'HFRQVWUXFWLQJ+HJHPRQLF0DVFXOLQLW\8QGHUVWDQGLQJ5HSUHVHQWDWLRQV

RI%ODFNDQG:KLWH0DQKRRGLQ3ULQW$GYHUWLVLQJ
.HYLQ'7KRPDV

$GYHUWLVLQJ 6RFLHW\5HYLHZ9ROXPH,VVXH$UWLFOH

3XEOLVKHGE\$GYHUWLVLQJ(GXFDWLRQDO)RXQGDWLRQ
'2,DVU

)RUDGGLWLRQDOLQIRUPDWLRQDERXWWKLVDUWLFOH
KWWSVPXVHMKXHGXDUWLFOH

Access provided by Northwestern University Library (5 May 2016 22:24 GMT)

 Deconstructing Hegemonic Masculinity:
Understanding Representations of Black and White Manhood in Print Advertising

Kevin D. Thomas

Introduction

Hegemonic masculinity is a symbiotic construction. Left to its own devices, hegemonic

masculinity would collapse in upon itself because it would no longer be able to support the

weight of the myths upon which it is built. It is only through its relationship with other socially

constructed concepts that hegemonic masculinity is able to thrive. Most notably, hegemonic

masculinity derives its meaning and power through its dichotomous interaction with hegemonic

femininity, particularly in the ways in which hegemonic femininity aids to define what

hegemonic masculinity is not. If sensitivity, gentleness, and passivity were all coded as feminine

traits, masculine traits would encompass their antithesis (i.e., indifference, aggressiveness, and

domination). However, hegemonic masculinity is dependent upon more than hegemonic

femininity for meaning.

Research related to advertising and hegemonic masculinity typically does not engage

their relationship from an intersectional perspective. Developed by Black Feminist scholars, the

theory of intersectionality presumes that sites of identity are inextricably linked.1 Rather than

viewing identity characteristics as independent units, identity markers such as race, gender,

sexual orientation, and social class are deemed as interacting on several, and often, overlapping

spheres. As stated by Collins, an understanding of the self requires a clear comprehension of

how identity characteristics interrelate with one another, societal systems, and structures. 2

Research conducted using an intersectional approach provides such a perspective.

 A look back at representations of black and white masculinity during and directly after

the antebellum era3 clearly illustrates the importance of incorporating intersectionality into the

study of hegemonic masculinity. Prior to the end of enslavement, the Sambo figure represented

the dominant discourse relating to black masculinity.4 This archetype was perceived as dim-

witted, lazy, and happy-go-lucky. These are all traits that were clearly not associated with the

dominant discourse of white masculinity. White manhood was configured around enterprising

thought, strong work ethic, and judiciousness.

It is important to juxtapose these constructions with dominant discourses of black

femininity to illustrate a clear picture of the fluidity of hegemonic masculinity. During the

antebellum period, black femininity was predominantly embodied in the Mammy caricature.5

She was positioned as a strong, diligent worker who was fiercely loyal to her white owners.

Conversely, white femininity was portrayed as the nexus of beauty, morality, and

respectability.6 As such, black femininity as it was embodied in the black female mammy was

positioned closer to the understanding of white masculinity than to the construction of black

masculinity as revealed in the black male Sambo. Black men were completely divorced from

masculinity (in its white hegemonic form), while black women had masculine traits sutured

onto their identity, thereby divorcing femininity (in its white hegemonic form) from black

women. Following the end of enslavement, there was a turn in the dominant discourse of black

masculinitythe Sambo gave way to the Brute Negro. As strikingly portrayed in D.W. Griffiths

Birth of a Nation, the Brute Negro (as he is presented in the blackface character of Gus) was

innately savage, animalistic, and a predator of white women. This characterization is a far cry

from the antebellum Sambo. During slavery, the dominant portrayal of black masculinity
framed black men as harmless imbeciles; post-emancipation, the discourse had reconstructed

black masculinity and equated it with hyper-masculine savagery.7

In order to understand this shift, the state of the nation must be examined. During the

time of the Sambo, it was in the nations best interest to differentiate black masculinity from

white masculinitythe institution of enslavement demanded it. Proponents of enslavement

created and disseminated representations of black masculinity (and Blackness in general) that

justified slavery and assuaged white guilt.8 Correlating black masculinity with an

underdeveloped, childlike existence became part of the process of rationalizing and validating

enslavement. This positioning bolstered the narrative that slave owners acted as surrogate

parents dutifully guiding the progress of all of those within their sphere of influence.

However, post-emancipation Sambo ceased to be a productive site of black masculinity

discourse. In order to uphold white supremacy, black masculinity was transformed from

childlike to evil incarnate. By aligning black masculinity with criminality and savagery, the nation

created the space to contain the threat now viewed as inherent in black men. In the post-

emancipation era, the dominant discourse regarding white masculinity was largely kept intact.

However, notions of white masculinity correlating with being a provider and protector were

heightened. 9 This review of masculinity pre- and post-emancipation demonstrates the key role

that race plays in how hegemonic masculinity is (re)constructed. These findings make it evident

that any productive analysis of masculinity must incorporate a thorough discussion of multiple

sites of identity.

Advertising has long served as a curator of hegemonic masculinity discourse. Minstrel-

inspired spokespersons, such as B&G Foods Rastus, The Quaker Oats Companys Aunt Jemima,
and Converted Rice Incorporateds Uncle Ben, functioned to naturalize the dominant discourses

surrounding masculinity and femininity. As such, advertising images serve as a fertile site to

investigate current constructions of hegemonic masculinity. The goal of this research project is

to apply an intersectional analysis to the study of advertising and hegemonic masculinity. In so

doing, the ways in which the complex mixing of race, gender, sexuality, and social class affect

the construction of hegemonic masculinity can be better understood.

Literature Review

A number of consumer researchers have investigated the linkages between advertising

and notions of masculinity. Via a content assessment of 87 magazine advertisements featured

in a broad cross-section of periodicals, OBarr investigated gender representations throughout

the life cycle.10 OBarrs findings underscore the socially constructed nature of gender and

highlight the ways in which advertising uses, and therefore reinforces, gender roles. In regards

to masculinity, OBarrs analysis demonstrates how expressions of masculinity shift by life-cycle

phase. In childhood, masculinity is in large part sutured to ones maleness and the commodities

that symbolize said maleness (e.g., a blue versus a pink blanket); in adolescence and beyond,

males are expected to also articulate masculinity through their physicality. Maintaining and

actively displaying a sculpted body is the apex of masculine expression.

In an exercise termed visual genealogy, Schroeder and Zwick illustrated how visual

elements of advertising provide a system of difference between masculinity and femininity.11

Their analysis repositioned representations of masculinity from a space of mere expression to

the more critical location of formation. As the authors state: Representations do not merely

express masculinity, rather, they pay a central role in forming conceptions of masculinity.
The work of Schroeder and Zwick emphasized the semiotic relationship shared between

masculinity and femininity, as well as demonstrated the usefulness of critically focusing on

advertising images to better understand the meaning of manhood. As such, it built upon

previous scholarship conducted by Scott12 and Stern.13

In their series of content analyses, Gentry and Harrison expose the problematic

tendencies of advertisings gender portrayals.14 While their findings suggest a broadening of

gender portrayals among females, representations of males adhere to one of two narrow

conceptualization of masculinitythe stoically macho man and the horses ass. The stoically

macho man epitomizes rugged masculinity. He is enterprising, capable, and has an affinity for

sports and outdoor activities. Conversely, the horses ass is infinitely inept. He is an

incompetent worker, husband, and father that consistently attempts to solve problems by way

of violence. Gentry and Harrison argue that the narrow framework advertisers use to represent

masculinity contradicts the lived experience of most men, which is increasingly ambiguous in

relation to gender roles. The authors conclude the representation of gender in advertising

exacerbates the atmosphere of gender confusion found in present-day society.

Through the use of qualitative techniques, Zayer developed a typology of ideal

masculinity as represented by advertising that included men of the Generation X cohort.15 Her

findings suggest the existence of eight ideal masculinity themesthe Adventurer, the Athlete,

the Attractive Man, the Daredevil, the Family Man, the Goal-Driven Man, the Individual, and

the Strong Man; as well as highlight three potentially antithetical themesthe Partier, the

Player, and the Slob.

 While many of Zayers themes are in keeping with previous categorizations established

by Brannon16 and refined by Lindsey17, critical differences did emerge. In the Brannon/Lindsey

typology, assuming and maintaining the role of family-unit financial provider was a key element

of ideal masculinity, as was proving ones sexual prowess with women. However, among her

informants, Zayer found the former to be declining in salience and the latter to be viewed as

contradictory of ideal masculinity, which further demonstrates the fluidity of dominant

masculinity. It should be noted that Zayers sample consisted mainly of white, well-educated

heterosexual men, a group that historically has been privileged. The ways in which masculinity

is framed and expressed cannot be completely understood by examining only privileged

populations of men; those with a more marginalized social status must also be considered.

In regards to the portrayal of African-American males in advertising, Baileys two-stage

content analysis of magazine advertisements uncovered key distinctions in frequency and

execution.18 Bailey performed a quantitative assessment of advertisements featured in three

hip-hop related magazines, two magazines aimed at African Americans, and two magazines

directed at the general population of the U.S. Whereas more than 60 percent (63.6%) of

advertisements featured in magazines related to hip-hop culture depicted at least one African-

American male, fewer than fourteen percent (13.8%) of the ads in magazines directed at the

general population included a depiction of an African-American male. In the area of execution,

African-American males tended to be portrayed in non-occupational roles (with the noted

exception of athlete and entertainer) and featured in a narrow range of product categories

(e.g., brands advertising apparel, footwear, or fashion accessories) across both sets of

magazines.
 Baileys work accentuates the ways in which race affects the potential construction and

expression of masculinity. For instance, the use of work and work settings clearly differentiates

how advertising represents black from white masculinity. While employment, even in its most

banal configurations is seen as part and parcel of representations of white masculinity, this

logic seems to be inversed when masculinity is associated with black males. The breadth of

product categories that feature white and black masculinity also makes them distinct. Confining

the portrayal of black masculinity to a limited set of product categories may narrow the scope

of products associated with black masculinity and therefore restricts how black males can

express their masculinity via the symbolic value of marketplace commodities.

Purpose of Study

Interpretive research related to advertising and masculinity has generally overlooked

how race may affect the construction and expression of hegemonic masculinity. Baileys work

spotlighted the influential role of race, but the quantitative focus of his investigation lacked the

depth of understanding made available through interpretive research protocols. The purpose of

this study is to extend the work of Bailey by applying an interpretive approach to the study of

representations of black and white masculinity in advertising. By doing so, a deeper and more

nuanced understanding of masculinity may emerge.

Methodology

The author conducted a content assessment of advertisements featured in magazines

specifically directed predominately at young white and black readers respectively. Content

assessment is a qualitative research technique, which unlike content analysis, incorporates

historical context into the analysis process.19 20 As noted by Phillips and McQuarrie21, a key

advantage of content assessment is that it allows an integrated perspective, based on all of the

elements of an ad, to emerge as a result of an extended period of immersion. As opposed to

content analysis, wherein the researcher is bound by the contents of the analyzed text, content

assessment provides the space for a more holistic examination.

Using self-reported magazine readership and subscription data reported in publisher-

developed media kits, two groups of periodicals were chosen. The first group consisted of Vibe,

King, and Black Men, while the second group included FHM, Maxim, and Blender. The former

set having a predominately black male audience, and the readership of the latter group is

composed primarily of young white males. Based on demographic data contained in each

periodicals media kits, the readership of both sets of magazines was mainly college educated,

between the ages of 20 and 35, and possessed an average household income upward of

$50,000. Given the congruency of the readerships in primary social markers (i.e., age,

education, and salary), the chosen periodicals provide for a comparable analysis of masculinity

among young middle-class black and white males. The investigator conducted a content

assessment of a total of 12 magazinestwo issues for each magazine within the two groups.

The magazine issues we analyzed encompass a time frame between April 2008 and July 2008.

The content assessment process incorporates three key areas of inquiry. The

investigator assessed the variety of products advertised in each set of magazines. Given that

men are the target audience for all the magazines, the investigator discerned the types of

products deemed viable for advertisement to such a demographic. Furthermore, the

investigator wanted to determine the extent to which different product categories were
marketed along racial formations; that is, would the magazines aimed at young white males

differ in their product assortment than those targeted to young black men?

The content assessment also evaluated the types of advertising appeals used in each

group of magazines. To assist in this endeavor, the investigator developed a code sheet that

explicitly outlined the potential advertising appeals. The code sheet included: rational appeal;

four common emotional appeals22sexual, humorous, aspirational, and fearful; and an other

category. Advertisements that simply presented product features and benefits were coded as

rational appeal. In regards to the collection of emotional appeals, ads that displayed seductive

imagery and/or sexually suggestive text were coded as employing sexual appeal. Ads that

incorporated comical elements were coded as implementing humorous appeal. Those that

presented images or textual communication that gave suggestion of increased social status

were viewed as using aspirational appeal. Ads coded as using a fearful appeal incorporated

images and text that aroused consumer anxiety. Advertisements that could not be placed in any

of the aforementioned categories were categorized as other. The intent of this portion of the

assessment was to better understand the ways in which products are constructed as desirable

for men. The investigator also ascertained if/how configurations of desirability are augmented

by race.

While the advertising appeal is determined by analyzing the creative portions of each ad

in its totality, the final aspect of the content assessment examined the individual creative

elements that constituted the whole of each advertisement. During this phase of the

assessment, the investigator surveyed the gender, (phenotypic) racial identity, and social strata

of models (as evident in style of dress and atmospherics present in the ad). Here the
investigator was concerned with how gender, race, and class intermingle to describe and

represent ideas of masculinity, as well as how these three constructs shift and transform

themselves between the two target audiences.

The overall goal of the content assessment presented here is twofold. The first objective

is to realize what constitutes present-day masculinity. By examining the product types directed

at males along with the modes and means used to persuade young men of their utility, the

investigator can assemble a snapshot of the attributes that currently formulate masculinity. The

second aim of this research is to explore the contrasting representations of white and black

masculinity. By focusing the investigation on magazines that speak to and for young black and

white men, the researcher is able to clearly delineate between representations of black and

white masculinity.

Findings

Variety of Product Categories

The two groups of magazines demonstrated considerable variance in relation to the

variety of products advertised. The set of magazines targeted to predominately young white

males generally displayed a greater mix of product categories. Fashion, automotive, personal

electronics, fitness, cosmetics, alcohol, tobacco, and sex-related products23 were all well

represented within the pages of FHM, Maxim, and Blender. While sex-related products

constituted the greatest number of advertisements, as a whole this product category

accounted for only 16 percent of all ads, which stands as a testament to the diversity of

products featured. Conversely, sex-related products made up over 40 percent of all the ads
featured in King, Vibe, and Black Men. That number climbs to 55 percent when Vibe is excluded

from the analysis. The percentage of sex-related products was substantially lower for Vibe

(15%); however, it should also be noted that Vibe maintains the lowest level of black/male

readership57% are black and 58% are male. Both King and Black Men have black/male

readership higher than 80 percent. The magazine with the highest level of black male

readership, Black Men, also demonstrated the highest percentage of sex-related products

(77%). The increased product mix of Vibe may be a result of its more diverse (read: female and

white) audience.

In addition to the influx in sex-related products, the magazines targeted to young black

men also displayed a stronger concentration of automotive products, particularly automotive

accessories, such as chrome wheels. While the product category of aftermarket wheels was

nearly nonexistent in the magazines predominately directed at young white men, these ads

were a fixture within the periodicals targeted at young black males. This is especially true for

the pages of King in which one of every four advertisements featured aftermarket automotive

productsan anonymous blogger may have said it best when they posted the following

comment to King magazines website: I luv King magazine, T&A and rims!

A deeper understanding of masculinity can be discerned from the variety (or lack

thereof) of product categories within the two groups of magazines. The multitude of product

categories found in periodicals predominately aimed at young white men indicates that middle-

class white masculinity possesses a broader base than black masculinity. Middle-class white

masculinity can be perceived as spanning across a great number of groupings and categories. In

essence, no single product type typifies or dominates the structuring of middle-class white
masculinity. Product categories as divergent as beer and batteries fit comfortably in the

paradigm of white masculinity. However, the construction of middle-class black masculinity

seems to be far more narrowly defined. The heavy concentration of sex-related products

suggest that middle-class black masculinity is constructed around hypersexuality, while the

focus on aftermarket automotive products, which act as symbols of conspicuous consumption,

imply that middle-class black masculinity is aligned with highly visible materialism.

Product categories not present in the magazines also provide insight into the structures

of hegemonic masculinity. Product categories related to domesticity, such as household goods

and childcare items, were completely absent from both groups of magazines. This finding

echoes the results obtained by Gentry and Harrison in their non-race specific content analysis

of gender role representations. While demographic data pertaining to marital status and

parenthood were not made available by all the periodicals under review, both Maxim and Black

Men proclaim that one-third of their readership is married. The media kit provided by Maxim

goes on to emphasize that 39 percent of their readers own their own home, which they proudly

indicate is more than twice the level found among all adults in the U.S. The absence of

advertisements for family and household products becomes more puzzling when these

numbers are coupled with statistics provided by the U.S. government. According to the Bureau

of the Census, men are typically married by age 27, and the National Survey of Family Growth

conducted by the Centers of Disease Control and Prevention reports males assume fatherhood

by the time they reach their 25th birthday. Given these figures, it is unlikely that the lack of

household goods and childcare products can be solely explained by demographics.

 The absence of products concerning the domestic (read: home and family) between

racial formations intimates that neither black nor white middle-class masculinity is concerned

with maintaining home or nurturing family. Rather, the featured product categories

(particularly in the set of magazines aimed at predominately young white males) tended to join

together under the concept of mastery/domination. The cross-section of ads featured in the

magazines targeted to predominately young white men highlighted products and services (e.g.,

cars, cell phones, armed forces recruitment, and outdoor footwear) that possess an inherent

element of connecting and managing points, people, places, and things in and outside the

home. The combination of product categories that were and were not presented in each set of

magazines illuminates a construction of masculinity wherein middle-class white manhood is

disconnected from domesticity and broadly characterized around a plethora of objects and

attributes concerning skillfulness, control, and pleasure. While middle-class black masculinity is

also divorced from the domestic, it is situated within a narrower understanding that revolves

around hypersexuality and materialism. These findings dovetail previous scholarship inasmuch

as the positioning of hegemonic masculinity as masterly and masterful is well documented in

masculinity literature.24 25 26 Using a race-specific analysis, however, resulted in findings about

the distinct ways in which advertisements link middle-class white and black masculinity to skill

and dominance. A study conducted by Harris et al.27 found that perceptions of masculinity

among black and white men tended to be similar in young adulthood but that these

perceptions progressively diverged as the men grew older. The differing paths used by

advertisers to represent middle-class white and black masculinity may provide a deeper

understanding of this phenomenon.

 Advertising Appeal Usage

The two sets of magazines also differed greatly in their usage of advertising appeals. Sex

appeal was employed far more within the magazines aimed at young black men. This finding is

particularly surprising since sexual exploitation is the dominate theme in two of the three

periodicals in both groups. While Blender and Vibe bill themselves as music-focused magazines,

FHM, Maxim, King, and Black Men are all positioned as Playboy-esque; therefore much of the

content surrounding the advertisements in these periodicals is sexually charged. That a

continuation of the sexuality found in the articles and pictorials occurs in many of the

advertisements featured in the magazines directed at young black men and that this

continuation is absent in the predominately white periodicals speaks volumes in relation to the

structuring of hegemonic masculinity.

Like the product category analysis discussed above, the examination of advertising appeals also

indicates that middle-class black masculinity holds a reliance on hypersexuality for its meaning

and structure. By depending on sexual imagery as a core means of persuasion, advertisers

construct an understanding of middle-class black masculinity that largely manifests itself

through high libidos and sexual conquests. The fact that far fewer ads in the magazines aimed

predominately at middle-class young white males use sex appeal as a method of persuasion is

another indication that middle-class white masculinity is connected to sexuality to a lesser

degree than middle-class black masculinity. That is not to say that sexuality did not figure

prominently in ads featured in Maxim, FHM, and Blender. Sex appeal was the second-most

employed method of persuasion present in the set of magazines directed at young middle-class

white men. In both sets of magazines, sex appeal was applied to an array of product categories.
In addition to hedonic products, such as alcohol, tobacco, and high-end fashion, ads which are

historically associated with emotionally based persuasion tactics, sex appeal was also present in

many advertisements for utilitarian products, such as smoothies and website domains (Figure

1). This marketing strategy strongly suggests that heterosexual sex and heterosexuality

command a prominent position in the formation of both white and black masculinity.

Figure 1 Use of Sex Appeal

As stated above, one other method of persuasion was used to a greater extent than sex

appeal in relation to the periodicals predominately directed to young white males. While

humor, fear, and an assortment of other appeals were featured in FHM, Maxim, and Blender, it

was rational appeal that was used most frequently. Rational appeal was present in 157

advertisements in this set of magazines as opposed to the 55 occurrences found in Vibe, King,

and Black Men. It should be noted that more than one appeal could be featured in the same ad;

therefore in many instances advertisements highlighted a form of rational appeal in tandem

with one (or more) of the other appeal types. This finding leads to the conclusion that the

imagining of middle-class white masculinity contains a high degree of intellect and rationality.

Since rational appeal was used to a far less extent in the ads featured in the young black male
set of magazines, it would also follow that intellect and rationality are inconsequential

attributes (at best) in relation to middle-class black masculinity. A review of the advertising

appeals used within the two groups of magazines suggests that middle-class black masculinity is

so leveraged by sexuality that it would cease to have meaning at all in its absence. The

mobilization of appeals also illustrates that middle-class white masculinity is buttressed on a

variety of characteristics; intelligence and logic, however, are situated at its core.

Deconstruction of Creative

While the investigator discovered key differences by analyzing the creative elements in

their entirety, examining the individual pieces that comprised the whole of each advertisement

further complicated these differences. Through this process, disparities in the ways that

advertising appeals were implemented were realized. The two sets of magazines demonstrated

significant differences in the employment of gender, race, and sexuality. These differences

point to a deeper understanding of middle-class black and white masculinity. In regards to race,

both groupings tended to feature models that matched the racial identity of their respective

audience. The magazines aimed at young black men generally featured black models in their

advertisements, while white models were typically present in the ads located in the magazines

primarily targeted to young white men. Research from the field of psychology demonstrates

that this practice aids in gaining and holding the attention of audience members.28 29 However,

it also helps to distinguish between ideas of middle-class white and black masculinity. If the two

were constructed equally there would be no need to use racial demarcation.

The usage of sexuality also differed greatly between the two sets of periodicals. While

both sets of magazines relied heavily on heteroerotic imagery when employing sex appeal, the
magazines aimed primarily at young white males also incorporated a sizable amount of

ambiguous homoeroticism by featuring white and men of color in suggestive situations.

Goffman posits that men in advertisements are generally positioned as standing upright,

looking serious, and acutely aware of their surrounds, while women are typically portrayed

touching themselves, off-balance, eyes closed, and sexually available.30 Sut Jhally argues that

queerness results when these depictions are reversed31to present men in postures that are

predominately associated with the female body is to disturb the appearance of heterosexuality.

A number of advertisements in Maxim, FHM, and Blender used such a reverse and cross-coding,

wherein men were displayed using codes linked to femininity or presented in a fashion that

combined masculine and feminine codes (Figure 2).

Figure 2 Incorporating Queerness

This open yet subtle play on sexual orientation was not used in the set of magazines directed at

young black men. The periodicals targeted to young black men situated sexual queerness to the

furthest margins of print advertising: the classified section. Buried in the back of the magazine
and alongside advertisements for psychic readings and diamond-encrusted pimp glasses,

readers were privy to classified informationnot all black men are heterosexual (Figure 3).

Figure 3 Queerness at the Fringe

Sporadically placed within the pages of the classified section of Vibe, King, and Black Men were

advertisements promoting male-only, transgender, and/or gender-neutral phone sex lines. The

obscure placement of these ads signals that, when it comes to expressing queer sexual identity,

the only appropriate means of doing so may be on the down low. While ads featuring

heterosexual imagery were prominently displayed throughout the magazines, queerness was

forced to the shadowy fringes. This configuration mirrors the dominant discourse concerning

homosexuality in the black community, which asserts that queer black men live dual lives; one

that is open and appears safely heterosexual and another that is hidden and dangerously

homosexualthe famed down low brothas.

 These incongruent depictions of male sexuality further explicate the formations of

middle-class white and black masculinity. By prominently featuring advertisements coded with

queer sexuality, the set of magazines mainly directed at young white men promote a more

expansive form of masculinity. The act of coding queerness into the advertisements of well-

known and respected brands has the potential to heighten the degree of normalcy associated

with non-heterosexual identities. While the preponderance of heteroerotic imagery suggests

that heterosexuality is the preferred mode of middle-class white masculinity, the openness with

which homoerotic representations existed alongside them appears to demonstrate that the

boundaries of middle-class white masculinity move beyond the limits of heterosexual identity.

Middle-class black masculinity, however, is not allotted the same fluidity. The

advertisements in the set of magazines targeted at young black males indicate that

heterosexuality is the only acceptable form of sexual identity. Queer sexuality formations must

be disavowed and hidden from view. Rather than associating queerness with reputable brands,

it is further marginalized by fastening it to the underworld of pornography. The disparate use of

queer sexuality between the two groups of magazines gives the suggestion that middle-class

white masculinity embraces a diversity of sexuality formations, while middle-class black

masculinity actively excludes them. This disparity may be a consequence of the level of

dependence each form of masculinity imposes on sexuality for their meaning and structure.

Since middle-class black masculinity derives much of its construction from sexuality, and

heterosexuality is its dominant form of expression, middle-class black masculinity may suffer a

loss of meaning if other forms of sexual identity are openly recognized. In the case of middle-
class white masculinity, however, sexuality is simply one of many constructing attributes, which

may provide it the maneuverability to openly identify with queerness.

The employment and placement of women within the advertisements of both sets of

magazines also served to elucidate the underpinnings of black and white masculinity. The ads

within both groups of periodicals repeatedly deploy the use of objectification when featuring

women. Many advertisements went beyond transforming women into objects and entered the

realm of commodification, wherein women were positioned as the primary or supplemental

good for sale (Figure 4). According to Nussbaum32, to objectify a person is to: 1) treat a person

as if they are interchangeable with other persons; 2) or treat a person as simply a means to an

end; 3) or treat a person as if s/he is owned by another; 4) or treat a person as lacking agency;

5) or disregard a persons feelings and experiences; 6) or when acts of violence are treated as

permissible upon a person. The practice of commodifying a person extends the objectification

process by transforming a person into a product meant to be bought and consumed via the

marketplace. This act is demonstrated in Figure 4, wherein a young woman of color comes to

resemble the malted grain beverage presented for monetary exchange.

Figure 4 Commodifying Women

While all the magazines were securely positioned in sexism (the overwhelming

representation of women was that of sex object), a key differentiator surfaced when race was

added to the analysis. Women of color were nearly exclusively featured in the set of periodicals

aimed at young black men, and when white women were presented they typically did not

receive the same method of commodification. Whereas women of color were generally

portrayed as a sum of sex organs and irrelevant body parts, white women were in large part

depicted as more elitea standard above other (read: non-white) objects of sexual conquest.

Figure 5 accents the privileging of white femininity. While the white woman featured in the ad

is clearly objectified in a sexual manner, she is also portrayed as a celestial being. Redmond33

notes: Angels are where earthly, feminine-pure corporeality melts into air for the highest state

of feminine being. Therefore, the representing of white femininity as angelic also positions it

as the purest, most ideal form of femininity.

Figure 5 Privileging Female Whiteness

The same race distinction was not evident in FHM, Maxim, and Blender. Women of all

racial formations were subject to representations that obscured their overall humanity in favor

of emphasizing their sexuality. The ways in which race deviated the positioning of women

suggests that middle-class white masculinity is structured in a manner wherein all women are

valued as creatures (read: less than human) of carnal desire whose worth is proportionate to

their level of attractiveness. However, middle-class black masculinity strays from this

construction. The use of women in the ads featured in Vibe, King, and Black Men assigned a

hierarchy; while all women were constructed as sex objects, white women were positioned as

more desirable than women of color. As such, when calculating feminine worth, middle-class

black masculinity uses sex appeal as a key indicator; however if race is not weighed equally, the

worth of white women is positioned as greater than that of women of color. The intersectional

analysis of gender and race infers that the devaluing of all women is a cornerstone of white and

black masculinity. However, while white masculinity embraces equal opportunity chauvinism,

black masculinity adheres to a hierarchical system in which whiteness is granted more merit.
The final area of assessment was to deconstruct the atmospheric elements of each

advertisement. This included an examination of fonts, colors, locales, as well as any other

discernible characteristics that helped set the tone/mood of the ads. This process also

uncovered differing components of middle-class black and white masculinity. Similar to the

findings in association with the product category and advertising appeals analysis, the

magazines targeted to predominately white young men contained a wide range of

atmospherics. Some ads created a tone familiar to the mundane by displaying settings that

mirrored everyday existence; others used elements like exotic locations, stylized fonts, and dark

hues to provide for a more upscale mood; and some used abstract imagery, such as animation

and disproportionate scaling, to create other-worldly experiences (Figure 6). The atmospheric

diversity found in FHM, Maxim, and Blender enables their predominately young white male

readers to navigate a multitude of affects while exploring these magazines.

Figure 6 Diversity of Atmospherics

The atmospherics of the ads featured in FHM, Maxim, and Blender, however, did appear to

share three characteristicsthey tended to adhere to white supremacist-capitalist-patriarchy.34

When present, a white man was generally positioned in the forefront of an advertisement. In
the case of an ad featuring sex appeal, white men typically cohabited the forefront with one or

more attractive women, with the women of the ad depicted as tending to the white mans

needs/desires. Products were not simply presented for their direct benefits, but were instead

positioned as gateways to particular lifestyles (e.g., Ray Bans as the portal for living the life of a

rock n roll star; Figure 7). While the majority of white men highlighted in ads were not public

figures, on occasions when men of color were prominently featured, they were typically

celebrities or well-known athletes whose worth directly correlates with their ability to entertain

predominately white audiences.

Figure 7 Product as Lifestyle

The atmospherics embedded into the ads found in Vibe, King, and Black Men (though

more so in the latter two) created uniformity in tone/mood. The overwhelming majority of

advertisements in this group focused on one of two senses of spacegrandeur or urban chic.

Those that combined elements of grandeur featured expensive cars, yachts, elegant homes,

and exotic locales (along with beautiful women) as a means of creating an overall mood of

sophistication and respectability. The ads that delineated an urban chic atmosphere did so by
incorporating cityscapes and overtones of hip hop culture, such as graffiti art, hip hop

vernacular, and rap artists as endorsers. As noted above, the ads in each set of magazines

tended to present models that mirrored the racial identity of their respective audience.

Therefore, black models were largely featured in both grandeur and urban chic advertisements.

The dichotomy of atmospherics is closely aligned with the dominant discourse of male

blackness, which argues that black men have two modes of escape from the oppressive state

they are born intoblack respectability or street credibility.35 While both black respectability

and street credibility adhere to the tenets of hegemonic social ideologies (i.e., patriarchy and

capitalism), the two differ in how they operate within them. Black respectability places value on

education and working within the systems of oppression to create change, while street

credibility perceives the educational structure as suspect and uses counter-hegemonic practices

(e.g., unlawful activities) as a method of self-betterment. The atmospherics associated with

grandeur espoused the same virtues of black respectabilitythe right attitude coupled with

the right education would lead to a well-paying legitimate occupation and a respectable life

(Figure 8).
Figure 8 Emulating Black Respectability

Similarly, the urban chic atmospherics echoed the sentiments found in street credibility

discourseby staying tru to the streets one is free to reap the rewards associated with

authenticity (Figure 9).

Figure 9 Selling Street Credibility

 Conclusion

Through conducting a content assessment of magazines directed at predominately young black

and white middle-class males, the investigator was able to discover a deeper understanding of

middle-class white and black masculinity. By using an intersectional approach that incorporated

gender, race, and sexuality, the unique tenets of black and white masculinity came to bear.

Although both forms of masculinity are entrenched in sexism and patriarchy, the assessment

demonstrated that they also possess distinctive characteristics. Middle-class white manhood is

tied to a broad range of commodities, which enables middle-class white men to use more of the

marketplace to assemble and to express their masculinity. Conversely, middle-class black

masculinity is aligned with a narrow scope of goods and services, which greatly restricts how

middle-class black men can employ the symbolic value of marketplace products to (re)construct

and display their masculinity. This imbalance affords middle-class white manhood a greater

level of autonomy than middle-class black manhood. Future research is needed to determine

how advertising represents masculinity to black and white men that maintain other social

positions, such as those that belong to the working class. Additional work should also be

undertaken among white and black men so that the ways in which representations of

masculinity express themselves in the lived experience of men can be realized.

Kevin D. Thomas
Kevin D. Thomas is Assistant Professor in Advertising and Public Relations at The University of
Texas at Austin. He investigates the socio-cultural impact of marketing communication and
consumer behavior. His primary research interest pertains to understanding the relationship
between marketing communication, consumption practices, and notions of self and community.
Using a consumer culture theory (CCT) perspective, Kevin explores the ways in which identity
markers (i.e. race, gender, class, and sexuality) are represented in marketing communication
and experienced in the marketplace. Other areas of research interests include multicultural
advertising, issues of diversity and marketplace discrimination, and entrepreneurship as a mode
of empowerment among marginalized populations.

Contact Details
kevin.thomas@utexas.edu

The University of Texas at Austin

Department of Advertising & Public Relations
300 West Dean Keeton, A1200
BMC 4.774
Austin, TX 78712

References

1
Kimberle Crenshaw, Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence Against Women of
Color, Stanford Law Review 43 (1991): 1241-99.
2
Patricia H. Collins, Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness and the Politics of Empowerment (New
York: Routledge, 2000).
3
The period of U.S. history between the formation of the Union until the Civil War (approximately 17891860).
4
Joseph Boskin, Sambo: The Rise and Demise of an American Jester (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007).
5
Deborah Gay White, Jezebel and Mammy: The Mythology of Female Slavery, in Race, Ethnicity, and Gender:
Selected Readings, ed. Joseph Healey and Eileen OBrien (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Pine Forge Press, 2007), 124-31.
6
Tara McPherson, Reconstructing Dixie: Race, Gender, and Nostalgia in the Imagined South. Durham: Duke
University Press, 2003.
7
Ed Guerrero, Framing Blackness: The African American Image in Film (Philadelphia: Temple University Press,
1993).
8
Micki McElya, Clinging to Mammy: The Faithful Slave in Twentieth-Century America (Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 2007).
9
John F. Kasson, Tarzan, and the Perfect Man: The White Male Body and the Challenge of Modernity in America
(New York: Hill and Wang, 2002).
10
William M. OBarr, Representations of Masculinity and Femininity in Advertisements, Advertising & Society
Review 7 (2006).
11
Jonathan E. Schroeder and Detlev Zwick. Mirrors of Masculinity: Representation and Identity in Advertising
Images, Consumption, Markets and Culture 7 (1) (2004).
12
Linda M. Scott, Images of Advertising: The Need for a Theory of Visual Rhetoric, Journal of Consumer Research
21 (1994): 252-73.
13
Barbara B. Stern, Masculism(s) and the Male Image: What Does It Mean to Be a Man? In Sex in Advertising:
Perspectives on the Erotic Appeal, ed. Tom Reichert and Jacqueline Lambiase (Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum
Associates, 2003).
14
James Gentry and Robert Harrison. Is Advertising a Barrier to Male Movement toward Gender Change,
Marketing Theory 10 (1) (2010): 74-96.
15
Linda T. Zayer, A Typology of Mens Conceptualizations of Ideal Masculinity in Advertising, Advertising &
Society Review 10 (2010).
16
Robert Brannon, The Male Sex Role: Our Cultures Blueprint of Manhood, and What Its Done for Us Lately, in
The Forty-nine Percent Majority: The Male Sex Role, ed. D.S. David and R. Brannon (Reading, Mass.: Addison-
Wesley, 1976).
17
Linda Lindsey, Gender Roles: A Sociological Perspective (Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1997).
18
Ainsworth A. Bailey, A Year in the Life of the African-American Male in Advertising: A Content Analysis, Journal
of Advertising 35 (1) (2006): 83-104.
19
Marion Marzolf, American StudiesIdeas for Media Historians? Journalism History (1) (1978): 13-16.
20
Carolyn Kitch, Destructive Women and Little Men: Masculinity, the New Woman and Power in 1910s Popular
Media, Journal of Magazine and New Media Research 1 (1) (Spring 1999),
http://aejmcmagazine.arizona.edu/Journal/Spring1999/OLDspring1999C.pdf (accessed 22 October 2012).
21
Barbara J. Phillips and Edward F. McQuarrie, The Development, Change, and Transformation of Rhetorical Style
in Magazine Advertisements 1954-1999, Journal of Advertising 31 (4) (2002): 1-13.
22
Monle Lee and Carla Johnson. Principles of Advertising: A Global Perspective (Binghamton, N.Y.: Haworth Press,
2005).
23
The following items fall into the category of sex-related product: Hardcore pornography, softcore pornography,
phone sex lines, penis enlargement supplements and equipment, male sexual enhancers, and sex toys.
24
Erving Goffman, The Arrangement between the Sexes, Theory and Society 4 (3) (1977): 301-31.
25
Robert Brannon, The Male Sex Role: Our Cultures Blueprint of Manhood, and What Its Done for Us Lately, in
The Forty-nine Percent Majority: The Male Sex Role, ed. D.S. David and R. Brannon (Reading, Mass.: Addison-
Wesley, 1976).
26
Ian M. Harris, Messages Men Hear: Constructing Masculinities (Bristol, Penn.: Taylor and Francis, 1995).
27
Ian M. Harris, Jose B. Torres, and Dale Allender, The Responses of African American Men to Dominant Norms of
Masculinity within the United States, Sex Roles 31 (11/12) (1994): 703-19.
28
Herbert Kelman, Processes of Opinion Change, Public Opinion Quarterly 25 (1961): 57-78.
29
William J. McGuire, Search for the Self: Going Beyond Self-Esteem and the Reactive Self, in Personality and the
Prediction of Behavior, ed. Robert Zucker, Joel Aronoff, and Albert Rabin (New York: Academic Press, 1984), 73-
130.
30
Irving Goffman, Gender Advertisements (Boston, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1979).
31
Sut Jhally, The Codes of Gender: Identity and Performance in Popular Culture, Media Education Foundation,
DVD, retrieved 20 October 2012.
32
Martha C. Nussbaum, Objectification, Philosophy and Public Affairs, 24 (4) (1995): 279-83.
33
Sean Redmond, Thin White Women in Advertising: Death Corporeality, Journal of Consumer Culture 3 (2)
(2003): 170-90.
34
bell hooks, Aint I a Woman: Black Women and Feminism (Boston, Mass.: South End Press, 1981).
35
Edmund T. Gordon, Gendered Culture: Black Male Culture, Working Paper, 2009.

Copyright 2013 The Advertising Educational Foundation, Inc.