Article

Media, Culture & Society

Forbidden fruit or conventional

33(1) 3551
The Author(s) 2011
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DOI: 10.1177/0163443710385499
Citys reversal of the female mcs.sagepub.com

gender

ine F. Lori
Kaplan University

Abstract
HBOs Sex and the City is a programme known for its controversial portrayal of gender
issues. Yet one should question whether its polemical stylings in relation to gender
ascription are deserved or perhaps inflated. Employing aspects of both media- and
gender-based theory, this article analyses character, dialogue and cinematographic
imagery in regard to the shows gender messaging in efforts to discover whether the
series symbolically parades a new, empowered female role. Alternatively the series
could undermine its aspirations by simultaneously reinforcing traditional standards of
the female gender. We explore this argument by concentrating on the shows portrayal
of fashion and female alliance, alongside an incongruous depiction of hetero-socialization
and female sexuality.

Keywords
female empowerment, gender reversal, gender scripts, media, Sex and the City, sexuality

Undeniably many renowned social theorists have explored the relationship between
media, gender and identity, including Butler (1999), Foucault (1978) and Gauntlett (2008
[2002]); numerous other scholars have also examined the relations between gender, sex-
uality and media (see Ang and Hermes, 1991; Austin, 2002; MacDonald, 1995; van
Zoonen, 1994; Wilton, 1995; Zillman and Weaver, 1996). Janice Radway (1988) has
applied an anthropological approach in her ethnographic research on audience reception
of romance novels in regard to gender roles. Some anthropologists, especially Jay Ruby
(2000), have looked beyond textual material and explored visual representations of vari-
ous aspects of identities, although chiefly with regard to ethnographic film. Not many

Corresponding author:
ine F. Lori, Kaplan University, 6301 Kaplan University Avenue, Fort Lauderdale, FL 33309
Email: alorie@kaplan.edu

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36 Media, Culture & Society 33(1)

have applied an effective interdisciplinary approach in efforts to investigate representations

of gender on television. In an effort to remedy this oversight, this article will largely
include the works of cultural or media theorists John Fiske (1987) and Ien Ang (1985),
and their respective research on the televisual staging of social change and fantasy, and
socio-political liberation. In addition the article incorporates the theory of Sabrina-Petra
Ramet (1996) on gender reversal, in order to offer a socio-anthropological reasoning
behind the shows possible portrayal of a new female gender.
Fiskes and Angs theories will assist us in deconstructing the depiction of gender
issues from a media-oriented perspective, while Ramets work will help us examine a
socio-anthropological explanation for gender roles, which is the theoretical aim of this
article. By joining these frameworks we will be able to explore more thoroughly the
programmes ability or inability to convey the image of a new empowered female role.
This compound framework is something that has yet to be employed for the analysis of
televisual data and may contribute to the better comprehension of aspects of gender
diversity that are shown in the media. The aim of the article is also to help expand socio-
anthropological thought with regard to televisual content, which has largely been domi-
nated by media or cultural studies.
We will begin with a literature review of our chosen theoretical and empirical
approach. This is followed by a section on methods and data. Thereafter we will look into
the findings and analysis of the different variations of female empowerment depicted in
Sex and the City.

Media and gender theory

It is generally understood in media studies that televisual data is a significant area to
examine as it facilitates a marketplace of ideas where political issues can be publicly
debated. Sex and the City probes many sensitive areas: female sexuality, abortion,
monogamy and female empowerment. In terms of persuasion, it is also important to
emphasize that the combination of politics and art is a powerful tool. As Ang (1985: 134)
describes, the political use of fantasy allows people to play with reality and figuratively
act out political struggles without having to worry about their real value and effect.
Popular television shows can potentially impact social-political persuasion because they
command large audiences. If such programmes become labelled as or are considered to
be controversial, they then attract more interest and potential power. On an analytical
level, it is important to focus on sensitive or controversial issues shown on television,
because they can serve as expressions of societys desire to change. Sex and the City
might therefore serve as a materialization of societal change. Yet the problem inherent in
this process, according to Gitlin (1978), is that challenging ideas that materialize in the
media tend to become tamed or normalized.
Fiske (1987: 5) elaborates on the connection between television and cultural symbols
by theorizing how television is ideologically encoded and circulates messages on varia-
bles such as individualism, patriarchy, class, race, capitalism, materialism and nationality.
Like Fiske (1987), Lembo (2000: 10), a sociologist, contends that within the circulation
of meaning the viewer is influenced by multiple discourses and multiple identities.

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Lori 37

Lembos work on television use also allows us to see that one problem with media studies
is an over-reliance on the powerresistance model. While our study is not particularly nor
presently concerned with television use, it is helpful to take into account Lembos con-
cern with difficulties in media studies, including in the works of Fiske and Ang. Lembo
(2000: 18) has similar apprehensions regarding social theory, in terms of its convention-
ally distant position, whereby theorists are likely to dissociate themselves from the daily
world of television use. Lembo (2000: 28) might also agree that the problem with soci-
ologists, or even anthropologists: lies with the unacknowledged nature of their outsider
status in regard to television use. This is why in this study we openly admit to having a
personal interest in and experience of viewing Sex and the City, which served as a moti-
vating factor to investigate its messaging.
While we will certainly bear in mind Lembos caveat, we are also in agreement that
media studies still offers the most sophisticated of analytical approaches to the study of
television (Lembo, 2000: 12). We are particularly interested in expanding on Fiskes
understanding of ideological codes or variables, as well as Angs insights into the politi-
cal use of fantasy within the context of Sex and the City as it attempts to transmit mes-
sages concerning female empowerment. There is certainly a lack of research from the
perspective of media studies, which has yet to explore how a popular series such as Sex
and the City contains and uses ideological codes with regard to feminism or, more pre-
cisely, female empowerment. Likewise, in terms of engaging with this topic on an inter-
disciplinary level even though one could certainly argue that many media theorists
inherently operate using multiple disciplines not many have thoroughly integrated a
socio-anthropological framework. Undoubtedly both perspectives seem to complement
each other in terms of offering a more extensive understanding of gender representations
and/or diversity. Such an approach will specifically enable this study to better compre-
hend the concept of gender and specific gender-related issues in relation to female
empowerment via the portrayal of the female characters in Sex and the City.
Scholars operating from a socio-anthropological point of view would likely propose
that when we consider the notion of gender we generally think of two primary patterns:
masculine and feminine. These perceptions are traditionally shaped by a very rigid and
dual conceptualization. Accordingly, we have come to utilize these binary labels to give
form to our sexual differences. Moore (1988) elucidates that the social construction of
our gender system creates a model for behaviour by establishing limits and boundaries
for social conduct in our culturally managed world. Likewise, as Moore (1988) goes on
to say, the symbolism for male and female becomes defined through scripted gender
messaging, which in turn constructs personal and social archetypes for behavioural
expectations. Scripted gender messaging can manifest within the scripts of television
characters, like the group exhibited on Sex and the City. Specifically in relation to sexual
scripts, Gagnon and Simon (1973: 19) further clarify that scripts are involved in [peo-
ple] learning the meaning of internal states, organizing the sequences of specifically
sexual acts setting limits on sexual responses linking meaning from nonsexual
aspects of life to specifically sexual experiences. Perhaps our study might be able to
expand on Gagnon and Simons concept of sexual scripts within the context of televisual
messaging. More significantly, Ramets (1996) theory of gender reversal might be con-
sidered an attempt to soften the rigid boundaries found in such scripts.

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38 Media, Culture & Society 33(1)

According to Ramet (1996: 2), gender reversal may be understood to be any change,
whether total or partial, in social behaviour, work, clothing, mannerisms, speech-
designation, or ideology, which brings a person closer to the other (or, in polygender
systems, another) gender. Ramets (1996) conceptualization of gender could be con-
strued as a derivative of queer theory, which advocates a non-bipolar or non-linear cate-
gorization of gender (see Coltran and Messineo, 2000; MacDonald, 1995; Raymond,
2003). Indeed Ramets approach would also support the idea of gender being viewed as
a continuum, something which the legendary Alfred Kinsey (1948, 1953) endorsed.
For the purposes of this article we will not expand further on the works of various
query theorists nor greatly consider the social acquisition of gender since our theoretical
aim leans towards Ramets understandings of gender diversity via the process of gender
reversal. Even though Ramets work largely dealt with indigenous or native communi-
ties, her insight into representations of gender reversal could certainly be applied to
larger modern societies and its various sectors. This could account for how a television
show like Sex and the City could function as a manifestation of Ramets gender reversal,
or at least partial gender reversal. Understandably, the reasoning behind the programmes
use of gender reversal could be linked directly with its aspirations to soften gender scripts
and portray or encourage ideas about female empowerment.
Despite the apparent softening of polarized scripts, both in the media and in reality,
defining these types of gender librettos still predominantly remains within an archetypi-
cal system closely guarded by conservative powers, that is, patriarchy. At least we could
debate this patriarchal structure from a feminist perspective (see Chodorow, 1978, 1989;
Rich, 1980; Scarth, 2004). This helps explain why women might be stereotyped as sex
objects, nurturing, fragile, image oriented and fashion obsessed. Similarly, stereotypical
conceptions can carry forward as gender markers. Though it is precisely the use of polar-
izing male/female symbols and the generic manufacturing of their representations that
serves to reinforce an older model of gender. Sex and the City might portray, define and
ascribe gender roles within a similar dichotomy, although not always in accordance with
the governing essentialist ethos.1
Certainly Sex and the City positions gender as the thematic cornerstone being debated
on the programme within many ideological modes and/or frames. That being noted, we
must emphasize that gender transformation is situated under the canopy of a rather rigid
and polarized gender script maintained by an orthodox power source. Underneath this
canopy, socialization is taking place where social norms are also, to some extent, in flux,
unclear and porous. Gagnon and Simon (1973: 291) would verify that new expectations
for both the older and younger generation have come about particularly in relation to
sexual scripts. These conflicting ideologies could account for the style of gender messag-
ing being illustrated on Sex and the City as it attempts to accommodate both new and old
models, or traditional and non-traditional models of gender. While the old model consists
of a more fixed, polarized, biologically reductive and patriarchally orientated perspec-
tive, the new model consists of a more malleable, integrated, socially constructed and
equality oriented perspective (Gagnon and Simon, 1973; Seidman, 2003; Weeks, 1995).
Accordingly, the current limbo between gender scripts has perhaps socially manifested
in the need for some form of gender reversal as a process in which to mediate or navigate
between both models.

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Lori 39

By combining both media and gender theory we could argue that Sex and the City, as
a fictional programme on television, might be attempting to figuratively deconstruct the
status quo of gender (patriarchy) and its essentialist ethos, at least to a certain degree. The
show may do so by playing with or reversing the idea of gender in relation to its respec-
tive models. Yet the way in which the show directs its gender messaging seems to be
consistent in some respects and inconsistent in others as it plays on both traditional and
non-traditional roles. Sex and the City appears to ascribe gender consistently through its
conventional characterization of the female role, as well as inconsistently via its mottled
depictions of new empowered women. In order to further explore these types of ideo-
logical codes regarding gender, we will need to deconstruct this messaging in accordance
with a suitable methodological framework.

Methods and data

Most research into television relies upon fairly limited quantitative surveys, namely
fixed-choice questions. In attempts to extend what Layder (1998: 44) calls the intersub-
jective understandings of people and overcome such limitations associated with quanti-
tative methodology, we have found a subdivision of qualitative methodology that is more
suitable for this study: textual analysis.
Some social scientists view textual material as an undervalued source of material, and
by using such material we hope to gain further insight into its embedded social and ideo-
logical meaning (Some social scientists view textual material). This form of content
analysis is quite popular and helpful specifically in terms of media evaluation and analysis.
In relation to our study, Bertrand and Hughes (2005: 48) explain how content analysis of
television programmes allows for the researcher to establish recurrent patterns of behaviour
within these shows. In regards to analysis, Bauer (2002: 133) points how this method can
employ a set of procedures through which one can derive valid inferences from the text
about the senders, the message itself and the audience of the message.
Our concern with text is also to do with our interest in how meaning can be produced
semiotically. Holsti (1969) would contend that being able to describe and make infer-
ences from text helps in analysing its techniques of persuasion and style. In decoding the
text we can measure readability and analyse the stream of information being presented.
Of course there are certain strengths and weaknesses in using this approach. The strengths
are that content analysis is unobtrusive, public, systematic, expansive and offers well-
documented procedures (Bauer, 2002: 147). On the other hand, according to Bauer
(2002: 147), content analysis of text can contribute to inaccurate and possibly misleading
interpretations as it tends to focus too much on frequencies and can lose the sequentiality
of text and language.
As many of the debates over, and descriptions of, content analysis relate mainly to
written textual material, it would useful to expand on how television or televisual mate-
rial can function as text. For this purpose we again employ the works of Fiske (1987).
In comparison to Ang (1985), Hall (1981), Morley (1986, 1994) and Radway (1984),
Fiskes work most strongly exemplifies how television can be viewed as a text. His theo-
retical approach towards viewing television-as-text is guided by his interest in the

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40 Media, Culture & Society 33(1)

various dominant discourses (e.g. gender, race, sexuality, class). Furthermore, as noted
by Lembo (2000: 64), Fiskes use of the construct tv-as-text allows analytical attention
to be focused on different forms of hegemonic power that constitute the text. These
influential discourses, in turn, assist in the formation of various identities. Of course this
process is open to negotiation on the part of the viewer. As we are particularly interested
in gender identity, Fiskes (1987) understanding of the patriarchal discourse helps us to
grasp how this ideological code can shape representations of femininity and masculinity
in the public sphere. The advantage in adopting the notion of television-as-text, accord-
ing to Lembo (2000), is that it offers much insight in terms of how power functions at the
social-psychological level. As for disadvantages, Lembo (2000) also cautions that it is
helpful to recognize that such textual material is merely one among many social com-
plexities that characterize television the production and uses of television.
Our adoption of textual analysis allowed us to focus in on and deconstruct a sample
of particular themes in Sex and the City reflecting female empowerment. We did so by
repetitively viewing and taking field notes on the entire series on a daily basis over the
course of approximately six months. This amounted to around 200 hours of viewing in
total. It is also important to stress that this study did not include any syndicated versions
of Sex and the City. We only watched the show on HBO because this channel is free of
the normal constraints of mainstream television in terms of censorship. We also did not
include the film version of the series; this would require a completely different theoreti-
cal approach since we would no longer be dealing with the medium of television, which
is the focus of our study.
In terms of content we focused on visual and narrative representations of the female
gender. In efforts to capture the shows attempts at gender reversal, we chose to look at
the overall message of four major themes emphasized in the series: fashion, homo-
socialization, hetero-socialization and female sexuality. Although the programme portrays
various other gender-oriented subjects, these four topics appear to be significantly more
substantial and prominent in the thematic line-up in relation to female empowerment.

Findings and analysis

The findings and analysis of this study will be grouped according to the four main themes
and will include visual and narrative examples from the programme, interlaced with
analysis. Prior to our conclusion we will open a larger analytical discussion on these
combined topics in relation to the issue of gender reversal and female empowerment. We
will largely concentrate on the topics of hetero-socialization and sexuality, as they hold
greater potential for capturing aspects of gender reversal.

Fashion
In an exemplary episode entitled Lights, Camera, Relationship, the main character,
Carrie Bradshaw, is on a date with fellow writer Jack Berger. Carrie is celebrating receiv-
ing the latest advance on her book and decides to take Berger on a date to a Prada store

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Lori 41

(an up-market, designer retail store). The voiceover2 comments: some take their promising
partners to meet the parents; I take them to meet the Prada. In a comical manner her
narrative insinuates that Prada is a replacement for parents in contemporary times. This
incident is just one of many that portrays how fashion-obsessed the character Carrie truly
is. The remaining three characters, Samantha Jones, Miranda Hobbs and Charlotte York,
appear to be similarly fixated on fashion and for that reason shopping, particularly shoe
shopping, is a bonding activity frequently engaged in by all characters. Whats more,
during the entire series all characters are practically never shown wearing the same outfit
twice. We thus have to consider the reasons for the shows obsession with fashion in rela-
tion to its main female characters. Moreover, outside of the stereotypical obvious asso-
ciation of fashion with the female gender, it would be useful to consider how fashion
might come to be linked with female empowerment.
As the character Carrie exposes her allure and insecurities about shoes and fashion,
she appears to allude to some greater implicit symbolism. Oftentimes Carries use of
shoes specifically serves as a personal and social prop for insecurities about being single
(her marital status) in her 30s (her age), while representing a general token of female
pride (feminine identity). Even so, bodily adornment can simultaneously be used to sig-
nify ones status and income. In an episode where Carrie visits the New York Stock
Exchange she jokingly explains to her friends: I like my money where I can see it, in my
closet. There is some truth in her jesting remark, in the sense that items such as shoes
can serve as public measures of socio-economic status. The character Samantha explic-
itly illustrates this same concept in an episode where she drools over a red, designer
Birkin bag centred within the shot. After Carrie probes her fascination with the $4000
bag, Samantha explains her desire is motivated by what the bag signifies: When Im
seen tooling around town with that bag, Ill know Ive made it! as she struts away
confidently.
Here high fashion indicates not only a measure of wealth but also a greater sense of
personal security and perhaps female advancement. Also, in the shows framing of high
fashion, it definitely seems to approach this subject in a consistent way; that is, the show
often emphasizes an empowered female gender when linking fashion with female char-
acters. Despite Sex and the Citys optimistic intent in connecting female empowerment
with fashion, this attribution is still predominantly contained within the traditionally
ascribed female role. Therefore the shows portrayal of fashion may slightly misfire in
effectively contributing to the transformation the female gender despite its consistent
illustration. In relation to the programmes adjoining representation of female bonding,
the series appears to similarly overshoot.

Homo-socialization
In the episode All or Nothing, Samantha throws a feminine-congratulatory party, where
she emphatically exclaims to the four that they have it all: great friends, good jobs, and
plenty of sex! This particular episode is most exemplary of the underlying theme of female
unity operating within the show by means of Samanthas powerful reaffirmation of female
pride. We can also see how female identity is a significant motive for socio-political

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42 Media, Culture & Society 33(1)

privileges in Carries declarations of A womans right to or one small step for a

giant leap for women kind, a sentiment repeated in many an episode. Through the repeti-
tive and emphatic display of this form of feminine homo-socialization (not lesbianism),
Sex and the City might equally be shaping an extended version of female empowerment.
Certainly the shows emphasis and positive representation of female bonding only serves
to strengthen the empowered female role.
Female empowerment is strongly realized through the intense loyalty of the support-
ive bond between these characters. For instance in one episode Carrie borrows money
from Charlotte for a down payment towards the purchase of her apartment. In Coulda,
Woulda, Shoulda, we can see another example of how these four characters seem to
represent a proxy family within the domain of single women. This effect is most likely
due to the security that this type of bond affords in the highly impersonal environment of
Manhattan. In this episode Miranda is discussing with Carrie whether or not to have an
abortion. After much turmoil concerning Mirandas biological clock, she breaks down
and reveals Oh God Carrie is this my baby? I mean what am I waiting for? The episode
ends with Miranda laying on the couch as Samantha helps prop up her pillow and Carrie
serves her tea and cake. Then Charlotte enters and Miranda tells her that she has decided
to keep the baby to which Charlotte responds Were having a baby!
By including this discussion on abortion, despite the characters concluding decision,
the series pairs feminine bonding with an extremely controversial subject. Dangling the
abortion card certainly might grab the attention of the shows viewers. Perhaps in join-
ing the sensitive subject of abortion to female bonding the series is attempting to
strengthen an unexpected, nurturing element to empowerment and thereby mould a new
dynamic feminine identity. On the other hand, Mirandas acceptance of such a conven-
tional role (mother) might overshadow any transforming and empowering potential. In
order to justly comprehend the overall symbolic magnitude of this type of female close-
ness, as it is quite close to traditional ascriptions of gender, it would be useful to weigh it
against additional key moments of bonding depicted in the show.
Female bonding is perpetually and almost ritualistically illustrated in the series
through its depiction of routine Sunday brunches, night outings, phone conversations,
vacations, funerals, weddings and birth. This alliance is reinforced as the show neither
portrays nor does it regularly discuss and involve family members. It would seem that
the characters have surpassed a typical friendship since their connection can be con-
strued as practically familial. It might be that such a familial connection is playing on the
actual fracturing of the family in contemporary society. This could account for why these
women choose to emphasize their gender identity above all other social categories.
Foucault (1978) would expand on why female identity is highlighted by explaining how
society uses markers that were formerly presumed to have negative connotations as con-
temporary labels for alliance. Even so, the use of these gender markers also upholds a
social system of difference and division. This attitude is supplemented by the gender polar-
ization depicted in the programme. By utilizing these reductive labels as a political and
consequently identity markers Sex and the City might actually be helping to reinforce
the rather rigid, binary, disjointed and somewhat traditional conceptions of gender.
Nevertheless because female bonding functions as the keystone of the series itself,
representations of the female alliance in large part can safely be considered consistent

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Lori 43

with ascription of the empowered female gender. Thus the earlier theme of fashion can
now be regarded not only as deriving from female bonding but also as a more compre-
hensive gender feature with value in its own right in terms of illustrating power and sta-
tus. In taking ownership of same-sex bonding in the context of power, which was once
considered the preserve of males, the show is attempting to feminize this type of interac-
tion in order to help advance female status. As women in todays society in reality are
becoming more economically powerful, the show fictionally helps to further illustrate
how women are adopting more empowered characteristics as their supposed weak-
nesses are now rewritten as virtues. Sex and the Citys portrayal of feminine bonding
could therein serve as a partial form of gender reversal, at least in the thematic sense
although the corresponding aspects of gender ascription emphasized in the show might
regrettably fall short in consistently grounding the empowered role.

Hetero-socializing
The title of the programme reveals how the show chiefly centres on sexual relationships
poised within an overwhelmingly urban and impersonal location and hence the difficul-
ties of such personal undertakings. The show does so by portraying the trials and tribula-
tions of four female characters in their continual struggle interacting with men on both
romantic and sexual levels. After viewing all six seasons we have seen all four women
dating numerous types of men: from wealthy doctors to young waiters. In addition we
have seen the show notably break heterosexual boundaries, for example in Samanthas
brief lesbian affair. We have also witnessed two broken engagements and three mar-
riages. Overall, then, we can see that the programme captures a changing pattern of
gender scripts through its depiction of the unstable or unsettled process of hetero-social-
ization and dating practices in Manhattan.
Ang (1985) might concur that the show is attempting to represent or test out a new
social script reflecting modern gender behaviour within its fictional platform. The pro-
gramme thus endeavours to promote a new standard of sexual etiquette to match the
highly fluctuating and pressured environment of contemporary society. Though by tink-
ering with established gender identities, Ramet (1996) would likely explain, however,
that by tinkering with established gender identities the show is upsetting the status quo
that seeks to maintain social stability by emphasizing gender differences. Any attempts
at gender reversal, albeit fictional, will upset traditional patriarchal power. This in effect
opens a vent for social anxieties. We may then question what specific illustrations from
the series might ignite such potentially advantageous anxieties. In the process we might
find it useful to consider how Sex and the City works between both new and old models
of gender in relation to its messaging.
The very first episode of Sex and the City establishes a social context where men and
women are characterized as essentially dissimilar. In the narrative framework of this
episode it is to be understood that our standard gender conceptualization is structured
within a narrowly defined (older) model. Another episode that addresses this division is
when Miranda jokingly declares a single man of 34 is considered a great catch, while a
single woman aged 34 is regarded as tragic. Samanthas character perhaps has the most

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44 Media, Culture & Society 33(1)

fixed perceptions of men and women as different, with her bold proclamations like
women are for friendships, men are for fucking. It is safe to assume that her statement
and overall attitude is a concise reflection of traditional gender norms in terms of reflect-
ing gender division.
Samanthas approach seems to suit the predominant ethos of the show. This means
that in the context of hetero-socialization nearly every episode reinforces an older script
found within discourses pertaining to gender dualism and biological reductionism.
Gender identities are defined within misleading frameworks where biological differ-
ences are presented as natural. Such gender messaging conceptually translates into a
vernacular which stresses social differences and disparities. In turn, this process rein-
forces the established standards of behaviour, particularly with regard to female sexual-
ity. As a result it becomes difficult to manoeuvre around these polarized and older gender
scripts due to the consequential othering process generated by these perceptions.
In efforts to understand how the programme navigates around the conflicting catego-
rization and its attempts at gender reversal it would be helpful to further look into the
shows portrayal of three key sub-topics of hetero-socialization: male objectification, the
interpretation of male communication and hetero-coupling. We will concentrate on
Samantha when considering male objectification due to this characters prominent asser-
tive qualities. Also we will concentrate on Carrie when expanding on the interpretation
of male communication and hetero-coupling since she is the central and most revealing
character.
After viewing the entire series we have witnessed how Samantha and her sexually
aggressive lifestyle more or less victimizes men by treating them mostly as sexual
objects. Her characters thematic qualities are hallmarked in the first season with her
declaration: This is the first time in history the women of New York have had as much
money and power as men, and the equal opportunity to treat men as sex objects.
Unsurprisingly, Samanthas character on the whole works as an exemplary form of gen-
der reversal by enacting an inverse machismo stereotype of the 1950s. As Ramet (1996)
would likely agree, her mannerisms, self-designation, authoritative speech and polarized
gender attitude seem to bend the boundaries of feminine and masculine standards of
behaviour. Despite Samanthas incongruous illustration of gender bending, her charac-
ters firm attempt at gender recoding also serves as an indication of social mobility by
playing on the once formerly subordinate female who now assumes power. Though if we
now turn to our central and most multifarious character, Carrie, we can expose how her
inner dialogue accommodates these conflicting gender scripts and may also assist in the
process of gender reversal.
Carries career as a newspaper columnist reporting on dating habits of single women
in New York City establishes that both her professional and her personal life revolve
around heterosexual relationships. In fact in many episodes she freely admits that her life
has been dedicated to obsessing about men by deciphering their mixed messages and
terminology, and interpreting their overall nature. While Carries character might not
exaggerate gender differences to the degree that Samanthas does, Carries analytical and
somewhat sceptical nature greatly reinforces an othering effect. On a side note, neither
she nor the other characters on the show seem to have any significant heterosexual male
friends with whom they can explore or compare male behaviour. Concentrating on

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Lori 45

Carrie, it would be helpful to further clarify what gender scripts Carrie might fall
between, or attempt to transpose, when interpreting and reporting on male behaviour.
Referring to the first episode, we can see how Carries life as a self-proclaimed sex-
ual anthropologist brings her into an experimental situation where she vows to start
having sex like men. This means that she attempts to engage in sexual activities wherein
she assumes a carefree, guiltless and unattached approach. Carries actions experiment-
ing with a sexual approach that has usually been considered a common behaviour of the
male gender, serve as a form of gender reversal. However the episode concludes with her
realizing she cannot suppress her supposedly feminine emotions for aimless sexual
pleasure. Ironically, in the third season, when dating the character Aidan, she becomes
confused by his slow advances towards consummating their sexual desires. With her
declaration, Are we simply romantically challenged, or are we sluts?, Carrie realizes
that she has become attuned to skipping over romantic activities and rushing straight for
bedroom activities. Conceivably, her tendencies to sexually consummate heterosexual
relationships quickly are more in line with Samanthas machismo reversal or gender
bending. Yet Carries character also maintains a certain flexibility towards these contem-
porary and confusing gender scripts. Therefore it appears that Carries hetero-socializing
template is lodged somewhere between an old and new script. In other words, her con-
tinuous misinterpretation of male behaviour is rooted in a gap in social expectations.
Her character is caught between a traditional model where women treat sex more emo-
tionally while men are considered to be the sexual predators and a non-traditional
model where women are increasingly becoming sexually direct while men are becoming
more in tune their feminine and emotional side (Gagnon and Simon, 1973). Oddly
enough, her jesting concern about being stigmatized as sluts indicates a residual form
of a gender double standard.
Carries doubtful character might accurately be portraying a modern-day conundrum
resulting from gender transformation or partial gender reversal. Understandably, the
show is illustrative of a type of social miscommunication by means of its portrayal and
balancing of specific aspects of modern female empowerment while also conveying the
ambiguous nature of contemporary courtship. The programme appears also to be reflect-
ing the older, purposely exaggerated conceptions of gender polarity epitomized by
Samanthas machismo reversal on the one end and Charlottes quasi-1950s female per-
sona on the other. While Mirandas character similarly falls more towards the machismo
or gender-reversal scale, though not as acutely, all three supporting characters are over-
shadowed by the more normative Carrie who lodges in between the polarized gender
scripts. Her characters indeterminate status is likewise at a crossroads with regard to her
attempts at gender reversal. Carries confused position is also greatly impacted by the
ambiguous behaviour of the character known as Mr Big, which is especially witnessed in
their frequent attempts at coupling.
In the shows turbulent portrayal of Carries relationships with men, an undercurrent
of hopelessly romantic sentiments remains in her pursuit for the one. Inevitably, Carrie
discovers in a fleeting dash to Paris that the man shes been searching for all these years
is the only consistently inconsistent man in her life Mr Big. We finally see Carries
chain of complex affairs come to a conclusion, ending on a sentimental high note as the
chivalrous Mr Big essentially rescues Carrie from her temperamental Russian boyfriend

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46 Media, Culture & Society 33(1)

and finally proclaims his loving feelings for her. Carries joyous reunion with Mr Big did
not distinctly conclude with marriage, as did Charlottes and Mirandas relationships.
Nonetheless Carries partnering fell into the overall pattern of coupling as the series drew
the final curtain leaving no loose ends in the dating department.3 For that reason the
shows ending might seem to counteract its overall ambition to portray the new empow-
ered female as, in the end, she is only seeking a remodelled, metropolitan version of
Prince Charming.
Due to such conflicting depictions of the male objectification, interpretation of male
communication as well hetero-coupling, the show appears to inconsistently represent the
empowered female gender within these indicative aspects of hetero-socialization. The
series appears to present the subject of female sexuality in an analogous, underdeveloped
manner.

Sexuality
We could perhaps consider sexuality to be the most controversial subject of Sex and the
City. Within this arrangement it may prove useful to question the reason behind the
seemingly controversial depiction of nudity, particularly female nudity. For the purposes
of this topic it would be beneficial to again focus on the character Samantha, since she is
literally and visually the most exposed body on the programme.
Looking at an exemplary episode in regards to sexuality, Samantha attempts to enact
her long-time fantasy with a fireman named Ricky. In this scene she seductively poses
for Ricky at his firehouse wearing nothing but overalls, exposing her bare breasts to him
and to the viewers. When the camera cuts back to their sexual game, Samantha is pinned
up against the front of a large red truck completely naked. Suddenly the alarm rings and
all the workers rush down frantically to jump aboard the truck, leaving Samantha in an
awkward (nude) situation. Later on in the episode she is able to re-enact her fireman
fantasy to complete satisfaction.
The above scene is merely an understated instance of Samanthas exuberant sexu-
ality. Turning to another example, in an episode entitled Great Sexpectations,
Samantha continues to reaffirm her sexually aggressive side with young Smith Jerrod.
After much direct flirtation and suggestive discussion at a trendy New York City res-
taurant, Samanthas advances are well received as we are shown in their subsequent
bedroom activities. Here the camera cuts from the restaurant scene to the two having
sex in a various positions. As usual the audience sees many nude shots of Samanthas
entire body while for Smiths body, and all displays of male nudity, everything is
captured except the crotch zone. The viewers window is kept at a distance, while
Samanthas ear-piercing cries overpower the scene so as to indicate a highly dramatic
climax.
Samanthas sexual fantasies are a frequent theme in the programme and take on many
narrative and visual forms. Overall she has engaged in a variety of sexual scenarios
throughout the series, including threesomes, lesbian sex, sadomasochism, theatrical role-
playing sex and masturbation with sexual toys. Sexual activities also become the prime
topic at the ritualistic Sunday brunches, although these are typically initiated by Samantha
herself. In this sense her characters sexual appetite could certainly be considered a form

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Lori 47

of gender reversal, since being sexually prolific was once exclusively viewed and socially
accepted as a type of male behaviour.
However in one outstanding uncharacteristic depiction of Samantha, upon finding out
that she had breast cancer she nervously asks her doctor whether she could have acquired
the disease due to her sexual profligacy. The doctor promptly refutes her suspicions. This
portrayal of Samantha slightly undermines the shows ambition to promote a newly
empowered, sexually secure female identity by reinforcing old stereotypes concerning
prohibited female sexuality, or what would traditionally be termed as promiscuous
behaviour. However, with regard to the narrative framework, her characters overwhelm-
ing fixation on sexual enjoyment and male conquests seems to overshadow such contra-
dictory depictions. That being noted, it would be still helpful to analyse what Samanthas
character truly represents in terms of visual illustrations.
For the most part Samanthas sexual scenes are depicted as subtly comical due to the
over-the-top, repetitive portrayal of her fantastical scenarios. Simultaneously, however,
there is an underlying erotic essence presented within the sexual scenes those featuring
the other female characters as well as Samantha. This is due to the manner in which the
programme visually illustrates the uncovered female body compared to the male. As
previously noted, we are able to see all female body parts but not all of the male body,
specifically the penis/crotch zone. Furthermore, female nudity is almost always por-
trayed in a sexual context as opposed to an artistic, neutral or medical context, whereas
male nudity on the show is certainly more diverse in its illustration. Hence male nudity
is also conveyed in an overtly comical and non-sexual manner. Such a contradictory
depiction begs us to consider the source behind the lens.
Of course we are not so nave as to be unable to recognize that representations of the
sexually saturated female body are common throughout society and are remarkably prev-
alent in various sub-sectors of the media. This widespread imagery can likewise result in
the televisions subtle use of what Mulvey (1989) terms the male gaze, such as that
which seems to be employed in the depiction of female nudity in Sex and the City. When
doing so, the show helps to reaffirm the association of female nudity solely with sexual-
ity. The programme thus reveals women in a more traditional cinematographic approach,
where men (conceivably the directors) are the bearer of the look and women (the four
characters) are the objects of the gaze (Mulvey, 1989). This process eroticizes female
body parts. The eroticization of the female body is enacted on the programme through
the exclusive association of female nudity with sexuality, while little or limited camera
attention is given to the naked male body. Considering that this double standard operates
in the shows visual depiction of the female role, it also comes with certain hidden impli-
cations. In recognizing the use of the male gaze, we seem to be witnessing a traditional
depiction of the female gender. As a result the theme being expressed can come across in
a confusing manner in regards to its desired messaging. Such a conflicting approach
towards reflecting the naked female body might also slightly counteract any cinemato-
graphic or visual attempts at gender reversal.
Therefore, in terms of female sexuality, the show seems to convey both stereotypical,
objectified notions of the female gender, wrapped in modern conceptions of female
empowerment. Perhaps this conflicting messaging is the result of its implicitly tabooed
or socially controlled conceptualization regarding female sexuality. One therefore has to
wonder if something else may be going on behind the scenes.

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48 Media, Culture & Society 33(1)

Discussion
We established how the initial subject of fashion, in relation to the empowered female
gender, was consistently represented. Indeed the manner in which fashion functioned as
a symbol of socio-economic status appears to bolster the ideology of female empower-
ment. The only drawback that could be linked to the characters obsession with fashion
would be its probable stereotypical interpretation. However, the close affiliation of fash-
ion with the prevailing and consistent display of female alliance certainly helps to
strengthen the idea of the powerful female. Illustrating these characters bond specifi-
cally as a type of proxy family definitely holds great weight in terms collectively fortify-
ing ideological codes on female empowerment. The only slight shortcoming concerns
the issue of motherhood, since the series seems to be supporting an essentialist ethos and,
similarly, the conventional female role. This theme of homo-socialization in comparison
to its neighbouring theme, that of hetero-socialization, appears also to add a degree of
confusion. By generating a form of gender polarization the show creates an othering
effect, which is likewise exemplary of an older or traditional model and its rigid concep-
tualization and division of gender roles. This effect is more obviously pronounced in the
subject of sexuality on account of the character Samantha and her objectification of the
male gender. That being noted, strong female sexuality can certainly be regarded as an
empowering facet which greatly assists in the process of gender reversal, especially via
Samanthas inverse machismo behaviour. Yet there also appears to be a double stand-
ard coming across as the series skirts around the issue of female promiscuity, particu-
larly as a potential causal factor during Samanthas deciphering of her breast cancer. The
portrayal of the negative implications of female promiscuity is of a piece with the hypo-
critical eroticization of the programmes gaze at the naked female body in comparison
to the male.
Returning to the subject of hetero-socialization, it became clear that the overall cou-
pling pattern specifically through the chivalrous, romantic partnering of the central
character Carrie with Mr Big runs counter to the non-conventional objective of this
programme. The climactic ending of this series appears to firmly reinforce an older
model of gender scripts through its illustration of the damsel in distress motif. In addi-
tion, the character Carrie, as the principle navigator between old and new models, is the
viewers window into the shows softening of gender polarity or diversity, as well as its
attempts at gender reversal and female empowerment. However, Carrie does not leave
the audience with any resolution in these regards, as her script is lodged between the old
and new gender models. In this sense, her character seems indicative of Gagnon and
Simons (1973) assumptions of the fluctuating and uncertain context in which sexual and
gender scripts are presently located. Perhaps this helps us understand the confusion
behind the series consistent and inconsistent gender messaging.
Overall, separating the shows consistencies and inconsistencies in terms of reflecting
gender diversity, and its possible efficacy in the reversal and/or transformation of the
female gender, becomes problematic. In other words, Sex and the Citys contradictory
depictions of female sexuality and ambiguous presentation of hetero-socialization, in
comparison to its predominantly coherent portrayal of female alliance and fashion,
establishes a very mottled and convoluted representation of the female gender. Such an

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Lori 49

off-kilter portrayal impedes the viewers ability to map out and understand the dominant
message that the show ostensibly is endeavouring to transmit. Moreover, the major issue
of female empowerment becomes overpowered or tamed (as Gitlin [1978] would have
predicted) in the convoluted styling of the series thematic illustration and balancing of
gender messaging. This outcome could be illustrative of the shows efforts to capture the
inherently complicated essence or diversity of the human character. In this sense one
could argue that the series is perhaps reflecting a more realistic or accurate view of the
various dimensions of gender issues as well as gender roles. Though if viewers are not
able to decipher the manner, intent and emphasis in the shows transmission, such ideo-
logical messaging may become self-cancelling in the process and may undermine aspira-
tions towards gender reversal.
On account of such conflicting messaging we can identify how the programme might
actually be confronting an age-old dilemma within its televisual, socio-political plat-
form. More specifically, the show plays upon real issues regarding female and male
power without adequate explanation and persuasion as it explores female empowerment.
It would seem that gender reversal is employed in efforts to symbolically acquire power
in a televisual context. This is the basis for the desire to become closer to the or another
gender, specifically the male gender on account of it traditionally being the powerful
role. This more involved analytical discussion is probably best left for another study, one
which takes a stronger Foucauldian approach. That being stated, the aim of this article
was predominantly to focus on and highlight the gravely underused, socio-anthropolog-
ical theory of gender reversal interwoven with insights from media theory.
Sex and the City therefore appears to be a series which strives to transmit the theme
of a new empowered female role not shy but aggressive, not docile but assertive, not
private but boldly public but appears to self-pollute its ambitious purpose by simulta-
neously reinforcing traditional formulas of nudity, hetero-coupling and, most impor-
tantly, gender division. The programme certainly utilizes and plays with controversial
conceptions of gender issues in efforts to rope in and rally attention around the key idea
of female empowerment. Yet its provocative manner is at times diluted and inconsistent,
and is undermined by conventional messaging; consequently it works as a mirage of
innovation. Concisely speaking, the show falls short in delivering and fictionally liberat-
ing a transformed female gender as its challenging ideas become domesticated.

Conclusion
We began this study by considering how the television series Sex and the City might help
transmit ideas about social change in accordance with Angs (1985) and Fiskes (1987)
media-based theories on social transformation, together with Ramets (1996) socio-
anthropological perspective on gender reversal. In doing so we highlighted the consistent
and inconsistent manner in which the series persuasively balances its framing of tradi-
tional and non-traditional roles in terms of female gender ascription. We discovered how
the show manifests a conflict between old and new gender scripts, as well as how it
ambiguously delivers accounts of hetero-socialization. We also uncovered contradictory
representations of female sexuality in terms of nudity, which creates an objectification of

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50 Media, Culture & Society 33(1)

the female gender. Paradoxically, these inconsistent themes contrast with a narrative
rooted in female empowerment, thus implicitly reinforcing residual models regarding
female power. As a result, the show fails to figuratively liberate the female role. At least
this seems to be the case with regard to its attempt at gender reversal. In the end Sex and
the City seems to dangle the proverbial forbidden fruit of the empowered female role,
only to whisk the image away, leaving nothing but the status quo remaining.

Notes
1. A biologically determinate or essentialist ethos works in contrast to a socially constructed inter-
pretation of gender roles and sexuality (Seidman, 2003; Weeks, 1995).
2. All voiceovers are from the main character, Carrie, who narrates the story.
3. The shows concluding coupling might explain Samanthas characteristically unusual coupling
with Smith Jerrod.

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ine Lori completed her PhD in Sociology at the National University of Ireland, Galway
in June 2009. She currently works in the Department of Social Sciences at Kaplan
University as an Adjunct Faculty and teaches online in the Certificate and/or Diploma in
Irish Studies in partnership with the National University of Ireland, Galway, Irish Studies
Centre and Regis University. She simultaneously assists in research at the Massachusetts
General Hospitals Psychotherapy Research Program. Her research interests include the
sociology of gender, sexuality and the media, religion and mental health and illness, and
the interface of sociology and psychology, psychiatry and psychotherapy.

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