limaces, Quinson points or
abrupt end scrapers (Barsky and Lumley, 2010). Although scrapers
represent about half of the P levels retouched toolkit, this early
European Mode 2 industry still contains a relatively high fre-
quency of notched pieces (12% vs an overall average of 5% in
overlying levels). The P levels retouched toolkit illustrates the
remarkable productive innovation that followed the introduction
of intentionally retouched tools that are one of the most
outstanding hallmarks of Mode 2 industries worldwide. The
apparent success of this technical innovation explains the prolif-
eration of retouched tools into later industries. This hypothesis is
further supported by global observations from the Atapuerca
sequence showing that: modication of natural raw edges by means
of retouch appears only from the end of the Early Pleistocene.
Although relatively well represented in TD6, it is throughout the
147
Middle Pleistocene when they increase in number, typological vari-
ability, intensity of systematic retouch and formal standardisation,
taking on a primary role in TD10.2 and TD10.1 (Oll et al., 2013).
Atapuercas Gran Dolina level TD6 gives evidence for one of the
oldest shaping processes through the presence of retouched
akes described as small (with some medium) sized denticulates,
notches and, less frequently, scrapers (>0.8 Ma, Pars and Prez-
Gonzlez, 1995; Falgures et al., 1999; Berger et al., 2008; Oll
et al., 2013). Following the appearance of mainly notched type
retouched akes, the authors note an increase in the frequency
and systematization of intentionally retouched elements, espe-
cially from levels TD10.2 and TD10.1.
At Bizat Ruhama, Isernia la Pineta and Vallparads, the nature of
the available raw materials led hominins to employ a peripheral
bipolar on an anvil method to reduce small matrices, sometimes
producing akes and fragments with denticulated cutting edges.
The toolkit from the Caune de lArago P levels, although domi-
nated by discoidal knapping strategies, displays a range of well
mastered reduction schemes well adapted to the wide variety of
rock types exploited there (Lumley and Barsky, 2004; Barsky and
Lumley, 2005, 2010). At this site, the industry bears witness to a
dramatic behavioural shift towards exogenic rock collection and
greater raw material and typological variability. Hominins
demonstrate high mobility, collecting raw materials from up to
30 km (Wilson, 1988; Grgoire et al., 2008; Barsky and Lumley,
2010). Quartz (vein and translucent) was the preferred raw mate-
rial. There is also: quartzite, quartzose sandstone, sandstone,
limestone, hornfel, gneiss, lava, silicious sedimentary (int and
jasper). Most rocks were collected from local river alluvium, but
some ner quality knapping materials (translucent quartz, int,
quartzite), were accessed from sources located further away. Higher
mobility is recorded as characteristic of Mode 2 or Acheulian in-
dustries at other early Western European sites, such as la Noira
where int sources are situated 20e130 km from the site (ca.
0.65 Ma, Loire River Basin, France; Desprie et al., 2010).
148 D. Barsky et al. / Quaternary International 316 (2013) 140e154
Fig. 5. Small retouched tools from the Caune de lArago, Barsky and Lumley, 2010, Photos Denis Dainat, EPCC-CERPT.
Regardless of extensive chronological and inter-regional differ-
ences, analogous typo-technological characteristics are observed
inter-continentally at the onset of Mode 2: the presence of
retouched tools is recognized outside of Africa, at Ubeidiya, and
then in varying frequencies in a number of Mode 1 sites in Europe
(Table 1). At other sites (Bizat Ruhama, Isernia la Pineta), analogous
notched and denticulate morpho-types seem to have been inad-
vertently produced by peripheral bipolar on an anvil knapping of
small int nodules or akes in the aim of producing tiny akes. This
characteristic could reect raw material constraints or intentional
techno-functional needs. In spite of the diachronic nature of these
developments, a key change is signaled by the re-use of akes for
either secondary aking or intentional retouch (shaping) that
should be considered a hallmark signaling the arrival of a more
diverse technological phase.
The remarkable intra-site morphological similarity of the
products or by-products (Figs. 2e6), alongside the subsequent in-
crease in the frequency of retouched tools in Middle Pleistocene
assemblages e beginning with notched morpho-types, suggests
that the repetition of basic forms was eventually translated into an
intentional chain of production. It may be that the usefulness of the
retouched edges was discovered during unintentional ake knap-
ping or that some akes with retouched-like scars were collected
and used, leading to the discovery of advantages in the use of rmly
retouched edges.
During this phase of technological development, the limit be-
tween tool and core is sometimes unclear and morpho-types
produced at some sites by secondary ake knapping using bipo-
lar on an anvil peripheral reduction appear to resemble denticu-
late tool types that are later to form an integral part of retouched
toolkits in Middle Pleistocene assemblages. A rather limited range
of notched tools; particularly becks and denticulates character-
ized by deep and abrupt retouch, are described from most of the
earliest Western European assemblages. Leaving aside the
polemic of intentionality for becked and denticulate forms which
needs to be resolved by traceological studies, the archeological
record clearly shows a remarkable development in the frequency
and standardization of small, dihedral and trihedral points
following the appearance of secondary ake knapping. The shift to
intentionality in the manufacture of becked tools at some point in
time, could have occurred because such morpho-types were
recognized as useful in the context of a widening range of adaptive
strategies. In the long chrono-stratigraphic sequence of the Caune
de lArago and elsewhere during the Middle Pleistocene (Ata-
puerca), the secondary increase in scraper vs denticulate tool
types is a developmental feature that typically dominates small
retouched toolkits.
As with handaxes and cleavers, retouched tools constitute
a revolutionary technological innovation that was to play a vital
role in early human culture. Convergence and replacement likely
 D. Barsky et al. / Quaternary International 316 (2013) 140e154 149

Fig. 6. Notched and denticulate morpho-types from Iseria la Pineta. Drawings F. Efess, archeosurface 3a, Peretto, 1994.

played a role in human technological development in Western 5. Conclusions

Europe at this time, with existing populations developing their
technological knowhow in light of newly acquired skills and exotic
imports that could have been progressively or abruptly incorpo-
rated into their cultural repertory. During this key phase of early
human technological achievement, innovative manufacture
responded, as it does today, to changing survival strategies in the
face of external impact factors (climate change, demography),
demonstrating the diachronic relationship between human adap-
tive success and the exponential growth response that denes
technology.
During the Middle Pleistocene, human groups chose to adapt to
changing environmental pressures by developing their stone tool-
kits to include small, intentionally shaped tools composed initially
of notches, denticulates and becked types. These tools could have
been initially developed from unintentionally produced retouched-
like forms during secondary ake knapping by bipolar on an anvil
technique. The adaptive success of this strategic choice is under-
lined by evidence from England, where hominins journeyed into
lands located as far north as the 50" N parallel e in the Cromer-
150 D. Barsky et al. / Quaternary International 316 (2013) 140e154
Forest Bed Formation at Happisburgh 3 (ca. 0.8 Ma), Pakeeld (ca.
0.7 Ma) and Lakenheath (ca. 0.6 Ma, Partt et al., 2005, 2010;
Hoseld, 2011). The industry from Happisburgh 3 is devoid of
handaxes and cleavers and includes only a few akes with non-
standardized notch type retouch (Partt et al., 2010). This new data
not only proves that hominins possessed a broad knowledge of
survival techniques in the face of harsh climatic conditions, it also
suggests that early hominin groups present in Europe were capable
of confronting changing climatic conditions and assuring their
demographic continuity throughout this vast region during the
Early and EarlyeMiddle Pleistocene.
Increasing group cohesion and developing technological
knowhow may have accorded these early colonizers with advan-
tages in their competition for survival against other large carni-
vores. From the EarlyeMiddle Pleistocene, increased human
demography demonstrates that the exponential growth in tech-
nological investment was indeed a successful adaptive response to
environmental pressures. In the face of the cyclical climatic changes
of the Early Pleistocene when populations might have dwindled or
expired locally, the archeological record seems instead to show that
Western Europe had a sufcient core population to maintain and
establish occupation from around 1.2 Ma. New nds should, in
future, increase our ability to test these and other alternative
hypotheses.
Acknowledgements
The authors extend their sincere gratitude to O Bar-Yosef, Gonen
Sharon and Naama Goren-Inbar for providing us with the oppor-
tunity to examine some of the very rich and important lithic as-
semblages from the Levant. We also thank them for the warmth
and kindness they shared on various occasions of our scientic
exchange.
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