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Sergej V. Ivanov


In winter 1901 A. Daninos Pasha carried out excavations at Mit- Rahina (Egypt), where he uncovered a part of a palatial complex that can be provisionally identified as back rooms of the Palace of Apries. In the foundation of the building he discovered a horde of bronze objects containing decorative plaques, mirrors, menit- counterpoises, etc. One of the horde’s items is the upper part of a figurine representing a nude woman with a sidelock of youth, an aegis on her left shoulder and an unusual headdress. These features indicate that the figurine was an ex-voto of an upper-class Egyptian lady who was associated with the xnrt of the goddess Mut.

KEY WORDS: LOCUS: Memphis, Kom Tuman, Palace of Apries; MUSEUMS:

Egyptian Museum, Cairo; CHRONOLOGY: Dynasty XXV–XXVI; ANCIENT EGYPT: Sidelock of Youth, Aegis, xnrt, Female Priesthood, Religion; ART:

Bronze Sculpture


In the beginning of 1901 Albert Daninos Pasha conducted excavations at a certain twenty-meter high mound at Mit- Rahina. Having unearthed the eastern part of the hill, A. Daninos discovered a mudbrick construction measuring 200 × 18,25 m. Preserved height of the building amounted to 17,60 m. The outer walls were quite massive — 6 m thick. The inner space was organized with parallel 3 m thick partitions forming a line of 19 compartments 7,58 × 6,25 m. Each of the walls was pierced with horizontal rows of beam- holes clearly indicating that the room was divided into 5 floors, each 2,4-2,6 m high. The purpose of these chambers was defined as back rooms of a palace that was to be excavated in the western part of the mountain 1 .

Unfortunately, the location of this hill is obscure. In the only record of the excavations — a two-page note published three years later — A. Daninos stated that the site was situated to the North of the ruins of Memphis 2 . Two years earlier G. Daressy, who published the objects that were found during these excavations, gave a no less vague description:

“the ruins to the East of the lake and to the North of Tell el- Nawa” 3 . Though these descriptions point to a vast area, the only possible location of the site is related to the Palace of Apries at Kom Tuman. Though the landscape of the Kom has been rapidly changed, we have no recorded information of any other big mounds that might have existed in the area at the beginning of the XX century. The technical peculiarities of the building that was unearthed by A. Daninos also have much in common with the construction of the palace. However, W.M. Flinders Petrie,

* I am grateful to Dr. Mamdouh El-Dalmaty, the former Director of the Egyptian Museum, for granting permission to study and to publish this object; and to Mr. Mahmoud El-Halwagy, First Curator of the Museum, for his assistance and providing a possibility to examine the object. I am indebted to Drs. Maya Müller for reading the manuscript and her valuable suggestions. I would also like to thank Mr. Edward Loring for his comments

on the article and correcting my English. The mistakes, if any, are of course


1 Daninos Pacha, A.: “Note sur le fouilles de Métrahyneh”, ASAE, 5, 1904,


2 Daninos Pacha: Note

3 Daressy, G.M.: “Une trouvalle de bronzes à Mit Rahineh“, ASAE, 3, 1902,

p. 139.



1904, p. 142.

who excavated the palace eight years later, neither mentioned

a single word of A. Daninos’ work nor incorporated this

structure into his general plan of the palatial complex 4 .

Horde of Bronze Objects

1,6 m below the foundation of the building A. Daninos discovered a horde of bronze objects. It included more than 15 decorative plaques of rectangular shape that were probably used for embellishing boxes or chests. The face sides of the plaques were decorated with open-work or engraved representations of a king the Nile god Hapy carrying an offering stone. Among the other objects were six mirrors of different size; five combinations of aegides with menit counterpoise depicting the scenes of birth of the Sun- god out of lotus blossom, suckling of a king and royal Horus name; upper part of a figurine; and 18 fragments of large inlays (a hand, a collar, nw-vessel, crowns, etc.) that were presumably used for the decoration of furniture 5 .

All the objects were moved to the Cairo Museum, where they still have an individual showcase in the upper gallery exposition. The number of items registered by G. Daressy

is 42, but it is evident that others were sold prior to the

recording, as several similar plaques are known from the collections of the Baltimore Walters Art Gallery 6 , the Moscow Pushkin Museum 7 and other collections, thus increasing the total number to at least 47. Besides, as was mentioned by G. Daressy, some of the objects were in rather poor condition 8 and were probably lost.

Most of the objects are inscribed with the names of the kings Piankhy, Psametik II, Apries, Ahmose and the ones

of Divine Consorts of Amun Amenirdis and Shepenupet.

Stylistically the items are also dated to the XXV–XXVI


Besides mentioning the Theban-based institution of the Divine Consorts of Amun, the central part of the mirror decoration represents the Theban triad — Amun, Mut and Khonsu — and the god Montu. This caused some scholars to assume that the objects of the horde are of purely Theban

origin and that they were, at some time, brought to Memphis

as a result of plundering or other circumstances 9 . However,

the depiction of the Memphite gods — Ptah, Sekhmet, Nefertem and the Apis bull — on the same objects, makes it

4 Petrie, W.M.F.: The Palace of Apries (Memphis II), London, 1909, pl. I. For the building’s location see also: Kemp, B.J.: “A Further Note on the Palace of Apries at Memphis“, GM, 29, 1978, p. 61; Jeffreys, D.: The Survey of Memphis. Part I: Archaeological Report (EES Occasional Publications

3), London, 1985, p. 40–41.

5 Daressy: Une trouvalle

6 Simpson W.K.: A Table of Offerings. 17 Years of Acquisitions of Egyptian

and Near Eastern Art, Boston, 1987, p. 70.

7 Hodjash, S.: The Way to Immortality. Monuments of Egyptian Art from the Collection of the Pushkin Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow, 2002, p. 209

(Nos 843, 844).

8 Daressy: Une trouvalle

9 Daressy: Une trouvalle

, Una: species mille. General History of Art), London, 1921, p. 288 and others.


1902, p. 139–150.


1902, p. 150.

1902, p. 150; Maspero, G.: Art in Egypt (Ars

possible to suggest that these bronzes were produced for

a Memphite sanctuary of Amun 10 .


One of the most remarkable objects in the hoard is the upper part of a female figurine (Fig. 1). It was only described in

brief by G. Daressy 11 while its unusual iconography deserves

a special study which is the aim of the present paper.

The figurine was quite small, the height of the preserved fragment being 8,8 cm. It was cast by the lost wax technique as can be seen by diminutive air-bladders on the surface and slightly degraded features. One should mention the high quality of workmanship with particular elaboration of small details — nostrils, eyebrows, breasts, locks of hair and others. Stylistically it shows a propensity for Saite tradition with idealizing formal stylization, soft modeling of facial features with the so-called “Archaic smile” and shows high mastering and accurate treatment of surfaces.

The woman was represented standing; her left arm, folded at the elbow, is raised in the gesture of adoration; in the right arm she carries a statuette of a child with a sidelock on his left. On her right shoulder the woman bears a combination of aegis with lion’s head and menit counterpoise. The latter is inscribed with three groups of hieroglyphic signs. Unfortunately due to the tiny size and blurry outlines only two signs are recognizable. The woman wears a round wig with a sidelock falling back to shoulder. Above the wig there is a wide rectangular platform with prominent profile in the upper part. Remains of solder on the front and top faces of the platform indicate that it was the base for some symbol, now missing.

Analogies. There are three parallels contemporary with, or slightly earlier than this figurine. Two of them are kept in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo (fig. 2-3) 12 . The figurines represent women in the same posture and wearing a similar headdress, though the rectangular platform in these cases is relatively smaller. In both figurines the aegides are located on the left shoulder and surmounted with heads of the goddess Mut recognizable by the double crown. Another difference is that unlike the Memphite figurine, which is nude, these women wear short-sleeved loose dresses.

The third similar figurine, kept in the Brooklyn Museum 13 , presents a woman in a long tight-fitting dress. Like the two above-mentioned figurines this image features a statuette of a child kept in the left hand and an aegis surmounted with the head of Isis-Hathor, worn on the right shoulder. We should note that this woman wears a simple round wig without a side-lock and rectangular platform on it. Another different feature of this object is the right hand of the woman, which

10 Doresse, M.: “Le dieu voilé dans sa châsse et la fête du début la décade”, RdÉ, 25, 1973, p. 105; Petrie, W.M.F: Memphis I, London, 1909, p. 3.

11 Daressy: Une trouvalle

12 JE 32784 (fig. 2): bronze, height 17 cm; provenance unknown. The lower part of this statuette was mistakenly attached to another figurine from the same collection (JE 30634). JE 37967 (fig. 3): bronze, height 11 cm; provenance unknown; feet are missing. Both pieces are unpublished. 13 Brooklyn Museum, New York: 37.402 E. Bronze, height 12 cm; provenance is unknown. Published in: Riefstahl, E.: “Doll, Queen or Goddess?”, Brooklyn Museum Journal, 1943/1944, 1944, p. 13.2, fig. 9; Parlasca, K.: “Zwei ägyptische Bronzen aus dem Heraion von Samos“, MDAI Athenische Ableilung, 68, 1953, S. 130 (ref. 30), Beilage 46.4.


1902, p. 149 (No 37).

unlike the previous instances is not raised in the gesture of adoration but hold an certain object (now lost), presumably sistrum, as can be seen from her closed fist.

There are also parallels that are temporally, technologically and even geographically distant from the Memphite figurine, but they have similar features and thus are worth to be mentioned here.

The first one is a granite statue of the queen Amanimalel discovered in Jebel Barkal 14 . The queen is represented standing in a long tight-fitting garment with a single strap that goes over her left shoulder and thus uncovering the right breast. The right arm of the queen is stretched down, it holds a menyt-necklace with aegis. Like on the Memphite image, Amanimalel also carries a statuette of a child held in her left hand. The small figure kept by the queen can be identified as an image of Horus the Child as it is shown with a sidelock of youth and wearing a double crown.

Another figurine represents Renepetneferet, who was considered as a spouse of Imhotep and personification of the New Year 15 . The deity is shown standing with right arm stretched down on thigh, while her left arm is folded in elbow and carried an object with handle (a sistrum), which is now missing. Renepetneferet is depicted in a long close- fitting dress. As the Memphite figurine she wears a round wig that is topped with a platform, though in this case the platform is flat and of cylindrical shape. Its side is decorated with urai or floral frieze. This platform could be a base for hieroglyphic symbol of the deity 16 or for a bunch of flowers that would also fit the Ancient Egyptian ideas of eternal recurrence and annual regeneration.

The next two parallels refer the aegis on shoulder of the Memphite figurine. The first is a faience amulet figurine of a naked Nubian girl 17 . She is represented squatted, with both hands lying on knees. On her left shoulder the girl carries an aegis surmounted with lion’s head. Another one is a faience ex-voto figure of a corpulent naked woman 18 . Its iconography is rich with the symbols of fertility —clearly marked pubic zone, forelock on a shaved head; in each hand the she carries a kitten and a small basket, her head is surrounded with monkeys; on each shoulder the woman is carrying lion-headed aegides.

Lion heads of the aegides as well as representation of kittens on the latter figure on it link the statuettes to the cult of feline goddess Bastet, who played an important role in Egyptian ideas of fertility 19 . These figurines are also iconographically related to statuettes of Beset — a female dwarf deity who

14 National Museum Khartoum, Inv. No 1843: granite, height 141 cm. Napata Period, 643–623 BCE. — Wildung, D.: Sudan. Ancient Kingdoms of the Nile, Paris–New York, 1996, p. 222–223 (Cat. No 231).

15 Private collection (?): Bronze, 17,5 cm. XXVI Dynasty. — Aubert, J.F.; Aubert, L.: Bronzes et or égyptiens, Paris, 2001, p. 299, pl. 23.

16 Aubert, Aubert: Bronzes et or égyptiens

17 Private collection, Switzerland: faience, height 5,4 cm. XXVI Dynasty. — Page-Gasser, M.; Wiese, A.: Ägypten Augenblicke der Ewigkeit. Ubekannte Schaetze aus Schweizer Privatbesitz, Maiz, 1997, p. 217, cat. No 142.

18 Egyptian Museum Berlin, Inv. No 12424: faience, height 18 cm. —

Parlasca: Zwei ägyptische Bronzen

égyptiens d'heureuse maternité. «Faïence» bleu-vert à pois foncés, Paris,

, p. 299.


Beilage 47; Bulté J.: Talismans

1991, p. 49 (doc. No 122), pl. 26 a-b.

19 Otto, E.:“Bastet”, LÄ, I, 628–630; Bonnet, H.: Reallexikon der Ägyptischen Religionsgeschichte, Berlin, 1952, S. 80–82; Bulté:



p. 105–106.

was considered as a protector of childbirth, motherhood and children 20 . Beset was usually represented in a company of child(ren), nursing a baby and carrying her mate Bes on shoulders or head 21 .

Aegis. Most of the aforementioned figurines have one common element — an aegis carried on a shoulder. The aegis itself was an aniconic form for a deity personifying in its ritual object. It visualized the idea of hidden divine energy penetrating into the human world, the deity demonstrating its will and taking part in cult ceremonies 22 . In general aegides were involved in cult practices dealing with the renewal of vital forces and (re)birth. At first, aegides were used in the most important state ceremonies including the Opet, the Beautiful Feast of the Valley, the rites connected to reviving of the royal power (coronation, Heb Sed, etc.) and others. By the Late Period aegides spread to the other spheres of ritual — they became a part of funerary processions and burial equipment. The abovementioned two faience figurines is one of the evidences of using aegides in the “folk” religion in the context of magical practice against sterility 23 .

The origins of the aegis date back to the Eighteenth Dynasty. Its earliest hitherto known representation is attested in the Karnak Red Chapel of the queen Hatshepsut. The aegis first appeared as an element that surmounted prow and stern of the sacred bark Userhat Amun. Starting from the reign of Amenophis I, the prow and stern of the bark were finished with ram’s heads 24 . Most likely Hatshepsut was the first to decorate these images of Amun with collars 25 . Starting from this time, aegides became an integral part of the sacred bark of Amun, and afterwards — of many other gods.

With time aegides also became a part of divine standards. The earliest surviving representation of such a staff is on a statue of Tuthmosis IV from Karnak 26 . Despite its poor preservation there is no doubt that the king was shown carrying a standard of Amun surmounted with an aegis with ram’s head. Since the Amarna period, aegides also formed an element of small ritual staffs, which were used during home ceremonies or devoted to a deity in temples 27 .

In the Third Intermediate and Late Periods a number of amulets made in the form of an aegis appeared. As a decorative element aegides were incorporated into jewelry



, For example, Parlasca: Zwei ägyptische Bronzen

Bonnet: Reallexikon

S. 116–118; Bulté: Talismans

, S. 127-136, Beilage

p. 95–99.

, 46; Hodjash, S.: God Bes’ Images in the Ancient Egyptian Art in the Collection of the Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow, 2004, p.

116–117 (cat. Nos 90, 91).

22 Ivanov, S.: “Aegis in Ancient Egyptian Art: Aspects of Interpretation”, Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-first Century. Proceedings

of the Eighth International Congress of Egyptologists (Hawass Z., ed.), II, Cairo, 2003, p. 335–337.

23 Ivanov, S.: “Aegides in the Context of Ancient Egyptian Cult Practice of the New Kingdom and the Third Intermediate Period” (in Russian), History and Culture of Ancient and Early Christian Egypt (Sherkova, T., ed.), Moscow, 2001, p. 64–73.

24 Karlshausen, Ch.: “L’évolution de la barque processionnelle d’Amon à la 18 e dynastie“, RdÉ, 46, 1995, p. 120–121, fig. 1–2.

25 Karlshausen: L’évolution

26 .Bryan, B.M.: “Portrait Sculpture of Thutmose IV”, JARCE, 24, 1987, p. 3–20 (Egyptian Museum, Cairo, JE 43611).

27 Freed, R.E., Markowitz, Y.J., D'Auria, S.H. (eds.): Pharaohs of the Sun:

Akhnalen, Nefertiti, Tutankhamen, Boston, 1999, p. 235, No 100 (Egyptian Museum, Berlin, Inv. No 2072). See also Roeder, G.: Ägyptische Bronzefiguren, Berlin, 1956, § 615b (Louvre, Inv. No E 5449); ibid.:

(Bologna Archaeological Museum, Inv. No 365); Quaegebeur, J.: “Apis et la menat“, BSFE, 98, 1983 (Brooklin Museum, Inv. No 73.25), etc.


1995, fig. 3; Ivanov: Aegis…, 2003, p. 334.

(fingerings, earrings, pendants), musical instruments (clappers, sistra, harps), toiletry (mostly mirrors) and even architectural decoration (of architraves and capitals) 28 .

But the majority of survived aegides belong to a large group representing different combinations of menit-necklace (counterpoise) with aegis. Such objects were first attested at the time of Tutankhamun 29 and became rather popular in the Ramesside period and later on. These objects are associated with sacred musical performances, during which worshippers could use menit necklaces as rattles. There is an evidence that some of such combinations were used by male dancers, who put it on a shoulder during liturgical dancing 30 . It is not quite clear if these objects produced any sound during the performance, or if they had a pure symbolic meaning, but this is exactly the case that is seen on the Memphite figurine.

Sidelock of Youth. The sidelock of youth added to the wig of the Memphite woman is traditionally considered to be a sign of juvenility. It was usually worn by children, being the only tress on their shaved heads, and was cut off upon reaching puberty. This symbol became an iconography feature of child-gods (Horus, Khonsu, Ikhy). The sidelock added to a round wig was also a sign of the god Iunmutef and high priests of Ptah at Memphis 31 . In the last two instances the lock emphasized son function of the god 32 and the priests 33 .

It is significant that in artistic tradition the locks of youth were mainly male symbols. Representations of girls with such locks prior the New Kingdom are relatively few. During the XVIII Dynasty a new fashion occurred — the lock of youth, which was usually braided and had a curved end, transformed into a strand of plain hairs tied with a band. It became part of young women’s hairdress worn at the same position as the youthlock and often above a regular wig. Many princesses, especially of the Amarna period, are shown with the sidelock or sidetrand. From that time on, wearing the sidestarnd became a fashion for young females of the upper class. As was noted by G. Robins this was the way to express “the stage of life somewhere between childhood and mature adulthood” 34 . The former symbol of juvenility had transformed into symbol ritual purity and/or marked the unmarried status of noble daughters.

The lock of youth of the Memphite figurine, like the fashionable sidestrands, could point to ritual purity of its owner, and, also as the locks of Iunmutef and high priests of Ptah, to her noble origin 35 .

Nudity. The nudity of the Memphite woman is also a subject of discussion. Starting from the earliest phases of Egyptian civilization, thousands of figurines that we usually call

28 Ivanov, S.: Aegides in the Cult Practice of Ancient Egypt in XV-IV BC. Cand. Of Hist. Sc. Thesis (in Russian). Moscow, 2005, p. 32–33.

29 Quaegebeur: Apis… 1983, p. 17–25; Ivanov: Aegis…, 2003, p. 334–335; idem.: Aegides in the Cult Practice…, 2005, p. 28–31.

30 Quaegebeur J., Rammant-Peeters A.: “Le pyramidion d'un «danseur en

chef» de Bastet“, Studia Paulo Naser Oblata, II (OLA 13), 1982, p. 183–


31 Müller, Ch

32 te Velde, H.: “Iunmutef”, LÄ, III, 212–213.

33 Müller: Jugendlocke, 274.

34 Robbins, G.: Women in Ancient Egypt, London, 1993, p. 185.

35 However cf. Quaegebeur, Rammant-Peeters: Le pyramidion…, p. 187, note 38.


“Jugendlocke”, LÄ, III, 273–274.

“concubines” or “fertility figurines” or “dolls” were









women 42 .


manufactured. Usually roughly made of clay, wood or faience they were generally devoted to shrines of “mother- goddesses”. This practice is associated with folk magical charms against sterility 36 .

However, our Memphite statuette does not fit the case. It is made of an expensive material — bronze — and features a skillful workmanship. Also it does not resemble figures of maidservants, which were never cast in bronze. Most likely it represents a priestess though representations of nude high- ranking ladies are rather rare in Egypt. We also know depictions of naked goddesses — Nut, Qudshu, Anat and Astarta, though all of them with the exception of Nut, were of Asiatic origin. The cults of the nude goddesses were strongly associated with fertility, fecundity and sexuality.

Beside sexual connotation nudity could also outline ritual purity. In the temple of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu there is one of the very rare representations depicting intimate relations between the king and his concubine 37 . Both persons are represented naked; they only wear headdresses and sandals. In this scene the nudity, which is so unusual for Egyptian “official” art, could only be used to stress the purity of the represented action. It is quite likely that the nudity of the Memphite lady as well as her sidelock can be interpreted in this context.

Floral Crown. No less interesting is the platform atop the wig of the Memphite figurine. On the chair of the princess Satamon 38 the princess is depicted wearing a crown with such a platform, which is the base for a bunch of papyrus blossoms. Similar crowns were worn by the ladies represented in the tomb of Menna 39 and the concubine of Ramesses III 40 . In L. Troy’s opinion, such crowns had connotations with the goddess Wadjet, and were also related mythology on uraeus–divine eye–divine daughter 41 . Blossoming papyrus was also an important symbol of protection and regeneration.

Though the above mentioned floral crowns have much smaller bases and the shape of their platforms is generally round, it is possible to reconstruct the missing parts of the

Figure of a Child. The Memphite figurine is represented carrying a statuette of a child. Due to the small size of the representation the details of this child’s statuette are not clear, though on some other examples it is possible to distinguish its rectangular base 43 . Most likely this figurine is a votive object, dedicated to a child-god — Horus, Khonsu or Ikhy. Taking into consideration the strong association of majority objects found in the Mit-Rahina bronze horde with Theban gods, the most probable dedicatee of the statuette is Khonsu 44 .

An artistic parallel to bronze statues discussed in this article is seen on a relief in the temple of Khonsu in Karnak 45 . This scene depicts Nodjemet, the wife of Herihor, and lady Shesebek, who are worshipping the goddess Mut (fig. 4). The ladies’ heads are surmounted with the rectangular platforms with flowers, typical for the xnrt women. The titles affirm their association with xnrt, as they are both called wrt xnrt or Chief Musicians of Amun-Re and Khonsu, respectively.

Remarkably, the priestesses are carrying babies in their arms. The appearance of children is partly explained by another title of Nedjemet, mentioned in this scene, calling her “The Chief Nurse of Mut”. Unfortunately it is not quite clear what functions the nurses of Mut had. These titles could have a mere symbolical meaning. We only know of a singer of this goddess Ir-mut-pa-nefer, who was a nurse of the king Amenemope 46 . S.-A. Naguib suggested that the main function of the institution of wet-nurses of Mut was taking care of the babies dedicated to priesthood at an early age 47 and thus producing a new generation of worshippers.

The other title of Nodjemet, that was also born by five other royal ladies of the XXI Dynasty, is also worth mentioning here. She was called “The Divine Mother of the Child Khonsu” 48 . This is a symbolic title referring to queens’ mythological role as Mut, consort of the god and mother of his child.



Memphite figurine’s crown with flowers. At least this seems the most probable reconstruction, and the chips on its base allow it.

It is also interesting that Satamon and the ladies of Tuthmosis IV are represented with musical instruments — sistra and menyt-collars. Judging by the titles, these ladies were associated with xnrt. This is an institution of priestess that played musical instruments during cult ceremonies. #nrt generally consisted of female members of royal and high officials’ families. It is also known that xnrt included

To sum up we can assume that the Memphite figurine represents a lady from an upper-class family. The sidelock of youth and her nudity may point to ritual purity of the woman. She entered a xnrt where she played musical instruments and possibly — as indicated by the aegis — performed a ritual dance. Depiction of the child figurine in her hand may refer to her devotion to the cult of Khonsu, and, probably, to additional functions of the priestess that could include fosterage of children in a temple.

36 Riefstahl: Doll…, 1944, p. 9; Desroches-Noblecourt, Ch.: "Concubines du mort" et mères de famille au Moyen Empire. À propos d'une supplique pour une naissance”, BIFAO, 53, 1953, p. 7–47; etc.

37 PM II.2 2 , 486–487: 30 (e); Epigraphic Survey. The Eastern High Gate. Medinet Habu, VIII (The University of Chicago Oriental Institute Publications, vol. 94), Chicago, 1970, pl. 654., fig. 51.

38 Egyptian Museum, Cairo: CG 51113 (Quibell, J.E.: Tomb of Yuaa and Thuiu. Catalogue Général des antiquités égyptiennes du Musée du Caire Nos 51001–51191. Cairo, 1908, pl. 40).

39 TT 69: PM I.1 2 , 137:7.

40 See above, ref. 26.

41 Troy, L.: Patterns of Queenship in Ancient Egyptian Myth and History (Boreas 14), Uppsala, 1986, p. 122.

42 Troy: Patterns of Queenship…, pp. 77–79, 86.

43 See above, notes 13, 14.

44 See also Quaegebeur, Rammant-Peeters: Le pyramidion…, p. 199, note 109.

45 PM II.2 2 , 230:17 (II.4); The Temple of Khonsu, I. Scenes of King Herihor in the Court (The University of Chicago Oriental Institute Publications, vol. 100), Chicago, 1979, pl. 28. 46 Naguib, S.-A.: Le clergé féminin d’Amon thébain à la 21 e dynastie (OLA 38), 1998, p. 228–229.

47 Naguib: Le clergé…,1998, p. 224–225, 231. 48 Troy: Patterns of Queenship…, pp. 74, 89 (B2/41).

Fig. 1. Upper part of a figurine of a priestess. Egyptian Museum, Cairo JE 35107
Fig. 1. Upper part of a figurine of a priestess. Egyptian Museum, Cairo JE 35107
Fig. 1. Upper part of a figurine of a priestess. Egyptian Museum, Cairo JE 35107

Fig. 1. Upper part of a figurine of a priestess. Egyptian Museum, Cairo JE 35107 L

Photo by the Author

Fig. 2. Upper part of a figurine of a priestess. Egyptian Museum, Cairo JE 32784

Fig. 2.

Upper part of a figurine of a priestess. Egyptian Museum, Cairo JE 32784 Photo by the Author

Egyptian Museum, Cairo JE 32784 Photo by the Author Fig. 3. Figurine of a priestess. Egyptian

Fig. 3.

Figurine of a priestess. Egyptian Museum, Cairo JE 37967 Photo by the Author

Egyptian Museum, Cairo JE 37967 Photo by the Author Fig. 4. Nedjement and Shesebek Worshiping the

Fig. 4. Nedjement and Shesebek Worshiping the Goddess Mut. Relief of the Temple of Khonsu, Karnak Taken from: The Temple of Khonsu, 1979, pl. 28

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