RUAF/Urban Harvest Women Feeding Cities Workshop

Gender Mainstreaming in Urban Food Production and Food Security

20th – 23rd September 2004, Accra, Ghana

Urban Agriculture and Gender in Latin America:

A case study of Carapongo, Lima, Peru
(Urban Harvest-CIP)

Prepared by Blanca Arce, Gordon Prain and Luis Maldonado

International Potato Center

PO Box 1558
Lima 12-Peru

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1. Introduction
Among developing regions, Latin America has experienced the highest levels of urbanization
over the past decades. The origins of this large urban growth are connected to import substitution
policies widely adopted after the Second World War, which led to rapid industrialization in urban
centers (Lipman, 1977). A corresponding lack of investment in agriculture in rural areas resulted
in high levels of rural-urban migration as people sought access to the new industrial employment
opportunities. This combined with relatively high overall population growth to create the high
urban populations we see today. By 2020, 85% of the population of Latin America is expected to
be urban.

Urbanization in Latin America has usually involved the biggest city in each country growing
larger and faster than the other cities. This phenomenon results in urban primacy or the
demographic, economic, social, and political dominance of one city over all others within an
urban system. For example, the Lima metropolitan area has over 7.5 million inhabitants, one-third
of Peru’s total population. Lima's growth, like that of most cities in Latin America, had
accelerated after 1940. In the next half-century, its population grew tenfold. By 1993, seven out
of ten Peruvians were living in urban areas, four out of ten in Lima.

Not only has there been a major shift of total population from village to city over recent years,
there has also been a migration of poverty, as cities have proved unable to provide full
employment for newly arrived migrants and the natural growth of the urban population.
Presently, more than 125 million urban poor are living in the region out of a total population of
430 million1 (CELADE, 1993). Recent reports show clearly how falling incomes have affected
poverty in the city of Lima. Between 1985/86 and 1990, it is estimated that the proportion of
households living below the poverty line rose from 17 to 44 per cent. After a single year of
structural adjustment, the proportion had risen to 49% in October/November 1991. By 1992, the
proportion was 55%, with 90% of the labour force earning less than US$400 per month. When
poverty is measured in terms of those unable to buy the minimum basket of goods, the proportion
of Lima families living in poverty rises to a staggering 60% (DESCO, 1993). Of the 49% of
limeños living below the poverty line in 1991, 20% could be classified as living in structural
poverty and the other 29% as newly poor. The first group suffers not only from a low income but
also from poor housing and low levels of education; the second group has an income below the
poverty line.

There is a body of evidence that urban agriculture has contributed to averting major food crises
during the political and economical instability of the last couple of decades (Haddad et al, 1999).
A stark recent example is Argentina, where a massive growth in urban agriculture followed the
financial crisis (Spiaggi et al, 2003). In Peru, the importance of urban agriculture greatly
increased with the implementation of land reform during the 1970s. Whereas prior to land reform,
much of the agricultural land around Lima was occupied by large estates (haciendas) growing
primarily industrial crops, the reforms resulted first in the establishment of production
cooperatives for former hacienda workers and then a gradual parcelization of the cooperatively
farmed land into small plots of less than a hectare. Initially former hacienda workers and their
families planted these plots to mainly food security crops such as maize and sweetpotato, but
more recently commercial vegetable production and livestock raising has become increasingly
common (Raymundo et al, 2004).

The emergence in recent decades in Latin America of urban agriculture as a strategy for both food
security and income generation for poor urban households raises a number of questions about the

1
Between 1950 and 1990, population increased from 159 million to 430 million, growing annually at 2.5%.

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roles of men and women in this phenomenon. Who has been most instrumental in gaining access
to land for household food production? Who has invested more labor time in cultivation and
animal production? Who determines crop and animal production choices, the sale or consumption
of the produce and the use of income earned? Most importantly, how do different gender roles in
agriculture affect the livelihoods of the household as a whole and the relation of agriculture to
other livelihoods strategies? This paper seeks to answer these questions through a case study of
Carapongo, a neighborhood in the eastern shantytowns of Lima Peru. Carapongo is one of four
neighborhoods involved in a research and development project coordinated by Urban Harvest and
supported by the Spanish Government. The project is implemented in collaboration with
government and non-government research and development organizations and local municipal
institutions.

The four neighborhoods are located at about 200 meters above sea level (masl) in the lower zone
of the Rimac watershed and cover approximately 3,000 hectares (Figure 1). There is an almost
equal use of land for residential areas and roadways and for mainly vegetable production, with
very limited areas of large-scale livestock-raising or forestry (Table 1). The Carapongo
neighborhood covers an area of 400 hectares and has more than three times as much cultivated
land as residential area. Lima is located in the coastal desert of Peru, with one of the lowest
rainfall regimes on Earth. Carapongo therefore receives water for agriculture mainly from the
Rimac River, through a system of irrigation canals which permit farmers to produce 3-4
crops/year. Agriculture constitutes an important part of the urban population's income, in addition
to others family jobs, some in the public sector, but most in the informal private sector. Most of
Carapongo’s population is literate (95.6%). Few have a diploma or degree, but men are more
likely to have received primary or secondary education (men 33%) than women (9%). Just over
half of the populations are migrants from the Andean region. The average Carapongo family has
5 members with three quarters of the population over 35 (76%). Almost half of the male
populations are married, compared to 18% of women. For both men and women, legal marriage is
more common that co-residence (convivientes) (men 11%, women 6%).

Table 1 Characteristics of the research area

Land Type All neighborhoods Carapongo
Total area (hectares) 3000 400
Population 7,800 3,200
Land use (%):
Residential/roads 44 18
Cultivated land 42 62
Livestock 2 1
Agro-forestry 3 3
Uncultivable land 9 16
Source: Satellite image Ikonos (2002); INEI (2004)

Carapongo people are likely to be part-time farmers (48%) combining farming with other
employment. Part of the reason for this is the limited access to land with mean ownership of 0.81
± 0.5 ha per family and 1.9 ± 1.0 of number of plots. Many families do not find sufficient on farm
employment in the locality. Among the working population 45% of men commute temporally
outside the Carapongo area to look for other work.

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A significant proportion of the land is held by absentee landlords, who rent to local farmers for
agriculture. Although 30% of the agricultural land in Carapongo has been lost to urban sprawl
over the past two years, farming persists and is still very important, and is mainly characterized
by mixed cropping of vegetables. Farm plots are similar in size and planted with vegetables such
as beet, lettuce, turnip, radish, basil and herbs (huacatay), mainly for commercial sale, while
raising livestock is practiced for family consumption and for sale. Poultry, guinea pig or ‘cuy’ and
pigs are the most popular animals kept.

In Carapongo agricultural production for subsistence / food security and income and employment
generation are by no means mutually exclusive. They co-exist in a range of different
combinations. In rearing animals, the women tend to emphasize the importance of production for
subsistence, her husband as an additional income source. In crop production both emphasize the
market, though also consume a small part of the harvest.

Figure 1. Map of the study area-Urban Harvest/LAC, Lima-Peru

Three functional groups can be identified by their production systems: crop-livestock production
systems (65%); crop production systems (33%); and livestock production systems (2%)2.
Structural categories defined by typical combinations of land, water, capital and labor can be
defined: type 1, subsistence livestock producers and type 2, diversified crop-livestock commercial
and home consumption producers.

Using participatory approaches, a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods were used
to gather information for this case study (Table 2).

2
We expect to identify more households involved exclusively in livestock production when the population
having no access to agricultural land is surveyed

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Table 2: Gender tools
Main issues Specific tools General tools
Division of UA related • Seasonal calendar
labour, tasks and • Survey
responsibilities • Clock’s
• Review of secondary data
Decision-making power • Gender consultation
• Direct observation
• Semi-structured Interviews
• Survey
• Individual or key informant
Access to and control over • Transect walk
interviews
resources • Household resource flow
• Household interviews
diagram
• Focus group interviews
• Organisational linkages
External factors
diagram (Venn diagram)
Constraints, problems and • Problem drawing
Opportunities

2. Gender division of labour in Carapongo households

Gender-specific roles and responsibilities are often conditioned by household structure, access to
resources, and the specific impacts of the global economy, and other locally relevant factors such
as ecological conditions (FAO, 1997). The paper analyzes the gender division of labour in order
to establish the implications of urban agriculture in the reproductive, productive, community,
political and cultural roles and areas of social interaction performed by women and men.

2.1 Division of labour in agricultural work

Of the total population of Carapongo, 60% of the population is involved in agriculture, mainly in
the same neighborhood. In these farming families, men were reported to be “mainly responsible”
for the farm in 70% of cases and women in 30%. Just over half of the men and women involved
in agriculture in Carapongo are immigrants from the rural areas of the Andean region and were
previously involved in agriculture. It is therefore probable, that they continue to be strongly
influenced by rural gender divisions of labour. However, in Carapongo family labour is rarely
supplemented by casual labour, which increases the responsibility on the women in the
household.

In the study area, within the household, the various tasks and responsibilities are divided between
the male and female members of the household. The division of tasks between men and women in
each urban agricultural production system or farming type (mixed crop-livestock production
systems, crop production systems, livestock production systems) is different, according to the
farmer type they belong to, cultural group, the socio-economic status of the household, the
species and size of the livestock and the location of the household in the city (the same factors are
found to influence the decision-making power of women and men as well). For instance, the use
of female labour in crop-livestock production is higher than male labour among the poorest
families (diversified subsistence livestock). Different from diversified crop-livestock commercial
and home consumption farmer type, where urban agriculture involves male and female labour
almost equally. These use extra hired labour to replace family labour.

One of the most interesting aspects of the division of agricultural tasks between men and women
is the frequency with which tasks are shared. Primary responsibility for agricultural tasks between
men and women is summarized in Table 3. In only two types of tasks—land preparation and pest
control—there is a clear assignment of responsibility to men. Only in special circumstances are
woman responsible or share these tasks. Thus women who are responsible for these tasks are

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either widows or are unmarried. Where land preparation is shared, women help to prepare
vegetable beds, which cannot be done by plowing alone. Many other tasks are more frequently
shared than assigned as a male or female role.

Nevertheless, the data do suggest a general pattern in which men take on more of the agriculture
activities (60% to 40%) and women participate more in livestock activities (70% to 30%). In
vegetables cultivation (beet, lettuce, turnip) men take responsibility more frequently for land
preparation, irrigation and fertilizer application. Men are responsible for (a few) cash crops (beets
26% and lettuces 15%) for generating cash income for the family. The stronger role of men in
vegetable production does not, carry through to post harvest and marketing where women clearly
play a bigger part. In Lima, women are considered the better and tougher negotiators. Women
are also actively involved in caring for livestock, including feeding, health care and marketing.
For some types of livestock such as poultry, women are principally responsible in almost two
thirds of cases. On the other hand, for larger livestock like cow and goat men are more commonly
involved. Men are more involved for the purchase of inputs (46%), and in obtaining land for
farming while women are responsible for marketing products (41%).

Table 3. Primary responsibility for agricultural tasks of men and women in

Carapongo
Men Women Shared None* Total
ACTIVITIES
(%) (%) (%) (%) (%)
Crops Land preparation 78 3 16 3 100
Planting 36 6 55 3 100
Fertilization, weeding,
hilling up of soil, irrigation 30 6 62 2 100
Pest control 87 3 6 4 100
Harvesting 14 5 75 6 100
Livestock Raising small animals 6 23 28 43 100
Raising larger livestock 7 12 25 56 100
Purchase of inputs 46 22 30 2 100
Marketing
Products 23 41 36 0 100
Household 4 76 15 5 100
Day laborer (jornalero) 14 3 11 72 100
Off-farm activities 19 11 8 62 100
* No agricultural activity
Source: Baseline survey Project “Agricultores en la Ciudad”-Carapongo,Lima-Peru-2004, n=125.

Animals play several roles in household livelihoods. These are as a food asset (poultry and guinea
pig), provide animal traction (horses), as a “savings bank” (sheep, guinea pig), as well as a
regular source of monetary income (pigs, guinea pigs). Women’s management of animals is often
relates to securing household food and nutrition. The production of pigs as well as poultry tend to
constitute a source of short-term food. Livestock provides both a means of risk aversion and cash
income through occasional sales. Also, animals provide manure, especially in the case of poultry
where it is an input for vegetable production.

Men and women differ in their activities and responsibilities, and in their preferences and
priorities. They differ in relation to production goals (food versus market oriented), preferred
location of plots (women with young children often prefer to work close to the home), preferred

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mode of production (single versus multiple cropping), use of the products (household
consumption rather than sales). They also have different perceptions regarding gender roles
(Table 4 and 5). Once again, there is coincidence between male and female perceptions around
the male-linked tasks of land preparation and pest control. However, there is quite strong
diversion of perceptions about many of the other tasks. Most notable is the absence of recognition
among men that women may be mainly responsible for some of the tasks of agricultural
production, yet many women perceive themselves as the person handling these tasks. A
particularly strong discrepancy in perceptions concerns the purchasing of inputs. Whilst 61% of
men consider that this is a male responsibility, almost the same percentages of women think it is a
female task. One possible explanation for this is the discrepancy between the decision to purchase
inputs and the knowledge and contacts with vendors that facilitate such purchases and the actual
act of purchasing. Women may be more frequently involved in the latter activity than men
acknowledge. There is also a large difference in perceptions of the role of men and women in
marketing. Men recognize the importance of women’s responsibility, but this is not seen as
noticeably greater than men’s and is less than joint responsibility, which again may indicate
men’s role in decision-making. Women on the other hand very clearly see themselves as having
the major responsibility.

Table 4. Men’s perception of the division of responsibility for agricultural tasks in

Carapongo
Men Women Shared None* Total
ACTIVITIES
(%) (%) (%) (%) (%)
Crops Land preparation 80 0 18 2 100
Planting 41 0 57 2 100
Fertilization, weeding,
hilling up of soil, irrigation 34 0 64 2 100
Pest control 94 0 3 3 100
Harvesting 18 0 77 5 100
Livestock Raising small animals 7 19 30 44 100
Raising larger
Livestock 9 11 25 55 100
Purchase of inputs 61 7 31 1 100
Marketing
Products 28 30 42 0 100
Household 6 70 18 6 100
Day laborer (jornalero) 19 2 11 67 100
Off-farm activities 22 9 5 65 100
* No agricultural activity
Source: Baseline survey Project “Agricultores en la Ciudad”-Carapongo,Lima-Peru-2004, n=88.

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Table 5. Women’s perception of the division of responsibility for agricultural tasks
in Carapongo
Men Women Shared None* Total
ACTIVITIES
(%) (%) (%) (%) (%)
Crops Land preparation 76 8 11 5 100
Planting 25 19 51 5 100
Fertilization, weeding,
hilling up of soil, irrigation 19 19 57 5 100
Pest control 73 11 11 5 100
Harvesting 3 16 70 11 100
Livestock Raising small animals 3 32 24 41 100
Raising larger
Livestock 5 14 24 57 100
Purchase of inputs 11 57 27 5 100
Marketing
Products 10 68 22 0 100
Household 0 89 8 3 100
Day laborer (jornalero) 0 5 11 84 100
Off-farm activities 14 16 16 54 100
* No agricultural activity
Source: Baseline survey Project “Agricultores en la Ciudad”-Carapongo,Lima-Peru-2004, n=37.

2.2 Non-farm division of labour

Over 60% of the farming population engages in off-farm activities (work outside the farms) that
provide a source of income with a guarantee of a minimum annual income, 80% represents men
(drivers) and 20% represents women (market seller, peddlers).

2.3 Reproductive responsibilities

Regarding the reproductive activities, women play a key role. Women are caretakers of the family
(100%) and are responsible for securing household reproduction over time. Table 6, based on
case studies the different daily activities of women and men, illustrates.

The activity profile (the actual preparation of an “activity clock” by a woman) shows that women
have to combine a large number of activities during the day when they are at home, before and
after going to the field (figure 2). The work at home in the evening is similar to that done in the
morning, but women consider it to be heavier because at the time they are very tired. Women
spend 7 hours working in agriculture activities and 8 hours in household activities. Men spent 9
hours working only in agricultural activities. Women undertake the majority of environmental
management tasks in urban households, including the purification of drinking water. In addition, Comment [MS1]: These need
most of the women have identified the need learn how to better manage and recycle organic to be mentioned

wastes to produce nutrient-rich fertilizer, including the treatment of blackwater from household
sewage systems for use on vegetables production.

Thus, women carry out household care and maintenance regardless of the time they devote to
food production or other livelihood activities. This is particularly difficult for women heads-of-
households who bear the sole responsibility for both reproductive and productive tasks.

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Table 6. Daily activity profile by men and women in Carapongo
Activity
Time
Woman Man
1:00
2:00
3:00
4:00 Sleeping Sleeping
5:00 Cleaning small animals (fenced area-Guinea Cleaning small animals (fenced area-Pigs)
6:00 pig, poultry) Animal feeding
7:00 Breakfast Land preparation
8:00 Cleaning house Breakfast
9:00 Washing plates Land preparation
10:00 Cleaning house Planting
11:00 Cooking Planting
12:00 Lunch Lunch
13:00 Resting Resting
14:00 Weeding
15:00 Cutting grass Planting
16:00 Cutting grass
17:00 Animal feeding Irrigation
18:00 Animal feeding Irrigation and weeding
19:00 Cooking Resting
20:00
21:00 Family dinner time Dinner
22:00 Washing plates Sleeping
23:00 Prayer
0:00 Sleeping

Figure 2. Daily activities of women in Carapongo, using the clock tool

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In Carapongo, women participate very little as representatives with decision-making power in
public or community organizations. For example, though women use and manage water in
farming (crop-livestock activities) and in the house more than men do, they do not participate in
the irrigation commissions and committees. It is a tradition for men to hold the administrative
positions in those committees. However, women play an important part in local community
organizations that relate to food security. These are community kitchens and “glass of milk
program”, which are coordinated by the municipality through community based committees of
women.

3. Gender division of access to and control over resources and decision making in
Carapongo households
Access to, control, and decision making about resources within the household between male and
female members and inside the community/organization are normally determined by traditional
men and women roles, and with responsibilities within the household and within
community/organization (FAO, 1997).

3.1 Access to and control over resources

The paper examines gender division of access to and control over resources under two
issues: a. Access to and control over productive resources, like land, water, inputs, credit,
technical and market information, training (capacity building) and organizations; and b.
The control over the benefits of production, like cash income, food and other products
(for home consumption, sales or exchange) (see Table 7).

Table 7. Access to and Control over resources in Carapongo, Lima-Peru

Access* Control*
Productive Resources Men Women Men Women
Land ••• •• ••• •
Water ••• •• ••• ••
Inputs ••• ••• ••• •••
Social Capital (Credit, ••• •• ••• ••
Participation)
Human Capital (Training, •• • •• •
Information)
Benefits of Production
Income from sale of vegetable ••• • ••• •
production
Income from sale of animal •• ••• • •••
production
Income from labour (From off- • ••• • •••
farm activities)
*•••Indicate complete access/control; ••Indicate partial access/control; • Indicate limited or no access/ control
Source: Baseline survey and qualitative tools Project “Agricultores en la Ciudad”-Carapongo,Lima-
Peru-2004

Access to and control over productive resources

In Carapongo, the key natural resources of significance to the urban producers are land and water.
Land tenancy in the area is complicated by the history of land occupation and the current fluidity
of land access. The old system of hacienda ownership was largely transformed into cooperative

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ownership during the agrarian reform process starting in the early 1970s, though some households
gained access to individual plots earlier than this. Subsequently the cooperatives were divided up
as “parcels” among individual households. Now there are a wide range of mechanisms to access
land, based on ownership through direct purchase or inheritance, “pre-inheritance” (anticipo),
“guadianship” (guadianía) and share-cropping (al partir). Some families also access land through
informal squatting (posesionarios) (Table 8).

Among the present-day farming population of Carapongo, 37% occupy their own land with
average area of 0.72 ± 0.49 ha and 19% occupy rented land (0.61± 0.39 ha) and 7% (0.87 ± 0.93
ha) are called pocesionarios, informal, untitled occupants of lands located on the border of the
Rimac River. Although used for agriculture, these lands are in fact protected by law and are
inalienable. Combinations of land tenure also are established. The most frequent (17%) is a
combination of ownership and rental with average area of 0.96 ± 0.49 ha.

None of the modalities of accessing land mentioned above are gender-specific. Inherited
resources are, at least in theory, divided equally among children, both male and female. Women
can and do buy and rent land. The person accessing the land in one of these different ways is
often the person who also administers it. “La herencia se respeta, sea hombre o mujer” (One
respects inheritance, whether it is to a man or a women), as one man commented in a workshop
on this issue. On the other hand, there are cases in which one or other spouse is better capable of
taking care of farming in the household.

Table 8. Land tenure by gender

Tenancy Men Women

Area (ha) Percentage Area (ha) Percentage

Ownership 0.72± 0.42 38 0.72 ±0.67 36

Rental 0.68± 0.39 16 0.52 ±0.40 28

0.82 ± 0.98 9 0.84 ± 0.67 6

Posecionarios
Ownership + Rental 1.0 ±0.46 17 0.34 ± 0.22 5

Ownership + 1.52 ± 0.80 4 1.54 ± 1.37 11

Posecionarios

0.85 ± 0.10 16 1.06 ± 0.62 14

Others
100 100
Total*
*Others: guardianship, share-cropping and combinations
Source: Baseline survey Project “Agricultores en la Ciudad”-Carapongo,Lima-Peru-2004,
n=125.

Nevertheless, men are more likely in practice to assume responsibility for crop production in
Carapongo. Of 125 randomly selected households surveyed, men were identified as the main
person responsible for the farm in 70% of cases and were therefore the persons interviewed.
Among these male farmers, 38% live in their own land, but less than a half of these have a formal

11
title. Among the 30% of households where women are mainly responsible for farming, the pattern
is the same. Though 36% have their own land, only 49% of these have a formal title. For a little
under half of male and female farmers from the two neighborhoods of Campo Sol and Huancayo,
the Landowners Association holds the title to the land, with members having usufruct rights.
About 23% of the memberships of these associations are women, but and the leadership is
primarily male. This appears to put women who are mainly responsible for farming in these
neighborhoods at a double disadvantage.

Responsibility for the farm is strongly influenced by whether the household is male—or female—
headed. Of the 30% of households in which women are mainly responsible for farming, 14% are
headed by women. Female—heads hold absolute control over the household property. This is
especially so for widows who control land, house and livestock. They have a smaller average land
area (0.31 ± 0.22 ha) and fewer small animals (mainly poultry and guinea pigs) for family
consumption. These lands are of a poorer quality that consequently results in lower production.
An important added challenge for households where women are mainly responsible for the farm
is the constraint on their labour availability for farm activities due to heavy commitment to
domestic chores.

Although access to both drinking and irrigation water is also of central concern in a desert climate
such as Lima, only a quarter of male farmers and a fifth of female farmers identified a water
scarcity problem. The principal problem is contaminated water and also consumption of
contaminated food, particularly vegetables. But further research is required for both issues.
Access to water is by household, and so tends to be a potential source of conflict between
households rather than between a couple within the household. Management of the irrigation
systems, both at the watershed level and at the “sub-sector” level of Carapongo, is mostly handled
by men. Only 8% women are members of the “sub-sectoral” irrigation commission of Carapongo.

Access to and control over the inputs for crop-livestock production depends on use type. Both
men and women invest significant inputs for commercial production (cash crops, animals for
regular sale) whereas mostly women incur minimal expenditure for subsistence production
(small-scale plantings of root and tuber crops, beans, green maize and herbs and small animals
such as poultry and guinea pigs). Pesticides, organic and inorganic fertilizer and hired labour are
the major expenditures used in cash crops and commercial feed is purchased for some animals.
Control over these inputs is a consequence of technical specialization or specific responsibilities
assigned to men and women. The purchase and use of pesticides is largely under male
responsibility, partly because of the physical exertion involved, but also because of the risk of
contaminating children and food if the women handles pesticides. In some cases, hired labour is
used to replace family labour in the use of pesticides and other inputs.

Access to social capital including social networks that provide access to credit and loans,
participation in organizations and access to knowledge, is variable between men and women. In
the study area, there are almost no formal sources of credit or loans and 65% and 73% of
households respectively claim not to have any access to either. Those that do access credit do so
informally through small kiosks (bodegas) or, for agricultural inputs, through the agricultural
supply shops and the manure traders. Families are the main source of loans, which are almost
exclusively obtained for farming activities. In the few cases where loans are obtained from
moneylenders they attract very high rates of interest, due to the fact that the farmers do not have
collateral to pledge. Male farmers have better access to agricultural credit because of more
frequent interactions with suppliers. In almost 90% of cases, men are responsible for crop
protection, both purchasing and applying chemicals. .

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Most community/organizational activities among the farming population in Carapongo are male
dominated. Men predominate in the irrigation water committees (Junta de Usuarios del Rio
Rimac-JUR) which is the watershed-level body responsible for managing canals. Ninety percent
of men participate in the irrigation commissions which exist at the level of irrigation sub-sectors.
Participation of the women is only 10% in the commissions, but women manage water for
domestic use in Carapongo, where most households have access to a well. There are seven
associations of landlords in which men participate more than women. Land ownership is the
criteria for membership. Community kitchens (CKs), are almost exclusively associations of
women who either independently prepare affordable meals for their local neighborhood or do so
as part of a Government-supported social program, now coordinated by the municipality. In
Carapongo there are 12 CKs with an average of 20 women members each, who rotate weekly to
prepare main meals at a cost of US$0.30 per person per meal. Another type of women’s group
locally organizes a “glass of milk program” which is also coordinated by the municipality. It
provides a daily supply of milk for children under 13 and pregnant/lactating women, and reaches
a majority of the population. However, among the women mainly responsible for farming
operations, only 30% participate in these two associations.

A common perception among both men and women is that the local population is
organizationally strong when seeking claims from official authorities, whether these are related to
water management, land use or social programs, but there are weak levels of social capital for
organizing improvements in agricultural production or marketing systems.

Regarding the gender aspects of human capital formation, both men and women indicate a lack of
access to training or information regarding crops and livestock husbandry practices, though
women are at a much greater disadvantage. Only 22% of the farming population has received
agricultural training, but of these 86% are men and 14% are women. Women are particularly
interested in learning more about basic treatments pertaining to animal health, whereas men are
more interested in information about sources of credit and government training programs.

The control over the benefits of production

Women are more commonly involved in marketing of the vegetables and livestock than men,
though men and women perceive the extent of women’s control over this activity very differently.
About a third of men interviewed thought that this is mainly a women’s responsibility, 28% said
that men do the marketing and 42% that it was a joint task. Two thirds of women responded that
they are the one’s that do the marketing. The predominance of women in marketing was
confirmed in a mixed sex workshop discussion, which also highlighted the variability in both the
decision to sell and the control of the proceeds of sales. Where a woman has control over land
through whatever means, she most often has the right to decide on sale of produce. She would
also be likely to maintain control over the proceeds and in one case described by a man, his wife
used the proceeds of sales from her inherited land to rent more land. On the other hand, since men
are more commonly in control of land, they have more frequent authority in the decision to sell.

Given women’s greater responsibility over small livestock, they tend to have more say and
involvement in these sales. Even where a man has taken the initiative to get involved
commercially in animal production, as in one case where the husband independently purchased
ducks to raise commercially, he may have a limited say. As his wife commented ironically: “El
decide, intelectualmente, a vender. Pero yo soy la que hago todo para la venta”. (He decides, in
theory, to sell. But I’m the one that does everything to do with the selling).

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The commercial production of crops is most often sold to the wholesale market in central Lima,
about 15 kilometers away. Animals are often sold to neighbours. In the workshop discussion,
women commented that they “have to account for money obtained from selling” to their
husbands. Women make decisions on spending money if the amount is a small sum. But, for all
larger expenses, both men and women make decision. Women producers who are not land owners
(almost 60%) demand their share of revenue derived from production because they are the ones
who are responsible for the care of the family, principally children. However, when they are not
successful in convincing their husbands to share the earnings, women retain part of the money
from their small animals and vegetable produce sales without the knowledge or consent of their
husbands.

In terms of the proceeds from off-farm employment, men and women both have access to
informal sector activities. Among the male population in Carapongo involved in farming, 40%
have off-farm work, especially as drivers, and 20% of women work off-farm, especially as
peddlers or petty traders. Insecure or non-existent property rights are the main reasons why the
majority of informal sector activities operate in ramshackle sheds, which are sometimes
hazardous for operators and create a run-down appearance.

How decisions are made within the family depends on how tasks are assigned within the farming
system. One of the most important dimensions in the organization of farming systems is the
division of labor based on gender. The position of individuals within the household and the
division of labor affect an individual’s knowledge of the crop-livestock system. Commercial
farmers make more decisions alone and few in consultation with family members while home
consumption farmers or non-land owning households with only animals make less decisions
alone and more in consultation with family members. The decision making process depends in
how the farmers perceive the degree of the decision. A personal decision will follow a different
process than a group decision. The female farmer keeps the revenues from poultry and pig
production because she feels secure in her knowledge, physically competent and with secured
market. A summary of decision-making is shown in the matrix in Table 9.

Table 9. Decision-making matrix in Carapongo households

Decisions Male/female members jointly Comments
Women
Men

dominate

dominate
influence

Women
Equal
Men

Inputs

Who decides • • When men work off-farm, women spend more

how the family time in the field or hire labour for the farm
labour will be
used?
Who decides • The crop, animals and type of use (food or cash)
what inputs to determine who buys and what to buy.
buy?

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Who decides to • • Depending of the crop, animals and type of use
hire additional (food or cash) determines household labour
labour? availability and affordability for the family.
Production

Who decides • • Depends on demand for the crop and capital. A

which crop to women land owner/renter may decide on crops.
grow?
Who decides • • When the crop is ready for harvest. There is
when to always some flexibility.
harvest?
Who decides on • Depending upon the land, water, capital
whether the available, labour and knowledge of the
family should crop/animal production.
sell for cash or
consume as
food production
(crop-livestock)
Who decides on • Depending upon the household labour and
the number of capital available. Example, a case of a man
animals to buy deciding to buy ducks.
Marketing
Who decides • Women decide on how much of the production
what part of (vegetables) is required for market and for
the harvest is household consumption. Both men and women
sold and how? choose to harvest a few head of lettuce etc for
eating (“hay una satisfaccion consumir lo que se
ha cultivado” “siempre consumimos lo que
crece” They do not chose to plant widely
planted crops based on household food needs.
only the small plantings of root crops etc.
Who decides • • Women usually take this decision but men can
when animals influence this decision specifically for
to be sold? commercial production like pigs..
Who decides • • The only animal product is meat of pig. It is left
what animal on the farm
products to be
sold and how?
Investments
Who decides to • Depending on capital and requirements.
buy equipment
and tools?
Who decides to • • Depending on the purpose of the loan.
take a loan?
Who decides to • • Men and women make decision but men
buy or rent dominate this decision.
additional land?

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Who decides to • • Depending on capital available and space to
buy more keep animals. Women dominate this decision.
animals?
Reproduction
Who decides • Both make decision
whether a child
goes to school
or not?
Who decides on • Women dominate the decision.
going to a
doctor?

4. Gender related issues in Urban Agriculture

Urban producers face local constraints related to agricultural land, labour, health and
environmental conditions and the policy environment, many of which are gender-specific.

Land: one of the major constraints faced by men and women who inherit, buy, rent, borrow, or
illegally use land for urban cultivation is the growing city. With the city expanding rapidly, some
agricultural lands are being converted into small residential plots, whilst in other places individual
farm plots are being used wholly or partially for extraction of earth for brick-making or as
construction material. So far there is no evidence that men are more or less willing to convert land
in this way than women. The productivity of land varies so that a surplus of produce is not
guaranteed; this is especially the case in intensive continual work on urban plots, which often
occurs due to the need for subsistence produce or extra cash from marketing. Although women
inherit land and are free to purchase or rent, the evidence of the study indicates that they have less
access and control over land than men. Because control over the use of the land and its products
is closely linked to access (who has inherited, purchased or rented the land), from the women’s
point of view this is a vicious circle. Greater access involves greater control over the income from
the land which can be used to rent (or less commonly to buy) more land.

Water: access to water is a key component for productivity and success in urban agriculture. In
Carapongo, there is a decline of water availability during the dry season in the mountains This
results in low water level in the River Rimac, from which irrigation water is drawn. However,
farmers did not strongly highlight water scarcity as a constraint when interviewed. But they did
emphasize water quality. Increasing urban pollution and environmental contamination results in
irrigation channels filled with garbage and pollutants which can impede women’s abilities to
safely feed their families. Food loaded with toxic contaminants sabotages the health of those it
ought to nourish. The principal problem is contaminated water and also consumption of
contaminated food, particularly vegetables. For example, typhoid is due to drinking contaminated
water and also consumption of contaminated food, particularly vegetables. Research on these
issues is on-going.

Labour: Men and women tend to depend on their own labour rather than on hired labour for
agricultural production. In addition to fieldwork and the major responsibility for animal
production, women also spend long hours doing housework and childcare. This is particularly
difficult for women heads-of-households who bear the sole responsibility for both reproductive
and productive tasks, as well as frequently having more responsibility for raising animals and
marketing produce. Men spend more time both working in their own plots and as paid day-
labourers (jornaleros).

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 On the other hand, agriculture offers employment opportunities to both men and women in the
context of a serious underemployment and unemployment in Lima. Forty two percent of the men
and 34% of the women indicate that farming is one of the few sources of regular employment
available to them in the city. Almost forty percent identify a major benefit of farming as the
ability to pay for education of their children, while 31% regard it as their main source of food
security. The urban location of Carapongo has other labour benefits for men and women. The
ability of women to combine their domestic tasks with their marketing role is possible because of
the easy access to wholesale markets and the short time needed for selling. Despite the
employment problems, Lima does offer diverse opportunities for casual labour, especially for
men. Forty percent are engaged in mostly casual labour, especially in the informal and labour-
intensive transport sector.

Health and environment: In the study area, 39% of the men indicate that the principal
constraints in their vegetable production are insect pests. Men are mainly responsible for
obtaining and using pesticides and depend primarily on agricultural input shops and pesticide
company agents for their knowledge of products and applications. Evidence from two MSc.
studies in Carapongo and one other sub-sector indicates that there is wide use of toxic and highly
toxic pesticides in this agricultural area, leading to health risks and negative environmental
impact. It appears that producers are constrained by a lack of knowledge of sustainable
(integrated) pest management practices, due to limited access to training courses offered by
institutions or non-governmental organizations, or exposure to sustainable commercial
agricultural practices.

Policy environment: The policy environment has differential impacts on men and women
involved in agricultural production. Strong male participation in the irrigation committees tends
to underline the negative policy issues coming out of the municipality. These primarily relate to
the local taxation system and the desire of the Council to convert low “rural” rates into much
higher “urban” rates. The higher urban rates are justified on the basis of the upkeep of urban
amenities provided: parks, piped potable water, sewer systems, sanitation, refuse collection etc.
The Rimac Irrigation Committee is a focus of resistance to conversion of agricultural land to
urban for two reasons: the lack of such services in the agricultural areas and the crippling
financial burden the urban rates would impose on families with half a hectare.

The main points of contact between the Council and women are through the programs dealing
with Community Kitchens, the Glass of Milk and the Mothers’ Clubs. The Council also has a
special program addressing violence against women. Although the detailed institutional analysis
of these organizations and a policy analysis of their place within local urban governance is yet to
be completed, there does seem to be a more positive environment in relation to women’s situation
than with men, where there is quite a strong antagonism to local authorities.

Urban agriculture as a strategy to alleviate urban poverty: With the growing city population,
due to migration from rural areas and natural growth, the demand for employment is increasing;
the demand for fresh products is also on the rise, especially for fresh vegetables and animal
products. This provides a good opportunity for men and women farmers to increase their income.
A positive effect of urban agriculture for women is that they recognize their important role in
helping with family food security and nutrition. In addition, it helps them to create more
independence by generating some additional income from sales of surpluses (e.g. guinea pig,
which is a novel opportunity market in Carapongo) and by saving cash on food expenditures
which can be used for other purposes. Related to urban agriculture expectation from farmers, 36%
of the men mention that although urbanization will be (is) the principal threat constraint to

17
agriculture, they will continue to work in agriculture. This is different from the women opinion
where 30% mention that in 5 years, agriculture will no longer exist, because urbanization.

In summary, agriculture exists alongside a rapid process of urbanization. The enhancement of

urban agriculture in this area has the potential of reducing poverty through improving the
following:
• Food production crops and animals (animal and plant)
• Employment for the urban poor
• Environmental quality: less pollution
• Strengthen social capital
• Complement rural agriculture
• Provide greater variety of foods for the city, which provides an nearby market. t

The development of urban agriculture in the study area requires targeting specific constraints and
opportunities. These include:
• Limited resources for technology investment
• Limited land area
• Probable future water scarcity
• Opportunities for nutrient recycling (manure, sewage)
• Opportunities for integrated pest management
• Enhance animal husbandry for improved nutrition and health

5. Strategies Suggested for local policies and development projects to enhance

gender equity in urban agriculture
A major function of municipal leaders is to recognize and address the needs of women and men
in their District. It is rare that special needs of agricultural producers of either sex are addressed in
urban municipalities Thus a first and fundamental strategy is to recognize the existence and
importance of the agricultural sector and develop policies that allocate and protect land for
agricultural production and safeguard livestock production as well.

In relation to gender-specific strategies, at the national level there exists a Ministry for Women
and Social Development which supports the empowerment of women through different policies
and institutional actions, and one of its programs on poverty reduction (FONCODES) addresses
some aspects of gender in agriculture and has recently initiated some preliminary work in urban
areas of Lima. The engagement with gender and agriculture needs to be replicated at the level of
the urban Municipalities. The District of Lurigancho-Chosica where Carapongo is located does
have a Municipal Ombudsman for Women, Children and Adolescents (Defensoría Municipal de
la Mujer, Niño y Adolescente), which addresses issues such as violence to women, child abuse
and others. There are also programs within the different Divisions and Sub-Divisions of the
Council, such as Education and Culture, where empowerment of women is targeted. These
initiatives should also be brought to bear on agricultural production in the District. Recognizing
the important role of urban agricultural production, local municipal policies need to be redesigns
to help increase security of land tenure for both men and women. Policy makers could implement
a gender program that promotes greater gender equity in urban agriculture. Active planning
measures are needed for this such as lending programs that could help women gain greater access
to rented land and training opportunities to upgrade their skills, especially in animal production.

18
In addition, policy makers themselves could benefit from training in aspects of urban agriculture,
especially the economic, health and environmental benefits it can bring, as well as methods for
dealing equitably and sustainably with potential risks. Clearly, these measures would require that
the municipality allocate a budget for the sub-division of urban agriculture which has recently
been established.

Agricultural production in the Carapongo area is primarily for subsistence/food security, income
and employment generation among poor sectors of the population. The main purposes of urban
agriculture, in terms of general policy issues are:

• Secure and sustainable access to agricultural land, through land use planning measures;
• Support for sustainable provision of irrigation water, through improved coordination and
dialogue with the Irrigation Committees and SEDAPAL, the parastatal company
responsible for water management.
• Enhanced security in land tenure, through adopting a brokerage role between The Housing
and Agricultural Associations, individual landowners and cultivators of the plots
• Human and social capacity building, through training and development of farmer networks
and organizations, with emphasis on gender sensitive approaches.

More specific policies and interventions could be linked to the two different purposes of
production.

1. In relation to the improvement in the contribution of agricultural production to household

food security and especially to improved nutrition of young children, some key policy
issues would be:
a. Enhancement of maternal skills in infant and child nutrition
b. Inclusion of weaning foods in municipal food programs
c. Improvement of linkages between agricultural production and municipal food
programs
d. Support and recognition of small-scale animal-raising by landed and landless
households
e. Targeted training, especially animal production for women

2. In relation to the improvement in the economic efficiency of commercially oriented urban

agriculture, some key policy issues are:
a. Access to markets and market information
b. Support for the productive use of recycled organic wastes and wastewater
c. Zoning and permits for commercial pig-raising
d. Participation of stakeholders in urban land use planning

The principal characteristics of urban farmers in Carapongo is an unequal division of labour, no

equitable access to and control over productive resources, unequal access to knowledge by both
men and women and inequality in power relations. In Carapongo, the, inequities between men
and women identified in the study cannot be dealt with at the policy level alone. Specific
inequities in the division of labour in household production and reproduction require more
detailed studies. We need to find out the cost and benefit differentials existing between men and
women, the cost of women’s reproductive and productive labour, in order to find out the extent
and contribution of urban agriculture to household economies and to the economic power of men
and women.

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