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Oudtestamentische Studin
Editor
B. Becking
Utrecht
Editorial Board
H.G.M. Williamson
Oxford
M. Vervenne
Leuven
VOLUME 58
Enlarge the Site of Your Tent
Edited by
LEIDEN BOSTON
2011
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
ISSN 0169-7226
ISBN 978 90 04 18729 0
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CONTENTS
Preface ................................................................................................. VII
C.H.J. DE GEUS, Isaiahs City .............................................................. 1
A. VAN DER KOOIJ, Rejoice, o Thirsty Desert! (Isaiah 35): On
Zion in the Septuagint of Isaiah ..................................................... 11
M. DE JONG, From Legitimate King to Protected City: The
Development of Isaiah 7:1-17 ......................................................... 21
A.L.H.M. VAN WIERINGEN, Assur and Babel against
Jerusalem: The Reader-Oriented Position of Babel and Assur
within the Framework of Isaiah 1-39 .............................................. 49
W.A.M. BEUKEN, From Damascus to Mount Zion: A Journey
through the Land of the Harvester (Isaiah 17-18) ........................... 63
A.L.H.M. VAN WIERINGEN, The Diseased King and the
Diseased City (Isaiah 36 39) as a Reader-Oriented Link
between Isaiah 1-39 and Isaiah 40-66 ............................................. 81
U. BERGES, Zion and the Kingship of Yhwh in Isaiah 40-55 ............ 95
P. LUGTIGHEID, The Notion of the City in Isaiah 44:21-46:13 ...... 121
A. VAN DER WOUDE, The Comfort of Zion: Personification in
Isaiah 40-66 ................................................................................... 159
K.A.D. JENNER, Jerusalem, Zion and the Unique Servant of
Yhwh in the New Heaven and the New Earth: A Study on
Recovering Identity versus Lamenting Faded Glory (Isaiah 1-5
and 65-66) ..................................................................................... 169
S. BOROCIN-KNOL, Zion as an Agunah?: An Interpretation of
Isaiah 49:14; 50:1 and 54:6-8 ........................................................ 191
Bibliography ....................................................................................... 207
Contributors ........................................................................................ 229
Index of Authors ................................................................................. 233
Index of Biblical Passages .................................................................. 237
PREFACE
It all started in the late seventies of the last century: Jan Leunis Koole,
professor for Old Testament, invited Isaiah scholars to come to Kampen,
the Netherlands, in order to share their research results. And thus, the
Jesaja Werkplaats (Isaiah Workshop) was born. Ever since, it has been
functioning as an exchange platform for the exegesis of the book Isaiah
in the Netherlands and Flanders (Belgium). The members of the Jesaja
Werkplaats, with Wim Beuken and Henk Leene as their nestors, study
the book Isaiah from various perspectives and use different approaches,
such as literary, linguistic, thematic, historical and text-critical ones.
Being an exchange platform based on this variety of exegetical methods,
the Jesaja Werkplaats crosses the classic borderlines delineating diach-
ronic and synchronic exegesis.
In the year 2000, the first volume of the Jesaja Werkplaats was pub-
lished, entitled: Studies in Isaiah 24-27 (OTS 43). The focus of this vo-
lume was on a single part of the book Isaiah, viz. the so-called Isaiah
Apocalypse. At present, however, the question as to the / a possible unity
of the book Isaiah forms the centre of the Jesaja Werkplaats interest, as
the same development has occurred elsewhere in the Isaiah exegesis.
The question is not whether the book Isaiah forms a unity or not, but
rather as to how such a unity can be depicted. The book Isaiah has been
handed down in its present form and has come to us as a single book. If
this fact is accepted, in which way is its unity conceivable?
This question yields a wide range of answers. Can the unity be dealt
with by describing themes which occur throughout the book Isaiah? Is
the unity generated by a plot which unfolds itself throughout the book
Isaiah? Is the unity manifest in the reader present within the text to which
the author addresses himself throughout the book Isaiah? Is the unity of
the book Isaiah visible in the text-critical traditions of its text?
In order to gain a better insight into these unity oriented questions, the
Jesaja Werkplaats has decided to study these queries from a fixed point:
the city.
This choice is based on the fact that both the term city and the con-
cept city score highly in the book Isaiah. Combined with a specific
proper name or with a religious or ethical qualification (e.g. holy city)
or otherwise, the term is used throughout the book. Proper names such as
Zion and Jerusalem, but also Assur and Babel, also stand for a concept of
(special types of) cities as well.
VIII PREFACE
The concept city supposes not only a literary meaning, but also a
historical one from both a social-geographical and a cultural perspective.
In this way, investigaging the city demands for various exegetical ap-
proaches, overcoming the classical dichotomy between diachrony and
synchrony.
Furthermore, the option city prevents the possibility of a unity for
the book Isaiah being described in merely abstract expressions. The fo-
cus city clears the way for discussing concrete texts in the book Isaiah
and for implementing ideas about unity to factual textualities in the book
Isaiah.
This volume reflects the amount of methodical approaches within the
Jesaja Werkplaats continuing the multicoloured discussion on the unity
of the book Isaiah.
This diversity is not only shaped by the fact that the contributions in
this volume are written from various perspectives, but that they also deal
with several concrete texts of the book Isaiah.
The remarkable result of this volume is not so much that the city is in-
deed a focus point in the book Isaiah and that Zion / Jerusalem indeed
appear again and again by using the concept city, but that this exegeti-
cal insight is supported by the wide range of exegetical approaches ap-
plied.
For this second Jesaja Werkplaats-volume, the redaction has chosen
the title Enlarge the Site of Your Tent: the City as Unifying Theme in
Isaiah. The reference to Isa. 54:3 is an allusion to Zions variety of func-
tions within the book Isaiah: in this verse Zion is addressed as both a
place and an actant. Moreover, the tent has enough place to also host the
various different approaches of the members of the Jesaja Werkplaats.
The volume opens with the contribution by Jan de Geus, who was in-
vited as a guest author. He concentrates on the archaeological reality of
the idea city, i.c. the city Jerusalem in the 9th / 8th century BCE.
Next, the text-critical contribution by Arie van der Kooij focuses on
the Septuagint. In the Greek textual tradition, the indications thirsty
wilderness and thirsty land in Isa. 35 refer to Zion / Jerusalem. It be-
comes exemplarily clear that the Greek text has in mind the city as a
liveable dwelling place.
In the contribution by Matthijs de Jong, who focuses on Isa. 7:1-17, a
diachronic, historical-critical text analysis is presented. The decline of
the world power Assur called for an adoption of the Zion-theology due to
the necessary revision of the role of the Davidic royal house and, because
PREFACE IX
of this, the status and function of Zion / Jerusalem as both the place of
shelter for Gods people and the centre of the world.
Archibald van Wieringen deals with the reader-oriented function of
Assur and Babel. He pays attention, for instance, to Isa. 13-14 as the
beginning of the prophecies against the nations. By using various reader-
oriented techniques, Babel is modelled in such a way that a meaningful
sequence between Assur and Babel arises within the whole of the chap-
ters 1-39. Moreover, the contrasts between the cities of Assur and Babel
on the one hand and the city of Jerusalem on the other hand becomes
clear.
Next, Wim Beuken focuses on a single oracle against the nations, viz.
the one against Damascus in Isa. 17-18. Parallel to Samaria, doomed to
be devastated, the sinful city of Jerusalem / Zion arises, which functions
as an anti-city contrasting with the city of Gods preference.
In a second contribution, Archibald van Wieringen discusses the posi-
tion of the implied reader from the hinge narrations Isa. 36-39 as a bridge
from the chapters 1-39 to the chapters 40-66. The salvation of the dis-
eased king and the diseased city, parallelly represented in the text, not
only re-assumes the model of the Immanu-El, in contrast to Ahaz, but
also creates the transition from Assur to Babel, from King to Servant and
from the prophet Isaiah to the herald of good tidings.
In a survey contribution on Deutero- and Trito-Isaiah, Ulrich Berges
examines the relation between Zion / Jerusalem and the kingship of the
Lord. Based on synchronic and diachronic observations, he formulates a
so-called mental map for the biblical Zion / Jerusalem.
In the next contribution by Pieter Lugtigheid, Isa. 44-46 is at issue, in
which text-syntactical phenomena play an important role. Central is the
relation between the two main actors, the Servant and Zion. Their com-
mon destination is: to be found by the Lord.
Annemarieke van der Woude pays special attention to the personifica-
tion of Zion / Jerusalem in Isa. 40-66. Along with all the roles in the
book Isaiah, Zion / Jerusalem becomes an actant itself, especially in the
chapters 49 and 66. This literary figure appears to be connected with the
dramatic progress in the whole of Isa. 40-66.
Konrad Jenner also deals with the phenomenon of the personification
of Zion / Jerusalem. His contribution, however, links up with a psycho-
logical analysis. The personification is dealt with against the background
of the books internal plot as well.
Suzanne Borocin-Knol completes this volume with a contribution
from the Jewish exegesis. From a halachic perspective, she examines the
role of Zion as an agunah, especially in Isa. 49:14; 50:1; 54:6-7. Be-
X PREFACE
cause of the fact that, in the book Isaiah, there is no matter of a definite
divorce, restoration of Zion as the city of the Lord appears to be possible.
The redaction particularly wishes to thank Konrad Jenner and Hendrik
Jan Bosman for the editorial outlines they made at an earlier stage. The
redaction also owes Hendrik Jan Bosman a great debt of gratitude for his
irreplaceable technical assistance in the editing of this volume.
The Editors
Archibald van Wieringen
Annemarieke van der Woude
ISAIAHS CITY
C.H.J. de Geus
4
D. Ussishkin, The Water Systems of Jerusalem during Hezekiahs Reign, in:
M. Weippert, S. Timm (eds), Meilenstein (FS H. Donner) (gypte und Altes Testa-
ment 30), Wiesbaden 1995, 289-307.
5
H. Geva (ed.), Ancient Jerusalem Revealed, transl. J. Shadur, Jerusalem 1994.
D. Ussishkin, The Village of Silwan: The Necropolis from the Period of the Judean
Kingdom. Jerusalem 1993.
6
H.J. Franken, M.L. Steiner, Excavations in Jerusalem 1961-1967 (British Acad-
emy monographs in archaeology 2), vol. 2: The Iron Age Extramural Quarter on the
South East Hill, Oxford 1990.
ISAIAHS CITY 3
cently, however, a second lower wall was revealed, only a few metres
above the bottom of the Kidron Valley.7 Some believe there was indeed
an extramural habitation that eventually was included within the citys
defence system by a new wall; this wall would have been necessary
anyway to support the terraces. Others are of the opinion that the settle-
ment on the east slope was a temporary development, due to many peo-
ple fleeing to the city at the end of the 8th century. Habitation stopped
anyhow at the end of the 7th century: no pottery from the later 7th or 6th
centuries was found.8 Among the remains of the 8th century dwellings on
the slope, a great number of iron agricultural tools have been found. It
seems that the City of David in the eighth century was a residential
area, and not a citadel or acropolis, although the possibility remains of a
larger public building on or above the stepped stone structure. Com-
parison with other ancient cities in the country shows that such residen-
tial areas are rarely found or published. The acropolis received wide-
spread attention from the archaeologists.
The extent of the exact area that was enclosed by the city-wall in the
th
8 century has been a subject of debate in the archaeology of Jerusalem.
This question was revived after the discovery of Iron Age habitation on
the eastern slopes of the western hill as a result of Avigads excavations
under and between the ruins of the Jewish Quarter. Famous but at the
same time disputable was his conclusion that the poet of Ps. 122 had in
mind the fusion of two parts of the city, one on the eastern Ophel ridge
and one on the south-western hill, both surrounded by a single wall.9
Avigad became the most important modern defender of the so-called
maximalist reconstruction: a city surrounded by a wall that encom-
passed both hills and the valley between them. The discovery of a mas-
sive stone wall in the Jewish Quarter, today known as the broad wall,
was Avigads main archaeological argument. Avigad considered his
Jerusalem a city of ca. 60 ha. His opponents, who defend a minimalistic
reconstruction, assume that Jerusalem was for a long time essentially
confined to the eastern hill only. These discussions always presupposed
that the city wall also indicated the outer border of the town, much like
the Turkish walls around the Old City nowadays. But in other ancient
towns in Palestine/Israel, hardly any residential quarters have been found
within the walls. Inside the walls we find an acropolis and other public
buildings and the houses of some officials. Domestic dwellings are as-
7
R. Reich, E. Shukron, The Urban Development of Jerusalem in the Late Eighth
Century BCE, in: A.G. Vaughn, A.E. Killebrew, op. cit., 209-18.
8
R. Reich, E. Shukron, art. cit., 211-3.
9
Ps. 122:3 Jerusalem built as a city that is bound firmly together (NRSV).
4 C.H.J. DE GEUS
10
Z. Herzog, Archaeology of the City: Urban Planning in Ancient Israel and Its
Social Implications (Sonia and Marco Nadler Institute of Archaeology Monograph
Series 13), Tel Aviv 1997, 13.
11
H. Geva, Western Jerusalem at the End of the First Temple Period in the Light
of the Excavations in the Jewish Quarter, in: A.G. Vaughn, A.E. Killebrew (eds), op.
cit., 183-208.
12
D. Bahat, Was Jerusalem Really that Large?, in: A. Biran, J. Aviram (eds),
Biblical Archaeology Today: Proceedings of the Second International Congress on
Biblical Archaeology, Jerusalem 1993, 581.
13
R. Reich, E. Shukron, art. cit., 213.
ISAIAHS CITY 5
of the tunnel was surely not military and the king that took the initiative
for the tunnel was more likely to have been Manasseh than Hezekiah.14
With regard to the tombs two remarks can be made. During B. Ma-
zars excavations at the south-western corner of the Temple Mount, a
few man-made cavities were found at the foot of the western slope and in
the central valley. Although these cavities were used as cisterns in later
years, they seem to originally have been tombs from the 8th century. This
indicates that their location was at that time outside the settlement on the
Ophel hill. Only later were they included inside the walled-in area and
their function changed. Recent discoveries corroborate Barkays thesis
that the westward expansion of the city of Jerusalem was followed by a
westward extension of necropolises.15
A central question pertaining to Isaiahs Jerusalem is the exact site of the
Temple. Tradition and Old Testament scholarship have always assumed
that the first Temple must have been located on the high ground north of
the Ophel hill. This was Mount Moriah and the hill is known since as the
Temple Mount. Unfortunately, however, there is no archaeological evi-
dence to support this view. Any traces indicating continuity of sacred
space on this spot are absent. It is unthinkable that King Herod would
have built his huge temple the majestic platform of which still stands
and is presently known as the Haram esh-Sharif, or Temple Mount on
a place not hallowed by the remains of earlier temples. With the help of
contour lines on a schematic map one can see the position of Mt. Moriah
and how small the surface was on top of it. As the original summit is
now covered by later platforms (e.g. Herods second Temple), there is no
way of telling if there some levelling or terracing had already been done
in earlier periods. There is also no way of proving the geographical order
that is generally assumed to be presented in 1 Kgs 9:15 from north to
south: Temple, Palace, millo, and north wall of Jerusalem (= City of
David). New elements in the discussion are the modern political claim
that there has never been a Judaean temple in Jerusalem, and the growing
probability of the presence of at least one public building on the Ophel
proper.
14
E.A. Knauf, Hezekiah or Manasseh? A Reconsideration of the Siloam Tunnel
and Inscription, Tel Aviv 28 (2001), 281-287. C.H.J. de Geus, The Importance of
Archaeological Research into the Palestinian Agricultural Terraces, PEQ 107
(1975), 71-2.
15
G. Barkay, Excavations at Ketef Hinnom in Jerusalem, in: Geva (ed.), op. cit.,
85-106. R. Reich, The Ancient Burial Ground in the Mamilla Neighborhood, in:
Geva (ed.), op. cit., 111-8.
6 C.H.J. DE GEUS
If the assumptions cited above are correct, then a small acropolis was
situated on Mt. Moriah; an acropolis distinct from the residential city.16
At present we have no indications for the existence of free standing tem-
ples in the southern Levant during Iron Age II. Temples in Megiddo,
Arad or Ekron were part of larger palace or fortress complexes. Parallels
with freestanding temples from as far away as northern Syria are there-
fore not convincing. 17 However, there is still one major problem: the
pilgrimages. It is difficult to understand how such built-in sanctuaries
could receive large groups of pilgrims. That pilgrimages were a standard
religious custom and were especially famous for the Jerusalem temple is
well-known. The Iron Age temples we know today are hardly suitable
for processions and circumambulations. The sanctuary at Tel Dan is the
exception, yet no real temple has been found there as yet. At the moment
I am more inclined to suppose that the sanctuary on Mt. Moriah was a
smaller copy of that at Tell Dan than the other way around. Hopefully in
the future the technology of nondestructive archaeology will enable us to
observe whatever remains are left underneath the present Haram.
Although no actual remnants of monumental Iron Age structures from
Isaiahs city have been preserved, there are indications, as I have men-
tioned, that such architecture did indeed exist at one time. There is the
proto-Aeolic capital, which Miss Kenyon had already found. Also, there
are the architectural elements in tombs. The two large complexes on the
premises of St. Etienne to the north of the Old City especially show de-
tails cut out in the rock that imitate wooden panelling, and the use of
single or double cornices joining the walls and the ceilings. They give us
an impression of how the palaces of Jerusalems rich may have looked
like. Finally there is Ramat Rahel, in the south of modern Jerusalem; in
biblical times this was a few kilometres out of town. Was it a summer
residence? An (Assyrian) military base?18
Whatever or wherever the acropolis of ancient Jerusalem actually was,
the importance of dozens of smaller excavations all over the Ophel hill is
that we now know that the Ophel was also a residential area. Several
remnants of so called four-room-houses have been found. One of them, a
house from the 7th century, has now been reconstructed and can be seen
from the archaeological walk along the eastern slope of the Ophel. The
house is called the House of Ahil based on the occurrence of this
name on two ostraca found there. Five metres below this house on the
16
C.H.J. de Geus, op. cit., chapters 4 and 7.
17
For instance tell tayinat or ain dara.
18
C.H.J. de Geus, op. cit., 55-6.
ISAIAHS CITY 7
slope is the House of the Bullae where 51 bullae with seal impressions
were discovered. Further to the north one finds the Burnt Room which
testifies to the sack of the city in 586. In the cities, as in Jerusalem, most
four-room-houses are built-in and part of a conglomerate. As a conse-
quence they have shared outer walls and contain often no more than
three rooms. But some four-room-houses were clearly better executed
and larger than others. Such houses can be found in or next to an acropo-
lis, often at strategic positions (for instance near gates) and were frees-
tanding, as for instance on the citadel of Hazor. In the countryside, how-
ever, such houses tended to be larger because they served more agricul-
tural purposes.19 The Ahiel-house is important for it has a clearly visible
stone staircase leading to a second floor. Today such houses are consi-
dered to have been much larger than older reconstructions show in that
they had two or more storeys. We should realize that this fact has tre-
mendous consequences for the outward appearance of an ancient town;
they were much higher and more impressive: real containers of power.
Lately attention has been drawn to the fact that, in the plans of Iron Age
II towns, streets often end abruptly against the city-wall.20 The ancient
inhabitants clearly felt the need for easy access to the wall. We should
realize that the rather thick city-walls of the Iron Age also served as con-
necting circuit roads, especially for women.21 Access to the top of the
wall would have been provided by stairs or simple wooden ladders, both
now lost.
One last much disputed argument regarding the city of Jerusalem of the
8th and 7th centuries is that of demography. The western expansion of the
city from the second half of the 8th century on and the often temporary
settlements along the eastern slope of the Ophel hill illustrate a strong
increase of inhabitants. This becomes especially clear if one looks at the
ceramic evidence. There are many more sherds from the 7th century than
from the 8th, and again many more from the 8th than from the 9th. At the
same time the living standards seem to have increased. For years this
development has traditionally been ascribed to the fall of Samaria and
the Northern Kingdom in 721, with the resulting influx of several refu-
19
C.H.J. de Geus, op. cit., chapter 6. During the excavations of rooms on the
eastern Ophel slop, many agricultural tools were found, indicating that the people
who lived there worked in fields and gardens in the neighborhood, probably in and
along the Kidron-valley.
20
A. Faust, Accessibility, Defence and Town Planning in Iron Age Israel, Tel
Aviv 29 (2002), 297-317.
21
C.H.J. de Geus, The city of women: Womens places in ancient Israelite ci-
ties, in: J.A. Emerson (ed.), Congress Volume Paris 1992 (VT.S 61), Leiden 1995,
75-87.
8 C.H.J. DE GEUS
22
H. Geva, art. cit., 183-208.
ISAIAHS CITY 9
1. Isaiah 35:1-2
Before dealing with the Greek version of Isa. 35:1-2 some comments on
this text in MT may be in order. MT Isa. 35:1-2 reads as follows (in
translation):
Let the wilderness ( )and the dry land ( )be glad,
let the desert ( )rejoice and blossom like the crocus
It shall blossom abundantly and rejoice with joy and singing.
The glory of Lebanon shall be given to it,
the majesty of Carmel and Sharon.
They shall see the glory of the Lord, the majesty of our God.
These verses evoke the picture of the transformation of a desert into a
garden. Scholars have argued that this passage refers to the land of Israel
which will be turned into a paradise, in contrast to the devastation of
12 A. VAN DER KOOIJ
Edom in chapter 34.1 Others do not agree with this interpretation. O.H.
Steck is of the opinion that chapter 35 speaks of a eschatologischen
Verwandlung von Gebieten, durch die der Heimzug nach Zion verluft
(35,8-10), und das heisst, von eben dem Terrain, dessen schauerliche
Verdung im Endgericht Jes 34 ankndigt.2 W.A.M. Beuken advances
the view that the transformation involved does not take place in Zion as
one might expect, and, so he further remarks, the fertile and rejoicing
landscape is not presented as a new destination for Gods people.
Rather, natures metamorphosis constitutes an imaginative representa-
tion of the return to Zion. The return has its beginning wherever people
are prepared to accept the desert as a place of divine revelation (v. 2).3
Another interpretation has been given by C.R. Mathews. Having dealt
with the affinities between the motif of the transformation of the wilder-
ness in Isa. 35 and passages in Deutero-Isaiah she then emphasizes that
the beginning of chapter 35 creates a contrast to the preceding chapter
34. If one considers the poems together, then the transformation of the
wilderness in chapter 35 appears to be a direct and intentional contrast to
the judgment to the fall of Edom and all the nations. Since that judgment
is described as a day of vengeance and a year of vindication for
Zions cause (34:8) it would seem that the wilderness spoken of in
chapter 35 refers, then, to Zion itself.4 This way of speaking about Zion
was, as she puts it, already present in texts such as Isa. 51:3 and 64:10.
It is interesting to note that the idea of a contrast between chapter 34
and 35 is also basic to the exegesis in Early Christianity. According to
Eusebius of Caesarea and Jerome the passage of Isa. 34:8-17 refers to the
destruction of Jerusalem by the nations, whereas Isa. 35:1-2 envisages a
new situation of salvation in Zion, Jerusalem, due to the work and teach-
ing of John the Baptist (cf. the desert places of the Jordan in LXX Isa.
35:2) and of Jesus Christ. Thus, according to this interpretation the be-
ginning of Isa. 35 alludes to the city of Zion.
We now turn to the Old Greek version of Isa. 35:1-2. It reads as fol-
lows:
1
See the commentaries of e.g. K. Marti, Das Buch Jesaja (KHC 3/10), Tbingen
1900; B. Duhm, Das Buch Jesaia, Gttingen 1892; O. Procksch, Jesaia I (KAT 9/1),
Leipzig 1930; G. Fohrer, Das Buch Jesaja (ZBK.AT), 3 vols, 1960-1964.
2
O.H. Steck, Bereitete Heimkehr: Jesaja 35 als redaktionelle Brcke zwischen
dem Ersten und dem Zweiten Jesaja (SBS 121), Stuttgart 1985, 19.
3
W.A.M. Beuken, Isaiah II (Historical Commentary on the Old Testament),
transl. B. Doyle, vol. 2: Isaiah 28-39, Leuven 2000, 311.
4
C.R. Mathews, Defending Zion: Edoms Desolation and Jacobs Restoration
(Isaiah 34-35) in Context (BZAW 236), Berlin/New York 1995, 137.
REJOICE, O THIRSTY DESERT! (ISAIAH 35) 13
1 , ,
,
2
,
.
1 Rejoice, o thirsty desert!
Let the desert be glad and let it blossom like a lily!
2 And the desolate places of the Jordan shall blossom and be
glad.
And the glory of Lebanon has been given to it, and the honour
of Carmel;
and my people shall see the glory of the Lord and the loftiness
of God.
The collocation (MT ) has no parallel at other
places, but is clearly related to the expression in vv. 6-7 of the same
chapter: (for MT and respectively). The latter is
also found in Isa. 32:2; 41:18, and 53:2 where it constitutes a rendering
of ( 41:18; 53:2) or of ( 32:2). The Hebrew text of 35:1,
6-7 displays a variety of terms. The fact that in the Old Greek the same
verb is used in these verses, adds to the coherence of LXX
Isa. 35. Furthermore, the rendering of as is typical of LXX
Isaiah as this Hebrew word has been translated in other books as
(Jer., Ezek., XII Prophets, Ps.).
The expression has a parallel in Isa. 42:11
( [MT ) . As is clear
from the second half of this text ( )
the inhabitants of places in the desert are meant an interpretation
which in the Targum to Isaiah is applied to our text, 35:1. One wonders
whether this might also be the case in LXX Isa. 35:1 (see further below).
The phrase is also found in Hos. 14:6 (MT )
and Sir. 39:14. For as rendering of see Cant. 2:1. The
choice of lily fits the context as it alludes to running waters (cf. Sir.
50:8).
The first line of the second verse offers the enigmatic rendering the
desolate places of the Jordan. This expression which has no basis in the
Hebrew text as far as attested in MT and 1QIsaa ( ) is not known
from elsewhere, neither in the Hebrew Bible nor in the LXX. The plural
is also found in Isa. 44:26; 49:19; 51:3; 52:9 (in all instances as
rendering of Hebrew )which are passages about Zion and Judea.
14 A. VAN DER KOOIJ
The glory of the Lebanon has been given to it: the only parallel
place, both in MT and in LXX, is 60:13 where the glory of the Lebanon,
i.e., its impressive and wonderful trees, will be used to beautify, or to
glorify (so LXX: ), the temple of Jerusalem.
My people shall see the glory of the Lord: MT reads they ()
shall see which according to most scholars is meant proleptically, that
is to say, as referring to the weak persons of vv. 3-4. LXX offers an ex-
plicitation of the subject (my people), as is also the case in the Targum
(The house of Israel these things are said to them they shall
see). The expression is not a plus, or an addition, but rather
an interpretation of which is left untranslated in the preceding
line via an association with . The latter is attested in Isa. 44:2b:
Fear not, o Jacob my servant, Jeshurun whom I have chosen. The LXX
offers here the rendering , the beloved Israel, paral-
lel to Jacob my servant. This rendering of is also known from
LXX Deut. 32:15; 33:5. The Old Greek of 35:2 seems to be related to
44:2, although it does not contain the same equivalent. For the phrase
my people, see below.
The question raises to which location the Old Greek of Isa. 35:1-2,
particularly the expression the thirsty desert ( ), might
allude. In order to try to answer this question I will deal with two related
passages in LXX Isaiah 32:2 and 25:5.
2. Isaiah 32:4
5
For specification as an exegetical technique of the time, see e.g. J.G. Camp-
bell, The Exegetical Texts (Companion to the Qumran Scrolls series 4), London
2004, 29.
6
R.R. Ottley, The Book of Isaiah according to the Septuagint (Codex Alexandri-
nus), vol. 2, Cambridge 1906, 263.
7
Hebrew ( tempest, heavy rain) is rendered in 32:2 as rushing water; see
also 30:30.
8
According to J. Koenig, Lhermeneutique analogique du Judasme antique
daprs les tmoins textuels dIsae (VT.S 33), Leiden 1982, 146-7, is a
rendering of via , tracer une route, but this suggestion seems too far
fetched.
9
As J. Ziegler, Untersuchungen zur Septuaginta des Buches Isaias (ATA 12/3),
Mnster 1934, 142 assumes.
10
L. Laberge, La Septante dIsae 28-33: Etude de tradition textuelle, Ottawa
1978, 81.
16 A. VAN DER KOOIJ
3. Isaiah 25:5
11
On LXX Isa. 9:5-6 see A. van der Kooij, Wie heit der Messias? Zu Jes 9,5 in
den alten griechischen Versionen, in: C. Bultmann, W. Dietrich et al. (eds), Verge-
genwrtigung des Alten Testaments: Beitrge zur biblischen Hermeneutik (FS R.
Smend), Gttingen 2002, 156-63.
REJOICE, O THIRSTY DESERT! (ISAIAH 35) 17
cannot deal here with all the complexities of the relationship between
both passages, 25:1-5 (MT and LXX), involved.12 LXX v. 5 is directly
related to the preceding verse (v. 4) which reads thus,
,
,
.
For you have become a helper to every humble city,
and a shelter to those who are dispirited because of poverty;
you will rescue them from evil persons
(you) a shelter for the thirsty, and breath for injured persons.
Verse 4 is about those who are mentioned in v. 3, the poor people and
cities of injured persons. They will bless you, as is said in the same
verse (v. 3), because God has destroyed the city of the wicked men
( ) which will never be rebuilt (v. 2). The phrase every
humble city in v. 4 is related to cities of injured persons in v. 3. God
will rescue them, the poor people (cf. those who are dispirited because
of poverty in v. 4). In the last clause of the verse, God is characterized
as shelter for the thirsty, and breath for injured persons. Those who are
thirsty are parallel here to injured persons.
But what about v. 5? It seems that the poor persons of vv. 3-4 are
compared with faint-hearted persons thirsting in Zion in v. 5. Some
manuscripts (e.g., S A-26) have a plus at the beginning of v. 5:
, they will bless you (cf. v. 3), which, unlike the edition
of A. Rahlfs, is considered an addition to the original text by J. Ziegler in
the Gttingen edition. Be this as it may, the plus makes good sense. The
poor persons of vv. 3-4 will bless you as will do the faint-hearted ones
in v. 5. The latter are called thirsting in Zion because of wicked men to
whom you delivered us. Similar to v. 4 (thirsty // injured ones) the
people being thirsty is to be equated to the ones being delivered to
wicked men.
The group of people in vv. 3-4 (they; the poor and injured persons)
is different from the group referred to in v. 5, because it is reasonable to
assume that the us are the same as the faint-hearted persons thirsting in
12
See I.L. Seeligmann, The Septuagint Version of Isaiah: A discussion of its
problems (MVEOL 9), Leiden 1948, 112 = I.L. Seeligmann, The Septuagint Version
of Isaiah and Cognates Studies (FAT 40), Tbingen 2004, 283-4; J.M. Coste, Le
texte grec dIsae XXV, RB 61 (1954), 36-66; A. van der Kooij, The Cities of Isaiah
24-27 According to the Vulgate, Targum and Septuagint, in: H. J. Bosman, H. van
Grol et al. (eds), Studies in Isaiah 24-27 (OTS 43), Leiden 2000, 191-193.
18 A. VAN DER KOOIJ
Zion in the beginning of the verse. Thus, the we are associated with
Zion. Regarding our subject matter the interesting element in v. 5 is the
expression , thirsting in Zion. The Hebrew text reads
, usually translated as like a heat in a dry place. Just as in 32:2
the Hebrew has been interpreted as Zion. One could argue that this
is one of the instances where the translator misunderstood his parent text,
as was stated by Jerome in the case of 25:5.13 Considered on its own the
rendering Zion might seem an error, but in view of other striking ele-
ments in the rest of both verses (25:5 as well as 32:2) vis vis the He-
brew text it rather is part of the translation strategy of the translator.
The Greek is based here on the Hebrew which has been
read as a participle; cf. for in v. 4. This equivalent of
Hebrew is not found elsewhere in the LXX. As indicated above, the
persons (we) are thirsting in Zion because they have been delivered,
by God, to wicked men. The expression wicked men also occurs in
v. 2 (the city of the wicked, see above) in both instances as render-
ing of Hebrew . They are designated evil men ( )
in v. 4 (for MT tempest).14 The wicked men in these verses (see
also Isa. 24:8) are to be taken as a reference to hostile nations to whom
the persons in Zion has been delivered by God ( [MT
)].
It seems that the expression in v. 5 has been understood in
light of in 17:12 (hence strangers // nations). As to the
notion of to deliver () in Isa. 25:5 a related passage is to be
found in 64:7-11 of which v. 7 contains the clause (MT
via ). Interestingly, this passage speaks of we (= your peo-
ple in v. 9) (cf. us in Isa. 25:5), and of the city of your holy
place/sanctuary ( ), Zion, which has become a desert
() (v. 10).15
13
Hironymus, Commentariorum in Esaiam libri I-XVIII (CChr.SL 73-73A),
Turnholti 1963, line 326: in Hebraeo scriptum est basaion, quod invium vel sitis
dicitur; the rendering in Zion is, as he puts it, error perspicuus. The other in-
stance, 32:2, is not criticized by him. Compare also R.L. Troxel, Whats in a Name?:
Contemporization and Toponyms in LXX-Isaiah, R.L. Troxel, K.G. Friebel et al.
(eds), Seeking Out the Wisdom of the Ancients (FS M.V. Fox), Winona Lake 2005,
329 (graphic confusion).
14
The Greek is a plus which is found more often in LXX Isaiah, and
which is typical of 25:1-5 (see vv. 3, 4, 5).
15
On the phrase the city of your sanctuary, see A. van der Kooij, Jerusalem as
the City of the Temple in Jewish Sources from the Hellenistic Era, in: A. Le Boul-
luec (ed.), A la Recherche des Villes Saintes: Actes du Colloque Franco-Nerlandais
Les Villes Saintes (BEHE.R 122), Turnhout 2004, 44.
REJOICE, O THIRSTY DESERT! (ISAIAH 35) 19
4. Conclusion
anything about the meaning of the phrase. Although the phrase is not
attested elsewhere, Gen 13:10 contains an expression which is somewhat
familiar: the region (MT ;LXX ) of the Jordan. This pas-
sage refers to a region around the Jordan, in the Jordan valley, which
actually is a well-watered area. The phrase the desolate places of the
Jordan then seems to be intended to evoke the picture of a most dra-
matic situation even the area of the Jordan was without water, but it
shall blossom and be glad.19
The passages in LXX Isaiah discussed in this contribution, 35:1-2;
25:5; 32:2,20 clearly indicate that the place of Zion was of great interest
to the translator and his milieu. Since these passages turn out to be re-
lated to each other it also makes clear that the motif of Zion, the city of
the Lord (Isa. 60:14), functioned to some extent as an unifying factor,
the result being a coherence in LXX Isaiah which is not found in MT.
Moreover, it is interesting to note that the way Isa. 35:1-2 was under-
stood by Eusebius of Caesarea and Jerome is in line with the meaning of
the Old Greek version itself.
19
One might also think of LXX Isa. 4:5 (the surroundings of Jerusalem will take
part in the salvation), and / or Ezek. 47:1-12 (the water/river from the temple flowing
towards the eastern region).
20
This is not to say that these are the only passages which share the motif of Zion
as place of thirst (and related issues). LXX Isa. 41:13-20 is another passage of inter-
est.
FROM LEGITIMATE KING TO PROTECTED CITY
THE DEVELOPMENT OF ISAIAH 7:1-17
M.J. de Jong
1. Introduction
The search for a unifying concept within the book of Isaiah is an ambi-
tion with both synchronic and diachronic aspects. On a synchronic level,
the question is whether the book in its final shape can be read as a coher-
ent whole. On the diachronic level, it may be asked whether the process
of development of the Isaiah tradition into the book a process that, as
is commonly agreed, passed through a series of different stages and ex-
tended over various centuries was governed by a leading thought. A
suggestion made by R.E. Clements is of importance here, namely that it
is the rise and fall, and subsequent re-establishing after 587 BCE, of the
cult ideology of Jerusalem that explains the peculiar shifts and apparent
incongruities in the book (i.e. the book of Isaiah).1 If R.E. Clements
assessment is right, the focus on Zion-Jerusalem accompanied the devel-
opment of the Isaiah tradition through its successive stages and hence
plays an important role within the book as a whole as a unifying motif.
The issue dealt with in this contribution is whether this is true for the
first stages of the Isaiah tradition as well: the 8th-century prophetic mate-
rial and it earliest development. Is the earliest, prophetic material already
characterised by a focus on Zion-Jerusalem, or is this focus an innova-
tion from a later stage of development of the Isaiah tradition? The study
of the earliest stages of the Isaiah tradition is not without difficulties,
since in the past decades it has become more and more disputed how
these earliest stages may have looked like. Nevertheless, the interpreta-
tion of the book and the search for unifying concepts within the book
necessarily have a diachronic dimension. The historical questions to the
origin and first development of Isaiah tradition cannot be ignored within
the larger search for a unifying concept within the Isaiah tradition as a
whole.
In this contribution, I focus on Isaiah 7:1-17, because within this unit,
in my view, a clear distinction can be made between early (pre-exilic)
1
R.E. Clements, Isaiah and the Deliverance of Jerusalem: A Study of the Inter-
pretation of Prophecy in the Old Testament (JSOT.S 13), Sheffield 1980, 9.
22 M.J. DE JONG
2. Exegetical Survey
2
U. Becker, Jesaja: Von der Botschaft zum Buch (FRLANT 178), Gttingen
1997, 24-60.
3
J. Barthel, Prophetenwort und Geschichte: Die Jesajaberlieferung in Jes 6-8
und 28-31 (FAT 19), Tbingen 1997, 25.
4
U. Becker, Das Problem des historischen Jesaja II, in: I. Fischer, K. Schmid et
al. (eds), Prophetie in Israel: Beitrge des Symposiums Das Alte Testament und die
Kultur der Moderne anlsslich des 100. Geburtstags Gerhard von Rads (1901-
1971), Mnster/Hamburg, etc. 2003, 117-24; J. Barthel, Das Problem des histori-
schen Jesaja III, in: I. Fischer, K. Schmid et al. (eds), Prophetie in Israel: Beitrge
des Symposiums Das Alte Testament und die Kultur der Moderne anlsslich des
100. Geburtstags Gerhard von Rads (1901-1971), Mnster/Hamburg, etc. 2003, 125-
35.
FROM LEGITIMATE KING TO PROTECTED CITY 23
5
U. Becker, art. cit., 123.
6
U. Becker, art. cit., 122-3.
7
J. Barthel, art. cit., 130.
8
Precisely at this point, W. Dietrich, Jesaja ein Heilsprophet?, ThR 64
(1999), 329, rightly criticises the redaction-historical hypothesis of U. Becker: Nach
B.s Textchronologie klafft zwischen der ersten berlieferungsstufe Worte Jesajas
aus dem 8. Jh. und der zweiten der unheilstheologischen Bearbeitung aus
frhnachexilischer Zeit eine Zeitlcke von rund zweihundert Jahren. Was ist mit
24 M.J. DE JONG
der Jesajaberlieferung in dieser Zeit geschehen?. In the same way argues Barthel,
art. cit., 135: Insbesondere dem 7. Jahrhundert drfte im Entstehungsprozess des
Prophetenbuches eine wichtigere Rolle zukommen, als ihm herkmmlich zugestan-
den wird.
9
Contrary to 2 Kgs 16:5, Isa. 7:1 continues the singular form.
10
The biblical citations in this contribution are in general based on the NRSV, but
occasional alterations are not explicitly mentioned.
11
The verb in the context of fighting usually means to prevail, to over-
come, referring to a human enemy. See Num. 22:11 perhaps I shall be able to over-
come them; 1 Sam. 17:9 (cf. 17:33) If he is able to overcome me; and Jer. 1:19;
15:20.
12
The phrase is frequently used with respect to cities (e.g. Deut. 20:10,
19; 2 Kgs 12:17; 19:8; Jer. 32:29; 34:1, 7, 22).
13
It has been often suggested that Isa. 7:1 being dependent on 2 Kgs 16:5
represents a Fremdkrper within 7:1-17. This exegetical survey shows, however, that
7:1 is fully integrated within 7:1-17 as a composition.
FROM LEGITIMATE KING TO PROTECTED CITY 25
marks Isa. 7:1-17 in general. In its present form Isa. 7:1 implies that the
assault was prevented not so much for the sake of Ahaz, but for the sake
of Jerusalem as Yahwehs protected city. In order to corroborate this
suggestion, a closer look at Isa. 7:1-17 and 2 Kgs 16 is in order.
Isa. 7:1-17 is a narration about the prophet Isaiah and king Ahaz, in
which Ahaz is depicted as an example of the lack of understanding and
disobedience that was announced in 6:9-10. This is indicated by two
textual markers. The first is the reference to Uzziah in Isa. 7:1, which
connects the story with 6:1. Instead of referring to Ahaz son of
Jotham, 14 7:1 mentions Ahaz son of Jotham son of Uzziah. This is
remarkable, since it is exceptional for a dating formula to include a refer-
ence to the third generation. It is to be explained as a deliberate focus on
Uzziah, aiming to create a link with chapter 6, which dates Isaiahs vi-
sion in the year king Uzziah died (6:1). The connection implies that the
events announced in chapter 6, i.e. in 6:9-11, begin to take place in this
episode, 7:1-17. The second marker is the imperative in Isa. 7:13,
which echoes 6:9 (for this point, see below). Although Isa. 7:1-17 is a
composition with a clear dynastic-critical tendency, it incorporates het-
erogeneous material:
(a) Isa. 7:1 refers to a war ( )of Aram and Israel against Jeru-
salem. The verses that follow however merely describe the threat that
Aram posed to Ahaz and his people (Isa. 7:2) and the plan of Aram to
invade Judah in order to replace Ahaz (7:6). The announcement of Isa.
7:7, insisting that this evil plan would not come true, might suggest that
it did not come to war.
(b) Isa. 7:9b and 7:13-14a address a plural subject, whereas Ahaz is
addressed in the singular throughout (7:4, 5, 11, 14b, 16). Moreover, the
oracles addressed to Ahaz in the singular (Isa. 7:4-9a, 14b, 16) are en-
couraging in tone. The plural passages, by contrast, display a dynastic-
critical tendency.
An explanation for these apparent disparities may start with verse 10
Yahweh went on to speak to Ahaz, or Again Yahweh spoke to
Ahaz which obviously stems from the composers hand. Although it
apparently contrasts with the immediate context where Isaiah is speak-
ing, it continues Isa. 7:3 () . Verse 10 functions as introduction
of a second scene (vv. 10-17), which parallels the first scene (vv. 1-9).
This being the case, the verse betrays a composer who neatly arranged
the material he had at his disposal: two prophetic oracles, now found in
14
Note that in the dating formula of 2 Kgs 16:1, Ahaz is introduced as might be
expected: Ahaz son of Jotham.
26 M.J. DE JONG
15
Isa. 7:2-3a* provides the earliest setting of the oracle 7:4-9a*. According to Isa.
7:2 the army of Aram is camping in the country of Ephraim (this situation corre-
sponds with Arams plan to invade Judah, 7:6). The house of David is referred to in
the singular (contrary to Isa. 7:13). Furthermore, the mention of Isaiahs son, Shear-
jashub (Isa. 7:3), is likely to represent an early tradition. See J. Barthel, op. cit., 166.
16
J. Barthel, op. cit., 63, 151-3.
17
It is generally accepted the vocalisation , good for nothing, is tenden-
tious, replacing the original , El/God is good (cf. Ezra 4:7, Zech. 6:10, 14,
and Isa. 7:6 in LXX).
18
Isa. 7:4b explicitly mentions Rezin and Pekah as referents of these two smoul-
dering stumps of firebrands, see, e.g., J. Werlitz, Studien zur literarkritischen Me-
thode: Gericht und Heil in Jesaja 7,1-17 und 29,1-8 (BZAW 204), Berlin/New York
1992, 215, 219; Barthel, op. cit., 133. Furthermore, the grammatical correspondence
of and suggests that 5b is a later addition too, see, e.g., S.A. Irvine, Isaiah,
Ahaz, and the Syro-Ephraimitic Crisis (SBL.DS 123), Atlanta 1990, 152.
19
J. Werlitz, op. cit., 199, 214, 250.
FROM LEGITIMATE KING TO PROTECTED CITY 27
The most significant addition to the oracle is Isa. 7:9b: If you do not
stand firm in faith, you shall not stand at all. It is unlikely that 7:9b be-
longed to the original oracle. First, it addresses a plural subject, in con-
trast with the oracle, which is addressed to Ahaz in the singular. Second,
the conditional threat expressed in Isa. 7:9b contrasts with 7:4-9a as an
oracle of encouragement. The oracle exhorts Ahaz to persist his policy of
neutrality and not to give in to the pressure of the anti-Assyrian coali-
tion. 20 Isa. 7:9b on the other hand introduces a condition of faith ad-
dressed to a plural subject. The terminology of Isa. 7:9b suggests the
following explanation. The verb alludes to Yahwehs promise to the
Davidic dynasty. In 2 Sam. 7:16, Yahweh says: Your house and your
kingdom shall be made sure ( ni.) forever before me; your throne
shall be established forever.21 Isa. 7:9b reformulates the Davidic cove-
nant by changing the promise into a negative condition. In this way, it
gives a twist to the oracle to Ahaz.22 Isa. 7:9b is to be read as a commen-
tary on the earlier oracle, as part of the reworking of the prophetic ora-
cles into the composition of 7:1-17.
The second scene, Isa. 7:10-17, can be equally explained from the
suggestion that an original oracle of salvation was secondarily reworked
into a context of threat. The birth oracle concerning Immanuel is a
straightforward announcement of salvation.23 Its immediate context how-
ever consists of threatening words that announce judgement over the
house of David.24 The oracle originally consisted of Isa. 7:14b and 16.
Isa. 7:15, on the contrary, is a later relecture of the oracle that focuses on
the figure of Immanuel himself rather than on the events of which he was
a portent.25
20
J. Barthel, op. cit., 165-6. According to H.G.M. Williamson, The Messianic
Texts in Isaiah 1-39, in: J. Day (ed.), King and Messiah in Israel and the Ancient
Near East (JSOT.S 270), Sheffield 1998, 251, the implied conclusion is that Ahaz is
the divinely appointed head of Judah and Jerusalem and that he can therefore face the
enemy in battle with confidence (note that, in footnote 26, Williamson interprets
7:4-9a* as a war oracle).
21
See also 1 Sam. 25:28 and 1 Kgs 11:38.
22
J. Barthel, op. cit., 133-9; cf. J. Werlitz, op. cit., 160.
23
J. Barthel, op. cit., 141.
24
J. Barthel, op. cit., 139.
25
Isa. 7:15 is a later interpretation of 7:16. Whereas verse 16 refers to the age of
discrimination, verse 15 interprets it as indicating moral responsibility. According to
verse 15, Immanuel must suffer hardship in order to be able to choose the good and
to reject the evil. Further indications for verse 15 as reflecting a later interpretation
are: (a) the verse is constructed of elements taken from verses 16 and 22b; (b)
whereas in verse 16 the absolute infinitives are spelled defectively, they are written
plene in verse 15; (c) form-critically speaking, verse 15 is must be secondary, since it
disrupts the birth oracle. See J. Barthel, op. cit., 142; J. Werlitz, op. cit., 182-6.
28 M.J. DE JONG
14 Look, the young woman is pregnant and is about to bear a son, and
you must name him Immanuel,
16 for before the child knows how to refuse the evil and choose the
good, the land before whose two kings you are terrified will be de-
serted.
This oracle consists of four elements that are constitutive of the pattern
of birth oracles:
a. A statement or announcement of pregnancy, beginning with ;
b. an announcement of birth of a son;
c. the order for name giving;
d. an explanation of the meaning of the name, beginning with .26
Ahaz is the recipient of the oracle (, verse 16). Since within birth
oracles the order of name giving is always directed to the addressee of
the oracle,27 the subject of the ambivalent form in Isa. 7:14b must
be Ahaz.28 The form is to be read as
you must name. The much-
adopted reading of a third person feminine singular is to be rejected on
form-critical grounds.29 The reading of a third person feminine singular
corresponds with the later relecture of the birth oracle. Immanuel was
disconnected from Ahaz as name giver in order to make the announce-
ment valid for later times. Whereas in the original oracle Yahwehs be-
nevolence implied by the name Immanuel applies to Ahaz, the alterna-
tive she will name him creates the possibility to interpret Yahwehs
benevolence as referring to a circle different from the king and the sinful
people.30
The two oracles of encouragement, Isa. 7:4-9a: and 7:14b, 16, are
closely related. Both address Ahaz and support him in an urgent situa-
tion. The name Immanuel refers to imminent rescue from the aggressors
and reinforces the exhortation to resist the anti-Assyrian coalition and the
promise of salvation by Yahweh. Furthermore, the son Immanuel forms
26
J. Barthel, op. cit., 141.
27
See Gen. 16:11-12; 17:19; 21:2-3; Judg. 13:3-5, 24; Isa. 8:3; Hos. 1:2-9; Mt.
1:20-21; Lk. 1:30-31. Gen. 16:11 and 17:19 clearly illustrate the form-critical feature
that the addressee, either man or woman, is ordered to give the name. Gen. 16:11:
Now you (f.) have conceived and shall bear a son, and you (f.) shall call ()
him Ishmael; and 17:19: your wife Sarah shall bear you a son, and you (m.) shall
name ( ) him Isaac. See J. Barthel, op. cit., 141-2 and 145.
28
J. Barthel, op. cit., 122.
29
Besides, reading a third person feminine requires a change of the consonant text
to ( cf. Gen. 29:35; 30:6; 1 Chron. 4:9). MTs is a second person femi-
nine (cf. Gen. 16:11), which is impossible in this context (1QIsaa is likely to be
an adaptation to Isa. 8:3, or 9:5).
30
J. Barthel, op. cit., 178, 180.
FROM LEGITIMATE KING TO PROTECTED CITY 29
31
See also the repetition of the verb , which occurs both in verse 6 (hi. to
frighten), and in verse 16 (qal to fear); see H. Wildberger, Jesaja 1-39 (BK 10),
Neukirchen-Vluyn 1982, 266, and J. Barthel, op. cit., 120.
32
J. Barthel, op. cit., 146.
33
J. Barthel, op. cit., 172-3.
34
M.A. Sweeney, King Josiah of Judah: The Lost Messiah of Israel, Oxford/New
York 2001, 242, notes that the contrastive portrayal of the faithless Ahaz versus the
faithful Hezekiah is highlighted by the phrase of verse 9b, since verse 9b refers to the
ideology of Yahwehs promise of security to Jerusalem and to the dynasty of David.
35
See J. Barthel, op. cit., 150.
30 M.J. DE JONG
36
See P. Ackroyd, Isaiah 36-39: Structure and Function, in: W.C. Delsman
(ed.), Von Kanaan bis Kerala (FS J..P.M. van der Ploeg) (AOAT 211), Neukirchen-
Vluyn 1982, 17-8.
37
The vocalisation ( MT) is irregular, but the contrastive parallelism with
high as heaven and the versions secure the interpretation deep as Sheol.
38
J. Barthel, op. cit., 171-2.
FROM LEGITIMATE KING TO PROTECTED CITY 31
39
U. Berges, Das Buch Jesaja: Komposition und Endgestalt (Herders Biblische
Studien 16), Freiburg/Basel, etc. 1998, 111.
40
J.J.M. Roberts, Of Signs, Prophets, and Time Limits: A Note on Psalm 74:9,
CBQ 39 (1977), 477-8.
41
J. Barthel, op. cit., 171, rejects the literary dependency of Isa. 7 on 2 Kgs 20.
He argues that verses 10-12 support the subsequent word of judgement (verses 13-
17) and do not intend to present Isaiah as a miracle worker. However, the description
of the sign in verse 11 does present Isaiah as a miracle worker.
42
The suggestion that Isa. 7:1-17 depicts Ahaz as an antitype of Hezekiah, was
made by O. Kaiser, Das Buch des Propheten Jesaja: Kapitel 1-12 (ATD 17), Gttin-
gen 51981, 143-4, 164; J. Werlitz, op. cit., 225-31; U. Becker, op. cit., 29-31, 36-8,
40-1 (and see already P. Ackroyd, art. cit., 19-20, tentatively). U. Becker, op. cit., 47,
regards 7:1-17 as an attempt to explain the disaster of 587 from Ahazs lack of trust
in Yahweh. Because of his disbelief Ahaz caused the end of the dynasty, which
became a reality with the destruction of the kingdom of Judah in 587.
43
M.A. Sweeney, op. cit., 242-3, to some extent reaches a similar conclusion
Isaiah 7 was deliberately modified to create the contrast between Ahaz and Hezekiah
in Isaiah (243) but his dating of this reworking in the Josianic period cannot be
accepted.
32 M.J. DE JONG
44
See K.A.D. Smelik, The Representation of King Ahaz in 2 Kings 16 and 2
Chronicles 28, in: J.C. de Moor (ed.), Intertextuality in Ugarit and Israel (OTS 40),
Leiden 1998, 146-65, for an analysis of 2 Kgs 16.
45
S.A. Irvine, op. cit., 79. I agree with K.A.D. Smelik, art. cit., 159 note 62, that
the phrase because of the king of Assyria was added by the author of the story at
the end of his quotation from an earlier source in order to clarify his purpose with the
passage as a whole, i.e. verses 10-18, on Ahazs dealings with Tiglath-pileser.
46
K.A.D. Smelik, art. cit., 164.
47
H. Tadmor, M. Cogan, Ahaz and Tiglath-Pileser in the Book of Kings: Histo-
riographical Considerations, Bib. 60 (1979), 496-7, argue that king of Edom in the
original text became king of Aram, and the name Rezin was added from verse 5;
Edom and Edomites is to be read in the entire verse (cf. 2 Chron. 28:17).
FROM LEGITIMATE KING TO PROTECTED CITY 33
use of two, probably well known, facts: (a) Ahazs submission to Assyria
and the tribute paid to Tiglath-pileser (734 BCE), and (b) the fall of Da-
mascus and the death of Rezin (732/1 BCE).54 According to these verses,
Tiglath-pileser came to Palestine at the request of Ahaz: the appeal of
Ahaz for the first time invited the Assyrians into Judahs affairs. The
appeal of Ahaz to Tiglath-pileser thus marked the start of Judahs servi-
tude to Assyria.55 In my view, 2 Kgs 16:7-9 refers to the same events as
the inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser, but from a quite different perspective.
Tiglath-pileser claims that in the course of his campaign of 734, Ahaz of
Judah, together with many other Levantine rulers, submitted to Assyria
and paid a large sum. He claims furthermore that in the campaigns of
733-731, he broke the resistance of Damascus and its allies. 2 Kgs 16:7-9
presents these events from a Judaeo-centred version of this episode. It
tells that Tiglath-pileser came to Palestine at the request of Ahaz to save
him from the Syro-Ephraimite aggression. The events are the same, the
perspective differs. Whereas Tiglath-pileser regards himself as conqueror
of the world, from the Judaean perspective he came to Palestine at the
request of Ahaz.
Ahaz is not described as a vassal or client king asking his overlord for
assistance, but as a powerless king begging a powerful king for help,
submitting himself to his lordship, and buying his assistance with a large
sum. An intriguing question is, whether verses 7-9 are critical regarding
Ahaz, or not. On the one hand, Ahaz achieved what he asked for: Ti-
glath-pileser came to help him, and, in the end, he killed Rezin. On the
other, the passage contains several indications that Ahaz was not just a
clever politician. First of all, Ahaz implores Tiglath-pileser to rescue him
from the hands of his enemies () . This expression normally
denotes rescue initiated by Yahweh, but Ahaz appeals to a foreign king.56
The self-address of Ahaz to Tiglath-pileser, I am your servant and your
son, further emphasises that he chose the Assyrian king rather than
Yahweh for his rescue.57 It seems likely that these verses already assume
54
Tiglath-pileser conquered Aram and laid siege to Damascus in 733. Since Da-
mascus did not fall, the siege was continued in 732, as the Assyrians were determined
to deal decisively with Rezin. It is likely that the city of Damascus fell in 732, that
parts of its inhabitants were deported, and that Rezin was executed. The fact that
Tiglath-pileser did not return to Syria-Palestine implies that he was satisfied with the
outcome of 734-732.
55
H. Tadmor, M. Cogan, art. cit., 505.
56
In addition, H. Tadmor, M. Cogan, art. cit., 499-500, have suggested that the
term bribe, in verse 8, bears a negative connotation.
57
Ahaz, as Davidic king, was both servant and son of Yahweh, see 2 Sam. 3:18;
7:14; 1 Kgs 11:13, 34; Pss. 2:7; 89:4, 27, 40; 132:10. Cf. S.A. Irvine, op. cit., 87-8.
FROM LEGITIMATE KING TO PROTECTED CITY 35
58
In both cases the request was granted: 2 Kgs 16:9, the king of Assyria listened
( )to him; 2 Kgs 19:20, thus says Yahweh: I have heard ( )you prayer.
59
The contrast between Ahaz and Hezekiah reaches its climax in 2 Chronicles;
see K.A.D. Smelik, art. cit., 180-2.
36 M.J. DE JONG
60
Contra J. Barthel, op. cit., 155-7.
61
J. Werlitz, op. cit., 229-30.
62
The way in which the disobedience of Ahaz functions as an explanation for the
downfall of the dynasty and disaster for the nation (Isa. 7:17), is to some extent com-
parable to the depiction of Manasseh in 2 Kings, whose wicked behaviour effectuated
ultimate disaster (2 Kgs 21:11-15; 23:26-27; 24:2). This does not mean that Isa. 7:1-
17 is Deuteronomistic, but rather points to a broad usage of shared concepts for
interpreting Judahs history.
63
J. Barthel, op. cit., 181, argues that 7:17 announces judgement for Judahs king
and people. The expression hi. with with Yahweh as subject denotes disaster
for the addressees (see J. Barthel, op. cit., 146). More precisely, the combination of
( qal or hi.) with and , with Yahweh as instigator, always refers to disaster:
Jer. 51:47, 52; Amos 4:2 (cf. 1 Kgs 21:29; Jer. 9:24; 17:18; 46:21; Zeph. 2:2).
64
This is, the presumed removal of Ephraim from the united monarchy in the dis-
tant past and the removal of Ephraim from its land in the more recent past (cf. Isa.
7:16: the motive of the abandonment of the lands of Aram and Ephraim). The phrase
, Ephraims removal from Judah, refers to the division of the
FROM LEGITIMATE KING TO PROTECTED CITY 37
struction of Judah and the end of the Davidic dynasty. In Isa. 7:17, fi-
nally, the reversal of the earlier prophecies of encouragement (7:4-9a:,
14b, 16) is complete.
united monarchy. A parallel is found in 2 Kgs 17:21, when Yahweh had torn ()
Israel from the house of David ( ) . In that context, Israels separation
from Judah is connected with its exile as being the first and the second step of the
same process. Separation led to exile: Yahweh removed ( )Israel out of his
sight (( ) 2 Kgs 17:22). In Isa. 7:17 a similar association may be implied.
65
B.C. Ollenburger, Zion The City of the Great King: A Theological Symbol of
the Jerusalem Cult (JSOT.S 41), Sheffield 1987, 59-66. For an outline of the David
and Zion ideology, see R. Albertz, A History of Israelite Religion, vol. 1: From the
Beginnings to the End of the Exile, transl. J. Bowden, London 1994, 116-22, The
kingship theology of the house of David (3.21), and 132-8, The Jerusalem temple
theology (3.32). For a recent overview of the scholarly contributions to the Zion
ideology, see J. Dekker, De Rotsvaste Fundering van Sion: Een exegetische onder-
zoek naar het Sionswoord van Jesaja 28,16, Zoetermeer 2004, 208-33. David and
Zion probably are to be distinguished as the central symbols of two different,
though related, traditions (B.C. Ollenburger, op. cit., 59). For resemblances between
the two, see J.J.M. Roberts, The Davidic Origin of the Zion Tradition, JBL 92
(1973), 323-4.
66
B.C. Ollenburger, op. cit.
67
B.C. Ollenburger, op. cit., 30-31; J.J.M. Roberts, art. cit., 336.
68
The traditions concerning Yahwehs kingship on Zion and his Davidic repre-
sentative are comparable to religious traditions elsewhere in the ancient Near East.
See R.E. Clements, Isaiah and the Deliverance of Jerusalem: A Study of the Inter-
pretation of Prophecy in the Old Testament (JSOT.S 13), Sheffield 1980, 77-8; K.
van der Toorn, Een Pleisterplaats voor de Goden: Het Verschijnsel Heilige Stad in
het Oude Nabije Oosten, in: K.D. Jenner, G.A. Wiegers (eds), Jeruzalem als Heilige
Stad: Religieuze Voorstelling en Geloofspraktijk, Kampen 1996, 38-52.
38 M.J. DE JONG
69
See further Pss. 48:4; 76:3-4, Mic. 3:11.
70
E.g., J.H. Hayes, The Tradition of Zions Inviolability, JBL 82 (1963).
71
B.C. Ollenburger, op. cit., 66; K. van der Toorn, art. cit., 51.
72
The protection of Zion as Yahwehs dwelling place meant that violating Zion
was an offence against the divine order.
73
K. van der Toorn, art. cit., 45-6; V. Maag, Kosmos, Chaos, Gesellschaft und
Recht nach archaisch-religisem Verstndnis, in: H. Schmid, O.H. Steck (eds),
Kultur, Kulturkontakt und Religion: Gesammelte Studien zur allgemeinen und alttes-
tamentlichen Religionsgeschichte (FS V. Maag), Gttingen 1980, 332-6.
74
The earliest stratum within First Isaiah may be much more restricted than usu-
ally is taken for granted. Instead of assuming that great parts of chapters 1-39 were
composed by the prophet himself or by one of his pupils, I suggest a limited stratum
of prophetic sayings that was developed into a literary unit at a later stage.
75
The inviolability of the king meant that harming or killing the king would be a
sacrilege, a violation of the divine order.
FROM LEGITIMATE KING TO PROTECTED CITY 39
lem, and the head of Jerusalem is the son of David.76 If so, this supports
the contrast between Ahaz as legitimate king, and his opponents with
their illegitimate candidate, Ben Tabeel. 77 In this respect, Isaiahs
prophecies from 734-732 resemble the prophetic oracles from 7th-century
Assyria.78 In one of these oracles, the goddess Itar of Arbela speaks to
king Esarhaddon: For long days and everlasting years I have established
your throne under the great heavens. [] Esarhaddon, rightful heir (aplu
knu), son of Mullissu!79 In a further oracle, she promises him: Your
son and grandson shall rule as kings on the lap of Ninurta. 80 This is
more or less repeated in another oracle: Your son and grandson shall
rule as kings before Ninurta.81 According to the common ideology in the
ancient Near East, the king was chosen by the gods and enjoyed divine
legitimation. Especially when his position was challenged and threatened
like that of Ahaz in ca. 733, and that of Esarhaddon in the struggle for
the throne against his brothers in 681 there was reason to emphasise
his divine legitimation, and prophecy was a suitable medium to do that.
Isaiah in his encouragement of king Ahaz (Isa. 7:4-9a:, 14b, 16) de-
pended on royal ideology.
Isaiahs attitude towards king Hezekiah was more ambivalent.82 Dur-
ing the reign of Hezekiah, Judah rebelled against Assyria, and suffered
from Assyrias violent reaction in 701. A variety of texts from First
Isaiah reflects the controversy that was going on in Jerusalem in 705-701
regarding the issue of whether or not to rebel against Assyria relying on
Egyptian support: Isa. 28:7b-10:, 28:15-18, 30:1-5, 30:6-8, and 31:1-3,
but also 18:1-6:, 19:1-4:, and 22:15-18. Isaiah criticised the political and
religious establishment in Jerusalem that advocated rebellion against
Assyria by relying on Egypt. Although he does not directly criticise
Hezekiah, he strongly criticises the politics of rebellion adopted by
Hezekiah. In Isa. 30:1-2, 31:1, 3a, and 29:15, we find prophetic sayings,
in which the advocates of looking for support in Egypt are accused of
operating against Yahwehs will. According to the oracle of Isa. 28:15-
76
Among others, H. Wildberger, op. cit., 271.
77
In my view, the composer of Isa. 7:1-17, who added 7:9b after the oracle, un-
derstood very well that the oracle of 7:4-9a* presented Ahaz as the legitimate king
who enjoyed Yahwehs protection, since it was exactly the promise made to David
and his dynasty that was rendered conditional in 7:9b.
78
S. Parpola, Assyrian Prophecies (SAA 9), Helsinki 1997.
79
From S. Parpola, op. cit., 1.6.
80
From S. Parpola, op. cit., 1.10.
81
From S. Parpola, op. cit., 2.3.
82
Isaiahs role in the Hezekiah story is straightforwardly supportive, and similar
to that reflected in prophecies of 734-732. However, the Hezekiah story is a later
reception of the events of 701 BCE.
40 M.J. DE JONG
18, these politicians do not rely on Yahweh, but have put their trust
elsewhere, on Egypt. The saying of Isa. 28:7b-10 makes clear that the
politicians were advised by blind religious experts, who were alienated
from the divine will.
It is exactly in his prophetic criticism that Isaiahs indebtedness to the
Zion ideology becomes apparent. The political and religious leaders
advocating rebellion have violated Yahwehs order by offending Zions
deepest values: justice and righteousness. Zion, where Yahweh is en-
throned, is the place par excellence for social justice and protection of
the poor. The elite of Jerusalem advocating rebellion of bad leadership is
accused by Isaiah in every respect. His political stance is to accept the
Assyrian yoke and to wait for Yahwehs intervention. This he regards as
trusting in, and obeying, Yahweh, and as acting in accordance with the
divine will. His opponents apparently aim to reject the Assyrian yoke
and to rebel, thereby putting their trust in Egypts armed forces. Accord-
ing to Isaiah, this means disobeying Yahweh, and to act in alienation
from the divine will. Since the opponents, according to Isaiah, put their
trust in false ground of security (Yahweh is the only source of security),
they have offended Zions standards of justice and righteousness and
have become oppressors of the poor. Evidently, the controversy whether
or not to rebel against Assyria was not a purely political discussion, but
involved the issue of good versus bad leadership. According to Isaiah,
his opponents have gone politically, religiously, and socially astray
using the values of the Zion ideology as the criterion.83
Isaiahs indebtedness to the Zion ideology especially comes to the
fore in his critical sayings. It appears that the values pertaining to the
Zion ideology provided him with a criterion for judging the subjects of
his critical sayings. This applies not only to the controversy of 705-701,
but also to the prophecies of Isaiah pertaining to other circumstances. In
a similar way, Aram and Ephraim are accused in the prophecies relating
to 734-732 BCE,84 and Assyria in prophecies that probably relate to 720
85
BCE. Whereas the political leaders are characterised as internal enemies
of Judahs well-being, Aram-Damascus and Ephraim-Samaria, and As-
syria, are depicted as external enemies. Although they are accused of
different offences, they are blamed in a rather similar way. At first,
83
From this perspective, the critical woe-sayings that are included in chapters 5
and 10 (5:8, 11, 18-19, 20, 21, 22-23; 10:1-2) may be connected with this same con-
troversy too.
84
Isa. 7:4-9a**; 7:14b, 16; 8:1-4.
85
The prophetic material that in all likelihood relates to 720 BCE, the campaign of
Sargon II against the West, consists of Isa. 10:5-15*, 10:24-25, 10:28-32; and 28:1-4.
FROM LEGITIMATE KING TO PROTECTED CITY 41
86
See B.C. Ollenburger, op. cit., 70, 79-80, 84-100, 104-30, 136-8.
87
This is hardly remarkable, since for Isaiah the David and Zion traditions were
not notions he could freely choose to adopt or not adopt, but rather represented major
aspects of his worldview.
42 M.J. DE JONG
gods: I said to myself: Their deeds are arrogant, they trust in their own
plans. What will they do in their disregard of the gods? 88 This is of
course the point of view of Esarhaddon, who regarded himself as the true
heir to the throne. One need not doubt that his brothers would have de-
scribed their own deeds quite differently, had they still been alive.89 Both
the Assyrian descriptions and Isaiahs sayings represent a partial point of
view, their opponents held quite a different opinion. Isaiahs indebted-
ness to the Zion and David traditions furthermore points to the ancient
Near Eastern milieu of which the prophet was part.
The prophecies from Isaiah show a certain development of thought.
During a first stage, 734-732, Isaiah addressed Ahaz as legitimate king,
protected by Yahweh against his enemies. At this stage, Assyria is re-
ferred to as Yahwehs instrument, with which he punishes the aggres-
sors. In the years that followed, it appeared that Assyria did do this, but
also that it did more. In Isa. 10: Assyria is accused of having adopted an
agenda of worldwide conquest, and of operating self-willedly, without
taking Yahwehs orders into account. The implication of this criticism is,
of course, that Assyria is to be punished for this. The criticism of Assyria
did not mean, however, that the prophet approved of rebellion against
Assyria; on the contrary, during the years 705-701 he sharply criticised
the politics of rebellion advocated by Judahs political elite and adopted
by king Hezekiah.
Isaiahs prophetic sayings relate to concrete historical episodes from
the later part of the 8th century.90 His position is best characterised as pro-
Judaean. He wanted the best for Judah and believed that Yahweh, at his
own time, would deal with Assyria. Yet he radically opposed against
seeking the help from Egypt in the strife against Assyria. Isaiah, on the
88
R. Borger, Die Inschriften Asarhaddons, Knigs von Assyrien (AfO Beiheft 9),
Graz 1956, 42.
89
Some further examples from the inscriptions of Ashurbanipal may be men-
tioned. (1) From the description of the Elamite king Teumman: In Elam he boasted
in the assembly of his troops, but I trusted in Itar, who encouraged me (R. Borger,
Beitrge zum Inschriftenwerk Assurbanipals, Wiesbaden 1996, 97-98, B iv 99-v 2).
(2) The description of Taharqa of Egypt and Nubia: He (i.e. the Cushite king
Taharqa) forgot the power of Aur and Itar, and the great gods, my lords, and
trusted in his own strength (var. his own wisdom) (R. Borger, op. cit., 17, A i 56-57 /
B i 55-56). (3) The qualification of Teumman: Teumman who did not respect the
gods (R. Borger, op. cit., 99, B v 35).
90
The passages from First Isaiah that with confidence can be dated to the latest
part of the eighth century, relate to the political issue what position to adopt towards
Assyria. The most secure ground for identification of the earliest stratum within First
Isaiah is the political controversy of the late eighth century. This is also the view of J.
Hgenhaven, The Prophet Isaiah and Judaean Foreign Policy under Ahaz and Heze-
kiah, JNES 49 (1990), 351.
FROM LEGITIMATE KING TO PROTECTED CITY 43
91
A. van der Kooij, Das assyrische Heer vor den Mauern Jerusalems im Jahr 701
v.Chr., ZDPV 102 (1986), 97-8, points out that Jerusalem was besieged by means of
a blockade, not by a frontal assault.
92
For some recent literature on the events of 701 BCE, see A. van der Kooij, art.
cit.; N. Naaman, Hezekiah and the Kings of Assyria, Tel Aviv 21 (1994), 235-254;
W.R. Gallagher, Sennacheribs Campaign to Judah: New Studies (SHCANE 18),
Leiden 1999; E.A. Knauf, 701: Sennacherib at the Berezina, in: L.L. Grabbe (ed.),
Like a Bird in a Cage: The Invasion of Sennacherib in 701 BCE (JSOT.S 363),
London 2003, 141-9; W. Mayer, Sennacheribs Campaign of 701 BC, in: L.L.
Grabbe (ed.), Like a Bird in a Cage: The Invasion of Sennacherib in 701 BCE
(JSOT.S 363), London 2003, 168-200.
93
This reception of the events was only possible, if the belief that Yahweh pro-
tected Zion as his abode and, by implication, the city of Jerusalem existed be-
forehand.
94
See A. van der Kooij, The Story of Hezekiah and Sennacherib (2 Kings 18-
19): A Sample of Ancient Historiography, in: J.C. de Moor, H.F. van Rooy (eds),
Past, Present, Future: The Deuteronomistic History and the Prophets (OTS 44),
Leiden 2000, 113.
95
A. van der Kooij, art. cit., 118.
44 M.J. DE JONG
96
According to the Judaean tale of the events of 701, Sennacheribs fundamental
sin was his arrogance against Yahweh, a theme characteristic of the Zion ideology
(cf. B.C. Ollenburger, op. cit., 79). The story furthermore plays with the role of
Egypt/Cush. Whereas the Assyrian Rabshakeh boasts that Egypt will not save Jerusa-
lem, the mere rumour of Taharqahs approach is said to be sufficient cause for the
Assyrians to retreat. This particular element reflects the difficulties Assyria had in
submitting the Cushite empire especially during the reign of Esarhaddon (see A. van
der Kooij, art. cit., 114).
97
An inscription of Nabonidus explains Sennacheribs murder as Marduks re-
venge for the destruction of Babylon. For the text, see H. Schaudig, Die Inschriften
Nabonids von Babylon und Kyros des Groen (AOAT 256), Mnster 2001, 3.3a
Babylon-Stele, lines 1-41, 515-6, 523. See A. van der Kooij, art. cit., 118.
98
R.E. Clements, op. cit., 83-84, goes too far in regarding the notion of inviolabil-
ity of Jerusalem as a product of the Josianic period, as being part of the reception of
the events of 701.
FROM LEGITIMATE KING TO PROTECTED CITY 45
Very much in accordance with the B1-story was a revision of the Isaiah
tradition, that can be situated during the reign of king Josiah, during the
later part of the 7th century BCE. This revision is usually called the As-
syria Redaction.99 The theme of the revision is the downfall of Assyria
and the reign of an ideal king in Judah. The revision describes the de-
struction of Assyria in a variety of ways (Isa. 10:16-19; 10:33-34; 14:24-
27; 30:27-33; 31:8-9), with as a continuous factor the assertion that it is
Yahweh that causes the destruction. The Assyrian downfall was located
in the land of Judah, or, more precisely, at Zion (Isa. 14:24-25; 31:8-9).
In addition, the revision contains three texts in which the ideal king is
typified (Isa. 9:5-6, 11:1-5, and 32:1-2). In all cases, the king appears
only after Yahweh has broken the power of Assyria.100 Both the downfall
of Assyria and the reign of an ideal king in Judah, are the work of Yah-
weh, who is depicted as the king of the earth.101 Yahwehs intervention,
leading to the downfall of Assyria and the joy of Judah, is described as
taking place at Zion (e.g. Isa. 30:29). As part of this restoration, Isa.
14:32 expresses the notion of the divine foundation of Zion, which
makes Zion to a safe place: Yahweh has founded Zion, and the needy
among his people will find refuge in her.102
The Assyria revision shows affinity with both the Zion ideology and
the David ideology. The 7th-century revision of the Isaianic material
echoes the reception of the events of 701 as expressed in the so-called
B1-story. 103 After the murder of Sennacherib and the subsequent re-
telling of the events in the story of the siege of Jerusalem, the gradual
decline of Assyrias power and its loss of grip on the West reinforced
this line of thought. A further impetus was the promising figure of king
99
The hypothesis of a seventh-century, Assyria Redaction of the earlier material
in First Isaiah goes back to H. Barth, Die Jesaja-Worte in der Josiazeit: Israel und
Assur als Thema einer produktiven Neuinterpretation des Jesajaberlieferung
(WMANT 48), Neukirchen-Vluyn 1977, and J. Vermeylen, Du prophte Isae
lapocalyptique, 2 vols, Paris 1977-1978. R.E. Clements, Isaiah 1-39 (NceB), Lon-
don/Grand Rapids 1980, adopted the proposal of Barth in a slightly modified form,
using the term Josiah redaction.
100
Note that Isa. 9:5-6 follows 9:1-4; 11:1-5 follows 10:33-34; and 32:1-2 follows
31:8-9. The liberation of Judah from the Assyrian dominance is expressed with the
metaphor of the yoke: the Assyrian yoke is removed from the Judaean shoulder (Isa.
9:3; 10:27a; 14:25).
101
Especially Isa. 14:26-27 and 30:27-28.
102
Cf. Pss. 48:9; 87. The notion of divine foundation of temples and cities is well
known in Mesopotamian traditions (e.g. in an inscription of Sennacherib Nineveh is
called primordial foundation, which plan was drawn in the stars from of old).
103
According to R.E. Clements, Isaiah and the Deliverance of Jerusalem: A
Study of the Interpretation of Prophecy in the Old Testament (JSOT.S 13), Sheffield
1980, 15, both originated from the same circles.
46 M.J. DE JONG
104
M.L. Steiner, De Archeologie over Jeruzalem als Heilige Stad, in: K.D. Jen-
ner, G.A. Wiegers (eds), Jeruzalem als Heilige Stad: Religieuze Voorstelling en
Geloofspraktijk, Kampen 1996, 34-6, describes Jerusalem in the second half of the
seventh century as a primate city, in which all political and economic power of Judah
were concentrated. Whereas many of the sites captured and destroyed by Sennacherib
in 701 were not, or only sparsely, inhabited during the seventh century, Jerusalem
greatly expanded to the biggest city of the region.
105
The downfall of Assyria was sometimes located in Judah, at Zion, since Zion
was, by definition, the centre of the world; cf. R.E. Clements, op. cit., 83.
106
Cf. Isa. 14:28 (14:32); and 9:1-6 as relating to 7:14, now interpreted as Heze-
kiah.
107
N. Naaman, New Light on Hezekiahs Second Prophetic Story (2 Kgs 19,9b-
35), Bib. 81 (2000), 393-402; N. Naaman, Updating the Messages: Hezekiahs
Second Prophetic Story (2 Kings 19.9b-35) and the Community of Babylonian De-
portees, in: L.L. Grabbe (ed.), Like a Bird in a Cage: The Invasion of Sennacherib
in 701 BCE (JSOT.S 363), London 2003, 201-20. A. van der Kooij, art. cit., 119,
argues that the extension of 2 Kgs 19:9b-35 is dependent upon the earlier 18:17-
FROM LEGITIMATE KING TO PROTECTED CITY 47
new climax to the story: the report that during the night the angel of
Yahweh killed 185. Assyrian soldiers (2 Kgs 19:35). This legendary
element can be understood against the background of the ongoing devel-
opment of the Zion ideology. The extension just went one step further
than the 7th-century revision of the Isaiah tradition, and cast the view that
Assyrias downfall had begun, and literally had been effectuated in Judah
in 701 BCE, into a story.
However, the outspoken positive image of Hezekiah as a pious king
under whose reign the hegemony of the Assyrians had been broken, ap-
parently asked for a counter-image. Hezekiahs positive press apparently
provoked a negative press for his father Ahaz. In this way, we can under-
stand 2 Kgs 16:7-9, as an extension to 16:5. Ahaz is depicted as antitype
of Hezekiah, whose lack of trust in Yahweh led to Judahs submission to
Assyria. And the contrast did not stop here. In the developing Isaiah
tradition, Isa. 7:1-17 took an important position. This is a composition
from the 6th century, based on early prophetic material, but with a new
royal-critical tendency. In this composition, as we have seen, the David
ideology is in fact turned upside down. The aim of the composition is to
show that the Davidic kings, represented by Ahaz, called down misfor-
tune on their own heads by their lack of trust and disobedience. Isa. 7:1
deliberately changed 2 Kgs 16:5. In the story, Ahaz for the moment is
saved, but that is not due to his own position, but thanks to Jerusalem,
Yahwehs city.
In contrast with Ahazs negative depiction, the developing Isaiah tra-
dition took up a markedly positive picture of Hezekiah: the story of
Hezekiah became part of the expanding Isaiah tradition but without the
so-called part A, the historical account in which Hezekiah is depicted
negatively. This development continued in 2 Kings, where Ahaz (2 Kgs
16) in various respects is the bad counterpart to the pious Hezekiah (2
Kgs 18-20), to reach a climax in 2 Chronicles 28 (Ahaz) and 29-32
(Hezekiah).
4. Conclusion
Isa. 7:1 opens a window on Ahaz and Hezekiah in history and tradition,
which sheds light on the importance of the Zion ideology for the devel-
oping Isaiah tradition. The reference to Jerusalem in this verse is far from
arbitrary or innocent. Whereas the David ideology which pervades the
19:9a, 36-37. Note that the whole of 2 Kgs 18:13-19:37 can be read as an ongoing
narration.
48 M.J. DE JONG
1. Introduction
1
For the position of the reader-oriented approach within the exegesis of the book
Isaiah in the last decades, see P. Hffken, Jesaja: Der Stand der theologischen Dis-
kussion, Darmstadt 2004, 43-4.
2
For a detailed survey of the textual communication-poles, see A.L.H.M. van
Wieringen, The Implied Reader in Isaiah 6-12 (Biblical Interpretation Series 34),
Leiden/Boston, etc. 1998, 22-26; A.L.H.M. van Wieringen, The Reader-Oriented
Unity Of The Book Isaiah (Amsterdamse Cahiers voor Exegese van de Bijbel en zijn
Tradities Supplement Series 6), Vught 2006, 3-7.
50 A.L.H.M. VAN WIERINGEN
3
For a first outline of these reader-oriented strategies, see A.L.H.M. van Wierin-
gen, Jesaja 1-39: Geloof en vertrouwen, in: F. Maas, J. Maas et al. (eds.), De Bijbel
Spiritueel. Bronnen van geestelijk leven in de bijbelse geschriften, Zoeter-
meer/Kapellen 2004, 351-357.
ASSUR AND BABEL AGAINST JERUSALEM 51
Isa. 1-39 makes use of all these five strategies, often several times. I will
deal with them in order of the strategies.
The first strategy, the implied reader as a narrative observer, is eye-
catching within the book Isaiah and, therefore, also within Isa. 1-39,
because of the fact that this text primarily is a discursive text. The narra-
tive passages within Isa. 1-39 are restricted: 6; 7:1-17; 8:1-8; 20; 36-39.
In a narrative, the implied reader is the observer of a thrilling story.
For example Isa. 36-37: what will be the end of the siege by Assur? In
the conclusion of the narrative, the denouement appears to be a happy
end.
Concerning Isa. 7:1-17, however, the implied readers position is
more complicated. In verse 1, the narrative starts with a prolepsis, as a
result of which the implied reader does not have to wait for the end of the
story to know the denouement: he already knows how the narrative will
end, even before the narrative has begun. Because of this, Isa. 7:1-17 is
not a thrilling story anyway. The implied reader is thus warned: this
narrative text cannot be read from a perspective of the first reader-
oriented strategy.
Isa. 6 is also a special form of narrative using the first reader-oriented
strategy. The narrative is an I-narrative, i.e. a narrative text which is not
characterised by a third person, but actually by a first person. An I-
narrative has to be located at the utmost verge of the first reader-oriented
strategy, leaning towards the second one.
The second reader-oriented strategy is typical of the major part of the
book Isaiah and, therefore, also of Isa. 1-39. With regard to this strategy,
Isa. 13-14 is especially eye-catching, because this text follows on chapter
12, which is characterised by the highest form of reader-orientedness
(see below).
The third reader-oriented strategy concerns the implied reader and the
we-texts. This strategy is used in Isa. 1:9-10; 2:5; 7:14; 8:8; 9:5; 25:9.
The anonymous we-group which occurs in these texts, provides the
implied reader with the possibility to get involved in this group: a con-
nection is thus made between the sender-instance character and the im-
plied reader.
In Isa. 7:14, this connection is made using the name of the announced
leader figure with an inversion, = with us: God. Because of the
inversion, a contrast arises: and not with you. The implied reader, there-
fore, has to define his position to both the us and the you and
52 A.L.H.M. VAN WIERINGEN
should choose the us.4 In Isa. 9:5, the connection between the character
us and the implied reader, who chose us, is continued in the birth of
the leader figure.5
In Isa. 1-39, the fourth reader-oriented strategy, the direct discursive
address to the implied reader, occurs in 7:9c-d. The narrative Isa. 7:1-17
is interrupted by the discursive verses 9c-d, in which the implied reader
is directly addressed:6 if you do not have faith,
you will not stand firm.
The narrative Isa. 7:1-17 is not just a thrilling story. The tension is lo-
cated in the direct address to the implied reader: just as King Ahaz can
be confident about God, in the same way the implied reader can be con-
fident.
A similar direct address to the implied reader occurs in Isa. 34:16-17.
Its character, however, is different because of the fact that this address
occurs within a discursive environment. Its effect, nevertheless, is the
same: a distance is created between the context of the discursion and the
direct address to the implied reader based upon the discursive context to
be sure of Gods attention.
Finally, the fifth reader-oriented strategy occurs three times in Isa. 1-
39. The first time a reader-orientedness expressed in an implementation
beyond the text occurs in Isa. 2:2-5. 7 The description that all nations,
including and following the people Israel, go up to the mountain of the
house of the Lord and that, moreover, from that mountain, the Lords
Tora goes out, is not realised within the text of Isa. 1-39 (and neither in
Isa. 40-66). The realisation should be implemented beyond the text. The
responsibility for this is vested within the implied reader.
4
See also A.L.H.M. van Wieringen, op. cit., 136-8.
5
See also A.L.H.M. van Wieringen, The Implied Reader in Isaiah 6-12 (Biblical
Interpretation Series 34), Leiden/Boston, etc. 1998, 37-140.
6
See also C. Hardmeier, Gesichtspunkte pragmatischer Erzhltextanalyse:
Glaubt ihr nicht, so bleibt ihr nicht ein Glaubensappell an schwankende Anhn-
ger Jesajas, WuD NF 15 (1979), specially 40-1; A.L.H.M. van Wieringen, op. cit.,
60; A.L.H.M. van Wieringen, Jesaja 7,9b en het belang van aanhalingstekens, in:
P.H.M. Welzen, M.C.N. Deckers-Dijs et al. (eds), Exegeten aan het werk: Vertalen
en interpreteren van de bijbel: Opstellen van leden van het Bijbels Werkgenootschap
St. Hironymus, s-Hertogenbosch/Brugge 1998, especially 89-95.
7
For a first outline, see A.L.H.M. van Wieringen, The Day Beyond the Days:
Isaiah 2:2 within the Framework of the Book Isaiah, in: F. Postma, K. Spronk et al.
(eds), The New Things: Eschatology in Old Testament Prophecy (FS H. Leene) (Am-
sterdamse Cahiers voor Exegese van de Bijbel en zijn Tradities Supplement Series
3), Maastricht, especially 253-6.
ASSUR AND BABEL AGAINST JERUSALEM 53
The five reader-oriented strategies are not only used in Isa. 1-39, but also
used in a special order, viz. the reading order. This can be outlined as
follows.
1:9-10 2:2-5 6:1-13 7:1-17 8:1-8 9:5 12 13-14 20 25:9 34:16-17 36-39
III V I I I III V II I III IV I
III III V V
IV
The question which has to be asked now is why the mentioned reader-
oriented strategies occur in this order. In other words: what is the reader-
oriented meaning of this order?
Isa. 1-39 starts with reader-oriented strategy III. This implies that, al-
ready at the beginning of Isa. 1-39 (and, therefore, also at the beginning
of the book Isaiah as a whole), the implied reader is connected to the
communication-pole character. The characters which occur in Isa. 1-39,
thus, are not separated from the implied reader; the implied reader him-
self, as it were, is present in the intricacies of the characters.
Immediately after the introduction of Isa. 1-39, viz. chapter 1, the
reader-oriented strategy V is used in Isa. 2:2-5, in which, moreover,
strategy III plays a role again. This means that the most climactic strat-
egy occurs immediately after the connection between character and im-
8
For a first outline, see A.L.H.M. van Wieringen, Isaiah 12,1-6: A Domain and
Communication Analysis, in: J. van Ruiten, M. Vervenne (eds), Studies in the Book
of Isaiah (FS W.A.M. Beuken) (BEThL 132), Leuven 1997, especially 160-71.
54 A.L.H.M. VAN WIERINGEN
plied reader. Because of this, this fifth strategy spans Isa. 1-39, because
chapter 39 is also characterised by strategy V. This reader-oriented
openness is necessary to take the plunge from Isa. 1-39 into 40-66,
equipped with the confidence the implied reader has obtained in 1-39.
The presence of this solid reader-oriented strategy is also important
because of the fact that Isa. 2:2-5 is the first time in the book Isaiah that
the nations come to Jerusalem/Zion. This text-passage, therefore, is de-
terminative for the way a coming to the city of Jerusalem by a nation-
character has to be considered.
Starting from Isa. 6, the first part of the text-passage 6-12, the reader-
oriented strategies return to a lower level, namely to the first one. The
implied reader is narrative observer. The narrative of Isa. 6, nevertheless,
is a special kind of reader-oriented strategy I, due to the fact that this
story is an I-narrative. Using this reader-oriented construction, the first-
person second-person relation is, as it were, continued from the per-
spective of the preceding chapters, also because of the fact that the I-
figure is a character, even without any direct address to the implied
reader.
The narrativity is continued in Isa. 7:1-17 and, because of that, the
implied readers function of narrative observer too. This function, de-
rived from reader-oriented strategy I, however, is eroded immediately
after the beginning of this text-passage, because the end of the story is
given away by using the prolepsis in verse 1: the military expedition will
not stand a chance, Jerusalem will not be captured, and the house of
David will not come to an end.9
It is exactly this prolepsis which immediately makes clear that it is not
about reader-oriented strategy I in Isa. 7:1-17; different reader-oriented
strategies will exuberantly be applied in this text-passage. First, strategy
IV is used: the implied reader is directly addressed. This occurs in the
verses 9c-d. The narrator (or, if so desired, the implied author) steps, as it
were, aside from the narrative and, in a brief discursive text, speaks di-
rectly to the implied reader, using a second person plural. The meaning
of the narrative text, namely that Ahaz can trust the Lord regarding the
words of the character prophet Isaiah, is directly applied to the implied
reader: he also can trust the Lord, namely regarding the narrative told by
the narrator, whose name is, according to Isa. 1:1, Isaiah and who has a
9
For reconstructions of the historical background of this Assyrian campaign, see,
for instance, recently P. Dubovsk, Tiglath-pileser IIIs Campaigns in 734-732 B.C.:
Historical Background of Isa. 7; 2 Kgs 15-16 and 2 Chr 27-28, Bib. 87 (2006), espe-
cially 157-61.
ASSUR AND BABEL AGAINST JERUSALEM 55
10
See, for instance, A.J.C. Verheij, Basisgrammatica van het Bijbels Hebreeuws,
Delft 2002, 128.
11
Regarding several historical questions to Isa. 20, see also J.J.M. Roberts,
Egypt, Assyria, Isaiah, and the Ashdod affair: An alternative proposal, in: A.G.
Vaughn, A.E. Killebrew (eds), Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Tem-
ple Period (SBL Symposium Series 18), Atlanta 2003, 265-83.
ASSUR AND BABEL AGAINST JERUSALEM 57
Lord who allots the country and takes care of the ever-lasting possession
thereof. In this care, it is suitable that the Lord protects the city of Jerusa-
lem from military threats, regardless of from whom such threats origi-
nate.
Isa. 1-39 ends with a narrative part in the chapters 36-39. The implied
reader becomes a narrative observer again. Assur threatens the city of
Jerusalem and, what is more, the new king, Hezekiah, is ill. 12 In the
chapters 36-38, however, no prolepsis occurs, as in 7:1. In principle, Isa.
36-38 has to be considered by the implied reader as a thrilling story.
However, the implied reader can handle the tension, for, in the preceding
chapters, he learned enough about the confidence which can be put in the
Lord regarding the protection of Jerusalem: although no prolepsis is
used, the implied reader already knows that the story will have a happy
ending. And in fact, the narrative has a happy end. Assur must beat a
retreat: first, he has to withdraw from the city of Jerusalem back to his
own country (Isa. 37:36-37); next, the King of Assur is assassinated by
his own sons while worshipping an idol (37:38). King Hezekiah is healed
(Isa. 38:9) and, at that event, he even sings a song of jubilation, present
as a writing in the verses 10-20.
Isa. 39, however, is quite a different story. It is not about Assur, but
about Babel. Will what the implied reader saw concerning Ahaz in rela-
tion to Remalyahu and, next, observed concerning Assur, now be able to
be realised in regard to Babel? This question is all the more exciting due
to the fact that this narrative has neither prolepsis nor conclusion. Con-
versely, it contains only words about exile from the city of Jerusalem to
the city of Babel in the utterances of the character prophet Isaiah in the
verses 6-7. Has the implied reader gained enough confidence in Isa. 1-38
to come through chapter 39, and even more, to take the plunge into 40:1-
12
For issues concerning the historical background see W. von Soden, Sanherib
vor Jerusalem 701 v. Chr., in: R. Stiehl, G.A. Lehmann (eds.), Antike und Univer-
salgeschichte (FS H.E. Stier) (Fontes et commentationes Supplementbnde 1), Mn-
ster 1972, 43-51 [= W. von Soden, Sanherib vor Jerusalem 701 v. Chr., in: H.-P. Mller
(ed.), Bibel und Alter Orient: Altorientalische Beitrge zum Alten Testament von Wolf-
ram von Soden (BZAW 162), Berlin/New York 1985, 149-157]; A. van der Kooij,
Das assyrische Heer vor den Mauern Jerusalems im Jahr 701 v.Chr., ZDPV 102
(1986), 93-109; A. van der Kooij, The Story of Hezekiah and Sennacherib (2 Kings
18-19): A Sample of Ancient Historiography, in: J.C. de Moor, H.F. van Rooy (eds),
Past, Present, Future: The Deuteronomistic History and the Prophets (OTS 44),
Leiden 2000, 107-19; P. Hffken, Sanherib als Gestalt der berlieferung: berlegungen
im Hinblick auf 2Kn 18f. und Jes 36f., BN NF 133 (2007), 23-40.
58 A.L.H.M. VAN WIERINGEN
5. The Distinctive Roles of the cities of Assur and Babel within the
Reader-Oriented Framework
At first glance, Jerusalem on the one hand and Assur and Babel on the
other hand seem very much alike. It is true that their names refer to na-
tions, but these are portrayed as cities, ruled over by a king. Both Jerusa-
lem and the enemy seem to be presented within the same city-pattern.
In the narration Isa. 7:1-17, which tells about a confrontation between
Jerusalem and an enemy for the first time, this city-pattern can be seen.
In the narration, the hostile attack from the north is not directed against
Jerusalem (verse 1); more specifically, against
Judah, but against
Jerusalems king (see the verb hi. to make king), as the enemies
express in their direct speech in verse 6. The message about the hostile
invasion, therefore, is primarily directed to the house of David (verse 2);
his people reacts secondarily, as a derivation of the kings reaction,
in exactly the same way. The enemy too is a king in a city. Not only are
all the kings name mentioned at the beginning in verse 1, but they are
also at the centre of interest in the form of their cities Damascus
and Samaria, as God announces his acts against these enemies in
the verses 8-9. Just as, at the conclusion of the narration, the great enemy
is mentioned with a slegdehammer-like effect, he appears exactly as
the King of Assur in verse 17.
Further on in the text-passage Isa. 6-12, this modelling of Assur as a
city with a king is elaborated upon. Just as Assurs domain in the form of
intentions and expressions are dealt with in Isa. 10:7a.7b.7d.7f-g.8b-
11.13b-14, this is about the King of Assur as well.14 This king appears to
have already taken other cities, among which the city Damascus
(verse 9).
Furthermore, this presentation, which agree with the ancient oriental
visiew on the city and state, cannot be separated from the reader-oriented
strategies which the book Isaiah makes use of. Because of the focus on
kings, who are in fact characters in the text, the even more parallel com-
13
For the diachronic consequences of these reader-oriented aspects, see A.L.H.M.
van Wieringen, The Reader-Oriented Unity Of The Book Isaiah (Amsterdamse Cahi-
ers voor Exegese van de Bijbel en zijn Tradities Supplement Series 6), Vught 2006,
especially 214-31.
14
See further: A.L.H.M. van Wieringen, The Implied Reader in Isaiah 6-12 (Bib-
lical Interpretation Series 34), Leiden/Boston, etc. 1998, 165-70.
ASSUR AND BABEL AGAINST JERUSALEM 59
munication between the characters in Isa. 7:1-17 and between the text-
internal author and reader is created. Just as King Ahaz sits upon his
throne in Jerusalem, the implied reader is located in Jerusalem. From
their identical location, viz. the city of Jerusalem, their reaction is paral-
lelised. In this way, the implied reader can be expected to make exactly
the opposite choice of that made by King Ahaz.
Enemies, such as Assur, have to be immediately put into an unfavour-
able light on account of the reader-oriented strategies. In Isa. 2:2-5, the
nations are presented for the first time in the book Isaiah by using a solid
reader-oriented strategy. In Isa. 2:2-5, however, they are not portrayed as
kings or as cities: their coming is a coming of peace. In Isa. 7:1-17, con-
versely, a nation is coming to Jerusalem ans is presented as king-and-
city: the implied reader immediately recognises the contrast to 2:2-5.
Moreover, the reader-oriented strategies have another effect. The call
for confidence to the implied reader is possible because of the fact that
the implied reader notices the failure of the small northern enemies and,
subsequently, because he is able to transfer this failure to the great en-
emy Assur. Because of this, the effect is created implying that Assur will
be just the same as Rezin cum suis is. Thus a chain of enemies is formed,
which is determinative for the text-passages Isa. 13-22 and 36-39 as well.
The so-called oracles against the nations in Isa. 13-22 begins with a
statement against Babel. This is the first occurrence of the character Ba-
bel in the book Isaiah. Babels importance, also in relation to Assur, is
emphasised by the fact that the headings in this text-passage, formed by
using the technical term ( Isa. 13:1; 15:1; 17:1; 19:1; 21:1, 11, 13;
22:1; 23:1), occur in combination with Babel (viz. in 13:1), but not in
combination with Assur.15 As a first result, Babel shows himself to be
Assurs successor. Next, the new hostile chain of Rezin - Assur - Babel
is extended in Isa. 13:17 with a perspective beyond Babel by mentioning
the Medes.
Because of this literary construction, Babel is semantically modelled
after Assur. This modelling intends to indicate that both Assur and Babel
are one and the same, and even more, that there should be no fear for
both thanks to the Lord.
Just as Assur does not succeed in its military action against Jerusalem,
so Babel does not succeed either. Therefore, Isa. 13-14 starts from the
15
It is true that the word occur in Isa. 14:28, but that verse does not have
the syntactical form of a heading. Pace a vast majority of exegetes, who divide the
chapters 13-14 into something like ten subsections, for instance, recently W.A.M.
Beuken, Jesaja 13-27 (Herders Theologischer Kommentar zum Alten Testament),
Freiburg/Basel, etc. 2007, 23.
60 A.L.H.M. VAN WIERINGEN
16
Cf., recently, M. Kszeghy, Der Streit um Babel in den Bchern Jesaja und
Jeremia (BWANT 173), Stuttgart (Kohhammer) 2007, 81-2.
ASSUR AND BABEL AGAINST JERUSALEM 61
17
See also A.L.H.M. van Wieringen, The Reader-Oriented Unity Of The Book
Isaiah (Amsterdamse Cahiers voor Exegese van de Bijbel en zijn Tradities Supple-
ment Series 6), Vught 2006, 218-9. For a survey of the historical affairs between
Babel and Assur, see also, recently, M. Kszeghy, op. cit., 91-104.
18
See also A.L.H.M. van Wieringen, Notes on Isaiah 38-39, BN 102 (2000), 31-
2.
62 A.L.H.M. VAN WIERINGEN
where in the text; and even more, the fact that Babel actually leaves Jeru-
salem is not mentioned in the text.19
Assur and Babel are also different from the Immanu-El as well, who
performs in Isa. 7:14-15 for the first time in the book Isaiah, also because
of the fact that the Immanu-El differs from Ahaz and Hezekiah. There-
fore, it is remarkable that the Immanu-El is not indicated by using the
term king either in Isa. 7:1-17 or in the following texts. It is true that
he receives royal names in Isa. 9:5 (deviser, hero, father, ruler), but the
word king is not used.20 The Immanu-El is not the king of a city in
the same way Ahaz is king. Conversely, he is the leader of a new group,
who has already became manifest in his proper name by using the
reader-oriented strategy of the inclusive first person plural. From this
perspective, it is significant that the proper name Jerusalem is not di-
rectly connected to the Immanu-El; an indirect relation is made, which
makes it possible to locate the implied reader in Jerusalem as well.
The reader-oriented parallels and distinctions between Assur and Ba-
bel and their contrasts to the city of Jerusalem, therefore, are supported
by the reader-oriented strategies in which the implied reader himself has
to demonstrate the acquired confidence in the Lord, in order to be able to
keep reading starting with chapter 40 from the perspective of Isa. 1-39. 21
19
Parallel to the treasures of Jerusalem, Hezekiah openly shows in chapter 39,
Babel apparently hid the treasures so well that, in chapter 45, God has to open the
doors for Kores to obtain access to the treasures (verse 3).
20
See further: A.L.H.M. van Wieringen, The Implied Reader in Isaiah 6-12 (Bib-
lical Interpretation Series 34), Leiden/Boston, etc. 1998, 130-1.
21
I am greatly indebted to Drs. Maurits J. Sinninghe Damst (Musselkanaal, the
Netherlands) for his correction of the English translation of this article.
FROM DAMASCUS TO MOUNT ZION
A JOURNEY THROUGH THE LAND OF THE HARVESTER
(ISAIAH 17-18)
W.A.M. Beuken
1. Introduction
Between the larger parts of the book of Isaiah (henceforth BI), the series
of oracles dealing with foreign nations (chapters 13-23) has received the
least attention. This literary complex has often been considered a carry-
over from some of the prophecies: its place in the book then would not
have been well thought-out and it is seen lacking coherence. Still, in
recent research a different opinion is gaining ground: chapters 13-23 and
24-27 are seen forming an integral part of the over-all composition of the
book. U. Berges has worded the new insight in the following way: Die
Orakel gegen die Fremdvlker und das Gottesvolk erreichen ihr Ziel in
der Knigsproklamation JHWHs auf dem Zion (24:23). Damit JHWH
allein Knig sein kann, mssen zuvor die Knigreiche ob ihres Hoch-
muts gerichtet und die Frevler, zusammen mit allen widergttlichen
Mchten, von der Erde vernichtet werden.1
Chapters 13-23 consist of two sets of five oracles (each headed by the
characteristic inscription massa, ). The two sets (13-19; 21-23) are
clustered around the central prophetic symbolic action of chapter 20.2
The prophecies in chapters 13-19 in particular must have experienced a
long history, having come into being over an extended period of time. It
can be shown that each prophecy constitutes a unity identifiable with
earlier or later levels of redaction within this section of the prophetic
book. Considering the prominence of certain cities within these prophe-
sies, I believe that a study of the internal coherence of the fourth massa
oracle (chapters 17-18) will make an interesting contribution to this vo-
lume on The City in the Book of Isaiah.
The fourth oracle opens with the fall of Damascus, the capital of
Aram (Isa. 17:1-3), and closes with Mount Zion, where gifts will be
1
U. Berges, Das Buch Jesaja: Komposition und Endgestalt (Herders Biblische
Studien 16), Freiburg/Basel, etc. 1998, 140-1.
2
W.A.M. Beuken, Jesaja 13-27 (Herders Theologischer Kommentar zum Alten
Testament), Freiburg/Basel, etc. 2007, 18-26.
64 W.A.M. BEUKEN
brought to Yhwh of hosts from a people tall and smooth, from a people
feared near and far, a nation mighty and conquering (18:7). This hig-
hlighted contrast is significant because only later is Damascus linked
with Aram, while its ally Ephraim is mentioned earlier as a country
(Isa. 17:3). Moreover, the capital of this kingdom, Samaria, is referred to
only in an allusion (Isa. 17:3: fortress), even though it is mentioned
several times in the first part of BI (7:9; 8:4; 9:8; 10:9-11; 36:19). Aram
and Ephraims opposition to Zion matches the inscription in chapter 7:
In the days of Ahaz the son of Jotham, son of Uzziah, king of Judah,
Rezin, the king of Aram, and Pekah, the son of Remaliah, the king of
Israel, came up to Jerusalem to wage war against it, but they could not
conquer it (v. 1; cf. vv. 5-9). This leads one to suspect that chapters 17-
18 might resume the ideological difference between Damascus-Samaria
and Jerusalem. Moreover, through the woe oracle, added in the redaction
process, Cush, i.e. Nubia, is placed on the same side as Damascus and
Ephraim (chapter 18). Principally, the hostility of these three groups of
people towards Yhwh results in their ruin. Though, in the light of 18:7,
this conclusion needs a little modification.
It is clear that the contrast between Damascus and the fortress Eph-
raim on the one side and Zion on the other, repeated at the beginning
and the end of the fourth massa oracle, is integral to the final redactional
design. The integration is confirmed by the geographical arrangement of
the first set of five oracles concerning foreign nations. This set opens
with Babylon, the chief representative of the nations (Isa. 13:1-14:27).
Then Philistia in the West (Isa. 14:28-32) and Moab in the East (chapters
15-16) precede the Northern Aram with its capital Damascus in political
alliance with Ephraim (chapter 17). The added woe oracle about Nubia
in chapter 18 connects, from a redactional point of view, with 11:11: On
that day the Lord will extend his hand yet a second time to recover the
remnant which is left of his people, from Assyria, from Egypt, from
Pathros, from Nubia.... Hereby the fourth massa oracle prepares the
readers for the fifth, which treats Egypt in the South (chapter 19) and
forms the counterpart of the oracle on Babylon (13:1-14:27). In this way
the massa oracles that mention these two empires enclose the first set of
five oracles dealing with foreign nations.
It is tentatively concluded that we may read the fourth massa oracle
as a literary and theological journey from Damascus to Zion. Therefore
the main title of this article is formulated as a journey. While the article
explores the texts redactional unity, we necessarily have to expand the
journeys implications as it skirts Nubia (Isa. 18:1-6). For the moment it
suffices to mention that the metaphor of the harvest, seen in the articles
FROM DAMASCUS TO MOUNT ZION 65
Critical Notes3
17:3 It is difficult to maintain the atnach. We prefer to take
with v. 3b, for if these words would be subject to the verb in v. 3a,
the term would have to be preceded by the preposition .
17:9a. The translation of RSV: like the deserted places of the Hivites
and the Amorites depends on LXX (,
). MT is regularly explained to be
like a forsaken place on the heights and summits.4 Yet the complicated
history of the verse shows that the comparison concerns chopped trees.
The interpretation of as wood and highest bough stems
from Jewish scholars.5
18:1. An old controversy concerns the correct meaning :
land of sailing ships or land of buzzing insect wings. The latter inter-
pretation is preferred as an allusion to the scarabaeus, the theriomorphic
appearance of the Egyptian deity Chepri, might be at stake: land of the
winged beetle. This explanation is based on recent studies that point to
the strong Egyptian background of the chapter as a whole.6
3
For a more elaborate discussion, cf. W.A.M. Beuken, op. cit., 146-8.
4
J.N. Oswalt, The Book of Isaiah: Chapters 13-39 (NICOT), Grand Rapids 1986,
351.
5
Rashi according to A.J. Rosenberg, Isaiah (Miqraot Gedolot), 2 vols, New
York 1982, 146-7; M. Friedlaender (ed.), The Commentary of Ibn Ezra on Isaiah,
London 1873, 83; D. Barthlemy, Critique textuelle de lAncient Testament (OBO
50/2), vol. 2: Isae, Jrmie, Lamentations, Fribourg/Gttingen 1986, 131-3.
6
Cf. A A. Niccacci, Isaiah XVIII-XX from an Egyptological Perspective, VT 48
(1998), 214-238; M. Lubetski, Beetlemania of Bygone Times, JSOT 91 (2000), 3-
26, 3-26; M. Lubetski, C. Gottlieb, Isaiah 18: The Egyptian Nexus, in: M. Lubetski
68 W.A.M. BEUKEN
(ed.), Boundaries of the Ancient Near Eastern World: A Tribute to Cyrus (FS C.H.
Gordon) (JSOT.S 273), Sheffield 1998, 364-84; pace L. Koehler, W. Baumgartner et
al., Hebrisches und Aramisches Lexikon zum Alten Testament, 6 vols, Leiden
1967-1996, 66; H. Wildberger, Jesaja 1-39 (BK 10), vol. 2, Neukirchen-Vluyn 1982,
679.
7
D. Barthlemy, op. cit., 135-7; A.J. Rosenberg, op. cit., 153.
8
The comparison in v. 3b does not imply that the ruin of Israel would precede the
fall of Aram and would therefore serve as a warning example to the latter country. It
only means that these peoples will share the same fate (as in v. 3a; E. Jenni, Die
FROM DAMASCUS TO MOUNT ZION 69
hebrischen Prpositionen, vol. 2: Kaph, Stuttgart 1994, 56: cf. Gen. 18:11; Num.
23:10; 2 Sam. 7:9; 17:10; 1 Kgs 19:2; 22:13; Isa. 30:29; Hos. 14:7-8; Sir. 2:15).
9
H. Wildberger, op. cit., 648.
70 W.A.M. BEUKEN
First, in the final shape of the text the possessive suffix in the phrase
the cities of his refuge (v. 9) cannot but refer to people (), the
primary subject of vv. 7-8. This word, for its part, refers to Jacob /
Israel in v. 4 and v. 6, in the broad interpretation mentioned. Subse-
quently and second, the person addressed by you (fem. sg.) in v. 10
makes an indirect appearance through the contrast between the cities of
his refuge (v. 9) and the rock of your (fem. sg.) refuge (v. 10). 10
Rock and God of salvation are divine names from the cult in Zion.
They express Yhwhs exclusive authority and protection (rock []:
Deut. 32:4, 15, 18, 31; 1 Sam. 2:2; 2 Sam. 23:3; Isa. 8:14; 26:4; 30:29;
44:8; Hab. 1:12; Pss. 18:3, 32, 47; 19,5; 28:1; 31:3; 62:3, 8; 73:26; 75:6;
78:35; 89:27; 92:16; 94:22; 95:1; 144:1; salvation [root ]: Isa. 25:9;
35:4; 37:20; 43:3; 45:15, 21; 52:7, 10; Jer. 11:12; Hos. 13:4; Hab. 3:18;
Zeph. 3:17; Pss. 3:3; 7:11; 18:47; 20:6; 24:5; 25:5; 27:9; 42:6; 44:5;
50:23; 54:3; 62:8; 65:6; 69:2, 36; 79:9; 80:4; 85:5; 88:2; 98:3; 106:47;
109:26; 1 Chron. 16:35).
On account of these two points the conclusion is reached that the
Northern kingdom is being addressed in vv. 9-10a. Even though the fe-
minine verb forms are peculiar here, they can be explained as personifi-
cation (cf. Amos 5:2): Zusammenschau mit dem fem. Land 11 or
as devotees of non-Yahvistic cults represented collectively as a female
(cf. Isa. 57:3-13).12 It might be possible that Zionisierung too could be
playing a role. The feminine address creates an opportunity to interpret
the passage as if it holds an accusation against Jerusalem.13 In the first
place, however, Jacob/Israel is the goal. He will arrive at the recognition
of his Holy One (vv. 7-8) when his cities where he had imagined him-
self to be safe turn into desolate wildernesses. Then it will be clear that
he (she) has paid no attention to the rock of your refuge, i.e. the God
who offers salvation on Zion (vv. 9-10a). Seen in this way these verses
contain a verdict on the Northern kingdom arranged in a paradigm that is
characteristic of the book of Isaiah.
Verse 9 returns to vv. 2-3 and interprets the deserted cities of Aroer
as cities of refuge which they, i.e. the Assyrian army (perhaps during
10
From a semantic point of view, can signify both refuge (root )and
strength (root ), but both roots interfere and in poetic texts, this often leads to
intended ambiguity (H.-P. Mller, Sprachliche und religionsgeschichtliche Beobach-
tungen zu Jesaja XVII 10f., VT 54 (2004), 91-103). In the context of God of your
salvation the meaning refuge is more probable.
11
E. Knig, Das Buch Jesaja, Gtersloh 1926, 196.
12
J. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39 (AB 19), New York 2000, 305.
13
H.-P. Mller, art. cit., 92.
FROM DAMASCUS TO MOUNT ZION 71
the campaign of 732), have left for the children of Israel,14 since they
were not more valuable than what is left behind of the wood and the
highest bough. Historical information is most scarce here. Verse 2
presents the cities of Aroer as belonging to Damascus. When they are
attributed in v. 9 to Israel this change is not out of place from a theologi-
cal point of view because v. 3 has aligned Damascus and Israel under the
judgment of Yhwh. Moreover, the comparison with dead wood does not
appear out of the blue: in an associative way it links up with the ashera
steles / cultic stakes that were often made of wood (v. 8). This provides
v. 9 with a special connotation. The cities where the children Israel
sought refuge will offer as little security as do their idols: they are worth-
less timber.
With regard to 17:12-14, while it can hardly be doubted that this woe
oracle has an independent origin it is difficult to determine its source
more specifically. Efforts to situate this segment in the history of Jerusa-
lem at the time of the prophet Isaiah, especially during the Syro-
Ephraimite war (734-732) or the Assyrian siege of the city (701), remain
hypothetical. The motif, the battle of the nations, which is certainly
active here, occurs elsewhere in combination with the city of God (Pss.
46; 48; 76), yet the latter motif is not evident in this massa oracle on the
nations. A postexilic date, too, which would accompany an eschatologi-
cal explanation, finds no support in the text.15 The only sustainable and
meaningful framework lies in the oracles literary context.
The pair of words many peoples / nations cannot but refer to the
ethnic entities mentioned so far: Babylon, Assyria, Philistia, Moab, Da-
mascus and Jacob / Ephraim (chapters 13-17). They are situated here
against us (v. 14), i.e. the prophet and his own people. This opposition
is not necessarily meant in nationalistic terms, because in v. 7 Israel had
already been broadened to people, and the accusation of v. 10 can be
read with Jerusalem in mind, due to the feminine address. The nations
are not opposed at this point to Israel and Judah as ethnic groups but to
their victims: oppressed and plundered people (v. 14). The passage re-
flects an important motif in this prophetic book: the separation of the
pious and the wicked. Das Wehe in 17,12-14a, das in mythologischer
Sprache den Vlkeransturm und die wundersame gttliche Rettung the-
14
The adjunct before the children of Israel does not mean in favour of but ex-
presses physical desertion, distance, aversion (cf. in this sense, also without a
context of fear: Gen. 7:7; 27:46; Exod. 23:29; 34:24; 2 Kgs 11:2; Isa. 7:2; 10:27;
16:4; 19:20; 57:1; Jer. 1:13; 4:4; 13:17; Pss. 3:1; 17:9; 60:6; 61:4; 78:55; Job 17:12;
Lam. 2:3; 5:10; 1 Chron. 12:1; H. Simian-Yofre, pnm, TWAT 6 (1989) col.
655).
15
For a survey of opinions, cf. H. Wildberger, op. cit., 667-71.
72 W.A.M. BEUKEN
matisiert, ist in 17,14b durch den Nachtrag, dies ist das Los unserer
Plnderer, Anteil unserer Ausbeuter in einem ethisch-politischen Sinn
aktualisiert worden (cf. Isa. 13:9-11; 14:20-21, 30; 16:4-5).16
16
U. Berges, op. cit., 171-181, esp. 177.
17
K.R. Veenhof, Geschichte des Alten Orients bis zur Zeit Alexanders des Gros-
sen (ATD.E 11), Gttingen 2001, 249-50.
18
For the former interpretation, cf. J.D.W. Watts, Isaiah 1-33 (WBC 24), Waco
1985, 245-6; A. Niccacci, art. cit., 216; for the latter, cf. H. Wildberger op. cit., 686-
8. M.J. de Jong, Isaiah among the Ancient Near Eastern Prophets: A Comparative
Study of the Earliest Stages of the Isaiah Tradition and the Neo-Assyrian Prophecies
(VT.S 117), Leiden 2007, 115 distinguishes between Nubian envoys in v. 2a and
Judean messengers in v. 2b.
19
K.R. Veenhof, op. cit., 255-258.
FROM DAMASCUS TO MOUNT ZION 73
establish the historical context of the Nubian delegation. The best hypo-
thesis proposes that these messengers are not being encouraged to con-
tinue travelling to Assyria but to return to their country.20 A secondary
motivation behind persuading the delegation to return home is then in-
tended to dissuade the inhabitants of Jerusalem from becoming involved
in foreign alliances or placing their trust in such matters (cf. Isa. 7:1-7;
8:1-4).
This means that the people described in v. 2, to whom the prophet is
sending the ambassadors, are not the Assyrians. 21 A reference to the
Assyrians might have been possible were the qualifications to a people
feared near and far, a nation mighty and conquering (cf. Isa. 5:26-30;
9:3-4; 10:5-6, 13-14; 20:4, 6; 28:18-19; 52:4; Jer. 50:17; conquering
[ ]as a military term: Isa. 14:25; 22:5; 63:6; Zech. 10:5; Pss. 44:6;
60:14; 108:14), but hardly likely for the apposition a nation, tall and
smooth-skinned. There are no known statements supporting that Israe-
lites or other Semites considered the Assyrians to be taller than them-
selves. Besides, Herodot (c. 485 - c. 425) called the Ethiopians (he meant
the Nubians) the tallest and most beautiful of all people.22 Moreover,
the term smooth-skinned reflects on the habit of Egyptian and Nubian
men of shaving themselves clean with oil. Finally, the phrase whose
land the rivers divide may allude to Mesopotamia but could also refer to
the territory of the Nile, since this river is fed by several streams that
meander through the countryside between the 3rd and the 6th cataract.
Finally, people in Israel probably had no distinct geographical concept of
the two countries.
The call in Isa. 18:3 to all you inhabitants of the world, you who
dwell on the earth, can be linked up with vv. 1-2 because the political
situation dealt with in these verses is not specifically clarified. The land
( )of the winged beetle broadens to world / earth ( / ;cf.
Isa. 13:11). It would be wrong, however, to consider this call a sheer
warning or threat. Precisely the term world (), limited in BI almost
20
In this case, according to some interpreters, one would expect here the impera-
tive return ( ;J.N. Oswalt, op. cit., 360). However, to go ( )can mean to
go away (Gen. 18:33; 32:1; Jer. 22:10; Amos 7:12) and to disappear (Gen. 15:2;
Isa. 38:10; Ps. 74:39; Job 7:9; 14:20; Cant. 2:11, Sir. 1:4; W. Gesenius, Handwrter-
buch ber das Alte Testament, bearbeitet von F. Buhl, Leipzig, 171921, 277; E. K-
nig, op. cit., 199).
21
There are many divergent explanations about this verse, both in Jewish and lite-
rary-critical traditions. For a survey, cf. A.J. Rosenberg, op. cit., 149-51 and J.A.
Alexander, Commentary on the Prophecies of Isaiah I-II, Philadelphia 21875 (reprint:
Grand Rapids 1976), 344-345.
22
Herodotus, Historiae, 2 vols., Oxonii 31926 (11908), III,20.
74 W.A.M. BEUKEN
23
M.J. de Jong, op. cit., 115.
24
H. Ringgren,
r, TWAT 7 (19) col. 1195-6.
25
K.D. Jenner, The Big Shofar (Isaiah 27:13): A Hapax Legomenon to be Un-
derstood Merely as a Metaphor or as a Crux interpretum for the Interpretation of
Eschatological Expectation?, in: H.J. Bosman, H. van Grol et al. (eds), Studies in
Isaiah 24-27 (OTS 43), Leiden 2000, 173.
FROM DAMASCUS TO MOUNT ZION 75
In Isa. 18:4 the prophet records the word that Yhwh had spoken to
him. Precisely the modifier to me earmarks this oracle as eventually
destined for those who should or do recognize him as intermediator: the
inhabitants of Jerusalem. They should know that Yhwh is addressing the
nations. Yet, the purport of this divine oracle remains partly hidden be-
hind veiled imagery: I will quietly look from my dwelling like clear heat
in sunshine, like a cloud of dew in the heat of harvest. For the present it
does not say more than this: Yhwh watches without taking action. This
standoffish attitude means dass nur eines wichtig ist: Handelndes Sub-
jekt in der Geschichte ist Jahwe allein.26
The intent of the statement relies mainly on the term harvest (),
which connects the divine statement (v. 4) and the word of the prophet
(v. 5). On the one hand Yhwh refrains from disturbing the power and
politics of the nations (v. 4a), on the other, his glance weighs heavily on
them, like heat and dew on the light (v. 4b). The comparison necessarily
asks for an explanation: How do these phenomena influence the harv-
est? 27 The prophet provides an explanation by specifying the element
harvest: Before the harvest... he will cut off the shoots. In this way he
resumes the oracle concerning Damascus (and Ephraim) in chapter 17:
when the reaper gathers standing grain and his arm harvests the ears
(v. 5: ... )and the harvest will flee away (v. 11: ). This
comparison concerns firstly the desolation of the fields after the harvest
(Isa. 17:5) and secondly the poor gathering of olives (17:6) as imagery of
Israels ruin, which allows for only a slight rest. In 18:5, the purport
concerns a different action: disbudding the vine, which always takes
place in the perspective of the grain harvest.28 Whatever the nations are
planning (Isa. 18:3), it will be frustrated in order to protect and favour
the gathering of grapes. Here too, Yhwh does not specifically intervene
but remains veiled behind the impersonal he of the comparison.
The closure of the woe oracle on Nubia and the fourth massa (Isa. 18:7)
presents an unexpected turn on the prophetic path. At first sight the
movement from judgment to honouring Yhwh comes unprepared. The
opening adjunct at that time indicates a redactional addition but has no
26
H. Wildberger, op. cit., 689.
27
J.A. Alexander, op. cit., 345.
28
H. Wildberger, op. cit., 679.
76 W.A.M. BEUKEN
4. Conclusion
ing of the grapes. Although the essence of the woe oracle is an apology
of Yhwhs dilatory attitude towards hostile nations, the harvest itself
remains a literary gap, an opportunity for creative and theological inter-
vention. The redaction adds that the repudiated foreign nation, Nubia,
will bring tribute to God (Isa. 18:7), which serves as the harvest that
Yhwh gathers in. Therefore, it is not that strange that MT, using a philo-
logical trick, promotes this very people to a gift for God (cf. the Critical
Notes above, under Isa. 18:7).
This homage forms the starting-point for the theme Mount Zion in-
troduced in the final words of the fourth massa. Up and until this point it
had been hinted that God resides somewhere. It is said that he is a rock
of your refuge (Isa. 17:10). He says, I will quietly look from my dwel-
ling, like clear heat in sunshine, like a cloud of dew (Isa. 18:4). Indeed,
my dwelling in the context of sunshine and cloud of dew refers to
the heavens. Yet, for tributes to be brought to Yhwh some sort of pres-
ence on earth is necessary (Isa. 18:7). The expression the place of the
name of Yhwh of hosts (perhaps a Deuteronomistic wording) meets this
need, and simultaneously allows for Yhwhs transcendence from an
earthly habitation.
On the theological route, the specific adjunct of place Mount Zion,
is envisaged and set within the series of massa prophecies. In the oracle
on Philistia, quite similar to the Nubian oracle seen in the theme of mes-
sengers, the people are answered: Yhwh has founded Zion, and in her
the afflicted of his people find refuge (Isa. 14:32). The oracle on Moab
(chapters 15-16) presents a contrast between Sela (rock) by way of the
desert, where desolation and death govern, and the mount of the daugh-
ter of Zion, where Moabs refugees will find protection (Isa. 16:1). As a
matter of course these texts, certainly the second, do not mention that
Yhwh resides on Zion. The programmatic perspective of the song that
concludes Isa. 1-12 (12:6: Shout and sing for joy, O inhabitant of Zion,
for great in your midst is the Holy One of Israel), and anticipates chap-
ters 13-27, is in many ways not fully realized in Isa. 14:32 and 16:1.
Finally, the text of Isa. 18:7 plays a role in the contrast between the
mountains, the scene of the judgment on the nations (13:2, 4; 17:13;
18:3, 6), and Mount Zion, where Yhwh will establish his kingship for
their well-being (24:23; 25:6-7, 10; 27:13). In short, if at the beginning
of the fourth massa oracle, Damascus / the fortress of Ephraim
represent powerful city-states that adore alien gods but neglect the God
of Israel, at the end of this composition Mount Zion comes to the fore as
the place where a dreaded nation, Nubia, will pay homage to Yhwh.
Between Damascus and Mount Zion lies the land, the harvest of which
FROM DAMASCUS TO MOUNT ZION 79
belongs to him (Isa. 17:5-6; 18:4-5). He will gather his harvest when he
establishes his rule on earth (Isa. 27:12; cf. 27:6).
30
W.A.M. Beuken, A Song of Gratitude and a Song of Malicious Delight: Is
Their Consonance Unseemly? The Coherence of Isaiah Chs. 13-14 with Chs. 11-12
and Chs. 1-2, in: F.-L. Hossfeld, L. Schwienhorst-Schnberger (eds), Das Manna
fllt auch heute noch: Beitrge zur Geschichte und Theologie des Alten, Ersten Tes-
taments (FS E. Zenger) (Herders Biblische Studien 44), Freiburg 2004, 96-114. It
should be noted that 14:24-27 is not directed against Nineveh, but Assyria.
80 W.A.M. BEUKEN
31
I wish to express my gratitude to Petrus Maritz (Leuven) for correcting my ar-
ticle into fluent English.
THE DISEASED KING AND THE DISEASED CITY (ISAIAH
36-39) AS A READER-ORIENTED LINK BETWEEN ISAIAH
1-39 AND ISAIAH 40-66
A.L.H.M. van Wieringen
1. Introduction
1
It is true that the text Isa. 38:9-20, which forms the writing concerning Heze-
kiah, is a discursive text, but it forms a single unit 36-39 with the narrative texts 36:1-
38:8; 38:21-39:8.
2
See also A.L.H.M. van Wieringen, The Reader-Oriented Unity Of The Book
Isaiah (Amsterdamse Cahiers voor Exegese van de Bijbel en zijn Tradities Supple-
ment Series 6), Vught 2006, 36-52.
82 A.L.H.M. VAN WIERINGEN
The various differences between the characters Ahaz and Hezekiah, both
King in Jerusalem, in the narrative texts Isa. 7:1-17 and 36-39 are obvi-
ously striking.3
For Ahaz and Hezekiah, the narrative starting-point is identical: both
of them are faced with a military threat against Jerusalem. This military
action is described in both narratives in the first verse by using the word
to go up (Isa. 7:1 and 36:1). The spatial dcor, in which both narra-
tives begin, is the same as well
at the end of the conduit of the upper pool, at the way to the
3
Many publications describe various observations concerning this contrast; for a
survey of these observations see also E.W. Conrad, The Royal Narratives and the
Structure of the Book of Isaiah, JSOT 41 (1988), 67-81; E.W. Conrad, Reading
Isaiah (OBT 27), Minneapolis 1991; C.R. Seitz, Zions Final Destiny: The Develop-
ment of the Book of Isaiah: A Reassessment of Isaiah 36-39, Minneapolis 1991.
DISEASED KING AND DISEASED CITY 83
2. The proper name David, mentioned in Isa. 7:2, 13; 9:6, occurs in
the Hezekiah-narratives as well: 37:35; 38:5. Just as David is the motive
in the case of the Immanu-El, David has the same function in the an-
nouncement of Jerusalems deliverance in Isa. 37:21-35. This function
does not only apply to the deliverance of Jerusalem, but also to Heze-
the God of
kiahs salvation. Isaiah, therefore, speaks about
your (= Hezekiahs) father David ( Ahaz) in Isa. 38:5-6.
3. At a semantic level, the words peace in Isa. 9:5 and 38:17; 39:8,
kingship in 9:6 and 37:16 and
spirit in 11:2-4 and 38:16 con-
stitute this realisation as well.
4. The announcement of Jerusalems deliverance in Isa. 37:30-32 implies
an abundance of food, among others indicated using the word har-
vest. This abundance also occurs in Isa. 7:15 in the sign of the Immanu-
El using the term coagulant and, in the follow-up texts concerning
the Immanu-El, using the word harvest in 9:2 and the thematic issue
of the fertility in 11:1.
5. Finally, the core term, directed to the implied reader in the verses 9c-d
in chapter 7, confidence (the root ), occurs in the Hezekiah-narratives
in Isa. 38:3, 18-19; 39:8.
Although all these aspects seem to create a realisation of the Immanu-El
in Hezekiah, Hezekiah, nevertheless, does not coincide with the Im-
manu-El: he only seems to be the realisation of the Immanu-El.
1. The position of the terms peace and truth in Isa. 39:8
clearly indicates that Hezekiah is not the Immanu-El. Apart from that,
the deliverance of Jerusalem in Hezekiahs days appears to be only a
temporal liberation.
2. In chapter 39, the same becomes clear in the fact that the character
Hezekiah shows everything to the Babylonian delegation; an act con-
cerning which the character prophet Isaiah is not amused. Hezekiah ap-
pears not to be able to distinguish fully between good and evil, as the
Immanu-El is able to do (Isa. 7:15).
3. In this way, it also becomes clear that the positive relation with the
nations, which is described concerning the Immanu-El in chapter 11, is
not realised with Hezekiah.
Nonetheless, there is still another aspect in the relation between the
Kings Hezekiah and Ahaz: their continuation.
84 A.L.H.M. VAN WIERINGEN
Ahaz is out of the picture. In Isa. 7:11-12, he refuses the sign offered
to him, whereupon the prophet Isaiah gives another sign, not to him, but
to the house of David: the Immanu-El is the sign that the house of David
and thus Jerusalem will go on, in spite of and in contrast with Ahaz.
Hezekiah behaves in a different way than Ahaz did: he complies with
the prophet Isaiah and accepts the sign which Isaiah offers to him on
behalf of God. However, his continuation too is at stake. Hezekiah gets
ill. This situation is the central issue in chapter 38, which functions as a
parallel narrative to Isa. 36-37: while Jerusalem is besieged, King Heze-
kiah falls ill in Jerusalem.
Of course, the implied reader, familiar with confidence, because of
the reader-oriented techniques which he has already experienced, under-
stands that, exactly as Jerusalem is saved in Isa. 36-37, King Hezekiah
too will be saved, all the more because of the fact that both Jerusalem
and Hezekiah form a unity. Chapter 38, therefore, is, as it were, not
meant for building confidence on the implied readers part, but on the
part of the character Hezekiah, exactly as Ahaz confidence was at issue
in Isa. 7:1-9b, 10-17.
The difference between the characters Hezekiah and Ahaz is the most
manifest concerning their attitude with regard to Gods signs. Within the
narrative of the chapters 36-37, a first sign is formulated in Isa. 37:20,
expressed by the prophet Isaiah, addressed to Hezekiah. The acceptance
is indirectly assumed because of the successful outcome for the besieged
Jerusalem.
In chapter 38, this contrast between the characters Ahaz and Hezekiah
is explicitly increased introducing a new sign, with a special focus on
Hezekiah himself. Whereas Ahaz refuses the sign and does not want to
ask for a sign (Isa. 7:10-12) and whereas, instead of the sign refused, a
different sign is given by the prophet Isaiah (7:14b-15), Hezekiah does
accept the sign (38:7-8) and he does ask for a sign himself (38:22).
Semantically, the sheol plays a special part here. In Isa. 7:11,
Ahaz was allowed to ask for a sign even in the depth. The
sheol, however, is not a nice place: it is the place where Hezekiah does
not wish to go to because of Gods absence (Isa. 38:10, 18). In this way,
the character Hezekiah not only contrasts with the character Ahaz, but
also with the sheol. By the way, it is striking that Babel, which turns up
in chapter 39, is connected to the sheol in Isa. 14:9, 11, 15.
As a demonstration of Hezekiahs faith, chapter 38 contains a writing
concerning Hezekiah, in which the I-figure sings how he got close to the
sheol and came back with Gods help, so that he is able again to enter the
house of the Lord. In this poem, a shift occurs from the I-figure to a we-
DISEASED KING AND DISEASED CITY 85
group, exactly at the moment that the salvation has become reality (verse
20). Because of this, a parallellity arises with the sign of the ,
Immanu-El, in which a we-group becomes manifest as well, contrasting
with Ahaz.
In this way, the implied reader is invited, once again, to get involved
in a we-group. To make this relation possible between the implied reader
and the we-group, Hezekiahs request for a sign is narrated after the
genesis of the we-group. Because of the fact that the narrative is told
chronologically (after all, both verbal forms
in the verses 21-22 are
not plusquamperfecta, but narrativi), the narrative ends with Hezekiahs
question concerning a sign for his ascent to the house of the Lord (verse
22). Subsequently, it is assumed that the implied reader is able to answer
this narrative final question, to go up to the house of the Lord in Jerusa-
lem.
The character Hezekiah is related not only to the character Ahaz, but also
to the characters Assur and Babel. Hezekiah evokes the shift from Assur,
the main external enemy in the chapters 1-39, to Babel, the main external
enemy in 40-66. This shift is possible because of the fact that both the
hostile Assur and the hostile Babel come to Jerusalem in the chapters 36-
39. In this way, Hezekiah is a reader-oriented bridge over the gap be-
tween Isa. 1-39 and 40-66.
In Isa. 36-37, Assur even comes (in Isa. 36:1 expressed using the verb
), in a double movement, first from Lakish (in 36:2 the verb is
used) and next from Libnah (in 37:8 the verbs and are used).
This double military movement is answered by Hezekiah making a dou-
ble movement as well, namely to the house of the Lord: in Isa. 37:1, this
movement is described using the verb to come, and, in 37:14, using
the verb to go up. Both times, Hezekiahs ascent to the house of the
Lord is accompanied by a religious act: the first time, he tears his clothes
and puts on a sack (Isa. 37:1), the second time, he prays in the house of
the Lord (37:15-20). Both times, the house of the Lord is the spatial d-
cor where Hezekiah receives Isaiahs prophecy of deliverance. The con-
trast between Assur and Hezekiah (and, in the background, between
Ahaz reaction to the military threat and Hezekiahs reaction) is obvious.
However, a different coming to Jerusalem occurs as well; a coming of
Babel in Isa. 39. From the perspective of all the hostile comings, this
coming of Babel immediately evokes the question to the implied reader,
as to how the Babylonian coming should be evalued.
86 A.L.H.M. VAN WIERINGEN
powerful. Or, could Eserhaddon himself have had a hand in the murder,
seeing that he implicitly gives the murderers safe-conduct? In that case,
however, the murder is even more sarcastic.
In short: in the book Isaiah, every threatening approach, both Assurs
coming in Ahaz time and Assurs coming in Hezekiahs time, is por-
trayed as a coming which will not succeed and which will end in a hu-
miliating retreat. Babels crypto-threat in the form of his delegation,
however, only seems to be a contrast. Not only does the delegation really
enter Jerusalem and is shown everything, even the military things, but
neither does the text narrate that the delegation leaves Jerusalem. Be-
cause of the fact that Hezekiah welcomes the Babylonian delegation,
Babel is already present in Jerusalem. It is clear to the implied reader that
Babel remains present in Jerusalem as a time bomb.
The narration Isa. 39, therefore, is a totally different story from the narra-
tive texts in the chapters 36-38. It is not about Assur, it is about Babel.
Both the character Hezekiah and the implied reader have learned to have
confidence and they have both proved they are able to show this confi-
dence. Both the character Hezekiah and the implied reader have learned
this by their own routes in the narrations in Isa. 36-38. How will they
practise their confidence in chapter 39?
The character Hezekiah reacts with enthusiasm to Babels coming and
shows everything to Babel in verse 2, his financial possibilities
the treasury house, silver, gold), his religious possibilities
( the perfumery, the good oil), as well as his military
possibilities ( the armoury house, the storerooms). What
does the character Hezekiah intend? For a war, you need weapons, and,
in case of a lengthy siege, stores and provisions, of course money, and, to
maintain Babels assistance, a religious deal. However, nowhere in the
narration, is mentioned that Hezekiah has real war plans himself. Maybe
the character Hezekiah is only audacious? A feeling of immunity which
grows into a daring confidence? However, neither does the narration give
exact information about such an attitude. Nevertheless, it is clear that the
character prophet Isaiah is furious. On behalf of God, he announces the
coming of days (verse 6), as he announced the coming of days
to Ahaz (Isa. 7:16-17). Like the days related to Ahaz are filled with
the King of Assur (Isa. 7:17), the days related to Hezekiah are filled
with the King of Babel (39:7). In Isa. 7:17, these days come
over Ahaz and his people ( over you and over your people),
in 39:7, they come over Hezekiahs sons ( your sons). Whereas Ahaz
is not spared, Hezekiah is, but his sons are not.
88 A.L.H.M. VAN WIERINGEN
At the level of the characters, Hezekiah bridges the gap between Isa.
39:8 and 40:1 once again. As a king, Hezekiah is the personification of
the community, concerning which he has the leader function. Parallel to
the Immanu-El, therefore, he creates a we-group in recovering from his
illness. Because of the fact that Hezekiah is not the definitive realisation
of the Immanu-El, however, this incomplete realisation before the ellipse
between Isa. 39:8 and 40:1 evokes a new realisation after the ellipse.
In this process, the word King is not decisive. After all, in the de-
scription of the Immanu-El the word King is expressly avoided (for
example, see the word leader in Isa. 9:5). The leader role, therefore,
can be shaped in the chapters 40-66 in the role of the Servant.4
In the book Isaiah, the parallellity between the Servant and the royal
leader figure is increased because of the fact that there are only two ill
4
For an elaborated discussion, see: A.L.H.M. van Wieringen, op. cit., 141-6.
DISEASED KING AND DISEASED CITY 89
Hezekiah evokes continuation from Isa. 1-39 to 40-66 not only because
of his contrast to Ahaz and because of his parallellities with the Immanu-
El, but also because of his involvement in the reader-oriented aspect
time.
According to the heading in Isa. 1:1, Hezekiah belongs in the series of
Judean Kings Uzziah, Jotham and Ahaz. Whereas, only the year of death
of Uzziah is mentioned (Isa. 6:1) and
Jotham is only indirectly
present in the text (7:1), Ahaz is introduced as such in 7:1 and he is
mentioned as acting character in the verses 3, 10 and 12 of chapter 7 as
well.
5
Confer also: M. Barker, Hezekiahs Boil, JSOT 95 (2001), 38-9; Z. Kustr,
Durch seine Wunden sind wir geheilt: Eine Untersuchung zur Metaphorik von
Israels Krankheit und Heilung im Jesajabuch (BWANT 154), Stuttgart 2002, 42-219.
90 A.L.H.M. VAN WIERINGEN
After chapter 7, the proper name Ahaz occurs in Isa. 14:28, where it is
used in an expression of time: in the year of death
of King Ahaz. This implies, that, from the perspective of the headings in
Isa. 1:1, Isa. 7:1-14:27 can be considered as related to the days of King
Ahaz and that, therefore, the days of King Hezekiah start in Isa. 14:28.
Finally, the proper name Ahaz occurs in Isa. 38:8. This text is a
part of the narration in Isa. 38:1-22, in which Hezekiahs illness and
recovery are narrated. In that narration, the proper name Ahaz is con-
nected to a kind of steps (verse 8). The ancient translations such as
the Targum ( ) 6 and the Vulgate (in horologio) 7 interpret this
as a kind of sundial, so that the proper name Ahaz is connected to a
time instrument. Anyhow, at the moment the shadows are getting longer,
night is falling. This aspect is metaphorically used to indicate the peril-
ous situation in which the character Hezekiah is situated. Using the
proper name Ahaz, the text refers to the comparable situation of the
character Ahaz in Isa. 7:1-17.
After the heading in Isa. 1:1, the proper name Hezekiah is not men-
tioned again till 36:1: in the fourteenth
year of King Hezekiah. This notice corresponds with the observation that
the days of King Hezekiah have already begun in Isa. 14:28; after all, in
36:1, Hezekiah has already been king for fourteen years.
From this perspective, the time indication in Isa. 38:5 is important: the
Lord promises Hezekiah to add to his days fif-
teen years. This means that the implied reader in Isa. 36:1 is situated
roughly halfway through Hezekiahs period of being king. It seems that
Hezekiahs days have come to an end because of the siege of Jerusalem
and because of his illness; the days of King Hezekiah, conversely, are
merely halfway up. This corresponds with the expression in the Hezekiah
writing in Isa. 38:10: the rest of my years (the Vulgate strik-
ingly renders: in dimidio dierum meorum [in the midst of my days]).
All this evokes the question as to where in the text the days of King
Hezekiah end. This question is all the more interesting because, in con-
trast to the explicit mention of the death of both Uzziah and Ahaz and in
contrast to the implicit mention of Jothams death, the death of Hezekiah
is mentioned nowhere in the book Isaiah.
6
See: A. Sperber, The Bible in Aramaic based upon Old Manuscripts and Printed
Texts, vol. 3: The Latter Prophets according to Targum Jonathan, Leiden 1992 [=
1962], 77.
7
Confer also: A.L.H.M. van Wieringen, Notes on Isaiah 38-39, BN 102 (2000),
28.
DISEASED KING AND DISEASED CITY 91
After Jerusalems deliverance, the text creates an open end for the
chapters 38 and 39 as to the aspect of time. In chapter 38, the verses
21-22 form this open end, in which Hezekiah asks for a sign. After all,
this sign is not concerning Hezekiahs recovery; because, in verse 22,
Hezekiah is already recovered. The sign, asked for in verse 22, concerns
the issue whether Hezekiah will go up to the house of the Lord. In this
way, verse 22 refers to the conclusion of the Hezekiah writing, in which
an ascent up to the house of the Lord (verse 20) is connected
to the expression all the days of our life. The sign, asked for
in verse 22, is not given anywhere in the narration Isa. 36-39. Neither is
narrated anywhere that Hezekiah really goes up to the house of the Lord.
This is all the more striking because of the fact that, in the narration be-
fore Isa. 38:22, signs are given (37:30; 38:7) and Hezekiah does go up to
the house of the Lord (37:14). The narration in chapter 38, therefore, has
an open end.
In chapter 39, this open end is intensified. The character Isaiah furi-
ously reacts to the character Hezekiah, because he has shown everything
to the delegation from Babel. All the things shown have to do with
Hezekiahs house. The word house frequently occurs in chapter 39:
three times in verse 2, twice in verse 4 and once in verse 6. The expres-
sion the good oil in verse 2 suggests that the house of the
Lord is involved as well. Anyhow, an ascent to the house of the Lord is
not at issue. Isaiah, conversely, foresees in the events the decline of
Hezekiahs house. Days will come, he states in verse 6. Because of the
fact that, in verse 7, these days are about Hezekiahs sons, however,
these days, announced by Isaiah, are not the days of King Hezekiah. This
means that the implied reader is informed about days which are beyond
the days enumerated in the heading in Isa. 1:1:
in the days of Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, Hezekiah. When these new
days will be, is not communicated to the implied reader. Even more, the
last word in Isa. 39 is in my days (verse 8). This expression is about
Hezekiahs days, which seem to go on and which seem to be prosperous
with peace and truth.
From the perspective of the heading in Isa. 1:1, the implied reader
seems to be informed that the days of Hezekiah are present in 14:28-
66:24. It is true that this idea is not contradicted by any mention of
Hezekiahs death, but the announcement of days beyond the days of
Hezekiah in chapter 39 does. For the implied reader, it is of importance
when these days-beyond-Hezekiahs-days start. As from Isa. 40:1, this
appears to be the case. Comfort appears to be necessary, a situation
which does not match the situation of peace and truth in
92 A.L.H.M. VAN WIERINGEN
Hezekiahs days and which, therefore, can refer only to the days men-
tioned in Isa. 39:6.
This also implies that the (Babylonian) exile, as described in Isa. 39:6,
is present only in the form of the literary device ellipse, namely be-
tween 39:8 and 40:1: although the exile is not described in the text any-
where, the exile is nevertheless present. The text Isa. 40-66, therefore, is
beyond the time indication in the heading in 1:1; even more, the text 40-
66 is characterised by the absence of any heading, exactly because there
are no days anymore as mentioned in the heading in 1:1.
once again. From the perspective of Isa. 36-39, this discursor cannot be
anyone else than the narrator Isaiah.
As from Isa. 40:1, the implied reader is thus informed that the discur-
sor/narrator is continued from 38:8 to 40:1. Nevertheless, the implied
reader wonders whether this sender instance will have the proper name
Isaiah again. This will not be the case. The proper name Isaiah for the
sender instance discursor/narrator remains an aposiopesis in Isa. 40-66.
This aposiopesis, however, is carefully prepared in Isa. 1-39, in which
the proper name Isaiah for the discursor/narrator does not occur anymore
after 13:1 and only the character Isaiah still occurs in which the
discursor/narrator Isaiah takes shape at the characters level. The
implied reader, however, will meet a new character in Isa. 40-66 in
which the discursor/narrator takes shape again, namely the her-
aldess of good tidings / herald of good tidings.8
This new shaping of the discursor/narrator at the characters commu-
nicative level is also arranged by the conclusion of chapter 39. Because
of the fact that Isa. 39:5-8 indirectly mentions the death of the character
Hezekiah, the text indirectly mentions the death of the character prophet
Isaiah as well. For the implied reader, this evokes the question as to how
the prophet figure will be present at the characters level and as to who
will keep speaking on behalf of God, also in the days beyond the days of
the character Hezekiah. This question is answered in the character her-
aldess of good tidings / herald of good tidings, which is connected to
Jerusalem as a messenger (esp. Isa. 40:9-10) in the same way as the
character prophet Isaiah was connected to Jerusalem. This communica-
tive development is further emphasised by the explicit initiation of this
character by the character the Lord in Isa. 41:27.
In short: in a continued time, namely beyond the exile, with continued
characters, namely in the form of the Servant, in a continued communi-
cative setting, namely with the same discursor/narrator, however without
using its proper name anymore, but within a new characterisation in the
form of the heraldess of good tidings / herald of good tidings, the con-
tinuance of the book Isaiah in the chapters 40-66 is enabled by Hezekiah,
King in the city of Jerusalem.9
8
For an elaborated discussion, see: A.L.H.M. van Wieringen, op. cit., 110-7.
9
I am greatly indebted to Drs. Maurits J. Sinninghe Damst (Musselkanaal, the
Netherlands) for his correction of the English translation of this article.
ZION AND THE KINGSHIP OF YHWH IN ISAIAH 40-55
U. Berges
1. Introductory Remarks
That Zion and Jerusalem play a central role in the Book of Isaiah be-
comes immediately evident if one sees how often both terms occur in
this prophetic book:
Proto Isa. Deutero Isa. Trito Isa. total
Zion: 29 11 7 47
Jerusalem: 30 10 9 49
From a total of 154 times that Zion occurs in the Hebrew Bible, nearly
one third of the entries is to be found in the Isaianic corpus. This distri-
bution is even more impressive if one takes into account that Zion occurs
only 17 times in Jeremiah and not even once in Ezekiel (no entries either
in Hosea; Jonah; Nahum; Habakkuk; Haggai and Malachi).1
Regarding Jerusalem the statistic is less impressive but still worth no-
ticing: from a total of 669 times in the Hebrew Bible, Jerusalem figures
49 times in Isaiah, 107 times in Jeremiah and 26 times in Ezekiel but
there not even once in the chapters 40-48 which present the post-exilic
restoration of the temple and the priestly cult (again no entries in Hosea;
Jonah; Nahum; Habakkuk; Haggai). In comparison to Jeremiah and Eze-
kiel, it is only in Isaiah that Zion and Jerusalem are used with an equal
frequency throughout the book. In 17 cases both terms stand parallel to
each other and in none of them a pre-exilic provenience seems plausible.2
The present study builds upon some earlier publications on the posi-
tion of Zion / Jerusalem in the threefold division of the book, on her
1
Th. Renz, The Use of the Zion Tradition in the Book of Ezekiel, in: R.S. Hess;
G.J. Wenham (eds), Zion, City of Our God, Grand Rapids 1999, 97: God will not
return to Zion or the ark of his covenant, because Zion is a holy place and the ark a
guarantee of his presence, but Zion will again be a holy place (if Zion it will be),
because God will return to Zion. The best way to make sure that the priorities are
right, seems to have been not to mention Zion at all in the restoration program.
2
Isa. 2:3; 4:3, 4; 10:12, 32; 24:23; 30:19; 31:9; 33:20; 37:22, 32; 40:9; 41:27;
52:1, 2; 62:1; 64:9; that is more often than in the whole rest of the prophetic corpus:
Jer. 26:18; 51:35; Joel 3:5; 4:16, 17; Amos 1:2; Mic. 3:10, 12; 4:2, 8; Zeph. 3:14, 16;
Zech. 1:14, 17; 8:3; 9:9.
96 U. BERGES
personification and on the quality as the place where the new creation
takes shape.3 What will be analysed here is the function Zion / Jerusalem
plays in connection with the theme of the kingship of Yhwh in Isa. 40-
55.. The objective is not to re-open the debate about the so-called
Thronbesteigungsfest or to tackle the questions on the historical roots
of the concept of the kingship of Yhwh in the Hebrew Bible.4 What is of
interest here is the fact that in Isa. 40-55. the motif of Yhwh as king and
the one of Zion as imperial city profit from each other in a very special
way.
That the mlk-Yhwh-statements in the Hebrew Bible are intimately
connected with the tradition of Zion as the chosen dwelling place of
Yhwh is well known (cf. Exod. 15; Pss. 24; 29; Isa. 6).5 From the 13
times that Yhwh is the subject of qal in nearly all the places of this
poetic-liturgical usage (sic!) the connection with Zion / Jerusalem / tem-
ple is explicitly or implicitly made.6 This picture is to be completed with
the 41 times that Yhwh receives the titel in the Hebrew Bible. Again
the poetical usage is almost without exception (only 1 Sam. 12:12) and
one encounters this hymnical statement at some very crucial moments
(blessing of Bileam: Num. 23:21; Moses: Deut. 33:5; Nebuchadnezzar:
Dan 4:34). The Zion / Jerusalem-context plays explicitly or implicitly
once again an important role (Isa. 6:5; Jer. 8:19; Mal. 1:14; Zech. 14:9;
Zeph. 3:15; esp. in Pss. 24:7, 8, 9, 10; 29:10; 47:3, 7, 8; 48:3; 68:25;
74:12; 84:4; 95:3; 98:6; 99:4; 149:2). At times a strong polemical ten-
dency has to be noted; nobody else than Yhwh is king (cf. in the disputa-
tion speeches: Isa. 41:21; 43:15; 44:6) and nobody else can claim that
dignity (cf. Jer. 10:7, 10; 46:18; 48:15; 51:57).
The following conclusion of K. Seybold is very much to the point and
will serve as starting point for our investigation about the function of
Zion in the post-exilic restoration programme in Isa. 40-55: Er (=
3
U. Berges, Sion als thema in het boek Jesaja: Nieuwe exegetische benadering
en theologische gevolgen, TTh 39 (1999), 118-38; Idem, Die Zionstheologie des
Buches Jesaja, EstB 58 (2000), 167-98; Idem, Personifications and Prophetic
Voices of Zion in Isaiah and Beyond, in: J.C. de Moor (ed.), The Elusive Prophet:
The Prophet as a Historical Person, Literary Character and Anonymous Artist (OTS
45), Leiden 2001, 54-82; Idem, Gottesgarten und Tempel: Die neue Schpfung im
Jesajabuch, in: O. Keel, E. Zenger (eds), Gottesstadt und Gottesgarten: Zu
Geschichte und Theologie des Jerusalemer Tempels (QD 191), Freiburg 2002, 69-98.
4
Cf. the literature mentioned by K. Seybold, mlk, TWAT 4 (1984) col.
926-30.
5
See for the following data Ibidem.
6
Exod. 15:18; Isa. 24:23; 52:7; Ezek. 20:33; Mic. 4:7; Pss. 47:9; 93:1; 96:10 (= 1
Chron. 16:31); 97:1; 99:1; 146:10; The only real exception is the prosaic verse 1
Sam. 8:7.
ZION AND THE KINGSHIP OF YHWH IN ISAIAH 40-55 97
Yhwh) steht den Vlkern und ihren Gttern explizit als melek Israels
gegenber Die Theophanie des Weltenknigs dient dazu, die alte Re-
sidenz Zion wiederherzustellen. Darum soll die Botschaft verkndigt
werden, da auf Zion wieder sein Gott und kein anderer als Knig regie-
ren wird (52,7 perfektiver Aspekt in visionrer Perspektive). DtJes ak-
zentuiert (1) den universalen und zugleich partikularen, (2) den superla-
tivischen und (3) den eschatologischen Aspekt des Knig-Theolo-
gumenons, indem er schon angelegte Linien metaphorisch weiter aus-
zieht.
The question is: how does Deutero-Isaiah re-use the value
(Sinnraum) Zion / Jerusalem in order to affirm the kingship of Yhwh.
The term metaphorisch in Seybold has to be clarified (more in the
sense of mythological background).
What has to be stressed: the renewal of the Yhwh-mlk-creed by the re-
use of the Zion-tradition in the prophetic corpus,7 was not as successful
as it had been the case in the Psalms. Quite interesting is the fact that Isa.
52:7 is the last statement about the kingship of Yhwh in Isaiah.8
7
Ibidem, 952: Mic. 2:13; 4:7; Obad. 21; Zeph. 3:15; Jer. 3:17; 10:7, 10; 17:12;
51:57; Mal. 1:14.
8
Against W. Eichrodt, Theologie des Alten Testaments, 3 Bde, Stuttgart, etc.
3
1957-1961 (11933-1939), 125: Der Gebrauch des Knigstitels gerade fr Jahves
Herrschaft ber die Vlker brgerte sich mehr und mehr ein (cf. Ps. 22:29; Isa.
24:23; Zech. 14:16f).
9
Jacob: Isa. 40:27; 41:8, 14, 21; 42:24; 43:1, 22, 28; 44:1, 2, 5, 21, 23; 45:4, 19;
46:3; 48:1, 12, 20; 49:5, 6, 26 (mostly followed by Israel; only in Isa. 41:8 preceded
by it); thereafter in 58:1, 14; 59:20; 60:16; 65:9.
10
Jerusalem: Isa. 40:2, 9; 41:27; 44:26, 28; 51:17; 52:1, 2, 9; Zion: 40:9; 41:27;
98 U. BERGES
13
O. Keel, Die Welt der altorientalischen Bildsymbolik und das Alte Testament:
Am Beispeil der Psalmen, Neukirchen/Zrich, etc. 1972, 47.
14
J. Werlitz, Redaktion und Komposition: Zur Rckfrage hinter die Endgestalt
von Jesaja 40-55 (BBB 122), Bonn, etc. 1999, 2: Gegenber Jes 40-48 mit seiner
Auszugsperspektive liegt also in Jes 49-55 deutlich Ankunftsperspektive vor.
15
See still the fundamental study of J.-F. Sprockhoff, Religise Lebensformen
und Gestalt der Lebensrume: ber das Verhltnis von Religionsgeographie und
Religionswissenschaft, Numen 11 (1964), 85-146; and also K. Hoheisel, Religions-
geographie, HRWG 1 (1988), 108-20; G. Rinschede, Religionsgeographie (Das
Geographische Seminar), Braunschweig 1999; D. Pezzoli-Olgiati, Immagine urbane:
Interpretatione religiose della cit antica (OBO), Freiburg/Gttingen 2002, 21f.
16
Still very helpful A. Schwarzenbach, Die geographische Terminologie im Heb-
rischen des Alten Testaments, Leiden 1954; H. Weippert, Altisraelitische Welter-
fahrung: Die Erfahrung von Raum und Zeit nach dem Alten Testament, in: H.-P.
Mathys (ed.), Ebenbild Gottes Herrscher ber die Welt: Studien zur Wrde und
Auftrag des Menschen (BThS 33), Neukirchen 1998, 9-34.
100 U. BERGES
cally from such geographic data17 but that they have to be placed in what
is called a mental map, i.e. an inner model of perception, evaluation
and interpretation of these selected items. 18 To put it simply: temples,
royal cities, kingly gardens, city-walls, gates, wilderness, desert, rivers,
hills, mountains etc were experienced not only and in the first place as
geographic items or architectural entities but as road-signs for the reli-
gious and social identity. They show individuals and groups where they
are, what position they occupy in their own world.19 Thus the question
here is the following: what is the place of Zion / Jerusalem in the mental
map of exilic-postexilic Israel as it is encoded in the Isaianic literature?
First of all, as the city of Yhwhs dwelling place Jerusalem occupies
the central position in the mental map of Biblical Israel and especially in
the Book of Isaiah. This is to be seen in the fact that in no other prophetic
book Jerusalem / Zion plays in all parts such an important role; further-
more the inclusion of the Book of Isaiah by the chapters 1-2; 66 and the
central position of Isa. 36-39 strengthen the centrality of Jerusalem. The
invitation towards the nations to receive Gods Tora from mount Zion in
Jerusalem (Isa. 2:2-4) and their pilgrimage there to at the end of the book
(chapter 66) shows clearly that Zion and Jerusalem stand in the centre of
the horizontal axis in this perception of the world. Everything what is not
included in the realm of the sacred city belongs to the periphery20 which
is characterized by wilderness, desert, fierce and unclean animals, de-
mons and also by aggressive uncivilized persons (the contrast is perfectly
seen in the diptychon of Isa. 34-35).21
But by the location of the sanctuary of Yhwh in Jerusalem the holy
city presents not only the centre of the horizontal but also that of the
vertical axis of the whole world. As it is clearly seen in Isa. 6 the Jerusa-
lem temple connects the earthly domain with the heavenly realm. The
17
K. Hoheisel, art. cit., 116: Zeugnisse fr entsprechende Landschaftswahrneh-
mungen, mental maps, mssen den Zusammenhang zustzlich besttigen.
18
R.M. Downs, D. Stea (eds), Image and Environment: Cognitive Mapping and
spatial Behavior, Chicago 1973, 9: Cognitive mapping is a process of a series of
psychological transformations by which an individual acquires, codes, stores, recalls,
and decodes informations about the relative locations of phenomena in his spatial
environment (quoted from: R. Gehlen, Welt und Ordnung: Zur soziokulturellen
Dimension von Raum in frhen Gesellschaften (RWR 8), Marburg 1995, 124).
19
R. Gehlen, op. cit., 124: Mental maps sind Hilfsmittel fr die Orientierung, die
jedoch nicht nur ein Wissen, wo man sich befindet, sondern auch wohin man
gehrt beinhalten.
20
Cf. B. Pongratz-Leisten, Mental map und Weltbild in Mesopotamien, in: B.
Janowski, B. Ego (eds), Das biblische Weltbild und Seine altorientalische Kontexte
(FAT 32), Tbingen 2001, 272-3; R. Gehlen, op. cit., 111.
21
See the importance of midbar in Isa. 35:1, 6; 40:3; 41:18, 19; 42:11; 43:19;
43:20; 50:2; 51:3; 63:13; 64:9 (furthermore in 14:17; 16:1, 8; 21:1; 27:10; 32:15, 16).
ZION AND THE KINGSHIP OF YHWH IN ISAIAH 40-55 101
city with its temple was thus experienced as the axis mundi where the
horizontal and the vertical lines come together.22
Mount Zion, in liturgical confession elevated to be the highest of the
mountains (cf. Pss. 46; 48; 93-100) was additionally perceived as the
Urhgel where Yhwh dominated the waters of chaos and transformed
them into the four life giving rivers (Gen. 2:10-14). In Zion the garden of
Eden was located (Isa. 51:3) and the inner decoration of the temple and
the artefacts in the temple area made clear that here one enters the cos-
mic centre of creation. Thus the axis mundi was experienced at the same
time as imago mundi. This mapping of Jerusalem as the city of Yhwh
and of mount Zion as the place of his earthly abode (Isa. 8:16: Yhwh
Zebaoth, who dwells on Mount Zion: ) has
analogies in the conception of other imperial and / or temple cities in the
Ancient World.23 These cities build by or under the auspices of the Gods,
elevated above and protected against the forces of chaos and destruction,
were experienced as holy spaces as sacred landscapes where the
communication with the divine powers of creation were assured by the
priestly elite. The last aspect has always to be kept in mind while relying
on the mental maps of holy cities. The most persuasive witnesses to a
locative, imperial world-view are the production of well organized, self-
conscious scribal elites who had a deep vested interest in restricting mo-
bility and valuing place. The texts are, by and large, the production of
temples and royal courts and provide their raison dtre the temple,
upon which the priests and scribs income rested, as Center and mi-
crocosm... In most cases one cannot escape the suspicion that, in the
locative map of the world, we are encountering a self-serving ideology
which ought not to be generalized into the universal pattern of religious
experience and expression.24
22
See B. Janowski, Die heilige Wohnung des Hchsten: Kosmologische Impli-
kationen der Jerusalemer Tempeltheologie, in: O. Keel, E. Zenger (eds), Gottesstadt
und Gottesgarten: Zu Geschichte und Theologie des Jerusalemer Tempels (QD 191),
Freiburg 2002, 229-60.
23
See S.M. Maul, Die altorientalische Hauptstadt Abbild und Nabel der
Welt, in: G. Wilhelm (ed.), Die orientalische Stadt: Kontinuitt, Wandel, Bruch
(Colloquium der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 1), Saarbrcken 1997, 109-24 (he
focuses on Babylon, Nippur, Assur; but see an analogous concept in case of the
in the central sanctuary of Delphi). Cf. furthermore A.R. George, Bond of
the Lands, Babylon, the cosmic capital, in: G. Wilhelm (ed.), Die orientalische
Stadt: Kontinuitt, Wandel, Bruch (Colloquium der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft
1), Saarbrcken 1997, 125-45; and W. Sallaberger, Nippur als religises Zentrum
Mesopotamiens im historischen Wandel, in: G. Wilhelm (ed.), Die orientalische
Stadt: Kontinuitt, Wandel, Bruch (Colloquium der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft
1), Saarbrcken 1997, 147-68.
24
J.M. Smith, Map is not Territory: Studies in the History of Religions (SJLA
102 U. BERGES
With this in mind one can even more appreciate the enormous loss
which must have presented the destruction of Jerusalem and its sanctuary
by the Babylonians in 587/6 BCE for the theologians of the Yhwh-
religion in Judah and beyond.25 Not the exile and hardships as such were
the greatest problems (cf. Lam.) but the apparent defeat of Yhwhs king-
ship and his loss of control over the forces of chaos which invaded the
sacred space (cf. Lam. 1:10). Through the destruction of the temple (not
reported in Isaiah) the vertical axis by which connected heaven and earth
was broken and chaos challenged the cosmic order. The destruction of
Jerusalem, the royal city, effected also the horizontal axis. The devasta-
tion of Jerusalem and her city walls brought the fauna and flora of the
wilderness into the holy city (see Lam.) and made her part of the domain
of the chaotic forces (dryness or flood; life-threatened environment; Isa.
34).
all upon the return of exiles from Babylonia through the terra inter-
media back to Zion but on Yhwhs renewed care for his people. The
motif of God as shepherd ought to be interpreted in this sense and should
not be reduced to the affirmation of Yhwh as king.27 A look onto the
mental map of biblical Israel with at the periphery the cosmic mountains
(cf. Mic. 1:3-4; Amos 4:13; Hab. 3:6) and in between the wilderness
shows how Yhwhs glory ( )reaches the centre of the world. The
communication from heaven to earth does not proceed via the sanctuary
as it was the case in Isa. 6 (sic!) but through Zion / Jerusalem herself. It
is a high mountain ( ) that the personified royal city spreads the
good tidings to the [devastated] cities of Judah (v. 9; cf. Isa. 6:11; 44:26;
54:3; 61:4).
Only with the strategic position of Zion / Jerusalem in mind one can
appreciate the intimate connection between the restoration of Jerusalem,
the rebuilding of the ruins of the Judean cities (
( ) Isa. 44:26) and
the command at the deep water to dry up (( ) 44:27)28 together with
the command given to Cyrus by Yhwh to lay the foundations of the new
Jerusalem temple (( ) 44:28).29
The restoration of the ruins and the drying up of deep waters are the
two aspects of one and the same divine act: They shall be rebuilt, and I
will raise up their ruins (
;) who says to the deep, Be
dry (
) I will dry up your rivers; who says of Cyrus, He is
my shepherd, and he shall carry out all my purpose; and who says of
Jerusalem, It shall be rebuilt, and of the temple, Your foundation shall
be laid (
( ) Isa. 44:26-28).
Finally it is through the re-foundation of the temple ( )in the midst
of the restored city of Jerusalem that the chaotic forces which evaded
Yhwhs city and his house are again put under control. In the Babylonian
mental map (cf. Enuma Elish) the temple of Marduk, the esagil, was the
place from where all life came forth, including Marduk himself, and that
temple was constructed above the aps, the primordial waters.30 In the
27
See R. Hunziker-Rodewald, Hirt und Herde: Ein Beitrag zum alttestamentli-
chen Gottesverstndnis (BWANT 155), Stuttgart 2001, 137-9.
28
LXX saw this connection also and translates accordingly: (v. 26) and
(v. 27). For the mythical significance of the sea, cf. O. Kaiser, Die my-
thische Bedeutung des Meeres in gypten, Ugarit und Israel (BZAW 78), Berlin
3
1962 (11959).
29
See also R.G. Kratz, Kyros im Deuterojesaja-Buch: Redaktionsgeschichtliche Un-
tersuchungen zu Entstehung und Theologie von Jes 40-55 (FAT 1), Tbingen 1991,
88.
30
Cf. B. Janowski, Das biblische Weltbild: Eine methodologische Skizze, in: B.
Janowski, B. Ego (eds), Das biblische Weltbild und Seine altorientalische Kontexte
(FAT 32), Tbingen 2001, 3-26; F. Hartenstein, Wolkendunkel und Himmelfeste:
104 U. BERGES
mental map of the Hebrew Bible the temple of Yhwh in Jerusalem was
the axis mundi, where heaven and earth are connected (Isa. 6) and where
the creation of all life took place.31 This belief in the secure foundation of
Zion on top of the holy mountains () , i.e. on top of the
mythical world-mountain, is clearly expressed in Ps. 87.32 The waters of
chaos and destruction are converted in her to the four life giving rivers
which assure fertility and prosperity (Gen. 2:10-14; cf. Pss. 36:9; 46:5;
65:10; Ezek. 47:1-12; Zech. 14:8; Joel 4:18).33 Therefore all the members
of the nations drawing near to mount Zion will sing: All my springs are
( ) Ps. 87:7).34 This concurs with what one encounters
in you (
in the restoration programme for Zion in the Book of Isaiah: it is through
the [re]-foundation of the sanctuary in Jerusalem that the chaotic forces
are subdued and security is again reassured. The huge cultic object of the
molten sea ( ) with a diameter of nearly 5 meters and a height of
around 2,5 meters (1 Kgs 7:23-26), standing in the Jerusalem temple
symbolized the victory of Yhwh over the waters of chaos and their trans-
formation into the life assuring ocean of freshwaters.35
The creator of the earth and of humankind, the one who expanded the
heavens and gave order to its stars, levelled the path for Cyrus, the king
of the Medes and the Persians, to rebuild Jerusalem and to release his
; LXX: ) (Isa. 45:13).36 What
captives (
surprises here and in the earlier passage is the fact that just in the context
of the rebuilding of Jerusalem and the release of the Gola no explicit
mention is made of a return home to Zion and Judah.37 Instead, it is un-
Zur Genese und Kosmologie der Vorstellung des himmlischen Heiligtums JHWHs,
in: B. Janowski, B. Ego (eds), Das biblische Weltbild und Seine altorientalische
Kontexte (FAT 32), Tbingen 2001, 125-80; B. Pongratz-Leisten, art. cit.; Maul, art.
cit., 114ff.
31
Cf. M. Grg, Wo lag das Paradies?: Einige Beobachtungen zu einer alten
Frage, in: BN 2 (1977), 23-32.
32
See the interpretation in F.-L. Hossfeld, E. Zenger, Psalmen 51-100 (Herders
Theologischer Kommentar zum Alten Testament), Freiburg/Basel, etc. 2000, 548ff.
33
B. Ego, Die Wasser der Gottesstadt: Zu einem Motiv der Zionstradition und
seinen kosmologischen Implikationen, in: B. Janowski, B. Ego (eds), Das biblische
Weltbild und Seine altorientalische Kontexte (FAT 32), Tbingen 2001, 361-89.
34
LXX reads [].
35
See the discussion and literature in B. Ego, art.cit., 382f. Her conclusion that
the destruction of the Jerusalem temple in 587 caused a break between symbol and
reality has to be modified: the Deutero-Isaianic texts which she did not consider
show that the symbolism of the life assuring waters in Zion plays an important role in
the restoration programme of the book of Isaiah.
36
K. Baltzer, Deutero-Jesaja (KAT 10/2), Gtersloh 1999, 274-5 sees in the
twice explicit mentioning of Cyrus the turning point in the drama: In seiner Person
wird die Wende deutlich.
37
This fact is rightly seen by K. Kiesow, Exodustexte im Jesajabuch: literarkri-
ZION AND THE KINGSHIP OF YHWH IN ISAIAH 40-55 105
derlined that Egypt, Ethiopia and the Sabeans will come in chains to
Zion (to you sg. fem.) to serve her and to confess that in her the only
true God dwells (Isa. 45:14). With the release of the captives through the
Persian king, not Marduk or Ahura-Mazda showed their power but
Yhwh, the God who resides in Zion and who created the world not as a
chaos but as a place to be inhabited (( ) Isa.
45:18). Neither did he say to the offspring of Jacob to seek him in chaos
(again: tohu), but in his right and true words and declarations (Isa.
45:19). What is more: the release from exile effects not only the Judean
deportees but also those from the nations who equally suffered under
Babylonian imperialism. These survivors from the nations ( )
should realize that they were set free not by the power of their wooden
idols but by the power of the only righteous God and Saviour (
) (Isa. 45:20-21). The rebuilding of Zion and the temple
and the release of the captives from Babylon effect the whole inhabited
world. All the ends of the earth (
) and every knee ( )
shall acknowledge that Yhwh is the only God and that in him are right-
eousness and strength ( ; ) (Isa. 45:22-23; cf.
46:9). But this process of a world-wide recognition of Yhwh as the only
true God and Saviour has to start with the remnant of the people of God
(
( ) Isa. 46:3). The greatest resistance
which Yhwh encounters does not come from the Babylonian gods or
from the imperial city of Babel their powerlessness becomes evident
in Isa. 46-47 but from the stubborn unbelief of his own people (
) which keeps it [still] far away from deliv-
erance ( ( ) Isa. 46:12). Their unbelief is not directed
against Yhwhs power to break the Babylonian dominion but against his
promise to guarantee a new future for Zion and Israel. Therefore Yhwh
makes it very clear that neither his salvation in Zion will tarry nor his
glory for Israel (Isa. 46:13) ( ;
).
tische und motivgeschichtliche Analysen (OBO 24), Fribourg/Gttingen 1979, but his
solution: Exodus without Zion (ohne Zielperspektive) in 40-48 is not fully to the
point. But also H.J. Hermisson, Deuterojesaja (BKAT 11/2), Neukirchen-Vluyn
1987-2003 (Jacob and Zion as two figures of the people of God) is not enough.
106 U. BERGES
Judah (sic!) make the same experience as those who left centuries earlier
Egypt for the promised land: They did not thirst when he led them
through the deserts; he made water flow for them from the rock; he split
open the rock and the water gushed out (Isa. 48:21; cf. Exod. 17:1-7;
Num. 20:1-13). Thus the motif of water forms an inclusion around the
whole of Isa. 48. Following the logic of this chapter only those from the
exiles who put their decision to leave Babylonia really into practice be-
long to his servant Jacob (( ) v. 20) and only these do experi-
ence the marvels of divine guidance (v. 21). This is in contrast to what
happened during the first exodus from Egypt where all the Israelites
marched out of the land of oppression (cf. Exod. 12:37f). The exodus-
typology is clearly present in Isa. 48:20-21 but it did not develop into a
narration of the long journey back to Zion and Judah. Actually there is
not one place in the Hebrew Bible where the so-called second Exodus is
presented in concreto; names of places or people are never mentioned,
neither do we hear about the actual route back home! This lack of infor-
mation underlines that what matters is not the presentation of the actual
way home through the desert but the divine help by his guidance in the
ruins [of the devastated Jerusalem] ( ( ) LXX: '
). Through the choice of the word ruins ( ) the second
exodus motif is integrated into the motif of the restoration of Jerusalem
and Judah in post-exilic times. The root I. with its two basic mean-
ings to be dry and to be desolate41 was very useful to express the
theological conviction of Deutero-Isaiah that Yhwh was the God who
could master the forces of nature and of history alike.42 Thus he was the
one who made the sea (papyrus sea?) dry land ( ) so
that the first exodus group could pass through the chaotic forces to flee
from the land of Egypt (Exod. 14:21). The reuse of this text in Ps. 106:9
makes clear that the most important point is seen in the life preserving
guidance of Yhwh: He rebuked the Red Sea, and it became dry (;)
he led them through the deep as through a desert (
) .
41
D.J. Clines (ed.), The Dictionary of Classical Hebrew, vol. 3: , Sheffield
1996, 306-7.
42
O. Kaiser, hrab, TWAT 3 (1982) col. 161: Die theologische Verwen-
dung des Verbs wie der abgeleiteten Nomina ergibt sich aus dem Glauben an JHWHs
Herrschaft ber den als Wirkungszusammenhang verstandenen einen Bereich von
Natur und Geschichte.
108 U. BERGES
43
But see also the same image of Zion as a garden in Jer. 31:12 and Lam. 2:6; in
Isa. 58:11 this motif is individualized: and you shall be like a watered garden, like a
spring of water, whose waters never fail. Wider spread is the expression from Gen.
2-3 garden of Eden (Ezek. 28:11-19; 31:8-9, 16, 18; 36:35; Joel 2:3).
44
B.D. Sommer, A Prophet Reads Scripture: Allusion in Isaiah 40-66, Stanford
1998, 79, points out that these passages are connected by the word-play their ruines
(
( ) Isa. 51:3) and their swords (
( ) Isa. 2:4).
45
M. Dietrich, Das biblische Paradies und der babylonischen Tempelgarten:
berlegungen zur Lage des Garten Eden, in: B. Janowski, B. Ego (eds), Das bibli-
sche Weltbild und Seine altorientalische Kontexte (FAT 32), Tbingen 2001, 281-
324; cf. M. Novk, Die orientalische Residenzstadt: Funktion, Entwicklung und
Form, in: G. Wilhelm (ed.), Die orientalische Stadt: Kontinuitt, Wandel, Bruch
(Colloquium der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 1), Saarbrcken 1997, 182f (knig-
liche Grten in assyrischen Residenzstdten); K. Sthler, Der Grtner als Herr-
scher, in: R. Albertz (ed.), Religion und Gesellschaft: Studien zu ihrer Wechselbe-
ziehung in den Kulturen des Antiken Vorderen Orients 1 (AOAT 248), Mnster 1997,
109-14; A. Hultgrd, Das Paradies: Vom Park des Perserknigs zum Ort der Seli-
gen, in: M. Hengel et al. (eds), La Cit de Dieu: Die Stadt Gottes (WUNT 129),
ZION AND THE KINGSHIP OF YHWH IN ISAIAH 40-55 109
49
For the demarcation of this macrostructure see M.C.A. Korpel, J.C. de Moor,
The Structure of Classical Hebrew Poetry: Isaiah 40-55 (OTS 41), Leiden 1998,
542-4.
50
See the anti-mythological corrections and omissions of LXX: the addressee in
51:9a is not any more the arm of Yhwh but Jerusalem (
) and v. 9b (the slaughter of the sea monster) is omitted all together; see
J.L. Koole, Isaiah 49-55 (Historical Commentary on the Old Testament 2/3), Leuven
1998, 168-71.
51
For the interdependence between 51:11 and 35:9b-10 see below (see the differ-
ent translation in the LXX of the terms: it seems that LXX 35:10 reads it more in the
direction of the gathering from the diaspora).
52
J. Day, Gods Conflict with the Dragon and the Sea: Echoes of a Canaanite
myth in the Old Testament (University of Cambridge Oriental publications 35), Cam-
bridge 1985, 38ff., 56f.; J. Blenkinsopp, op. cit., 332, who mentions in this context
also the Ugaritic myth of the fight of Baal against yam, the embodiment of primeval,
oceanic chaos (ANET 130-1).
ZION AND THE KINGSHIP OF YHWH IN ISAIAH 40-55 111
as one divine victory over the cosmic and historical forces of chaos. The
event of Israels liberation from the slavery of Egypt is re-enacted by
Yhwhs new initiative to path a way for the redeemed through the deep
waters. In contrast to Exod. 14-15 the sea is here not the site where lib-
eration takes place but the enemy against whom Yhwh acts in favour of
his people.53
On the other hand, like in Exod. 15, the act of liberation comes to full
completion only in the sanctuary of Yhwh [in Jerusalem]: In your stead-
fast love you led the people whom you redeemed ( ;) you
guided them by your strength to your holy abode (( ) v. 13).
That the sanctuary in Jerusalem is meant, is clarified by Exod. 15:17
beyond doubt: You brought them in and planted them on the mountain
of your own possession, the place, Yhwh, that you made your abode, the
sanctuary () , Adonai, that your hands have established. This is the
very first time in the Hebrew Bible that the word sanctuary is men-
tioned! In the restoration programme of Deutero-Isaiah. the emphasis lies
not on the temple but on Zion / Jerusalem as Gods firm foundation
where his people finds refuge and security.
The motif of Yhwhs dominion over the chaotic waters returns in Isa.
51:15: For I am Yhwh, your God, who stirs up the sea so that its waves
roar Yhwh Zebaoth is his name. But in addition to the earlier motif
of the chaotic waters in Isa. 51:9ff, Yhwhs creational activity is stressed
here. At the primordial time when Yhwh stretched out the heavens and
laid the foundation ( )of the earth he has hidden the inhabitants of
Zion in his hands: I have put my words in your mouth, and hidden you
in the shadow of my hand, stretching out the heavens and laying the
foundations of the earth, and saying to Zion, You are my people (Isa.
51:16). Against the roaring of the cosmic sea and its huge waves Yhwh
managed to create a firmament by separating the waters from the waters
(Gen. 1:6ff) and to give space for the appearance of Zion. Transgressing
all borders of time, the inhabitants of Zion were already in the hands of
Yhwh at the moment he founded heaven and earth.54 Thus Zion / Jerusa-
lem stands at the centre of the axis which connects heaven, earth and the
forces of chaos (vertical axis). It is the umbilicus mundi where Yhwh
53
E. Haag, Der Weg zum Baum des Lebens: Ein Paradiesmotiv im Buch Jesaja,
in: L. Ruppert, P. Weimar, E. Zenger (eds), Knder des Wortes: Beitrge zur Theo-
logie der Propheten (FS J. Schreiner), Wrzburg 1982, 44.
54
Against J. Blenkinsopp, op. cit., 334-5, who considers 51:16a possibly as an
editorial attempt to read the entire passage as addressed to the prophetic servant of
50:4-9.
112 U. BERGES
subdues once again the chaotic waters to secure once again his all em-
bracing kingship.
The re-creation of the temple-city could only have been conceived
as a reenthronement of YHWH after a long period in which his
palace lay in ruins, and his faithful subjects seemed abandoned
and helpless. The reconstruction of the temple-city was not only a
recovery of national honour, but also a renewal of the cosmos, of
which the Temple was a miniature. It is for this reason that
YHWH is here said not to build Jerusalem [Isa. 65:17-18; U.B.],
but to create it, just as he creates the new heaven and the new
earth.55
. Isa. 51:17-23: language of the Ancient Near Eastern city-laments and
the end of Jerusalems sufferings
In this second panel the main tradition used is not anymore that of the
mythical combat but that of the Ancient Near Eastern city-laments.56 In
these compositions which have literary followers down to the Seleucid
period one notices mostly at the end (in the Nippur-lament already in the
middle) a turning point from disaster and destruction to restoration and
return of the Gods:
Enlil speaks a friendly word to his son Sin:
May Ur be built in joy, may (its) people bow before you
May Ur, the city blessed by An, be restored for you
At the word spoken by An (and) Enlil, it (Ur) is delivered.
Father Nanna went head high to his city Ur,
The valiant Sin enters his Ekishnugal,
Ningal refreshes herself in her holy Ganum,
He (Sin) enters his Ekishnugal in Ur.
(LSUr 465ss; ANET 619s).57
In Isa. 51:17 the imperative to rouse and to get up is not anymore di-
rected to the arm of Yhwh but to Jerusalem herself who has drunken at
the hand of Yhwh the cup of his wrath, the bowl of staggering (
55
J.D. Levenson, Creation and the Persistence of Evil: The Jewish Drama of Di-
vine Omnipotence, San Francisco 1988, 78-99 (esp. 89-90); Idem, The Jerusalem
Temple in Devotional and Visionary Experience, in: A. Green (ed.), Jewish Spiritu-
ality: From the Bible through the Middle Ages, New York 1987, 32-61 (esp. 51-53);
Idem, The Temple and the World, JR 64 (1984), 275-98.
56
U. Berges, Klagelieder (Herders Theologischer Kommentar zum Alten Testa-
ment), Freiburg/Basel, etc. 2002, 46-52.
57
F.W. Dobbs-Allsopp, Weep, O Daughter of Zion: A Study of the City-Lament
Genre in the Hebrew Bible (BibOr 44), Roma 1993, 92-4.
ZION AND THE KINGSHIP OF YHWH IN ISAIAH 40-55 113
58
P. Tull Willey, Remember the Former Things: The Recollection of Previous
Texts in Second Isaiah (SBL.DS 161), Atlanta 1997, 164; she underlines also some
distinct discontinuities... the lament discussed cannibalism, but Second Isaiah only
suggests loss.
59
In vv. 1-2 both terms form a chiasm (ab//b'a'); in vv. 7-9 they are not mixed
(aa'//bb'). The absence of these words in vv. 3-6 and their prose-style speak in favour
of a later addition; thus P. Tull Willey, op. cit., 115; M.C.A. Korpel, J.C. de Moor,
op. cit., 543 suggest that vv. 4-6 were added.
60
Cf. 44:26; 48:21; 49:19; 51:3; 52:9; 58:12; 61:4; 64:10; and 5:17.
61
K. Baltzer, Stadt-Tyche oder Zion-Jerusalem?: Die Auseinandersetzung mit
114 U. BERGES
the city laments: the once defeated and devastated city-[state] is given a
new future by the decision of the Great Gods. The time of sorrow and
mourning has ended and new life is at hand.
The climax of Isa. 40-52 is reached in the passage 52:7-10 and it
comes as no surprise that the themes kingship of Yhwh and Zion are
now explicitly joined. It is to Zion ( ) that the messenger of good
news announces: Your God reigns ( ) . Only in few places in
the Hebrew Bible the kingship of Yhwh is connected as closely as here
with Zion.62 The proclamation of Yhwhs kingship in Isa. 52:7 sounds as
an positive answer to the desperate question in Jer. 8:19: Is Yhwh not in
Zion? Is her king not in her? Much more evident is the fact that the
statement of the feet of a messenger, a proclaimer of peace, on the moun-
tains (Isa. 52:7a) is literally quoted from Nah. 2:1a.63 If there remained
any doubt about the direction of that borrowing this question is resolved
by the fact that Isa. 52:1b (
) quotes Nah. 2:1b liter-
ally. It seems to be that one encounters here one more example of the so
called omkering in which the borrowing passage quotes first the last
part of the original text and then the first part of it (Isa. 52:1b // Nah.
2:1b; Isa. 52:7a // Nah. 2:1a).64 Be that as it may, the two quotations from
Nah. 2:1 in Isa. 52:1, 7 strengthen the assumption that 52:3-6 is to be
considered as an intrusion between the original passage 52:1-2, 7-10.
More important than these diachronic observations is the intended
goal of the quotations from the second chapter from Nahum, a prophetic
book which celebrates the defeat of the Assyrian capital Niniveh by the
Babylonians in 612 BCE: Nahums reminder of the vulnerability of
even the most powerful enemy, the one that had destroyed Israel, Syria,
and the majority of Judah, may well have supplied hope for the exiles
futureIn addition, by drawing his explicit analogy, the poet renders
Nahums surrounding rhetoric available as a key for interpreting Baby-
lons fate: Babylon, like Niniveh, will soon cease to be a world crushing
power.65 The historical and highly political perspective to which Isa. 52
den Gttern der Zeit bei Deuterojesaja, in: J. Hausmann, H.-J. Zobel (eds), Alttesta-
mentliche Glaube und biblische Theologie (FS H.D. Preu), Stuttgart 1992, 116: in
contrast to the bound city-godess.
62
Isa. 24:23; Jer. 8:19; Mic. 4:7; Zech. 9:9; Pss. 146:10; 149:2.
63
See P. Tull Willey, op. cit., 116-20; K. Spronk, Nahum (COT), Kampen 1999,
106.
64
See P.C. Beentjes, Jesus Sirach en Tenach: Een onderzoek naar en een classifi-
catie van parallellen, met bijzondere aandacht voor hun functie in Sirach 45:6-26,
Nieuwegein 1981, 71-81.
65
P. Tull Willey, op. cit., 119-20.
ZION AND THE KINGSHIP OF YHWH IN ISAIAH 40-55 115
points by quoting Nah. 2:1, is made later explicit by the addition of Isa.
52:3-6.
The acclamation of the restored kingship of Yhwh in v. 7 does not
represent an article of faith but rather a dramatic event: it means that the
God of Israel is about to resume his active rule among his people with
the defeat of his enemies and the restoration of his city. But the acclama-
tion also carries with it echoes and reverberations from familiar mythic
patterns: the primordial victory over the forces of Chaos and negativity
(the rivers, the great waters, the sea, Ps. 93:1), the placing of the earth on
its foundations (Ps. 96:10), the theophany in the cloud and lightning (Ps.
97:1).66 What has to be stressed for Isa. 52:7 is the fact that Yhwh is not
about to resume his kingship but that he has actually resumed it. This is
important for the close connection and perhaps even the deliberate
counter to the ideology of imperial power expressed in the liturgical
celebration of the New Year akitu festival in Babylon and the creation
myth Enuma Elish, recited on the fourt day of the festival.67 While the
proclamation of Marduk by the assembly of the Great Gods (Marduk is
king! [ANET, 66]) forms the prelude to his combat with Tiamat, the
subsequent creation of the world and the foundation of his sanctuary
esagila in Babylon, the announcement of Yhwhs kingship in Isa. 52
comes as the result of his interventions in favour of Jerusalem, his holy
city and of Zion, his kingly bride.
The kind of downward movement which characterized Isa. 40:1-11 is
also to be noticed in 52:7-10: from the mountains (v. 7a) to the sentinels
(v. 8a) [on top of the walls] and the ruines of Jerusalem (v. 9a). The rea-
son for their singing is explicitly stated: for Yhwh has comforted his
people, he has redeemed Jerusalem () . Only
here the two positive aspects of Yhwh in Deutero-Isaiah, his comfort
(Isa. 40:1; 49:13; 51:3 [2], 12, 19; 52:9) and his liberation68 are put side
by side.69 With Yhwhs comfort and liberation effectuated, his kingship
is finally re-established; that will have world-wide consequences: Yhwh
has bared his holy arm before the eyes of all the nations; and all the ends
of the earth shall see the salvation of our God (
66
J. Blenkinsopp, op. cit., 342-3.
67
J. Blenkinsopp, op. cit., 343.
68
Isa. 41:14; 43:1, 14; 44:6, 22, 23, 24; 47:4; 48:17, 20; 49:7, 26; 52:9; 54:5, 8
(the only finite forms (qatal) in the ki-sentences: 44:23; 48:20; 52:9; in all others
participial form goel.
69
F. Matheus, Singt dem Herrn ein neues Lied: Die Hymnen Deuterojesajas (SBS
141), Stuttgart 1990, 152: Hier wird Jerusalem befreit und Israel getrstet. Befrei-
ung und Restauration werden so als zwei Seiten einer Medaille verstanden, und beide
haben im heilvollen, schpferischen Tun Gottes ihren Grund.
116 U. BERGES
70
See also in Isa. 52:9a and Ps. 98:4; his holy arm in Isa. 52:10a and
Ps. 98:1.
71
See H. Leene, The Coming of YHWH as King: The Contemporary Character
of Psalms 96 and 98, in: J.W. Dyk, et al. (eds), Unless Some One Guide Me (FS
K.A. Deurloo) (Amsterdamse Cahiers voor Exegese van de Bijbel en zijn Tradities
Supplement Series 2), Maastricht 2001, 227, who favours a borrowing of Deutero-
Isaiah: At best one might say that Isa. 40-55 and Ps. 93-100 must have been com-
posed in the same spiritual environment.
72
Different from 42:17: you are our Gods; but see Isa. 1:10; 25:9; 26:13; 35:2;
36:7; 37:20; 59:13; 61:2, 6.
73
The LXX avoids the translation our God in Isa. 52:10 (
) as well as in 55:7 (); the same holds true for 1:10 ( ); 35:2
( ); 61:2 (omits) and 61:6 ( ).
74
LXX does not speak about Gods return but about his compassion on Zion
( ).
75
Cf. U. Berges, Das Buch Jesaja: Komposition und Endgestalt (Herders Bibli-
sche Studien 16), Freiburg/Basel, etc. 1998, 378-380.
76
P. Tull Willey, op. cit., 125-30; U. Berges, Klagelieder (Herders Theologischer
Kommentar zum Alten Testament), Freiburg/Basel, etc. 2002, 256.
ZION AND THE KINGSHIP OF YHWH IN ISAIAH 40-55 117
defiled by blood (i.e. crimes) that they are not even allowed to stay
among the nations. In Isa. 52:11 the dispersed Jews are reminded not to
touch anything unclean because they are supposed to go back to Jerusa-
lem.
Those among the Jews of the Diaspora who decide to return to the
holy city will experience the support of Yhwh which exceeds even his
sustain during the first exodus out of Egypt. The pentateucal allusions
start with the command in Isa. 52:11b to go out from the midst of it
(
) which reminds of the order of Pharaoh given to Moses and
Aaron: go away from the midst of my people () go, wor-
ship Yhwh (Exod. 12:31).77 It might be that the mentioning of Aaron
and the worship of Yhwh lead to the order in Isa. 52:11b for the ones
who carry the vessels of Yhwh78 to purify themselves. The allusions to
the first exodus get even more explicit in Isa. 52:12: they do not have to
hasten any more (( ) cf. Exod. 12:11; Deut. 16:3) and Yhwh will
march not only in front of them (cf. Exod. 13:21; Num. 10:33; Deut.
1:30) but also as their rearguard, i.e. as the one who gathers the last ones
() .79
The re-establishment of Yhwhs kingship by the re-foundation of Zion
as axis mundi against all forces of chaos imply his return to his holy city,
the comfort of the ruins of Jerusalem and the liberation of his people.
Once that is accomplished before the eyes of the world the dispersed
Jews from the Diaspora will find their way home, back to Zion, their
once barren woman and desolate city (cf. Isa. 54:1-3). Expressis verbis
Zion / Jerusalem is not mentioned anymore in Isa. 55 but it seems logical
that the last command, For you shall go out ( ) in joy, and be led
back in peace which refers to Isa. 48:20; 52:11-12, implies the holy city
as point of reference.80 The theme of the eternal Davidic covenant in Isa.
55:3 (cf. 2 Sam. 7; Pss. 89; 132) points to the same direction but nowhere
in Deutero-Isaiah is Jerusalems restoration linked to the restoration of
the Davidic kingship (cf. Amos 9:11-12; Isa. 11). In several passages of
the Hebrew Bible (cf. Isa. 12:3; 33:20-22; Ezek. 47; Joel 4:18; Zech.
13:1; 14:8-10; Ps. 46:4) it is Zion / Jerusalem where abundant water,
food and prosperity are to be found. Therefore the following interpreta-
77
See also for the combination to go out from Exod. 7:5; 11:4; 1 Kgs 8:51; Ps.
136:11. In the context of a flight from Babel, Jer. 50:8; 51:45.
78
Cf. 2 Kgs 25:13-17; Jer. 27:16; 28:3, 6; Ezra 1:7-11.
79
The same image is re-used in an ethical context in Isa. 58:8; in 11:12 it is Yhwh
who gathers the nations (cf. 43:9: nations gather together); 49:5 (Israel is gathered to
Yhwh).
80
The theme of the eternal Davidic covenant in Isa. 55:3 (cf. 2 Sam. 7; Pss. 89;
132) points in the same direction.
118 U. BERGES
tion of Isa. 55 is very much to the point: We may conclude that Yah-
wehs kingship in Zion, as well as the abundance of water, fruit, wine
and milk are typical features in descriptions of a new and restored Jeru-
salem.81
But in comparison to the earlier calls to leave ( )in Isa. 48:20
(from Babylon) and 52:11 (from there, i.e. from among the nations),
the final appeal in 55:12 does not mention any place from which the
addressees should depart. From the context it seems reasonable to sup-
pose that all thirsty ones where they may be, including those from the
nations (v. 5), are called to draw near to the place of free water, wine and
nutrition.82 The verb in parallelism you will be carried ( ) under-
lines by its passive voice (ho.) the divine initiative of their coming which
is supported by Jer. 31:9: With weeping they shall come, and with con-
solations I will carry them back (
) (hi.), I will let them walk by
brooks of water, in a straight path in which they shall not stumble. It is
there that a whole picture of the returning people is presented: See, I am
going to bring them from the land of the north, and gather them from the
farthest parts of the earth, among them the blind and the lame, those with
child and those in labour, together; a great company, they shall return
here (Jer. 31:8). But different from Jer. 31:12 where the returned people
sing aloud on the height of Zion because of the fantastic life-conditions
there (their life shall become like a watered garden ( ) cf. Isa.
51:3; 58:11), in 55:12b mountains, hills and the trees of the field rejoice
and clap their hands. The whole creation will be renewed and freed from
hostile conditions: Instead of the thorn shall come up the cypress; in-
stead of the brier shall come up the myrtle (v. 13a). Compared to the
exodus-motifs in Isa. 48:20 and 52:11-12 in this last passage the situation
is described in a different way. Once the exodus-motifs get incorporated
into the Zion-tradition, they are used to present an eschatological scene.83
Through Yhwhs comfort Zions desert was made as the garden of Eden
(Isa. 51:3). At the end of the process of restoration in Isa. 55 not only the
final destiny of the return is transformed into a paradisiacal land but also
the way itself. The verb to come up in v. 13 (2) pointing to the
81
H.C. Spykerboer, Isaiah 55:1-5: The Climax of Deutero-Isaiah: An Invitation
to Come to Jerusalem, in: J. Vermeylen (ed.), The Book of Isaiah. Le livre dIsae:
Les oracles et leurs relectures unit et complexit de louvrage (BEThL 81), Leuven
1989, 357; cf. S. Paganini, Der Weg zur Frau Zion, Ziel unserer Hoffnung: Auftau,
Kontext, Sprache, Kommunikationsstruktur und theologische Motive in Jes 55,1-13
(SBB 49), Stuttgart 2002, 86-99.
82
M.C.A. Korpel, Metaphors in Isaiah LV, VT 46 (1996), 49 points out that this
is to be read as a call to receive torah (cf. Isa. 51:11 with Deut. 8:3).
83
Cf. K. Kiesow, op. cit., 186; 201-2.
ZION AND THE KINGSHIP OF YHWH IN ISAIAH 40-55 119
sprouting vegetation (cf. Isa. 5:6; 34:13), alludes to the return to Jerusa-
lem and Juda; it is the terminus technicus for the return to the promised
land from Egypt (Gen. 13:1; 45:25; Exod. 12:38; 13:18; Num. 32:11;
Judg. 11:13, 16; Isa. 11:16) and from Babylon (Ezra 2:1, 59; 7:6, 7, 28;
8:1; Neh. 7:5, 6, 61; 12:1). In Isa. 2:3 the verb is used in the mouth of the
nations who decide to go up to mount Zion to receive from there the
divine instruction (cf. 55:1-3). The restoration of Zion as the abode of the
heavenly king creates a dynamic which effects not only the Babylonian
deportees and their brethren in the Diaspora but the creation as such
because she gets renewed while Gods people returns home. That re-
creation shall be to Yhwh (sic!) for a memorial, for an everlasting sign
that shall not be cut off (
) . The connection
to the davidic everlasting covenant ( ) in v. 3 is undisputable
as it is the allusion to the everlasting covenant with Noah (Gen. 9:8-17):
I establish my covenant with you, that never again shall all flesh be cut
off by the waters of a flood, and never again shall there be a flood to
destroy the earth (v. 11). The last words in Isa. 40-55 mark the absolute
climax of the re-establishment of Yhwhs kingship and the restoration of
Zion. As Yhwh established an eternal covenant with the whole creation
after the primordial disaster he will be reminded to protect Zions flour-
ishing forever.
THE NOTION OF THE CITY IN ISAIAH 44:21-46:13
P. Lugtigheid
1. Introduction
In this article I will investigate the notion of the City in Isa. 44:21-46:13.
Different words are used to identify The City: Jerusalem, my city, or
Zion. My city only occurs in Isa. 45:13 1 ; Jerusalem is used two
times, in 44:26b and 28b2; and Zion is only used one time in 46:13.3
The first question is: Why are these names used in these contexts?
To give an adequate answer to this question a syntactic analysis of Isa.
44-46 is necessary. The different names are used in syntactical structures
which attract attention: the three sections in which reference is made to
this notion, Isa. 44:24-28, 45:9-13 and 46:9-13, contain remarkable links
between Yhwh, Cyrus, and the city. In each unit they form a structure
with two characteristics: a. The self-predication and b. Yhwhs ability to
predict and direct history with his instrument Cyrus on behalf of his
people and his city.
Concerning a, the formula is frequently used in Isa. 44-46
(44:24; 45:5, 6, 7, 8, 14b (in a variation), 18, 19, 21, 22; 46:9). In these
sections a combination of nominal clauses / participles / yiqtol-forms4
(Isa. 44, 46) or Yhwhs request / qatal-forms / yiqtol-forms with a strain
of pronomina or ( Isa. 45) are used.
Concerning b, Yhwhs ability to predict and direct history to prove
that only He is God. This is an element in the trial speeches, as demon-
strated in the example of the flop of the Babylonian soothsayers (Isa.
44:25). It is part of the scenery, in which Yhwh stakes his claim in con-
1
See 5.
2
See 3.
3
See 6.
4
In discursive texts, like Isa. 44-46, the imperfect is the main tense, and indicates
what Yhwh is going to do, see E. Talstra, Text Grammar and Biblical Hebrew: The
Viewpoint of Wolfgang Schneider, JSOT 5 (1992), especially 276-278. H. Leene,
De vroegere en de nieuwe dingen bij Deuterojesaja, Amsterdam 1987, 32: De yiqtol
vormen kan men m.i. het beste begrijpen als appl aan de hoorders om de vertelde
handeling mee te maken. R. Abma, Bonds of Love: Methodic Studies of Prophetic
Texts with Marriage Imagery (SSN 40), Assen 1999, 47 makes the following descrip-
tion: The impact of these forms would be: Look, what is happening, Mark what I
am doing.
122 P. LUGTIGHEID
frontation with the nations and their gods. More than anything else, these
two elements, the self-predication in relation to the predictions of histo-
ry, are characteristic of Isa. 44-46.
A second question for this investigation is: is there any kind of rela-
tionship between these three structures, which use the different names for
The City? Do they form a unity and if so, what kind of unity? In advance
I pose the following hypothesis for this question. The chapters Isa. 44-46
use the scenery of trial speech to create a platform for Yhwhs arguments
to persuade his people to return to Yhwh, 44:22. The return to Yhwh
here is connected with the return to Zion (Isa. 46:13), where Yhwh will
give liberation in Zion and equip Israel with his glory. Our assumption
shall be that Isa. 44:21-46:13 is one line of argumentation, in the style of
a trial speech. The choice of the different names for The City will find
their natural explanation in this line of argumentation. In this argumenta-
tion Isa. 44:24-28 has a special role. To accomplish this investigation,
the syntactic analysis corresponds with the following presentation 5 of
pericopes:
3: Isa. 44:24-28;
5: Isa. 45:9-13;
6: Isa. 45:14-17.
I will give an analysis of Isa. 45:1-8; and 45:18-19 as well. But these
presentations will help us make a sound syntactical analysis by which to
ground our conclusions.
Two of the main participants in Deutero-Isaiah are the servant and
Zion. While the servant is primarily associated with chapters 40-48
and Zion with chapters 49-53, both participants occur together in chap-
ters 44-46. The relationship between these two participants in chapters
44-46 is the subject of these chapters. In the course of this article I will
answer the third question, posed by this volume of the Jesaja
Werkgroep: is The City a unity generating perspective in Deutero-
Isaiah?
5
The presentation of this segmentation is developed by Leene, who owed much to
A.P. den Exter Blokland, In Search for Text Syntax (Applicatio 14), Amsterdam
1995. He realised his method in cooperation with Talstra. For my analysis, I owe
much to his work, especially: E. Talstra, art. cit., 269-89 and Idem, Reading Biblical
Hebrew Poetry: Linguistic Structure or Rhetoric Device, JNWSL 25/2 (1999), 94-
119.
THE CITY IN ISAIAH 44:21-46:13 123
3 Isaiah 44:24-287
6
See v. 13a , I am the one who roused him for the right or-
der.
7
Translations are from my hand.
124 P. LUGTIGHEID
25a who lets the signs of the oracle priests come to noth-
ing
and hence He turns soothsayers into fools, |
B who forces the wise to step backward
and hence He turns their knowledge into a mockery, |
26a who elevates8 the word of his servant
and hence He fulfils the counsel of his messengers, |
B he is the one who therefore speaks of Jerusalem: |
It shall be inhabited, |
and concerning the cities of Judah: |
Let them be rebuilt,
and I shall elevate her ruins, |
27 he is the one who speaks to the deep: |
Dry up,
B and I shall wither your streams, |
28a he is the one who speaks about Cyrus: |
my shepherd, |
for he shall bring about my whole wish
B by saying of Jerusalem: |
It shall be rebuilt
and the temple must be founded. |
8
The translation to elevate has been chosen because in Hebrew there is an allite-
ration between , v. 26a and , v. 26b.
THE CITY IN ISAIAH 44:21-46:13 125
Legendum:
This presentation of texts has been developed by H. Leene, who owes a
great deal to A.P. den Exter Blokland.9 The presentation is akin to the
method of recording texts on syntactic grounds as elaborated by E. Tal-
stra.
two elements taken together to form a higher unit (two clauses, two segments
or a clause and a segment10)
direct speech
9
Cf. A.P. den Exter Blokland, op. cit.
10
The principle of presentation is that two elements are continually taken together
to form a higher unit, whether they be two clauses or two segments or a clause and a
segment. Because the breaks between three formally equivalent elements are hardly
ever entirely equivalent from a semantic point of view, the proposal does not account
for three-part segments, cf. H. Leene, Unripe Fruits and Dull Teeth (Jer.31,29; Ez.
18,2), in: E. Talstra (ed.), Narrative and Comment (FS W. Schneider), Amsterdam
1995, 87.
11
Cf. H. Leene, art. cit., 84. The definition from the clause is conform F. I. An-
dersen, The Sentence in Biblical Hebrew, Den Haag 1974, 28; see also T. Walton,
Experimenting with Qohelet (Amsterdamse Cahiers voor Exegese van de Bijbel en
zijn Tradities Supplement Series 5), Maastricht 2006.
12
P. Lugtigheid, The Kingship of Yhwh and his servant, Dutch Studies Near
Eastern Languages Literatures 4 (2001), 213.
126 P. LUGTIGHEID
models13 you since the womb. For the identification of the second per-
son masculine suffix, the only addressee to be considered is Jacob/Israel
(v. 21). Also the two verbs in the attributive constructions, and
refer to vv. 21-23. They repeat two important concepts from these
verses. 14 The twofold appearance of the qatal in v. 22 and v. 23
marks the delivery of Jacob/Israel as an accomplished fact, from which
the latter person can make a new start. This data connects both units.15
Syntactically v. 23 is different. Here, a third person communication indi-
cates that a comment is given about Jacob/Israels formation as Yhwhs
servant by an X. When cosmic powers are invited to jubilee in v. 23, this
request provides the exact liturgical stage for the interaction between
Yhwh and Jacob/Israel in vv. 21-22. This qualifying interpretation makes
this person behind the curtains instead of a narrator or a prophetic
commentator a stage manager.
13
The translation of remains difficult, because the word simultaneously em-
ploys a pedagogical form and it refers to the work of artistic modelling.
14
For see v. 21b: Yhwh says I model (form) you herewith to be ,
you a servant for me. The verbal form ( v. 21b) is a performative (see my
thesis: P. Lugtigheid, De Terugkeer van Jhwhs Dienaar: Jes. 44-46 als betoog [in
preparation]). is used in the argumentation of vv. 22 and 23: Return to Me, for I
have redeemed you, and v. 22b; for Yhwh has realised Jacobs redemption and
shows his glory to Israel, v. 23b.
15
The prepositional construction is used together with and in Isa.
49:5 and Jer. 1:5.
16
The Qere , supported only by Targum and Peshitta, is inadequate, because
it leaves out the jod ( )and the white space between the two words in the Ketib.
THE CITY IN ISAIAH 44:21-46:13 127
3.1.3. The Servant (sg.) Parallel to His Messengers (pl.) in Verse 26a
as Conveyers of a Message and the Continuation of Verse 24b in the
Verses 25-26a
Earlier investigation showed that the placement of the word of his ser-
vant (sg.) next to the counsel of his messengers (pl.) is witnessed by
the majority of all old translations.17 This single singular attracts atten-
tion. Who is meant by this singular (and who is meant by this plural)?
We could consider the possibility that an earlier word of his servant is
meant in the sense of a word about his servant (genitivus objectivus,
meaning for example David, in 2 Sam. 7:25, or Israel, in Deut. 9:5b). But
let us consider the following data in v. 26a: the two words , servant,
and , messengers, are specified by , word, and , coun-
sel. The phrases are connected with the verbal constructions , who
elevates, and , he fulfils, both referring to Yhwh (v. 24a). To-
gether these points clarify the text: Yhwh is going to realise the
, the word of his servant and will fulfil the , the coun-
sel of his messengers, as they are conveyers of a message (implying a
genitivus subjectivus). This means that the connections with 2 Sam. 7:25
or Deut. 9:5 are invalid.
Further, the participles (hi.) in vv. 25-26a continue those in the direct
discourse. But although they also illustrate what is ascribed to Yhwh
they do not proceed in a strict, syntactic way because of the third person
imperfects in the second half: , he turns into fools, , he turns
into a mockery, , he fulfils. These imperfect verb forms would be
first person, if they continue the direct discourse in v. 24b! From a do-
main analysis, it appears that, from v. 25a, the only possible speaker is
the stage manager, whom we met in v. 23 and speaks the messenger
formula (v. 24a).18 With the attributive forms ( your redeemer) and
17
Only in the Targum do we find the plural , his servants: who confirms
the word of his servants, the righteous, and performs the counsel of his messengers.
The Targums , his servants, in the plural (v. 26a) probably developed
under the influence of his messengers in the plural (v. 26a). We must
conclude that MTs version, , his servant, is probably the correct text, because
the majority of the manuscripts and text witnesses agree about this.
18
Many exegetes come to the conclusion that the participles refer to Yhwh in
the direct discourse, like K. Elliger, Deuterojesaja (BKAT 11/1), Neukirchen-Vluyn
1978, 462-3; H.J. Hermisson, Diskussionsworte bei Deuterojesaja, EvTh 11/12
128 P. LUGTIGHEID
ing what this prophetic word is all about will also answer to the flop of
the oracle priests and his colleagues.
3.1.4. Verse 26a: The Identity of His (Yhwhs) Servant and His
(Yhwhs) Messengers (Part I)
But who is meant by his servant and his messengers? In line with the
attributive character of vv. 25-26a, it turns out that I should also under-
stand v. 26a, the climax of vv. 25-26a, as distributive. This means that
v. 26a, Yhwh, who elevates the word of his servant and will fulfill the
counsel of his messengers, is to be understood as pointing to a new ac-
tualisation of Yhwhs action.
The interpretation of the imperfects is crucial here: with their prover-
bial character, these forms stress, as in vv. 25a and b, the definite out-
come of the participle hifil in the first half, characterizing Yhwh. But
these imperfects also imply that Yhwh will complete the action, intended
with the imperfect in the near future. This is especially important for the
key line, v. 26a.
If a new action from Yhwh is meant here, and this word (and deci-
sion) does not refer to an earlier word from Israels history, the question
then becomes: which word (decision) of which servant (and which mes-
sengers) is the new content of the action which is attributed to Yhwh in
vv. 25-26a? Although I approach the answer with my considerations
here, an explanation of the structure of the oracle as a whole ( 3.2.) will
offer a better opportunity to explore this more thoroughly.
22
Quest, op. cit.
132 P. LUGTIGHEID
dicate part, vv. 26b, 27, 28a) refers to Yhwh in v. 24a (in the subject
part vv. 24-26a), as in Isa. 41:13. This article indicates, that vv. 24-28 is
a sentence.23 Its meaning here is: That which is attributed to Yhwh in
vv. 24-26a is also applicable in vv. 26b-28. The following translation for
does justice to this structure: It is He who speaks. Arguably, we
should also add therefore or hence. The reader will then put an equals
sign between vv. 24-26a and 26-28; in other words, part A (vv. 24-26a) =
part B (vv. 26b-28). He who is responsible for vv. 24-26a will do the
same in vv. 26b-28. The latter part, the predicate part, vv. 26b-28 is the
climax. Just as his action reliably follows his word in vv. 25-26a (the
attributive apodoses), so will Yhwhs action reliably follow his speaking
(scheppend spreken,24 )in vv. 26b-28.
vv. 25-26a word (part. hi.) action (the apodoses with
their third person imper-
fect verb forms)
vv. 26b-28 word (he is the one who action (direct discourse in
therefore speaks speak- v. 27 and indirect dis-
ing and creating at the course in vv. 26b and 28a
same very moment, see with their third person
Gen. 1:2) imperfect verb forms)
28
: vollendet werden (vv. 26a, 28a; L. Koehler, W. Baumgartner et al.,
Hebrisches und Aramisches Lexikon zum Alten Testament, 6 vols, Leiden 1967-
1996, 1420). Here is a wordplay with : to turn into a mockery(v. 25b). The
way the Babylonian priests fail to complete their plans is contrasted with the way
Yhwh completes his plan.
29
Mark: the subject in v. 28a (He) is different than the one in vv. 26b and 27b
(I).
30
Cf. K. Elliger, op. cit., 459.
31
Cf. R.G. Kratz, op. cit., 73-74.
32
Cf. K. Elliger, op. cit., 465.
THE CITY IN ISAIAH 44:21-46:13 135
that the verses are not an independent unity and connecting them with
the Knigsorakel (Isa. 45:1-8).33
Our interpretation will solve these problems. We saw that identical
constructions are present in the BH and that these verses form one sen-
tence. With a domain analysis I have concluded that the stage manager
uses Yhwhs direct speech to create the outlines of a plan in these verses.
But our proposal is going further: with vv. 24-28 the stage manager
created an adapter in order to connect the units Isa. 44:21-46:13. With
adapter I mean a device in the domestic sphere used to connect elec-
trical appliances to the grid of electricity. This is comparable to the
function of Isa. 44:24-28 in the context of the surrounding units. He
created a unity in Isa. 44:21-46:13 by bringing in 44:24-28 identical
topics from the framing pericopes: 44:21-23 (Servant, v. 26), 45:1-13
(Cyrus, v. 28) and 45:14-46:13 (Zion, corresponding to v. 26b about
Jerusalem). The imperfects in Isa. 44:24-28 are meant as the announce-
ment of Yhwhs actions, which will be executed in 44:21-23 and 45-46,
thus proving that He is only God.
33
C. Westermann, Sprache und Struktur der Prophetie Deuterojesajas
(CThM.BW 11), Stuttgart 1981, 61-62.
136 P. LUGTIGHEID
of his servant? The word of his servant could be the word that Yhwh
speaks (to Jacob/Israel!) (who says of Jerusalem:) she must be inha-
bited because in v. 26a his servant is connected with the word of
Yhwh ( , the (Yhwhs) word of i.e. to be spoken by his
servant), that Yhwh elevates. Thus the addressee Jacob/Israel could be
called upon here to accept the role of Yhwhs servant by inviting his
fellow citizens to return to Yhwh and to Jerusalem (v. 22). 2 Kgs 25:8-
17, which recounts Jerusalems destruction and depopulation by the Ba-
bylonian aggressor, would be effectively contradicted and the failure of
the oracle priests would be made fact if Jacob/Israel, Yhwhs servant
returns with his fellow citizens! This is in his hands. Will he accept his
role as Yhwhs servant?
This could be the reason why Jerusalem is mentioned in Yhwhs plan
of vv. 24-28 two times: the first time to underline her function as a place
to live (v. 26b), and the second time to portray her as a place of stone
which has the temple in it (v. 28b). Thus, in the subject part of the sen-
tence of vv. 24-28 (vv. 24-26a), the word of the servant that Jerusalem
must be inhabited, plays a vital role in the trial speech. Jacob/Israels
task is to forecast the elevation of Yhwhs word (, v. 26a). The active
role by Jerusalem and Cyrus in this plan, which appears from vv. 26b
and 28 is expressed also with the expression , his messengers in
v. 26a. Their function as messengers is to convey Yhwhs plan (),
the outcome of which is his task, parallel to the word, which Yhwhs
servant, also in v. 26, will speak.34 The depth and its streams have a
different role (D).
In this introduction I also encounter two main elements in Deutero-
Isaiah that are together in v. 26, his servant (v. 21, referring with ,
to Isa. 49:3, 5: Jacob/Israel is to be identified with the Servant) and
Jerusalem. As this article will contend, a main theme in Isa. 45 and 46
34
Most exegetes interpret his messengers as his prophets, cf. W.A.M. Beuken,
Jesaja deel IIa (De Prediking van het Oude Testament), Nijkerk 1979, 230; F. De-
litzsch, Commentar ber das Buch Jesaia (BC III/1), Leipzig 41889 (11866), 458; J.
Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 40-55 (AB 19a), New York 2002, 247; J.L. Koole, Jesaja II deel
I (Commentaar op het Oude Testament), Kampen 1985, 312. For our choice we have
the following arguments: a. In the structure of vv. 24-28 thesigns of the oracle
priests contrast the plan of his messengers (both plural). Both groups voice the
message of the higher authority (the Babylonian gods or Yhwh), of whom one is
failing, and the other one succeeds. b. The word is strongly related to the plan
which Yhwh realises in Cyrus. This corresponds to the content of v. 26b, the king-
ship of Yhwh in Jerusalem. c. It is only natural, when the contrast between the failing
oracle priests and the successful messengers is materialized in these verses. We do so
by identifying Jerusalem and Cyrus as Yhwhs messengers. The realisation of these
orders follows in Isa. 45:1-13 (esp. v. 13) and 45:14-46:13 (esp. 45:14 and 46:13).
THE CITY IN ISAIAH 44:21-46:13 137
35
For the meaning of , see M.A. Klopfenstein, Wenn der Schpfer die Cha-
osmchte anherrscht und so das Leben schtzt, ThZ 53 (1997), 33-47.
36
C. Westermann, tehm Flut, THAT 2 (1979) col. 1029, see Exod. 15:5;
Jon. 2:4; Pss. 68:23; 69:3, 16. See , Isa. 45:18-19.
138 P. LUGTIGHEID
3.4. Conclusions
Concerning the notion of The City I came to the conclusion that Jerusa-
lem (Isa. 44:26b) is used to indicate a city, where people can live (;)
in 44:28b the city is indicated as a place of stone, that must be rebuilt.
Further, we discovered in Isa. 44:24-28 the outlines of a plan in the
form of a report to Jacob/Israel. This report, an adapter for Isa. 44:21-
46:13 is entrusted to him to strengthen him to accept the invitation to call
on his fellow exiles for the return to Zion (44:22, 26; 46:13). It is deli-
vered in the form of a claim with which Yhwh proves that He is really
God, who reigns the future.
The verses 1-7 contain a speech from Yhwh to Cyrus. This is indicated
by the first words in vv. 1 and 2. But vv. 1-7 are at the same time ad-
dressed to Israel. The domain (Yhwh to Cyrus, v. 1) is mixed with an-
other domain in which Yhwh speaks about Cyrus to someone else (I
[Yhwh] about him [Cyrus]). This latter domain is the same as the one in
Isa. 44:26, 28: I (Yhwh) elevate her ruins, v. 26b; He (Cyrus) will
complete my (Yhwhs) whole wish, v. 28. Because we also find in Isa.
45:8 the same domain ( ) I (Yhwh) have created him [Cyrus]),
I must conclude that also in 45:1-8 the speech to Cyrus is addressed to
Jacob/Israel as a report, like in 44:24-28. Considering this adaptation to
37
See also Ps. 76.
38
The kingship of Yhwh is witnessed here by (a) words about the inhabitation and
rebuilding of Jerusalem, vv. 26b and 28b, (b) words about Yhwhs commanding the
Depth and its streams, v. 27, and (c) words about the nomination of Cyrus as my
shepherd, v. 28 (P. Lugtigheid, art. cit., 217).
THE CITY IN ISAIAH 44:21-46:13 139
Isa. 44:24-28, I attribute this to the hand of the stage manager. He in-
forms Jacob/Israel about the true story behind Cyrus success.
For this purpose Isa. 45:1-7 has some typical traits of a trial speech,
in which Yhwh defends his claim of being the only God. These charac-
teristics are: a. The claim, Yhwhs self-predication, v. 5. This is placed
within the context of b. Yhwh s plan in history (the hierarchy of goals in
vv. 2-7 see the elaboration on the following page ending with:
) . In this plan, Cyrus is Yhwhs great argument in his
trial speech to state that He guides history on behalf of Israel, his ad-
dressee, v. 4a. The characteristics of the trial speech also include the
double addressee, Cyrus and Israel.
In his speech, Yhwh explains with what aim ( )he guided Cyrus.
In essence, the speech reveals a hierarchy of goals, at every turn intro-
duced with ( vv. 3b, 4a, and 6) in three steps, culminating in v. 7:
, I am Yhwh-who-bring-these-things-about (Isa.
44:24b: ) .
The first goal is (1): Yhwh guides Cyrus campaign ()
and will give him and , treasures of darkness
and hidden riches, in order that ( )Cyrus will know that it is Yhwh,
the God of Israel, who calls him by his name (self presentation), v. 3. The
expressions treasures of darkness and hidden riches are unique in the
Hebrew Bible: nowhere else are the words treasures and riches found,
together or separately, with either of the words darkness and hidden.39
Precisely the words darkness and hidden indicate that these phrases
also refer to something more than just the treasures and riches a con-
queror might look for in Babel. Moreover, this would not answer the
question of why Cyrus exerted his power for Israel. This is exactly what
the text wants to clarify here for the reader. The text goes on to explain
Yhwhs aim in the following way: in order that you know that I, Yhwh,
the God of Israel call you with your name. Thus, the qualifying words
of darkness and hidden mark these treasures and riches as something
different.40
39
That is why my interpretation is different from that of W.A.M. Beuken, op. cit.,
235; According to him, they are the treasures of Babel.
40
Riches, , v. 3, as such, has a hidden connotation. In two places riches
are connected with the verb , to dig, Job 3:21; Prov. 2:4. And often has a
metaphorical meaning. Ps. 33:7: Wind going out of Yhwhs treasure (room); Deut.
28:12: Yhwh opens his good treasure room, , for the rain. In Mi. 6:10:
. We find the words and conjugations of in Isa. 45:7 (
), 45:15 ( ) and v. 19 () . Verse 19
(Yhwh did not speak in secret, in a place of a land of darkness) makes clear that we
140 P. LUGTIGHEID
v. 7a: the word pairs light and darkness, peace and evil. 42 The addi-
tional demonstrative pronoun can only point to the preceding verses (Isa.
44:24-45:7).43 Via these appositions, world history is seen as a way in
which Yhwh, with his Cyrus initiative, is moving ahead for the sake of
light and peace. The follow-up of v. 7 by v. 8, an invitation to the cosmos
to help Yhwh with his initiative ( , I have created him,
i.e. Cyrus!) for the sake of the right order ( )and hail (), and of
vv. 9-10 by vv. 11-13 (see 5) supports this interpretation. These priori-
ties are stressed by the density of these concepts in Isa. 45 and 46.44 Part
of it is therefore also the alternative in Isa. 45:24b: Join Him or be
ashamed!
5. Isaiah 45:9-13
schlecht sein, THAT 2 (1979) col. 799-800 says in relation to Isa. 45:7: Unheil
bedeutet die Zurcknahme einer gndig gegebenen heilsamen Ordnung, s.v. .
43
It is the duality of the oracle priests, soothsayers and the wise ones of Babel,
whose wisdom flops in confrontation with the word of his servant, Isa. 44:25-26a;
and the trampling down of the nations in confrontation with Cyrus success.
44
( Isa. 45:8, 19), ( vv. 23, 24, 25), ( v. 21), ( v. 25) and 46
( in vv. 12, 13). Yhwhs acts of will, so He ensures, be the reason for all
knees to bow and for all tongues on earth to confess Him, v. 24. plus deriv. is for
the first time in Isa. 45:8, 15 and 17 (2), vv. 20, 21 and 22, and in 46: 7, 13a and b.
142 P. LUGTIGHEID
45
. With H. Leene, Universalism or Nationalism? Isaiah XLV 9-13 and its
context, Bijdr. 35 (1974), 310-1, I prefer the finished product, pot, above pot-
sherd, although U. Berges, Jesaja 40-48 (Herders Theologischer Kommentar zum
Alten Testament), Freiburg/Basel, etc. 2008, 411 argues that means potsherd
(Isa. 30:14; Ps. 22:16; Job 2:8), but pot (Lev. 6:21; 11:33; 14:5, 50; 15:12;
Num. 5:17; Jer. 32:14).
46
For the metaphor see Gen. 2:7.
47
L. Koehler, W. Baumgartner et al., op. cit., 97: 1. together with, 2. with (the
aid) of, 3. with, at the side of.
48
+ impf.: three times in vv. 9b-10.
49
In the opinion of C. Westermann, Das Buch Jesaja: Kapitel 40-66 (ATD),
Gttingen 1966, 134-6 both texts, vv. 9-10 and 11-13, become only in their relation
to each other the sense of a contestation concerning the offense the hearer of the
prophet take at his Cyrus-word: Die beiden Teile V. 9-10 und 11-13 bekommen nur
in der Wechselbeziehung aufeinander den Sinn einer Bestreitung, in der es um den
Anstoss der Hrer des Profeten an seinem Kyros-Wort geht. But especially his
association father (v. 10) with my sons (v. 11b: das Kind das gegen den Vater
aufbegehrt) is not valuable. The metaphor is used in line with the theme of creation
and breeding in these verses. The Old Testament is very careful with calling Yhwh
father (E. Jenni, b Vater, THAT 1 (1978) col. 14). In the opinion of H. Leene,
144 P. LUGTIGHEID
tion [( the holy one of Israel] and also his modeller) repeats
(v. 9a). This reveals that among other critics also Israel is meant in vv. 9-
10. Nevertheless in vv. 9-10 any arguer is meant (v. 9a: Woe to the one
anyone who argues with his Modeller).
2. In the following unit (vv. 11-13), the stage manager calls upon Yhwh
(v. 11a). After his request he exposes his actual plans in his answer to the
critics: I am the one who made the earth (the verb [ see v. 9b: does
the clay say to his modeller: What are you doing ( )]?)and hu-
mankind ( )on it I have created, v. 12. The word humankind ()
refers to v. 9a: anyone who argues with his Modeller is called a pot
among pots of earth () , v. 9a.
Several times the words hands and way of working ( and )in
vv. 11-13 relate to the same words in vv. 9-11. First, a response to the
clays remark (Your way of working is powerless, ,
v. 9b) is given as follows: Trust to me (iussivus; plural of the second
person) my sons and the way of working of my hands( , v. 11b),
and: I, with my hands ( )I stretched out the heavens, v. 12b. With
his defence, Yhwh answers the arguments in vv. 9-10.
Yhwhs reaction to the critics, for which we are prepared from v. 9
onwards (see 1), is also highlighted by the references to I fourteen
times in vv. 11-13 including three fronted pronouns preparing the
(v. 13b): You (plural) must ask Me the questions about the things to
come, trust (plural) Me with my sons and the way of working of my
hands, I ( )have made the earth, v. 12a men on it I have created,
v. 12a, I (), my hands have stretched out the heavens, v. 12b. and
v. 13a, I ( )am the one who have set him in motion for the right
order. This section ends with Cyrus rousing ( )and three imperfects
(with I, my [city/exiles], plus , Cyrus, v. 13), with which Yhwh
indicates what his instrument Cyrus is going to do. In this way, the
art. cit., 320-322 the construction and his Modeller (v. 11a), and my
sons/city/exiles (vv. 11b, 13b) suggest that Yhwh is speaking to other parties, the
nations. According to Leene the nations, who speak also in v. 15 lay down their
mixed feelings about Yhwhs liberation (of Israel) and his hiddenness (for the na-
tions). In his opinion (followed by W.A.M. Beuken, op. cit., 250; Idem, The Confes-
sion of Gods Exclusivity by All Mankind, Bijdr. 35 (1974), 346) Yhwh gives with
v. 18 answers with his creation to the reproach of orderliness, and with v. 19 to the
reproach of hiddenness (see H. Leene, De vroegere en de nieuwe dingen bij Deutero-
jesaja, Amsterdam 1987, 196-198). We cannot agree with this interpretation of Isa.
45. No data are available in vv. 9-13 in our opinion for one of those addressees, Israel
or the nations. Vv. 9-13 is with Woe to the one (anyone) who argues with his Mod-
eller a general proclamation with general concepts like men, modeller, a father
and a woman, earth and heavens.
THE CITY IN ISAIAH 44:21-46:13 145
5.2. Verse 13
Verse 13 gives the central issue in the pericope. It highlights two issues.
Cyrus commitment as Yhwhs instrument for Israel (see 1), but not Is-
rael alone. In the text Cyrus follows the notion of Yhwhs creation. First
Yhwh creates the human beings on the earth, and rouses then Cyrus, who
shall build Yhwhs city and lets his exiles go (see 2). The way Cyrus as
Yhwhs instrument acts is depicted with , for the right order,
, not for a price and not for a bribe (see 3). These two
constructions with frame Cyrus acts in v. 13, as the reader can see in
our translation. They serve to open the new era for the whole earth: no
one and no nation will be sacrificed for the happiness of another nation.
The form in which v. 13 is written is like an argument in court (see 4).
1. The theme of the song found in vv. 11-1350 is: I work (a) for my child-
ren, Israel, (b) through my way of working (v. 11b), i.e. Cyrus. Both
issues, Cyrus role in Yhwhs liberation (b) of his people (a), are also
found in v. 13. Thus, vv. 11-13 forms a chiasm: a-b-b-a. Verse 13b reads:
, for he is the one who shall build my city and
set my exiles free. This announcement of Cyruss acts (all imperfects) is
based on the qatal verb form : I did rouse him for the
right order (v. 13a).51 Also in Isa. 42:6 we find a construction with the
preposition which indicates that a new era shall begin with the appear-
ance of the servant: , I called him for the right order
a striking parallel. H.H. Schmid wrote about the use of this word in
Deutero-Isaiah arguing that it plays a central role in Isa. 45 and 4652:
ist die Ordnung Gottes, wie sie die Schpfungsordnung entspre-
50
W.A.M. Beuken, op. cit., 48 uses the name beschrijvend loflied for Isa. 40:22-
24, according to C. Westermann, Das Loben Gottes in den Psalmen, Gttingen 1963,
87-97. C. Westermann also uses this name for Isa. 44:24-28. In these Psalms, one
essential pronouncement is expounded, as in Ps. 113 das Wunder des Erhhens.
This seems to be exactly what is happening in vv. 11-13.
51
For the interpretation of to rouse for, see W. Gesenius, Handwrterbuch
ber das Alte Testament, bearbeitet von F. Buhl, Leipzig, 171921, 7: in/nach der
Weise, der Norm.
52
Isa. 45:8, 19, in vv. 23, 24, 25, ( v. 21), ( v. 25) and 46 (
in vv. 12, 13). Yhwh s acts of will, so He ensures, be the reason for all knees
to bow and for all tongues on earth to confess Him, v. 24.
146 P. LUGTIGHEID
53
Cf. H.H. Schmid, Gerechtigkeit als Weltordnung (BHTh 40), Tbingen 1968,
133; A. Jespen, und im Alten Testament, in: H. Reventlow (ed.), Gottes
Wort und Gottes Land (FS H.W. Hertzberg), Gttingen 1965, 79. Earlier the transla-
tion liberation was common. In my translation I followed Jepsen: the right order.
54
See v. 9; this is also the role to which the possessive pronoun my shepherd,
city, exiles is pointing at: according to Yhwhs will. The same applies to , to
inhabit, which is used only two times in Isa. 44-46, 44: 26b and 45:18. In Jerusalem
( , 44:26) a wordplay is realised with complete.
55
In Isa. 11:4; 59:4; Ps. 9:9 we find twice, spread over two halves of a verse.
THE CITY IN ISAIAH 44:21-46:13 147
56
1 Kgs 15:19: King Asa sent them to King Benhadad of Aram, saying: Let there
be an alliance between me and you, like that between my father and your father: I am
sending you a present ( )of silver and gold; go, break your alliance with Baasha
of Israel, so that he may withdraw from me; 2 Kgs 16:8: Ahaz sent messengers to
King Tiglath-pileser to ask for help in fighting the King of Aram and the King of
Israel, who attacked him-he sent a present ( )to the king of Assyria, and the King
of Assyria listened to him. In Mic. 3:11 and are parallel: The heads the-
reof judge for reward (), and the priests thereof teach for hire (), and the
prophets thereof divine for money (): yet they will lean upon the Lord, and say:
Is not the Lord among us? (KJV), cf. J.A. Groves, H.J. Bosman et al., op. cit.
148 P. LUGTIGHEID
and the Sabeans, men of stature
to you they pass over, |
and it is yours they are, |
it is you they follow, |
in chains they pass over, |
B and it is to you that they bow, |
it is to you that they beg: |
Really, in you is God, |
and there is no one else, |
no God. |
15 Verily, you are a God, who keeps himself
hidden, |
the God of Israel is a helper. |
16 they are deceived, |
they feel ashamed as well, all of them, |
B together they go away in shame,
those who make statues. |
17 Israel has been helped by Yhwh,
a liberation everlasting, |
B you are not deceived |
nor did you come to shame,
to ages everlasting. |
The movement of the African nations in vv. 14-17 towards Zion and the
comment on it in vv. 15-17 is meant to depict the reaction to v. 13b, the
actions on behalf of the city and its exiles.
This depiction begins with an addition: vv. 13c-14 is a reinterpretation
of Isa. 43:3-4, divided over two units (vv. 9-13, 14-17). The messenger
formula in v. 13c (says the Lord of hosts) makes clear, through third
person voice, that this verse from 13c onwards (without a price and
THE CITY IN ISAIAH 44:21-46:13 149
without a bribe says the Lord of hosts), where the reinterpretation be-
gins, is added by the stage manager.57 The messenger formula marks the
preceding clause: it stresses the preceding -constructions, which frame
Cyrus actions, v. 13b as we saw. The content of Isa. 43:3-4 is: Yhwh is
willing to sell Egypt, Ethiopia and Seba for the benefit of Israel because
it is so precious to Him. Isa. 45:13c-14 is its reinterpretation because
here the intention is that the(se) nations will not, from now on, be used as
a ransom for the freedom of others. The restoration of the city and the
release of its exiles will take place without any price, not even from the
representatives of the nations named in Isa. 43:3-4 and 45:14! This is
what , righteousness, means. Such is the dramatic relation between
the two texts. No emendation of the text is needed58.
This addition of the stage manager uses a second messenger formula,
, v. 14a. Also this is not a regular messenger formula: it is a
declaration that gives weight to the following chain of six imperfects.
Therefore it is not an absolute indicator that a separate section is follow-
ing now. It prepares the following vision, the amazing movement of the
three nations. After the reinterpretation this movement is a second cha-
racteristic of the depiction of the reaction on Yhwhs Cyrus initiative in
vv. 13c-14. They come with their wealth to Zion now that Yhwh has
done justice (, v. 13a). This is confirmed by the confession they
voice: Really, in you, ( pron. fem.) is God (v. 14 end). With this
confession Yhwhs actions in v. 13 are looked back on as completed
acts. This appears also from the qatal-forms in the shame of the statue
makers , and ( v. 16) and , Israel re-
ceived help from Yhwh (v. 17). With their confession the nations argue
here why Yhwh is really God, and v. 17 calls it help, liberation. Their
confession of Yhwh as the only God is in the style of the trial speech, as
in vv. 15-17.
Central in v. 14 is the movement of the representatives of the three
African nations to you, the personal feminine pronoun . It is portrayed
like this: They pass over to you and it is yours that they are, it is you
they follow, in chains they pass over, and it is to you to whom they bow,
it is to you to whom they beg: Only in you is God, and not any one else,
no God. By addressing her six times here, always in a fronted position,
as our translation shows, the speaker Yhwh reveals and presents her as
his main actor. Additionally, the text asserts that such great nations shall
57
When the messenger formula closes a unit, it highlights the clause that is pre-
ceding, see Isa. 39:6; 48:22; 54:1, 6, 8, 10; 57:19; 59:21; 65:7a, 25; 66:20a, 21, 23.
58
Cf. W.A.M. Beuken, op. cit., 244-245; H.J. Hermisson, Deuterojesaja (BKAT
11/2), Neukirchen-Vluyn 1987-2003, 26; H. Leene, art. cit., especially 324-325.
150 P. LUGTIGHEID
59
Cf. P.A.H. de Boer, Second-Isaiahs Message (OTS 11), Leiden, 1956, 49.
60
The construction here, with two verbs, is unique but not abnormal (contra H.J.
Hermisson, op. cit., 43). The construction also appears elsewhere in the He-
brew Bible, usually with or , in Gen. 20:7; Num. 11:2; 21:7; Deut. 9:26
etc. Only in the text of Solomons prayer does the construction + + noun
of place occur, E. Talstra, Solomons Prayer (Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and
Theology 3), Kampen 1993, 134, 154. The question in 1 Kgs 8 is whether the prepo-
sition should be translated with in/at or with toward. Should one distinguish
between praying in that house(v. 33, cf. v. 31) and praying toward (that place),
/ ( vv. 29, 30, 35 and 42)? E. Talstras preference is for at
but he leaves open the possibility of toward this place. I believe that for Isa. 45:14,
the better option is toward you for the following reasons: 1. apparently
points to a place where God is found, like in 1 Kgs 8. The phrase , in you
is God (indicating a place; a feminine pronoun as in )in the following line
gives arguments for the nations to beg and bow. 2. The nations are in movement,
according to the verbs used (, ), because they believe that in you is God.
This movement is also sketched by verbs like , vv. 20, 24, , Isa. 46:12 and
, 46:13. 3. The place ( )where Yhwh can be found is connected with
in 1 Kgs.
THE CITY IN ISAIAH 44:21-46:13 151
61
1 Kgs 8:6, 7, 21, 29, 30, 35, the place, of the arch, and of the temple, Isa.
44:28.
62
Leene and Beuken identify the feminine pronoun as . H.J. Hermisson, op.
cit., 36 believes that both scholars avoid the following problem: Die zum Wieder-
aufbau Jerusalems abgeordneten Gefangenen wrden ihr Bekenntnis zur Prsenz des
einzigen Gottes auf dem Zion angesichts einer Trmmersttte ablegen, was Leene
und Beuken vermeiden wollen, indem sie das Ganze an Israel / Gola adressiert sein
lassen. I do not agree with Hermisson, although Beuken and Leene did prefer the
option . In my view, v. 14 is about the future of Zion, and the reaction of the
nations. Furthermore, Beuken deliberately speaks about v. 14 as a promise, whereas
Leene, art. cit., 327 writes: During their return the exiles will carry the treasures with
them and be followed by the captives which Cyrus will have transferred to them with
a view to the rebuilding of Sion.
152 P. LUGTIGHEID
63
Cf. H.J. Hermisson, op. cit., 16-7, 35-6, 50. Also, Hermisson cannot accept the
constructions in 14a (the labour of Egypt and merchandise of Ethiopia, KJV) for
grammatical reasons. These expressions correspond with a financial interest in
v. 13b, eine sptere Tendenz in der Gestaltung des Vlkerwallfahrtsmotivs, wie sie
bei Tritojes (Jes 60) und Hag (2,6ff. ) auftritt: Nicht mehr die Vlker, sondern ihre
Schtze stehen im Vordergrund. In my opinion, the constructions of 14a are not
grammatically strange; they imply that persons are included, see Isa. 60:5. Also, the
last line of v. 13 and the last construction of v. 14a ( ) were added by an
Ergnzer. However, Hermissons perception of vv. 13b-14 is embedded in his
view on the additions in vv. 9-13 en 14-17 from the Ergnzer: the nations appear in
his vision only as slaves in chains, as enemies of God and makers of idols, whose
merchandise will enlarge the sheen of Jerusalem for hers are the gifts which Cyrus
did not want, v. 13b while they themselves are ashamed in contrast to Isral
(v. 17). In his view, it is this Vlkerhypothese which causes vv. 11-13 addressing
the nations with the help of vv. 9-10, although the verses 11-13, concerning Cyrus
task to build the city and to set the exiles free, originally were directed to Israel.
Vv. 9-10 and v. 13b can be understand via this Gefangenenhypothese. Minus these
additions, Hermisson leaves the reader with the section in which Yhwh informs Israel
about Cyruss task; then the three nations from the South move in the direction of
Jerusalem (without their treasures) similar to Isa. 60, whereupon the prophet demon-
strates his surprise by uttering the twofold exclamation in v. 15. The additions, as
Hermisson concludes, are the following: (9-10) 11-12-13a (13b) 14 (minus ,
and )15 (minus ) .
THE CITY IN ISAIAH 44:21-46:13 153
(pl.), but the comment of line two (about the shame over those who make
idols) is used also in line four (you will not be ashamed). Because
Israel in line three is said to be helped by Yhwh, Israel must be identic-
al with you (pl.). The lines are, like v. 14, a comment on the actions in
v. 13. The best explanation for mix of comment and direct speech is that
the stage manager based on the actions of v. 13 speaks a judgment on the
related parties in the style of a pronouncement: you, God, v. 15, Israel,
you (pl.), vv. 17a and b, and in v. 16 those who make statues (with the
gods of the makers of idols included although they are not named, as is
usual in Deutero-Isaiah).
The ultimate aim of vv. 9-17 is a first debate to criticize Israel in a
cautious way. This happens in a line of argumentation consisting of the
two pericopes: vv. 9-13 and 14-17. These two pericopes belong together
to the same debate with Israel by syntactical parallels and content, for
which we have several arguments: verse 9 and v. 15 both have a nominal
sentence, their content is in favour of Yhwhs plan. The opponents are in
vv. 9-10 spoken to as one group (with Israel among them). In v. 14 the
three nations are preceding Israel in their movement to Zion. Their com-
ing after Zion, and the confession they voice, and the interpretation of
the stage manager are all arguments to the addressees (you, Israel) to
return. In the first evaluation, vv. 15-17 all parties are spoken to separate-
ly, in the form of a pronunciation for all related. With the argument
Israel is helped and you are not deceived a light pressure is executed
to the readers (Israel) to return.
But the second evaluation, vv. 24b-25, because of corresponding vo-
cabulary a correction on the first one, is more critical to the same addres-
see. Here in also are spoken to, and at the
same time a contrast is made to ( v. 19a). The effect is, that
Jacob/Israel is also invited to come to Yhwh (v. 24b) and not the natu-
ral ally of Yhwh, as in v. 17. The unity, which is vv. 18-25, is linked to
v. 17 by . In my view the authors created with vv. 18-25 a second de-
bate, when the first debate did not cause result. This is clear from the
fact, that the process has reached its goal with the pronunciation in
vv. 15-17. Isa. 46 is the third debate. The address is much harsher (not
v. 3, but vv. 8 and 12). The verses 1-2 are a contrast with v. 3, with the
gods, who must be carried (, but Yhwh carries his people). Concepts
like , but also the missing speaker, and the second/third person in
suffixes relates these verses with Isa. 45. But all these relations cannot
hide that Isa. 46 is an independent unity. The three discussions show in
their succession the Genesis of Isa. 45-46, and thus: how Zion in Isa.
44:21-46:13 is a unity generating perspective.
154 P. LUGTIGHEID
7. Summary
1. The three-word-structures. The different names for The City are used
in syntactical structures with two characteristics: a. The self-predication
and b. Yhwhs ability to predict and direct history with his instrument
Cyrus on behalf of his people and his city. Syntactically, the three-
word-structures (Yhwh Cyrus Jerusalem/Zion) in Isa. 44:24-28,
Isa. 45:9-13 and Isa. 46:9-11 (with Zion in v. 13) are built up by a
combination of elements: a theme (in the form of a nominal sentence in
Isa. 44:24b and 46:9b, or a request in Isa. 45:11b); participles (characte-
rizing Yhwh) and imperfects (impending actions) in 44:25-28 and 46:10-
11; or x-qatal-forms followed by and grounding the three imperfects
(45:12-13 with my city par. my exiles in v. 13b). They all depict
Yhwh as the actor who is breaking new ground in history.
2. Isa. 44:24-28 is an adapter. Isa. 44:21-46:13 is made into a unity by
the insertion of 44:24-28 as an adapter in order to create this unity by
integrating its framing pericopes, 44:21-23, 45:1-13 and 45:14-46:13.
The assumption here is that I am entitled to see a major role for the stage
manager, who wrote Isa. 44:24-28, and who, working with diverse ma-
terial, in discussion with his audience, organized the text of 44:21-46:13
in the style of the trial speech. The following are three grounds for this
hypothesis:
a. All interpreters have problems with the pericope. There are problems
in syntax and with the form. K. Elliger, for example, writes: Es fehlt die
einleuchtende Gesamtschau. 64 In my total solution the stage manager
used a general word of Yhwh for a plan with cooperating players, which
he shares with Jacob/Israel. In this plan he adapts the principal players
and their (hoped for) actions found in the framing pericopes; we meet the
same players in Isa. 44:24-28 as in the rest of 44-46: Jacob/Israel,
Yhwhs servant in 44:21-23 (44:26); Jerusalem/Zion in 45:14-46:13
(44:26b); Cyrus in 45:1-13 (44:28).
b. The imperfects in Isa. 44:24-28 have the meaning of their impending
realisation. Also all imperfects in Isa. 44:24-28 are related to imperfects
in 44:21-46:13. The glorification of Israel in Isa. 44:23 is related to
46:13b. The inhabitation, found in Isa. 44:26b, is related to 45:13, espe-
cially to the release of the exiles but also to 46:13 (the equipment of
Israel with Yhwhs glory). The elevation of Jerusalems walls, found in
Isa. 44:26b, is related to 45:13, especially to the word about the restora-
64
K. Elliger, op. cit., 459.
THE CITY IN ISAIAH 44:21-46:13 155
tion of the city. The same applies to Cyruss word about the restoration
of the city, Isa. 44:28. The words about the foundation of the temple here
are related to the words that He gives liberation in Zion and equips Israel
with his glory, Isa. 46:13.
c. Isa. 44:21-46:13 is also a unity in the domains. The domain of Isa.
44:24 is adapted to the one in v. 23 as 45:1 is adapted in the same way to
44:28. The reinterpretation of Isa. 43:3-4 in 45:13c-14 is made to connect
the Cyrus part (45:1-13) to the Zion part (45:14-46:13). Also, Isa. 46:1-2
is adapted to chapter 45 to form a unity with this chapter. This unity in
Isa. 44:21-46:13 is confirmed by the fact that 46:12-13 completes, as I
have demonstrated, the theme of the temple foundation (, in Zion),
the combination of Jacob/Israel and Jerusalem/Zion (also in 44:26) as the
aim of the return, and the theme of Jacob/Israel as Yhwhs servant
Israel ().
Conclusion: The role of Isa. 44:24-28 in 44:21-46:13 is indeed that of
an adapter. The stage manager made this insertion to integrate the differ-
ent pericopes building them into a unity.
3. Isa. 44-46 represent one line of argumentation. This is the result of a
discourse analysis of the sequential pericopes. In its actual form the text
of Isa. 44:21-46:13 is meant as a unity. Contrary to the practice of form
criticism, where the literary composition often holds a second position
since this school was mainly interested in the origin of the text, we found
in our linguistic analysis many cross references in the text. The literary
unity is also based on several characteristics in the text: the third person
voice by the stage manager (1), usage of words from Yhwh (2), construc-
tion of one line of argument reaching from Isa. 44:21 to 46:13 (3), in the
style of the trial speech of 45:25 (4), and several discussions (5).65 The
trial speech is a communication device to suggest a discussion platform
between actors on the stage (dramatological school). His claim being
the only God is connected with the argument liberation (Isa. 45:17)
However, in our view, the trial speech represents a debate between the
authors and their reading public with the help of a trial scenery that poses
one line of argument with a number of argumentative steps. After the
formation of Jacob/Israel as Yhwhs servant (Isa. 44:21-23), 44:24-28,
with its invitation to Jacob/Israel and its presentation of Yhwhs plan,
presents the basic claim of the trial speech. Yhwhs plan (44:24-28) is
followed by his view on Cyrus success. This is Yhwhs argument in this
trial (Isa. 45:1-8); Yhwhs guidance excites criticism (see also v. 7),
65
The reader may find the elaboration of this part in my thesis, op. cit.
156 P. LUGTIGHEID
which is contradicted by the stage manager, who thus prepares the pres-
entation of Yhwhs plans (45:9-13). This is the beginning of a first de-
bate, (Isa. 45:9-17), followed by the second debate (45:18-25); chapter
46 is a third debate with the house of Jacob and all the rest of the house
of Israel. The different debates grow in acerbity the longer a positive
result in the discussion with his reading public is missing, and in this
order of succession these debates give information about the genesis of
Isa. 44-46.
The reasons for the creation of this unity are, on the one hand, to add
after the first another debate (and a third one), and, on the other hand, to
complete several topics of Isa. 44:21-46:13. The vocation of Cyrus, his
success and his commitment with Israel (vv. 9-11), is argued in this de-
bate about the return of both houses (vv. 12-13).
But Isa. 46 completes also several topics in 44:21-46:13. The imper-
fects in v. 4b, I will save, in v. 10b, I will realize, v. 11b, I will make
it come and I will realize anticipate Yhwhs action that is present in
v. 13 in the performative I herewith bring near my righteousness it
will not be far away and my liberation it will not stay behind I
give in Zion liberation, I equip Israel with my glory.
The frequent use of in this unit (Isa. 46:4b, 6b, 10a, 10b, 11b) is
peculiar. In v. 10b Yhwh quotes his own words with , my
plan will be brought about (44:26a ) and , I
will realise my whole wish (44:28a , he will complete my
whole wish, of which refers, as we saw, to the founding of the tem-
ple). The performative in Isa. 46:13 means Yhwhs act, as it is stated, to
give liberation in Zion and equip Israel with his glory (),
v. 13b. The latter root, is, as we saw, also used in relation to Ja-
cob/Israels formation as Yhwhs servant, Isa. 44:23. In Isa. 46:13a my
justice is a parallel to my liberation. It is natural to relate in v. 13b,
where glory is a parallel from liberation, my glory and my justice.
is the destination of Yhwhs people, it is his ornament, his
glory (Deut. 26:19; Jer. 13:11). It is also used in connection with the
jubilee from the righteous (Prov. 28:12), and who live in Zion are a
crown of beauty ( , Isa. 62:3). The only act in which both
halves of Isa. 46:13b find their realisation is the founding of the temple.
Is it not the temple which is in Zion? Is it not the founding of the tem-
ple that explains the equipment of Jacob/Israel, Yhwhs servant, with his
glory (= righteousness, v. 13a) and completes Yhwhs whole wish, Isa.
44:28, ?
Conclusion: The many cross references found in these chapters give
enough evidence to state that the final text of Isa. 44-46, has indeed been
THE CITY IN ISAIAH 44:21-46:13 157
66
Cf. A. Kuhrt, The Cyrus Cilinder and Achaemenid Policy, JSOT 25 (1983),
93-4; G. Ahn, Religise Herrscherlegitimation im achmenidischen Iran, Leiden
1992, 134.
158 P. LUGTIGHEID
Diagram
This model is an accurate reflection of the diachronic remarks in this
article.
Isa. 44:21-22, 23
Isa. 44:24
Isa. 44:24-28
Isa. 45:1(adapted)-8(adapted) ;
Isa. 45:9-13
Isa. 46:3-11/12
Isa. 46:12/13
67
I thank my dear colleagues Ms. Jackie Wyse and Ms. Brenda Heyink for advice
concerning the English translation.
THE COMFORT OF ZION
PERSONIFICATION IN ISAIAH 40-66
1. Introduction
One of the unifying aspects of the second half of the book of Isaiah (Isa.
40-66) is the fact that Yhwh and Zion appear to be central actants in its
dramatic progression. 1 As actants go, however, Zion is a case apart.
Sometimes, Zion is simply a geographical location. In other instances,
she is portrayed as a person, including emotions and other human quali-
ties. This figure of speech is called personification.2 Whenever Zion is
personified, she is invariably sketched as a woman. The roles she per-
forms, however, are diverse. She figures as a partner (Isa. 62:4), a mother
(60:4), and a herald of good tidings (40:9).3 In correspondence to Zion,
Yhwh plays divergent roles. He acts as her faithful husband (Isa. 54:5),
her redeemer (59:20), or the one who comforts her (51:3). In this portion
of the book, personification of Zion as a woman occurs much more fre-
quently than it does in the first half.4
1
For a characterization of Isa. 40-55 as a dramatic text, see A. van der Woude,
Hearing Voices While Reading: Isaiah 40-55 as a Drama, in: P. Chatelion Cou-
net, U. Berges (eds), One Text, a Thousand Methods (FS S. van Tilborg), Lei-
den/Boston, etc. 2005, 149-73. See also: U. Berges, Jesaja 40-48 (Herders Theologi-
scher Kommentar zum Alten Testament), Freiburg/Basel, etc. 2008, 64-73. Different,
K. Baltzer, Deutero-Jesaja (KAT 10/2), Gtersloh 1999; K. Baltzer, P. Machinist,
Deutero-Isaiah: A Commentary on Isaiah 40-55, trans. M. Kohl, Minneapolis 2001.
With his 1999 commentary, K. Baltzer takes credit for bringing back to life the dis-
cussion on the dramatic nature of Isa. 40-55. Baltzer regards Isa. 40-55 as the script
of a play that was meant to be performed. See also: P. Hffken, Jesaja: Der Stand
der theologischen Diskussion, Darmstadt 2004, 103-5.
2
Cf. H. van Gorp, D. Delabastita et al., Lexicon Van Literaire Termen, Mechelen
82007 (11980), 353-4. On the personification of Zion/Jerusalem, see: U. Berges,
Klagelieder (Herders Theologischer Kommentar zum Alten Testament), Frei-
burg/Basel, etc. 2002, 52-64. See also: A. van der Woude, Sion als literair begrip,
in: NBV Studiebijbel: De Nieuwe Bijbelvertaling met Uitleg, Achtergronden en Illu-
straties, Heerenveen 2008, 1069.
3
Zion occurs eleven times in Isa. 40-55: 40:9; 41:27; 46:13; 49:14; 51:3, 11, 16;
52:1, 2 (), 7, 8. She occurs seven times in Isa. 56-66: 59:20; 60:14; 61:3;
62:1, 11 ( ;)64:9; 66:8. In Isa. 40:9; 41:27; 52:1, 2; 62:1; 64:9 Jerusalem
parallels Zion.
4
Cf. U. Berges, Personifications and Prophetic Voices of Zion in Isaiah and
Beyond, in: J.C. de Moor (ed.), The Elusive Prophet: The Prophet as a Historical
160 A. VAN DER WOUDE
2. Isaiah 49:14-26
In Isa. 49:14-26, Zion and Yhwh are the leading figures. The text clearly
presents a personified portrait of Zion. She is a woman who complains
because her beloved has left her: The LORD has forsaken me, my Lord
has forgotten me (Isa. 49:14).5 Nevertheless, it is impossible to make too
sharp a distinction between Zion as a human being and as a location. In a
following verse, the two are intertwined: The children born in the time
of your bereavement will yet say in your hearing: The place is too
crowded for me; make room for me to settle (Isa. 49:20).
In this passage, Yhwh is cast as Zions partner, if only because she
addresses him as such. To what extent Yhwh actually assumes this role,
depends on the question as to who speaks the words: Can a woman
forget her nursing child, or show no compassion for the child of her
womb? Even these may forget, yet I will not forget you (Isa. 49:15).6
My contention is, that these words are spoken by Yhwh. In the following
lines, the next indication for a first person grammatical form is:
(Isa. 49:18). The accompanying stage direction7 clarifies that
these are the words of Yhwh. As a result, it is plausible that also in verse
15 Yhwh is the speaker.
Person, Literary Character and Anonymous Artist (OTS 45), Leiden 2001, 54-82;
C.M. Maier, Daughter Zion, Mother Zion: Gender, Space and the Sacred in Ancient
Israel, Minneapolis 2008, 161-88; C.R. Mandolfo, Daughter Zion Talks Back to the
Prophets: A Dialogic Theology of the Book of Lamentations (Semeia Studies 58),
Atlanta 2007, 103-19. See also: J.J. Schmitt, The City as Woman in Isaiah 1-39, in:
C.C. Broyles, C.A. Evans (eds), Writing and Reading the Scroll of Isaiah: Studies of
an Interpretive Tradition, Leiden 1997, 95-119.
5
Scripture quotations are taken from the New Revised Standard Version.
6
Cf. A. van der Woude, Geschiedenis van de terugkeer: De rol van Jesaja 40,1-
11 in het drama van Jesaja 40-55, Maastricht 2005, 135-49.
7
Cf. note 1. One of the characteristics of a dramatic text is the absence of a story-
teller. As far as an entity mediates between story and reader, it acts as a reporter,
giving a running commentary of a match. The utterances of the reporter are designat-
ed as stage directions.
THE COMFORT OF ZION 161
3. Isaiah 66:7-14
At first glance, it is not obvious that Zion and Yhwh are the main actants
in Isa. 66:7-14. The passage opens with grammatical forms of the third
person feminine singular (Isa. 66:7). Only in what follows, does it be-
come clear that these feminine forms refer to Zion (Isa. 66:8). In a simi-
lar way, the reader understands that Yhwh is speaking in retrospect only.
The utterance ( Isa. 66:9) functions as a stage direction. The
close relationship between Zion and Yhwh is expressed in your
God, ( Isa. 66:9).
In the next verse, the grammatical form of the second person shifts
from singular to plural. You (from Isa. 66:10 onwards) refers to all
people who are engaged in Jerusalems vicissitudes. Yhwh continues to
8
For a discussion of the mixing metaphors in this passage, see: S.J. Dille, Mix-
ing Metaphors: God as Mother and Father in Deutero-Isaiah (JSOT.S 398), Lon-
don/New York 2004, 138-51. See also: H. Lland, Silent or Salient Gender?: The
Interpretation of Gendered God-Language in the Hebrew Bible, Exemplified in
Isaiah 42, 46 and 49 (FAT 2. Reihe 32), Tbingen 2008, 161-92.
162 A. VAN DER WOUDE
address them in the following lines (Isa. 66:11-14). In the final verse, a
connection is found between this group and his servants, ( Isa.
66:14).
In comparison to Isa. 49:14-26, it is noteworthy that Zion does not
speak for herself in this passage, and that Yhwh nowhere addresses her
directly. Instead, he talks about her, in the third person: I will extend
prosperity to her like a river (Isa. 66:12).
The figurative language is extremely rich. It encompasses pregnancy,
giving birth, feeding, contractions, dilatation, suckling, breast, comfort.
The image of a woman is evoked, an image which refers to Zion. As is
the case in Isa. 49:14-26, 66:7-14 personifies Zions portrait. Zion acts as
a woman in labor (Isa. 66:7-9) and as a nursing mother (66:10-11). The
addressees in these verses point to her children, who may nurse and be
satisfied from her consoling breast (Isa. 66:11). Yhwh is the giver of
life. He acts as guarantor for her children.
In what follows (Isa. 66:12-14), the picture changes. Zion is no longer
a consoling mother. Rather, Jerusalem has become a location again, the
place where comfort is given (Isa. 66:13). In Isa. 66:7-14 it is difficult to
maintain a sharp distinction between Zions portrait as a woman and as a
place, just as was the case in 49:14-26. Besides this, it is remarkable that
Yhwh uses female metaphorical language9 to qualify his own consoling
action. He now is the one who comforts, as a mother comforts her child
(Isa. 66:13). It is fascinating that in these verses the description of a
mother figure is applied to Zion as well as to Yhwh. This imagery again
recalls Isa. 49:14-26, in which Yhwh chose to compare himself to a nurs-
ing woman, in order to persuade Zion that he will never forget her
(49:15).
4. Comfort
9
Cf. on metaphor, H. van Gorp, D. Delabastita, op.cit., 289-90. Personification is
one of the conceivable figures of transference of a metaphor.
THE COMFORT OF ZION 163
10
The root occurs nine times in Isa. 40-55: 40:1 [2]; 49:13; 51:3 [2], 12,
19; 52:9; 54:11. The root occurs six times in Isa. 56-66: 57:18; 61:2; 66:11, 13 [3].
11
For a detailed description of the analogies between Isa. 60 and several texts
from the chapters 40-55, see: A.L.H.M. van Wieringen, Analogies in Isaiah (Appli-
catio 10), Volume A: Computerized Analysis of Parallel Texts between Isaiah 56-66
and Isaiah 40-66, Amsterdam 1993, 203-16. Cf. M.E. Biddle, Lady Zions Alter
Egos: Isaiah 47.1-15 and 57.6-13 as Structural Counterparts, in: R.F. Melugin, M.A.
Sweeney (eds), New Visions of Isaiah, Sheffield 1996, especially 134.
12
In Isa. 56-66, as in the chapters 40-55, comfort and acknowledgement of Yhwh
as its actor go together: and it shall be known that the hand of the Lord is with his
servants, and his indignation is against his enemies (66,14). Cf., e.g., Isa. 41:20;
49:23, 26; 52:10; 60:16; 61:9.
164 A. VAN DER WOUDE
Joy has come to Zion: she can embrace her children. At this point, the
reader expects Zion to perform her task of announcing the good news to
others. At the opening of this story, this duty was assigned specifically to
her (Isa. 40:9). The spirit of the Lord GOD is upon me (); he has sent
me to bring good news to the oppressed (Isa. 61:1). The readers expec-
tation is met, in that somebody indeed acts as a herald of good tidings.
The root is used here, as is the case at the beginning of Isa. 40-55.13
However, is it really Zion who acts here?
The identity of the I-figure in Isa. 61 has been the object of much de-
bate. Some support the interpretation that Zion is indeed the one who
pronounces the good news in this chapter.14 Others think of the prophet,15
whereas the view is also defended that the servant is acting here.16 I hold
the last view to be the more likely one, as I shall now explain.
It is helpful to take into account how the servant has been presented in
Isa. 40-55. In these chapters, the servant embodies the word of Yhwh.
The so-called Servant Songs (Isa. 42:1-9; 49:1-6; 50:4-9; 52:13-53:12)
portray him as someone whose life is devoted to God. In one of the first
chapters, the servant is addressed by God: Here is my servant,
(Isa. 42:1). Further on in this dramatic composition, the servant speaks
for himself (Isa. 49:1-6; 50:4-9).
Apart from this, in passages that do not explicitly bear his name, traits
of the servant are recognizable as well. The beginning of Isa. 40-55,
where an anonymous actant is called to raise his voice, serves as an ex-
ample (40:6-8). This is also true for: And now the Lord GOD has sent
me and his spirit (Isa. 48:16). In this line, Jacob/Israel shows affinity
with the servant.17
13
The appearance of the herald of good tidings in Isa. 40-66: the feminine
form in 40:9 [2]; the masculine form in 41:27; 52:7. The root
further occurs in Isa. 52:7; 60:6; 61:1.
14
So, e.g., U. Berges, Klagelieder (Herders Theologischer Kommentar zum Alten
Testament), Freiburg/Basel, etc. 2002, 61.
15
So, e.g., W.A.M. Beuken, Jesaja deel IIIa (De Prediking van het Oude Testa-
ment), Nijkerk 1989, 195-200. Cf. W.A.M. Beuken, Servant and Herald of Good
Tidings: Isaiah 61 as an Interpretation of Isaiah 40-55, in: J. Vermeylen (ed.), The
Book of Isaiah. Le livre dIsae: Les oracles et leurs relectures unit et complexit de
louvrage (BEThL 81), Leuven 1989, 413: () we shall call the speaker [in Isa.
61:1-7] the prophet without intending to say that he is not the Servant.
16
So, e.g., J.L. Koole, Isaiah III (Historical Commentary on the Old Testament
3/3), Leuven 2001, 268-75.
17
Cf. A. van der Woude, Dienaar van Jhwh, in: NBV Studiebijbel: De Nieuwe
Bijbelvertaling met Uitleg, Achtergronden en Illustraties, Heerenveen 2008, 1103.
THE COMFORT OF ZION 165
I have already stated that the addressed you-group in Isa. 66:7-14 is the
object of comfort. These people are identified as servants (Isa. 66:14).
The appearance of the servants of Yhwh extends from the end of Isa. 40-
55: This is the heritage of the servants of the LORD and their vindication
from me, says the LORD (Isa. 54:17) to this passage, the end of the chap-
ters 56-66.19
The servants in these chapters cannot be separated from the unique
servant in Isa. 40-55.20 The most dramatic event in the story of the ser-
vant is the moment when a you-group perceives that the servant has
borne their iniquities (Isa. 53:1-6). For the first time, they speak as a
we: Who has believed what we have heard? And to whom has the arm
18
Compare passages concerning the servant in Isa. 49:1-13; 50:4-9; 52:13-53:12,
followed by passages concerning Zion in 49:14-26; 51:9-52:12; 54:1-17. See also: P.
Tull Willey, Remember the Former Things: The Recollection of Previous Texts in
Second Isaiah (SBL.DS 161), Atlanta 1997, 105-6, 175-81, 222-6.
19
occurs ten times in Isa. 56-66: 56:6; 63:17; 65:8, 9, 13 [3], 14, 15;
66:14.
20
Cf. H. Leene, Kan een fictionele gestalte onze plaats innemen?: Overwegingen
bij de uitleg van Jesaja 53, GThT 93 (1993), 240-5. See also: H. Leene, Een nieuwe
hemel en een nieuwe aarde: Slotakkoord van het boek Jesaja, Amsterdam 2002, 9-
14.
166 A. VAN DER WOUDE
of the LORD been revealed? (Isa. 53:1). The intended purpose of the
servants suffering was not to satisfy Yhwh. It was Gods plan, ( Isa.
53:10 [2]), to create the possibility for this group to become a member
of Gods people, via the servant. To reach this goal, a change of perspec-
tive is inescapable. The servant has shown the you-group what comes
from living in obedience to God. Their words in the first person in this
passage show that they have grasped the significance of the servant. In
fact, Isaiah 40-55 is a story of conversion.21
Now that the story of the one servant has ended, the dramatic compo-
sition puts multiple servants, ( Isa. 54:17; cf. 56:6), on the stage.22
They are called offspring, ( Isa. 53:10), of the one and only servant.
By consequence, they also count as descendants of Zion (Isa. 54:3; cf.
54:13).
After the peoples transformation, the dramatic story of Isa. 40-55
ends on a call at their address, to abandon their own ways and thoughts
and to follow Yhwh in a way that the servant has demonstrated (Isa.
55:6-13). Isa. 40-55 has an open ending, leaving its readers with the
question, whether this group will actually succeed in returning to Yhwh.
In the course of the story of Isa. 40-66, being a child is qualified: be-
longing to the people of God is no longer accomplished by nature, but by
realizing that the way of the servant should also be yours.23 Isa. 56-66
focuses on the formation of this community of servants. The close tie
between Isa. 40-55 and these chapters runs from the one servant, into the
many.
7. Dramatic Progress
In this contribution, the question that concerns me, is how the dramatic
progress in Isa. 40-66 is connected to the ways in which Zion is personi-
fied in these chapters.
In Isa. 40-55 the image is evoked of an abandoned woman and a lone-
ly wife. Her personified image has a negative connotation here. This
changes in the course of the following chapters. The return of Yhwh to
Zion, his beloved, confirms their bond (Isa. 52:7-10; cf. 40:10). The
arrival of her children makes clear, that the promise made to her has not
21
Cf. A. van der Woude, Geschiedenis van de terugkeer: de rol van Jesaja 40,1-
11 in het drama van Jesaja 40-55, Maastricht 2005, 223-8.
22
Cf. W.A.M. Beuken, The Main Theme of Trito-Isaiah: the Servants of Yhwh,
JSOT 47 (1990), 67-87. See also: W.A.M. Beuken, Jesaja deel IIIa (De Prediking
van het Oude Testament), Nijkerk 1989, 15-7.
23
Cf. A. van der Woude, op.cit., 160-3.
THE COMFORT OF ZION 167
been in vain (Isa. 60:4-9; cf. 49:16-26; 40:10-11). As the dramatic story
unfolds, the reader no longer hears Zion complain (as in Isa. 49:14). On
the contrary, now that she has been comforted (cf. Isa. 40:1-2), Zion
appears capable of comforting others. In relation to Yhwh she still is the
receiving party, but in relation to her children she has grown to be the
giving party (as in Isa. 66:11).
Also when sketching Zion as a messenger, Isa. 56-66 applies its own
accents to the portrait. Whereas in Isa. 40-55 Zions role as herald of
glad tidings is announced to be a glorious one (Isa. 40:9), this image has
shifted in the chapters 56-66. Not Zion brings the good news, but rather a
figure showing traits of the servant from the preceding chapters (Isa.
61:1). Zions role as has moved to the background. The alternat-
ing appearance of Zion and the servant figure draws attention to their
offspring, servants of the LORD.
In conclusion, the personified image of Zion in Isa. 40-66 draws the
readers attention toward the shift in focus within these chapters. The
reunion of husband and wife, Yhwh and Zion, is no longer the center of
attention in chapters 56-66. Now, their childrens future is at stake.24
24
I wish to thank Drs. Maurits J. Sinnighe Damst (Musselkanaal, the Nether-
lands) for his correction of the English translation of this article.
JERUSALEM, ZION AND THE UNIQUE SERVANT OF YHWH
IN THE NEW HEAVEN AND THE NEW EARTH
A STUDY ON RECOVERING IDENTITY VERSUS LAMENTING FADED
GLORY (ISAIAH 1-5 AND 65-66)
K.D. Jenner
The specialist literature on the book and the prophecy of Isaiah presents
an abundance of approaches, insights, viewpoints or scopes.1 The present
volume is concerned with the problem of whether or not the city
creates unity within the book of Isaiah with respect to composition, con-
tent, and literary structure.2 The particular question of this contribution to
this volume is as to which light the psychodynamics of the personality
might shed on the general problem, or whether these dynamics, being an
essential element of the speech of literature i.e. the personification, might
even be the key to a better understanding of the book of Isaiah.
The chapters 1-5 and 65-66 are taken as an inclusio.3 They shortly ex-
plain the religious-political issue and the ideological message of the
whole book: the city (i.e. Jerusalem and Zion) will continue as a con-
crete reality and, as such, be the centre of the new heaven and the new
earth. The explanation runs as follows. The first five chapters are con-
cerned with the identity crisis as implicitly phrased in passages like Isa.
1:8-9.4 The dark future for the people of Yhwh (i.e. Jacob and Israel) and
his unique servants (i.e. Jerusalem and Zion) gave rise to this crisis.
1
The present writer makes his own way through the book of Isaiah; with all re-
spect for the learned experts, it should be said. The professional standpoint of the
exegesis of the book of Isaiah is largely present in the other contributions and the
specialist literature referred to.
2
See the Introduction for a further explanation of the problem of the present vo-
lume.
3
The present author is gratefully indebted to J. Holman. Earlier on in our meet-
ings, he suggested taking the first and the last chapter of the book of Isaiah as an
inclusion.
4
More evidence in: Isa. 1:18; 2:6; 3:1-7; 3:16-14:1; 5:12-13, 19-20; 66:5. This
evidence is clearly concerned with the problem Who am I?, or Who are we? and
170 K. D. JENNER
vention is not destruction, but to bring about divine insight to the judges
and counsellors in Jerusalem, and the repentance of the people of Yhwh
(Israel) as well (Isa. 1:3, 26). In short, there could be no mistake about
the responsibility and guilt concerning the disaster that struck Jerusalem
and Zion. Therefore, the key to the restoration of faded glory is in the
hands of Yhwh. This will happen as soon as his splendour again covers
Jerusalem and Zion (Isa. 4:5-6). To this end, he purges the entire area
(Isa. 1:16-17, 25; 4:4). On the one hand Yhwh eliminates his enemies
(Isa. 1:24); on the other hand he gets the judges and counsellors to repent
(1:26). Both actions form a part of the tribunal Yhwh will institute and
which will decide who is in his rights (Isa. 1:18). Yhwh will settle the
conflict with the city, behaving itself like a whore, to his advantage (Isa.
1:26), as he will do with the people and the nations. The nations will
assemble themselves on the mountain (Isa. 2:1-3); Yhwh himself will
teach from Zion (2:3-4). There will no longer be (a threat of) war (Isa.
2:4-5; 4:2-3, 5-6).
3. The Manifesto
6
In different wording the present author has already suggested the connection be-
tween a manifesto and a professional group in: K.D. Jenner, The Old Testament and
its Appreciation of Cyrus, Persica 10 (1982) 283-4. Cf. K.D. Jenner, Buiten Jeruza-
lem geen Heil?: Beeldvorming en beeldspraak over Jeruzalems religieuze status vr
587/6 v.C., in: K.D. Jenner, G.A. Wiegers (eds), Jeruzalem als heilige stad: Religi-
euze voorstelling en geloofspraktijk (Leidse Studin van de Godsdienst 1), Kampen
1996, 53-73.
172 K. D. JENNER
first five chapters. This new element is carefully evolved in the previous
59 chapters, in which Zion is portrayed as a mother mourning the loss of
her children, while she complains of being cast away (Isa. 49; 66:7-9).
The implicit question of this portrayal is whether Zion might be able to
console others while herself suffering very traumatic experiences and
uttering heartbreaking laments. In light of this question, the manifesto
has a twofold religious-political point that is a very new element. Indeed,
Zion is able to console as a mother; Yhwh enables her to do so, since he
creates the fruits of this consolation: joy, piece and prosperity (Isa.
65:15-16, 18; 66:12-15). Besides, Zion is not childless: the saints and the
servants of Yhwh are her children (Isa. 65:9). The text does not explicitly
forbid the identification of the returning exiles, the servants, the repent-
ing judges and counsellors, and the saints with the political and religious
supporters of the manifesto. Anyhow, Yhwh selects priests and Levites
from the former group (Isa. 66:21). They may do service in the true tem-
ple service and in the celebration of the high feasts in the right spirit,
which manifest the splendour and majesty of Yhwh (Isa. 65:8-10, 17-25;
66:20). The resurrection of Jerusalem and Zion is the basis of Yhwhs
consolation and peace. It is the foundation and centre of the new heaven
and the new earth as well. The final passage of the manifesto is most
interesting (Isa. 66:18-24). The passage depicts the religious practice of
the concrete and actual pilgrimage as soon as Jerusalem and Zion have
become the centre of the new heaven and the new earth. It is concerned
with the comings and goings of the pilgrims. Remarkably, entering the
city, the pilgrims do not see the corpses of the defeated adversaries of
Yhwh. They certainly do, however, on the way back. Possibly, they then
take a different way, through the area of the cemeteries. Anyhow, the
morbid sight reminds the pilgrims of the intensity of Yhwhs revenge
and retaliation concerning his opponents (cf. Isa. 1:28-30). Obviously,
this teaching element during the final stage of the pilgrimage-rituals is an
essential and integral element of the envisaged new heaven and new
earth (Isa. 66:24). Therefore the passage in question does not transpose
secular history to a higher spiritual level. It does not allude to an apoca-
lyptic event. It simply depicts the fortunes of a concrete city where eve-
rything revolves around the glorification of God and the safeguarding of
his holiness (Isa. 4:3).
It is beyond doubt that the resurrected Jerusalem and Zion are the ex-
pected centre of the new heaven and the new earth. This is the result of a
JERUSALEM, ZION AND THE UNIQUE SERVANT OF YHWH 173
7
Cf. I.L. Janis, Mans Struggle to Cope with Stress: an Overview, in: I.L. Janis
(ed.), Personality: Dynamics, Development, and Assessment, New York 1969, 3-19.
174 K. D. JENNER
The rise of an ideology of rescue from their situation (e.g. Isa. 41:8-
19) is the characteristic feature of the third phase (the chapters 40-48).
One expects the liberator, the unique servant of Yhwh (e.g. Isa. 42:1-13;
43:14; 44:1-6; 44:24-45:13). Such an ideology is often the reaction to a
long-lasting exposure to danger and the deprivation of spiritual and life-
giving conditions. Usually, the victims of great disasters try to under-
stand what has happened in order to incorporate the events and emotions
into their lives. The disastrous circumstances urge them to create a new
identity. Frequent passages at least give the impression that the fall of
Jerusalem and the destruction of the temple caused a similar inner
process for the exiles (e.g. Isa. 40:6-8). They encourage and comfort
each other and thus they combat scepticism (e.g. Isa. 40:9-11, 27:31).
They reflect on the past. They then use memories related to ancient, tra-
ditional, collective, and national identity. Thus the great deeds of Yhwh
are applauded, but at the same time are they viewed in the perspective of
new political and religious promises (e.g. Isa. 40:12-26; 41:22-23; 44:26;
48:1-3). Also a relation is established between Abraham, Israel, Jacob
and Yhwh (e.g. Isa. 40:27). The new identity is related to the ingroup-
outgroup mechanism, which is expressed in the need for exclusivity and
particularity and the perception of the superiority of Yhwh and his
people, connected with feelings of aggression towards his adversaries.8
The implementation of the new identity (i.e. serving as the light for all
people and nations), in the fourth phase (Isa. 49-56), causes a struggle
for the self-preservation and survival of the servant(s) of Yhwh. It is a
war of attrition between these servant(s) and the adversaries of Yhwh.
The chapters in question give the impression of a fight to the bitter end,
which is characteristic for a victim of a disaster (e.g. Isa. 49:4). As is
evident from case studies, these victims fall prey to utmost despair and
apathetic resignation (cf. e.g. Isa. 49:4, 7, 14, 21; 54:6). They undergo an
inner debate of giving up and fighting on (Isa. 49:8-10). They become
confused and pass through a state of mental disorientation, in which they
suddenly see fragments of images from previous, similar situations,
which they have survived (e.g. Isa. 43:16-17; 49:1-3; 51:9-11; 54:9;
55:3-4). The feed-back between fragments of memory and the current
crisis situation results in the will and the power to survive. These frag-
mentary memories are often related to the role of parents protecting their
8
From a historical view, the third up to and including the fifth phase might be
connected to the beginning of the Persian era: the third and fourth phase to the initial
period of the Persian Empire (Cyrus the Great and his immediate successor), the fifth
one to Darius III. Cf. R.E. Friedman (ed.), The Poet and the Historian: Essays in
Literary and Historical Biblical Criticism (Harvard Semitic Studies 26), Chico 1983.
JERUSALEM, ZION AND THE UNIQUE SERVANT OF YHWH 175
children. On the one hand this protection expresses itself in the warm
security of the mother and her sorrow and care in critical and stressful
situations (e.g. Isa. 49:14-15). On the other hand the admonitions and
critical incentives of the father attest his love (e.g. Isa. 49:8-9; 50; 51:9-
16). It is remarkable that the chapters in question refer to the care and
consolation of Jerusalem in her role as the mother of her children (cf. Isa.
54). These qualities of the mother are even attributed to Yhwh in his role
of the father (cf. 64:7-11). The emotional power and intention of these
qualities attached to the roles in role-plays may not be underestimated.
Not infrequently, the uncontrolled fragments of the memory cause the
victims incorrect assessment of his situation and the overestimation of
his power to survive the crisis (Isa. 52:13-53:12). Paradoxically, howev-
er, this incorrect assessment forms the drive for the final and utmost
effort to survive (Isa. 51:17-52:12; 54). In the case of the chapters in
question Jerusalem, viewed in the role of the unique servant, is the vic-
tim who struggles for his survival. Recalling the motherly care and the
incentives of the father, the city finds the strength to survive in a hope-
less situation (Isa. 54; cf. chapter 66). In the scope of role-plays it is not
surprising that at the same time Yhwh and Jerusalem are portrayed as
husband and wife, as well as father and mother. The same person can
play more than one role, and in situations of stressful crisis the same
fragmentary image(s) of memory can switch between several personali-
ties. In the case of this fourth phase, the survival of Jerusalem is the im-
petus to its resurrection. Actually, in this phase Jerusalem changes her
identity and overcomes her identity crisis. This triumph presents the
implicit supporters of the manifesto with a paradigm on how to over-
come their identity crisis. The role of the unique servant is essential in
order to implement their new identity, as sketched in the religious-
political manifesto.
The last phase (Isa. 57-66) represents the victims living reality after
he has survived. Just as saved victims are able to forget or repress the
images of the disaster they have experienced, as well as the fragments of
images that their memory reproduced during the fourth phase, the resur-
rected Jerusalem and Zion are similarly able to do so. These chapters
portray Jerusalem as the city in which all people are fairly treated, where
divine justice is practised (Isa. 56:1-2) and the assimilated alien finds his
proper place and earns his rights as well (56:3-6). The temple is the
house where all people can pray and where everyone can participate in
religious ceremonies, rituals, and temple services, be it that he acknowl-
edge Yhwh as the Holy One (e.g. Isa. 56:6-7). Even the eunuch gets an
honourable mention in the temple, if he keeps the Sabbath and obeys the
176 K. D. JENNER
5. Personification9
Cities play a key role in the book of Isaiah, as close reading reveals. At
any rate the city of Jerusalem and Zion are indisputably depicted as per-
sons who play several roles and have a different status in each of their
roles. This observation raises the question as to whether these depictions
are simply matters of a simile, or represent figures of speech like pars
pro toto, totum pro parte, metonymia, (mixed) metaphor, or personifica-
tion.10 The last figure of speech clearly aims at the transferral of meaning
in the line of the psychology of personality. This statement needs the
following concise commentary. The ups and downs of cities or their
inhabitants are described in the terminology of the (role) behaviour of
individuals. This phenomenon is defined as personification. The individ-
ual is ascribed a personality with characteristic features or character
traits, that function in relation to the current canon of values and stan-
dards. This canon prescribes what is common decency or not. So, there is
some interaction between the personification, personality, representation
and the public opinion of cities. Personification implies that complex
social processes such as the protection of the interests of some group or
faction and the related conflicts are simplified down to the interaction
between a very small number of persons. Propaganda is concentrated on
manipulating the public opinion aiming at a positive or negative effect on
the current representation. Propaganda not infrequently results in the
9
See for this and the following paragraphs: J. Brockmeier, D. Carbaugh (eds),
Narrative and Identity: Studies in Autobiography, Self, and Culture (Studies in narra-
tive 1), Philadelphia 2001; D. Cartwright, A. Zander (eds), Group Dynamics: Re-
search and Theory, New York 31968 (11954); Th. L. Glasser, Ch. T. Salmon (eds),
Public Opinion and the Communication of Consent (The Guilford communication
series), New York 1995; D.J. Terry, M.A. Hogg, Attitudes, Behavior, and social
Context: the Role of Norms and Group Membership (Applied social research), New
York 2000; I.L. Janis, L. Mann, Effectiveness of emotional Role Playing in modify-
ing smoking Habits and Attitudes, Journal of Experimental Research in Personality
1 (1965), 84-90; M.A. Milburn, Persuasion and Politics: The Social Psychology of
Public Opinion, Pacific Grove 1991; A.R. Pratkanis and E. Aronson, Age of Propa-
ganda: The Everyday Use and Abuse of Persuasion, New York 1992.
10
See note 4.
JERUSALEM, ZION AND THE UNIQUE SERVANT OF YHWH 177
11
So, the roles of the cities in the book of Isaiah need to be mapped out and criti-
cally studied.
178 K. D. JENNER
12
See for this paragraph and the following paragraphs: B.E. Ashforth, Role, tran-
sitions in organizational life: An identity-based perspective (LEAs organization and
management series), New York 2001; H. Sundn, Die Religion und die Rollen: Eine
psychologische Untersuchung der Frmmigkeit, transl. H. Mller, Berlin 1966.
JERUSALEM, ZION AND THE UNIQUE SERVANT OF YHWH 179
heaven and new earth: the religious-political empire of Yhwh. This even
holds good for Cyrus; his role aims for the same purpose.13
Jerusalem and Zion play the following roles in turn:
1. National capital and national sanctuary of Judah (neutral or fe-
minine role);
2. Residence of Yhwh and holy city (neutral or feminine role);
3. Unfaithful wife of Yhwh (feminine role);
4. Mother of children (feminine role);
5. Herald of joy (viz.: coming salvation for the cities of Judah,
their liberation, re-entering of Yhwh in the temple and his enth-
ronement; masculine role):
6. The unique servant of Yhwh (masculine role).
The first two roles are functions that do not necessarily call for the per-
sonification of Jerusalem and Zion.14 With respect to the following four
roles, however, it is indisputable that they are attached to the personified
city and temple area. These roles impose a pattern of role behaviour on
Jerusalem and Zion. It is usual in such cases that this pattern prescribes a
standard of accepted or reprehensible behaviour, such as: whore or adul-
teress; unfaithful wife (repudiated, and favourably restored to her origi-
nal position); mother mourning because of her supposedly being child-
less, or consoling those who are entrusted to her care; blind or deaf ser-
vant; herald of salvation or disaster.
The argumentation for the identification of Jerusalem as the unique
servant of Yhwh runs as follows: several (categories) of personalities are
indicated as servant of Yhwh. Jacob and Israel both play the role of the
servant of Yhwh. The people and the alien who obeys Yhwh are also his
servants. Yet, Zion15 is the unique servant of Yhwh. The book of Isaiah
remarkably does not mention the name of this servant. It is however
likely that he is one of the roles of the personified Zion. In Isa. 54:17
Yhwhs wife is approached as his servant. Yhwh has only one wife:
13
Cf. K.D. Jenner, The Old Testament and its Appreciation of Cyrus, Persica 10
(1982), 283-4; R.J. van der Spek, Did Cyrus the Great Introduce a New Policy To-
ward Subdued Nations?: Cyrus in Assyrian Perspective, Persica 10 (1982), 278-82;
R.J. van der Spek, The Babylonian City, in: A. Kuhrt, S. Sherwin-White (eds.),
Hellenism in the East: The Interaction of Greek and non-Greek Civilization from
Syria to Central Asia after Alexander, Berkeley1987, 57-74.
14
In modern languages, it is also not unusual to speak of the actions of centres of
power, authority, and religious practices. The figure of speech of totus pro parte
expresses the conflict and protection of interests between and pertaining to different
lobbies.
15
This name functions as the pars pro toto for Jerusalem throughout.
180 K. D. JENNER
Zion-Jerusalem. So, Zion is the servant. This is the first argument. The
second one is that Yhwh names Zion his people, while this is also re-
puted to be so for the servant of Yhwh. Besides, Zion and the unique
servant of Yhwh are both alluded to as being hit and despised. This in-
disputable observation is the third argument. The combination of all
three arguments leads to the conclusion that Zion and the unique servant
are one and the same personality. All three differently characterize the
function of Jerusalem and its sanctuary. These characteristics enable
Jerusalem and Zion, alias the unique servant, to perform the task Yhwh
imposes on them: to bring back the tribes of Israel, to teach the law and
justice of Yhwh and to thus be the light for the whole world.
The above statement about the identification of Jerusalem, Zion, and
the unique servant holds true at the psychological level of textual inter-
pretation. A. van der Woude, however, has come to a different conclu-
sion. In her dissertation, she makes clear that the literary analyst makes a
number of objections against the identification in question.16
7. Role-Play
16
Since it is beyond the scope of this paragraph to methodologically discuss the
pros and cons of the identification, this issue will be elaborated in the paragraph
dealing with the methodological evaluation.
17
See for this and the following paragraphs: G.W. Baker, D.W. Chapman (eds),
Man and Society in Disaster, New York 1962; I.L. Janis, S. Feshbach, Personality
Differences associated with Responsiveness to Fear Arousing Communications,
Journal of Personality 23 (1954) 154-66; I.L. Janis, A.A. Lumsdaine et al., Effects
of preparatory Communications on Reactions of subsequent News Event, Public
Opinion Quarterly 15 (1951) 487-518; I.L. Janis, R. Terwilliger, An experimental
study of psychological Resistances to fear arousing Communications, JASPs 65
(1962) 403-10; I.L. Janis, M.B. Smith, Effects of Education and Persuasion on na-
tional and international images, in: H.C. Kelman (ed.), International Behavior: A
social-psychological analysis, New York 1965, 190-235; I.L. Janis, Effects of Fear
Arousal on Attitude and Change: Recent Developments in Theory and experimental
Research, in: L. Berkowitz (ed.), Advances in experimental social Psychology, New
York 1967, 167-225; Idem, Group Identification under Conditions of external Dan-
ger, in: D. Cartwright, A. Zander (eds), Group Dynamics: Research and Theory,
3
1968 (11953), 80-90; Idem (ed.), Personality: Dynamics, Development, and Assess-
ment, New York 1969; Idem, Victims of Groupthink, Boston 1972; Idem, Stress and
Frustration, New York 1971 [= revision of Idem (ed.), Personality: Dynamics, De-
velopment, and Assessment, New York 1969, part 1]; I.L. Janis, L. Mann, Decision
making, a psychological Analysis of Conflict, Choice, and Commitment, London
1977; I.L. Janis, Stress, Attitudes, and Decisions: Selected Papers (Centennial psy-
JERUSALEM, ZION AND THE UNIQUE SERVANT OF YHWH 181
At any rate the book can be read from this perspective. This implies that
the interaction between the dramatis personae (i.e. concrete persons or
personified centres of power and authority) is concentrated on the dis-
covery of a defence against the emotional conflicts that a disaster causes.
From the viewpoint of psychotherapy, psychology (of religion) and (reli-
gious) anthropology it is clear that disasters are a shock to the personality
of victims. The later therapeutic reflection on the events reveals that
recalling the perception evokes violent emotions of fear and anxiety
(reflective emotions). These emotions largely influence the victims
attitude, state of mind and way of communication. One may assume that
similar emotions and communication are aimed at in the role-play that is
concerned with the proper acceptance of the impact of events of a disas-
ter in history. Actually, the above analysis points out that the whole psy-
chological process and all its phases are reflected in the composition of
the book of Isaiah. Similarly, like in the script of a role-play, the writ-
er(s) of the book of Isaiah projected the reflective emotions into the
roles, the patterns of role-behaviour, and the personifications. They are a
creation of the composer(s) and form a part of the simple role model he
(or they) have imposed on the text. This role model consists of the fol-
lowing elements:
1. Conflict situations and crisis factors;
2. Identity crisis;
3. Need of a new identity;
4. Call for new leadership, capable of evaluating the crisis, sug-
gesting a solution and able to transpose the latent expectations
for the future into concrete projects;
5. Role acceptation or rejection by the envisaged leader(s);
6. Communication between the new leadership and the supporters
(feedback mechanism);
7. (Re)adjustment of the expectations and concrete plans for the fu-
ture;
8. Rise of a new ideology;
9. Role acceptance or role rejection by the supporters (i.e. they ac-
cept or reject the role of the new leadership);
10. Implementation of the new ideology.
According to the book of Isaiah, the resurrected and personified Jerusa-
lem and Zion form the new leadership. Their new ideology is to guaran-
chology series), New York 1982; Idem, Crucial Decisions, Leadership in Policy
Making and Crisis Management, New York 1989.
182 K. D. JENNER
tee the religious and ritual purity of Jerusalem and Zion, while being the
holy city, the centre of pilgrimage and the capital of the theocratic em-
pire of Yhwh. From the viewpoint of image formation, three factors
might have been of decisive importance to make someone a supporter of
this ideology and give him an extra impetus to adhere to Yhwh:
1. The simplicity of the role model;
2. The vigorous appeal to basic emotions;
3. The psychological mechanism of personification.
All three factors make accessible the identification with and incorpora-
tion of the roles proposed in the manifesto, since this process seems to
run along the lines of stereotypes of stigmatization.18
8. Psycho-Historical Document
18
This technique reveals itself in all historical-prophetical books. Each book
gives its favourite stereotypes.
19
The expectations, emotions and affections implied in this theology or ideology
are reflected in some Psalms devoted to Yhwh, the Lord of Hosts.
JERUSALEM, ZION AND THE UNIQUE SERVANT OF YHWH 183
manifesto and script for role playing. These inconsistencies in the course
of reasoning may not be taken as arguments against the unity of the
book, or the devaluation of its literary standard. Due to the psycho-
historical character of the book, the personification of cities, nations and
empires is not a mere figure of speech. The psychological make-up of
such personifications (i.e. their personality) thus emotionally relates
them to the survival of a disaster.
By means of the religious-political ideology, the writer(s) of the mani-
festo and its supporters anticipate the need of the demoralized Israelites
and exiles for a new identity and a new perspective. Whoever joins this
religious-political faction and subscribes to the manifesto, especially to
its basic values and norms, participates in the envisaged new heaven and
new earth. In view of this, Jerusalem and Zion form the principle that
creates the literary unity. With respect to its content they are even the
purpose of the book. The manifesto does not aim at implementing the
idea of a spiritual or apocalyptic Jerusalem and Zion, and new heaven
and earth as well. The very purpose is the concrete realization of a social
interest and religious-political ideal: the restoration of Jerusalem and
Zion as the holy city. The confession that only Yhwh is God, makes one
a descendant of Zion in her capacity of being the beloved of Yhwh.
20
Cf. C.I. Hovland, I.L. Janis et al. (eds), Communication and Persuasion: Psy-
chological Studies of Opinion Change, New Haven 1953; M. Zemach, The Effects of
Guilt-arousing Communications on Acceptance of Recommendations, Yale Universi-
ty 1966 [unpublished doctoral dissertation].
21
Cf. P. Watzlawick, J.H. Beavin et al., De pragmatische aspecten van de mense-
lijke communicatie (Sociale bibliotheek), transl. G.R. de Bruin, Deventer 41975
(11970).
184 K. D. JENNER
Cities are personified and play the role of either adherer to, or adversary
of Yhwh. The servants also play their role. All roles assume personali-
ties, psychodynamics, and role behaviour. The question then arises as to
whether the psychodynamics of personified cities and servants of Yhwh
is compatible with the idea that the book of Isaiah is a manifesto of a
religious-political faction. The above analysis does not demonstrate in-
ternal inconsistencies or logical contradictions. So, from the methodolog-
ical point of view, one may affirmatively answer the question with re-
spect to the compatibility. Anyhow, the book of Isaiah regularly proc-
laims the same religious-political ambition: the resurrection24 of Jerusa-
lem and Zion. Social scientists usually explain such ambitions as the
standpoint of a pressure group by means of which they intend to protect
their interests and to express their expectations for the future.25 The am-
bitions find their way into all sorts of coverage and are usually recorded
in some way. At first glance, the book of Isaiah seems to be no exception
to this rule.
As argued above, the present author has taken Zion and the unique
servant of Yhwh to be two different roles of one and the same personifi-
cation of Jerusalem. This identification of Zion and the unique servant
holds true as long as one keeps to the rules of the above analysis and as
far as the text is actually read on the meta-level of psychodynamics and
psychohistory. It is the earnest hope of the present author to have thus
solved the two major questions in the literary dispute over the identity of
the unique servant of Yhwh. The first problem is to whom this servant
might be connected. In the view of A. van der Woude, the current under-
standing of this servant depends on the importance one attaches to either
22
The present author resolves to make such an analysis.
23
This paragraph is based on the preceding specialist literature as well as: A.D. de
Groot, Thought and Choice in Chess (PsS 4), the Hague 1965, epilogue; A. Smelik,
R. Buikema et al., Effectief beeldvormen: Theorie, analyse, en praktijk van beeld-
vormingsprocessen, Assen 1999.
24
The term resurrection is preferred to the terms rise or restoration because of
the personification of Jerusalem.
25
W. La Barre, Materials for a History of Studies of Crisis Cults: A Bibliograph-
ic Essay, CA 12 (1971), 3-44.
JERUSALEM, ZION AND THE UNIQUE SERVANT OF YHWH 185
26
A. van der Woude, Geschiedenis van de terugkeer: de rol van Jesaja 40,1-11 in
het drama van Jesaja 40-55, Maastricht 2005, 221.
27
In other words, from the perspective of the social sciences, which are con-
cerned with the study of normal people in extreme stress situations.
28
Cf. A. van der Woude, op. cit., 223.
186 K. D. JENNER
29
Cf. A.D. de Groot, Methodology: Foundations of Inference and Research in the
Behavioural Sciences (PsS 6), the Hague 1969, 27-32.
30
Cf. J.A. Jenner, K.D. Jenner, Fabers erogene ontwikkelingsmodel van de
godsdienst in kritisch perspectief, NThT 35 (1981) 177-91.
31
De facto historical, literary, and textual criticism fall under the same verdict.
32
See however A.D. de Groot, Saint Nicholas: A Psychoanalytical Study of his
History and Myth, The Hague 1965.
JERUSALEM, ZION AND THE UNIQUE SERVANT OF YHWH 187
11. Conclusion
The above observations explain to a great extent the tone that Yhwh
adopts against his adversaries and his people as well. They make clear
that Yhwh punishes his people as well as his city in her role of the
unique servant with blindness, deafness and disaster in order to lead
them to acknowledge his glory and majesty. The emotions, statements,
and terms of abuse, are so exuberant that one can neither silently ignore
them, nor consider them as mere figures of speech; they are not even the
simple expression of hurt pride. Besides, the interests of Yhwh, his holi-
33
Cf. G. Hlscher, Die Profeten: Untersuchungen zur Religionsgeschichte
Israels, Leipzig 1914; see also J.A. Emerton (ed.), Prophecy (FS G. Fohrer) (BZAW
150), Berlin 1980; J.P.E. Pedersen, Israel: Its Life and Culture, London/Copenhagen
1963-1964 (= 1926-1940).
34
Cf. J. Lindblom, Prophecy in Ancient Israel, Oxford 1962.
35
Cf. Th.W. Overholt, Channels of Prophecy: The Social Dynamics of prophetic
Activity, Minneapolis 1989.
188 K. D. JENNER
ness, the ritual purity of the temple area, the hierarchy, and the pilgrims
seem to be subordinated to the care for widows, orphans and victims of
injustice. Admittedly, these items of social care are mentioned not infre-
quently in the book of Isaiah. Their elaboration concerning content is
however noticeably meagre. These two observations give rise to the
question as to which and whose personality might be connected to this
tone and these emotions and in which psychodynamic processes these
are involved. The present author assumes that this personality is to be
found in the humiliated faction of Jewish religious specialists.
It is plausible that the book of Isaiah is the religious-political manifes-
to of a humiliated professional group or faction of religious specialists.
The devastation of Jerusalem and Zion deprived the members of this
faction of their source of income and thus reduced their status and that of
their profession which was inextricably bound up with Jerusalem and the
temple. Therefore, the revaluation of their status and profession required
the restoration of Jerusalem as the holy city and of Zion as the pure tem-
ple area and centre of pilgrimage. They aimed at consolidating the posi-
tion of Jerusalem and Zion by means of an ideology in which their inter-
ests and those of Yhwh run parallel to each other. This ideology proc-
laims Yhwh, Jerusalem and Zion as superior to other religious centres
and their deities. He is the creator of the new heaven and the new earth,
to whom the past and the future are transparent. Therefore, he is the so-
vereign ruler of the universe and has the power and authority to humi-
liate the deities of other sanctuaries as being idols and human artefacts.
The priests and Levites in Jerusalem preserve the legal order of Yhwh. In
Jerusalem the ideal of Yhwhs justice, expressed in peace and the care
for widows and orphans, is propagated and then implemented all over the
world. This concrete city, its sanctuary included, consoles the pilgrims
and all others who are in need of consolation. Jerusalem consoles them
as her children. This ideology is the main point of the manifesto and is
based on the conviction that Yhwh himself guarantees this care. The
manifesto was composed following the model of a role-play, the script of
which successively shows all the emotional and mental phases of a vic-
tim who has survived a disaster, has later on reflected upon this and then
recorded what he experienced. Yhwh, Jerusalem and Zion play the key
roles.
The manifesto is not an apocalyptical document. Its tenor is not re-
pent, the end is nigh, but repent, the resurrection of Jerusalem and Zion
is nigh. The holy city, resurrected by Yhwh, is the unique servant of
Yhwh and the centre of the new heaven and the new earth. Considering
the manifesto as a psycho-historic document, the many inconsistencies in
JERUSALEM, ZION AND THE UNIQUE SERVANT OF YHWH 189
36
The present writer wishes to thank Drs. Maurits J. Sinninghe Damst (Mussel-
kanaal, the Netherlands) for his correction of the English translation of this article.
ZION AS AN AGUNAH?
AN INTERPRETATION OF ISAIAH 49:14; 50:1 AND 54:6-81
S. Borocin-Knol
1. Introduction
1
Dedicated to my father, zl.
2
D. Guest, Hiding Behind the Naked Women in Lamentations: A Recriminative
Response, Biblical Interpretation: Journal of Contemporary Approaches 7 (1999),
426.
192 S. BOROCIN-KNOL
In both cases the woman is not allowed to start a sexual relationship with
another man and is thus prevented from remarrying. Would she do this
then she would be regarded as an adulterous woman liable to a karet-
punishment, a Divine death penalty, and all children born out of such a
relationship would be mamzerim.3
Some readers might wonder whether it is possible at all to apply a ha-
lakhic problem to stories in the Tanakh. Can one lay a modern sheet on
an old text and see if we can find evidence stating our case? This cer-
tainly depends on the way one interprets the history of the halakhah. If
one holds that the halakhah was solely a manmade law, which developed
throughout the ages, then maybe we cannot retrieve stories which might
imply that women in the Tanakh may be regarded as agunot. The con-
cept might be too new to find it in this ancient text. However, if one
holds, as orthodox Judaism does, that the halakhah was given by G-d to
Moses on Sinai, then one can easily apply the halakhah to the Tanakh.
To interpret the halakhah, rabbis use all available religious sources, from
the Tanakh to the latest halakhic writings. One might say that Jewish
religious exegesis is diachronic exegesis ad absurdum. When the rabbis
are looking to resolve a problem they can use all previous religious and
halakhic texts to state their case. Therefore it is possible to find answers
in the tradition to even the newest problems like for instance genetic
manipulation or artificial insemination, because, as tradition says, every-
thing can be traced back to the law given to Moses. It is from this view-
point that I hold that agunah-cases can be found in the Tanakh.
Before discussing the agunah metaphor used for Zion in Isaiah, I will
focus first on three other stories in the Tanakh which deal with agunah-
situations. These stories are the stories of Tamar, the concubines of King
David and Ruth. All these stories show a different side of the agunah
problem. Sometimes at the end of the story the problem seems resolved;
sometimes the igun situation is unchangeable. Irrespective of the result,
these narratives show the plight of an agunah from various angles.
3
A mamzer is, for lack of a better word, a bastard. A mamzer is a child born out
of a forbidden relationship. This stigma can never be lost and will be transmitted
through the generations. A mamzer is a full Jew in every aspect of keeping the mits-
wot, except for the fact that (s)he is not allowed to marry an Israelite. A mamzer can
only marry another mamzer or a ger, a convert, and their children until infinity will
be mamzerim.
ZION AS AN AGUNAH? 193
2.1. Tamar
In Gen. 38:6-30 we read about Tamar who became an agunah through
the deed of her father-in-law Judah. Tamar was married to Er, but he was
wicked in the eyes of G-d and was therefore killed by Him. He left Ta-
mar behind childless and she therefore fell to levirate marriage. Accord-
ing to halakhah, it is the duty of a brother to marry the wife of his dis-
eased brother, so that he can give her a child and let the name of his
brother live on. If the brother does not want to marry this woman, a spe-
cial divorce ceremony, called halitsah, has to be performed.
Tamar marries her husbands brother but he dies as well, due to a pu-
nishment of G-d when he spilled his seed (therefore, according to tradi-
tion, his name was Onan) so as not to make Tamar pregnant. Tamar, still
being a childless widow, now has to marry the third brother. Judah fears
however that also his third son will die when he marries Tamar and he
therefore sends her to her fathers home, telling her to wait for Shelah,
his third son, to grow up. But even after Shelah has grown up Judah does
not send him to Tamar to marry her. When Tamar realises that Judah is
not going to give her his third son in marriage, she knows that she will be
a childless widow, an , with no way out. She is already mar-
ried to the third brother, since a levirate marriage bond is established at
the minute a woman becomes a childless widow. So Tamar finds herself
in the position of being married without having a marriage; she has be-
come an agunah.
Tamar then takes matters into her own hands and tries to find a way
out of her situation. In the time before any male member of a
family could perform the act of levirate marriage.4 The only thing that is
necessary for levirate marriage to become a full marriage is that the ya-
bam and yevamah have intercourse. No previous ceremony is required.
Knowing this Tamar sets up a plot for her father-in-law by covering her
head with a veil and waiting for him alongside the road. When Judah
comes along he thinks she is a prostitute and offers her a kid from the
flock if she will have sex with him. Since he does not have the payment
with him, she asks for a pledge. They have intercourse and Judah leaves
Tamar his signet, bracelets and staff. After this they both go their way.
Judah sends one of his friends to hand over the payment and regain his
4
This according to Bchor Shor as quoted in M. Zlotowitz, Bereishis Genesis,
vol. 5, New York 1981, 1686, where it is read that As Bchor Shor explains, Tamar
was justified in contriving to have Judah perform the levirate marriage for [as Ram-
ban writes in v. 8] before the Torah was given levirate marriage was performed by
any close relative even the father of the deceased. Since Shelah had not done so, it
was Judahs responsibility to do so.
194 S. BOROCIN-KNOL
5
Talmud Bavli, Soncino edition.
6
M. Zlotowitz, op. cit., 1698.
7
Ibid.
ZION AS AN AGUNAH? 195
and practiced, some scholars do think that it was not the standard (at
least not in the post-exilic period) and that monogamous marriages were
even to be preferred.8 Proof for this could be taken from the fact that
many stories in the Tanakh talk about the wife in the singular (Gen. 2:24;
Ps. 128; 2 Chron. 12:4, 18:22; 19:14) and that also the ideal relationship
between Israel and G-d is described as monogamous (Isa. 61:10, 62:5;
Ezek. 16; Hos. 2:21-22). However, there are different instances men-
tioned in the Tanakh were a man has more than one wife, even though it
may not always have been the mans intention. Abraham, for instance,
only took a second wife because Sara told him so after they had lived
together for ten years without conceiving children (the halakhah says
that a couple might want to get divorced if they have not conceived
children after being married for ten years, this to ensure that one partner
in the couple might find another partner with whom (s)he might conceive
children). Also Jacob may have had the intention to marry only Rachel
but was lured by his father-in-law to marry Leah first and then had no
other choice (since he loved Rachel that much) than to marry a second
time. His two wives then gave him two more women as concubines.
The kings seem to be an exception to the rule that monogamy is pre-
ferred to polygyny, even though it is stated in Deut. 17:17 about a king
that he shall not multiply wives to himself and we also read in bSanhe-
drin 21a:
Neither shall he multiply wives to himself only eighteen, R.
Judah said; he may have more, provided they do not turn away his
heart, R. Simeon said; he must not marry even one who may turn
away his heart.
Fact is however that kings often had many women and concubines. The
wives and concubines of a king were in a different position than other
women. Once being married to a king meant that they could not marry
someone else after being divorced by the king and if they would be de-
filed (against their will or with their approval) they would be forbidden
to the king, i.e. he could not have sexual intercourse with them anymore.
This is what happened to ten concubines of King David.
In 2 Sam. 16:21-23 we read that when King David went to fight one of
his battles, he left behind ten of his concubines. Absalom, his son from
8
See for instance G.P. Hugenberger, Marriage as a Covenant: A Study of Biblical
Law and Ethics Governing Marriage Developed from the Perspective of Maleachi
(VT.S 52), Leiden/New York, etc. 1994, 122; G. Atlan, Les Juifs et le divorce: Droit,
histoire et sociologie du divorce religieux, Berne 2002, 11.
196 S. BOROCIN-KNOL
whom he was estranged, wanted to take over his fathers power and con-
sulted Abithophel about how to do this. Abithophel told Absalom to have
intercourse with the concubines his father left behind and to do this in the
sight of all Israel. This would show the Israelites that he abhorred his
father and those who were with Absalom would be strengthened in their
convictions. To take over, as a new king, the harem of a predecessor
might have been a normal way of acting, since David is reported to have
acted similarly with Sauls harem (2 Sam. 12:8).9 The problem I have
with this is that halakhah strictly forbids to uncover the nakedness of
thy fathers wife (Lev. 18:8); the wives and concubines of ones father
belong to the forbidden relationships which are punished by a karet-
punishment. Gen. 35:22; 49:3-4 talks about a similar matter where it says
that Reuben, who lies with his fathers concubine, incurs a curse and
loses the right of a firstborn. Absaloms act must have been assessed in
the same way by those who narrated it and heard of it.10 By defiling his
fathers concubines Absalom not only showed utter disrespect for his
father but also for G-d.
The story continues by saying that a tent was put upon the top of the
house and Absalom had intercourse with these ten concubines. Whether
the women themselves agreed to this, we are not told; it probably does
not change the outcome of the story anyhow. This public act may be
regarded as a state act equivalent to a declaration that proves that the
king is dead.11 Absalom then even tries to kill his father but does not
succeed and gets killed himself. By defiling his fathers concubines Ab-
salom might have incurred his own death as Hertzberg says what at first
sight is a move of infamous skill, in practice and in the long run proves
to be the reason for Absaloms failure, in that he sets himself above hu-
man and divine law.12
When King David returned to his house in Jerusalem he took his ten
concubines and put them in a house under guard. He continued to feed
them but he did not have intercourse with them anymore (2 Sam. 20:3).
They had become, until the day of their death, living widows (
). The ten concubines did not have a way out of their situation of
igun. They were looked after, be it that they were put in confinement,
but they did not have a married life13 anymore.
9
H.W. Hertzberg, I & II Samuel : A Commentary (OTL), London 1964, 350.
10
Ibid.
11
Ibid.
12
Ibid.
13
With married life I mean here that they did not have sexual intercourse with
King David anymore. Being a concubine, a pilegesh, means that one is not a wife, i.e.
a married woman and in that respect I cannot talk about married life. It is very
ZION AS AN AGUNAH? 197
One might reason that in this situation being looked after although be-
ing an agunah might be favoured over being a divorcee, since the ten
concubines were not allowed to remarry anyone else either way. Still, the
women were punished for a crime that they might not have agreed to.
2.3. Ruth
Most people who know the story of Ruth and have some knowledge of
what an agunah is are most probably of the opinion that Ruth was an
agunah. Many clues in the story also hint at this, but in fact Ruth was
not an agunah and the marriage between her and Boaz was not a levi-
rate marriage.14 Let us reread the story through the lens of igun.
Ruth and Orpa, two Moabite women, were married to two Israelite
men. These men die, leaving their wives behind as childless widows.
Naomi, their mother-in-law, returns to Israel after the deaths of her hus-
band and her two sons. Ruth and Orpa want to return with her, but Nao-
mi tells them it is better for them to stay with their own people and find a
husband there. For, so she says,
are there yet any more sons in my womb that they may be your
husbands? Turn again my daughters; go your way, for I am too
old to have a husband. If I should say, I have hope, if I should
have a husband also tonight, and should also bear sons, would you
tarry for them till they were grown? Would you stay for them
from having husbands? (Ruth 1:12-13).
These verses hint at levirate marriage; the two women were childless
widows and would normally fall to yibbum. Why this is not the case here
is simple because, first, the two women were not Jewish and therefore
are not bound to the halakhah; second, levirate marriage only falls upon
a brother who has lived at the same time as his deceased brother. So,
even if Ruth and Orpa would have been Jewish, they would have been
free to marry any man they wanted in the absence of a yabam.
Ruth decides to follow Naomi anyhow, stating that thy people will be
my people and thy G-d will be my G-d (Ruth 1:16). Through this state-
ment Ruth became the first convert to Judaism. When both women arrive
in Israel, Ruth tells Naomi that she will go to one of the fields and gather
grain. Naomi tells her to go to the field of Boaz, a kinsman of her on her
husbands side, to gather grain and to find favour in Boazs eyes which
interesting to see though that in connection with these women the text talks about
living widows, suggesting that they were actually married.
14
See further D.A. Legget, The Levirate and Goel Institutions in the Old Testa-
ment with Special Attention to the Book of Ruth, New Jersey 1974.
198 S. BOROCIN-KNOL
also happens. Naomi then plans to convince Boaz to marry Ruth and
instructs Ruth how to convince him. Ruth dresses up and lies down at
Boazs feet. When he wakes up she invites him to spread his cloth over
his handmaid since he is her redeemer. Both these actions are of a sexual
nature as I. Rashkow in her article shows. 15 Boaz is willing to redeem
the field and take along Ruth as his wife by redeeming the field; he is
however not the closest relative who has this duty. Boaz therefore gath-
ers ten men of the elders of the city and also brings the person who is the
closest kinsman of Naomi. He tells this man that he can redeem the field
of Naomis late husband and if he does not want to do this, then he will
do so. The kinsman says he would like to redeem the field. When Boaz
mentions however that by buying the field, the man is also buying
Ruth, in order to restore the name of the death to his inheritance, the
kinsman declines the offer. The sentence to restore the name of the
death to his inheritance also alludes to a levirate marriage. By redeem-
ing the childless widow along with the field and possibly having children
with her, he reinstates the name of the deceased husband by giving him
progeny. Also the next passage in the text, i.e. the refusal of the kinsman
to redeem the field, hints at a levirate marriage or, even more precise, to
a halitsah. The text says that the kinsman refuses; he then takes off his
sandal and hands it to Boaz. It was a custom in former Israel concerning
redeeming and exchanging that one would take off ones sandal and give
it to the other to confirm the transaction. However when a yabam refuses
to marry his yevamah a similar ritual called halitsah is performed. Dur-
ing this ritual the yabam and yevamah are gathered together with a mi-
nyan, ten orthodox men. The woman says that the yabam refuses to fulfil
his duties towards her. Then the man is asked whether he really refuses
to marry the childless widow of his deceased brother and he will confirm
this. The woman will then take off his sandal and spit in front of him.
Then the surrounding people will say three times , house of the
un-shoed, and the divorce is a fact.
In our story Boaz redeems the field and marries Ruth. The story of
Ruth, even though obviously not a story about an agunah, shows once
again women in the Tanakh taking matters into their own hands concern-
ing marriage. Yes, they are dependent on the men, for without their co-
operation with regard to a marriage their future would be uncertain, but
the women take the initial step.
15
I. Rashkow, Ruth: The Discourse of Power and the Power of Discourse, in: A.
Brenner (ed.), A Feminist Companion to Ruth (The Feminist Companion to the Bible
3), Sheffield 1993, 37-40.
ZION AS AN AGUNAH? 199
3. Zion as a Woman16
The stories so far are stories of real women in the Tanakh who were or
seemed to have been agunot. There is however another story in the Ta-
nakh where, I argue, an agunah-metaphor is visible be it that this time it
is not a woman but the personified city Zion who has become an agu-
nah. To attribute feminine metaphors to cities is a phenomenon that
started already before the Tanakh was written down. The ancient Greeks
for instance already called a city which possessed colonies metro-polis,
mother-city. Also the walls of a city are described with a female image.
On the one hand the city is as a mother who protects her children inside.
At the same time however a city in itself is a protection for women; it is
in the field, i.e. outside of the city, where they are in danger. So a woman
is both the protector and the protected. Using a feminine image to de-
scribe a city is not strange if one considers that the word city is gram-
matically feminine in many languages. However we can also see that the
city has images applied to her that go beyond grammatical gender into
the realms of psychology, social roles and personal identity.17 It is not
unlikely to consider that these metaphors relate to existing images of
women and that the author has a reason for choosing these images.
In ancient literature we can see that cities were regarded as goddesses
or as the wives of gods. In describing the relationship of a deity with a
certain city, marriage metaphors were used. Biddle gives three forms of
how the relationship between a city and a deity is described.18 In Meso-
potamian literature cities are not described in female images; they are
either masculine or neutral. However, influential cities are connected to a
goddess who is the matron of the city and is therefore called mother of
the city. The goddess is then identified with the city. In West-Semitic
and Hellenistic areas the identification of the goddess with the city is
enlarged and the cities themselves are now regarded as divine. In the
third and final form we can see that cities are personalised, especially in
the city complaints which are written after the destruction or defeat of
an important city. In these city complaints a city is described as a mother,
a queen or a princess who mourns over her lost and destructed city. Her
temple is destroyed and her people are exiled or murdered. These com-
16
The majority of the material I will present under this heading comes from: S.
Knol, Zion die Stadt als Frau: Metaphern und sexualisierte Bedeutungen,
Schlangenbrut 80 (2003), 39-40.
17
J.J. Schmitt, The Motherhood of God and Zion as Mother, RB 92 (1985), 561.
18
M.E. Biddle, The Figure of Lady Jerusalem: Identification, Deification, and
Personification of Cities in the Ancient Near East, in: K.L. Younger, W.H. Hallo et
al. (eds), Canon in Comparative Perspective, Lewiston 1991, 173-94.
200 S. BOROCIN-KNOL
plaints are however no personal complaints; the goddess does not identi-
fy herself with the city. If we compare this to the city complaints in the
Tanakh we can see several differences. First, the relationship of G-d with
the city is personal; G-d is compassionate with His people and suffers
with them. Second, due to the fact that Judaism is a monotheistic reli-
gion, there cannot be a relationship between G-d and the goddess of the
city. The city itself therefore has to be the marriage partner of G-d.
Throughout many books in the Tanakh we see that the relationship of G-
d and Israel is depicted as a marriage bond between G-d and Zion.
Whether the marriage relation is a happy one or not depends on the way
the Jewish people relate to G-d. When the people keep the mitswot, Zion
is called a bride, a mother and a good wife; when the people turn away
from G-d, Zion is called a whore, an adulterous wife or a barren woman
(barrenness is apparently a derogatory state). The personified city is thus
either good or bad, i.e. virtuous or promiscuous, and it seems as if
there are no in-between women. This concept of a woman being either
completely good or completely bad, known in feminist theology as the
Madonna-whore dichotomy, is a conceptual scheme that reduces a
woman to sexual function, constrains her role to that of the object of
male control, and values the feminine figure contingent upon her ac-
commodation to male control.19 It is striking that all these metaphors are
somehow connected to sexual relationships: metaphors of a wife (marital
relationships), a whore, a loose or an adulterous woman (extra-marital
relationships), a nidah or agunah (forbidden sexual relationships) and a
raped woman (forced sexual relationships).20
The three metaphors which are most commonly used for Zion are Zion
as a bride and mother, Zion as an outcast woman and Zion as a raped
woman. Let us look at these three metaphors which are interconnected.
Zion as the bride of G-d is at the same time the mother of the Jewish
people. When the Jewish people are faithful to G-d and fulfil His com-
mandments, they are safe in mother Zion and they will not be defeated
by foreign attacks. However when the people become unfaithful to G-d,
He will send them into exile and destroy Zion; through Zion the Jewish
people suffer along. Zion will then mourn her children. When G-d for-
19
P. Gordon, H.C. Washington, Rape as a Military Metaphor in the Hebrew Bi-
ble, in: A. Brenner (ed.), A Feminist Companion to the Minor Prophets (The Femin-
ist Companion to the Bible 8), Sheffield 1995, 319. Gordon and Washington call this
dichotomy the meretrix/madonna complex and cite other references to this subject.
20
For examples on these metaphors, see Ezek. 16 and 23, Isa. 48:14, 50:1; 54:6-8,
Lam. 1-2, Hos. 3.
ZION AS AN AGUNAH? 201
gives His people, He will end the exile and let them return to Zion. The
city will then be rebuild and have many children again.
The unfaithfulness of the people is however also directly linked to
Zion: the unfaithfulness of the people is described in the metaphor of an
adulterous woman. Zion is described as a once beautiful woman, the
bride of G-d, who became unfaithful to Him and had many lovers (Lam.
1-2; Isa. 1:21). Due to her unfaithfulness G-d sends her away (i.e. the
people are sent into exile) only to take her back again as His bride (i.e.
the end of the exile) when she has changed her behaviour (i.e. when the
Jewish people have repented their iniquities). The unfaithfulness of the
Jewish people is described in gender specific terms and G-ds punitive
actions have successfully been directed to a general image of female
adultery which attracted justified punishment.21 This same story of the
unfaithfulness of Zion has been told again in Hosea 1-3, but there the
story contains aggressive sexual language.22 In this story the speaker, be
it G-d or Hosea,
attacks his metaphorical wife in an aggressive manner. He accuses
her of going after her lovers (Baals), and threatens several times
to strip her naked. After this speech act which exposes so much
sexual violence H/he then starts, ..., to sing a love song to her
... For the metaphorical wife, however, this transition means that
she, after having been victimised by her husband, now becomes
H/his totally passive bride whose only task is to respond to H/his
initiatives.23
Military conquests of cities are, as P. Gordon and H.C. Washington
show,24 often described in language of a sexual nature. There are several
stories in the Tanakh where Zion has been depicted as a raped woman.
This is very clear for instance in Lam. 1-2 where daughter Zion is
mourned as a formerly beautiful woman, now raped and abandoned by
the enemy. The description of G-ds punishment of Jerusalem seamlessly
21
D. Guest, art. cit., 414.
22
See further for instance N. Graetz, God, the Abusive Husband: The marriage
metaphor gets pushed to dangerous limits, The Jerusalem Report, June 12, 1997, 31;
G. Baumann, Liebe und Gewalt: Die Ehe als Metapher fr das Verhltnis JHWH
Israel in den Prophetenbchern (SBS 185), Stuttgart 2000; N. Stienstra, YHWH is
the Husband of His People: Analysis of a biblical metaphor with special reference to
translation, Kampen 1993.
23
F. van Dijk-Hemmes, The Metaphorization of Woman: An Analysis of Eze-
chiel 23, in: F. van Dijk-Hemmes, A. Brenner, On Gendering Texts: Female and
Male Voices in the Bible (Biblical Interpretation Series 1), Leiden 1993, 168.
24
P. Gordon, H.C. Washington, art. cit.
202 S. BOROCIN-KNOL
4. Zion as an Agunah
Even though it is obvious that the use of gender specific metaphors for
cities is very common in Biblical literature, how can the reading of Zion
in Isa. 49:14; 50:1 and 54:6-8 be justified as reading the story as an
agunah-metaphor, specifically since the verb itself is not used? The
word agunah comes from the Aramaic verb , which can either mean
to incarcerate or to prevent a woman to remarry. This verb is a hapax
legomenon in the Tanakh and can be found in Ruth 1:13 (), where
Ruth binds herself to her mother-in-law Naomi. In Targum Yonathan26
on Isaiah we can however find four more instances were derivations of
can be found, namely in Isa. 24:22 ( ;the Masoretic text gives
), 42:7 (), 42:22 ( )and 49:9 (). In all these cases,
however, the verb is used meaning to incarcerate. Still, in reading Isa.
49:14; 50:1 and 54:6-8 the imagery of an abandoned woman who did not
get a divorce letter from her husband comes to mind.
In the Book of Isaiah the prophet foretells the exile of the people of
Israel and the destruction of Jerusalem. The exile will be the punishment
of G-d because His people do not obey His commandments. To tell the
story of the exile, Isaiah uses the metaphor of a woman who was unfaith-
ful to her husband, who then sends her away, only to take her back after
she had mended her ways. It is in this story that I read a story of an agu-
nah.
In Isa. 49:14 we read: ( Zion said: Hash-
m has forsaken me; my Lord has forgotten me.) The city complaints
about the fact that her husband (G-d) has deserted her and has left her to
her own devises. Her situation is bad; the city is destroyed and her child-
25
P. Gordon, H.C. Washington, art. cit., 315.
26
This Targum is allocated to Yonathan ben Uziel (first century BCE-first century
CE), who was an outstanding pupil of Hillel (bMeg. 3a). It encompasses the Torah,
the Neviim and part of the Ketuvim. The Targum Yonathan is a freer interpretation
of the Hebrew text than the authoritative Targum Onkolos. It was written in Palestine
for the Jews who where living there.
ZION AS AN AGUNAH? 203
ren are either killed or driven away. In a response to the complaint of the
children of Zion, G-d answers in Isa. 50:1:
Thus said Hash-m: Where is your mothers bill of divorce by
which I sent her away? Or which of my creditors is it to whom I
have sold you? Behold, for your iniquities have you sold your-
selves, and for your transgressions is your mother put away.
In this passage G-d admits that He has put away Zion, His wife. He
however also admits that even though having sent her away, He has not
given her a bill of divorce. As a reason for sending Zion away He gives
the iniquities and transgressions of the Jewish people.27 Elsewhere the
iniquities and transgressions of the Jewish people are expressed in meta-
phors of adultery and harlotry.28 A woman who is an adulterous woman
should be divorced; it is not allowed to punish an adulterous woman by
making her into an agunah, the divorce in itself is punishment enough
as is the fact that the woman is forbidden to ever marry the man she has
committed adultery with.29 This is however exactly what has happened to
Zion; she is put away without being divorced. The reason why G-d has
not divorced His wife Zion is because, as written in Isa. 54:6-8:
For Hash-m has called you as a woman who had been forsaken
and grieved in spirit, and like a wife of ones youth who had be-
come despised, said your G-d. For but a brief moment have I for-
saken you, and with abundant mercy will I gather you in. In the
overflowing of wrath I hid my face from you for a moment; but
with everlasting kindness will I have mercy on you, says your re-
deemer, Hash-m.
27
The Redak writes: You were sold for your iniquities, and your ransom is re-
pentance, as quoted in: A.J. Rosenberg, Isaiah (Miqraot Gedolot), vol. 2, New York
1989, 404.
28
See for instance Isa. 1:21; Lam. 1-2.
29
mSotah 5:1 (derived from Num. 5:11-31), bSotah 27b.
204 S. BOROCIN-KNOL
It was out of anger for her behaviour that G-d cast His wife away but
after she has mended her ways and His anger has subdued He takes her
back. Zion was only a temporary agunah.
That the texts can be read as this can be found in the Mikreot Gedolot,
the commentary of halakhic thinkers to the Tanakh, where both Redak30
and Ibn Ezra31 perceive Zion in these verses to be an abandoned wife. As
the Redak32 writes,
You [Zion] are not like a woman whose husband has died, for
your Husband lives on. You are but like a woman whose hus-
band has become wroth with her and has deserted her for a long
time. G-ds rejection is not permanent, for she is like a wife of
ones youth, who is never rejected permanently.33
The Ibn Ezra, in commenting on the same verse, writes
This is said in reference to the expression the disgrace of your
widowhood, mentioned in the preceding verse [Isa. 54:4]. The
gentiles deride Israel since they have no king.
G-d, therefore, replies that they are no widows but merely a wife
deserted by her husband, who is distressed in spirit.34
30
Redak is short for R. David Kimchi, who lived between c. 1160 c. 1235.
31
Ibn Ezra was born in Spain and lived around the second half of the 11th and the
first half of the 12th century.
32
)( ' -
,
, ,
,
,"
,
,
,
,"
,
:
33
A.J. Rosenberg, op. cit., 431.
34
Ibid.
ZION AS AN AGUNAH? 205
From this passage of Ibn Ezra we apparently have to learn that being a
widow is more of a disgrace than being an abandoned wife. This because
a widow has fully lost her husband and thus her place as a wife while the
husband of a deserted wife can always return and restore his wifes
place. Apparently it is a well accepted fact that when a husband becomes
angry with his wife that he will leave her without divorcing her and once
his anger has subdued he will come back to his wife, resuming married
life.
The Redak and Ibn Ezra regard the tribes of Judah and Benjamin as
symbolised by Zion who in turn is metaphorised as the wife of G-d. They
contrast the verse of Isa. 50:1
to Jer. 3:8 where we read ( i.e.
Thus said Hash-m: Where is your mothers bill of divorce by which I
sent her away? in contrast to I had put her away, and given her a bill
of divorcement). The tribes of Judah and Benjamin are put against the
ten other tribes, who never returned from their exile and basically va-
nished. In explaining the verses in Isaiah both Redak and Ibn Ezra say
that the verse in Jeremiah is addressing the ten tribes, whereas Isaiah
was addressing the tribes of Judah and Benjamin. The ten tribes when
they were driven into exile lost their sovereignty completely.35 There-
fore the ten tribes were divorced by G-d; He really wanted to part from
them and therefore cut off the relationship completely, which is not the
case regarding Judah and Benjamin, as Redak writes:
To Judah, however, He did not give a bill of divorcement. This is
analogous to a man who becomes angry with his wife and sends
her away. He does not want to give her a bill of divorcement, be-
cause he intends to take her back. So it is with Judah, whom G-d
intends to reinstate its position of sovereign over Israel. Isaiah
consoles Israel in this exile that they will surely return, since they
were sold for their sins, and by repenting, G-d will restore them to
their place.36
That G-d did not intend to break His covenant with Israel can also be
seen in the contrast of the words with eternal kindness (Isa. 54:8) to a
brief moment (54:7); the implication is that the kingdom of Israel will
exist forever, as is related in Daniel (Dan. 7:27). The days of exile will
seem like but a moment compared to the length of the Messianic era
35
Ibid., 403.
36
Ibid., 403-4.
206 S. BOROCIN-KNOL
[Ibn Ezra].37 And also Redak writes, All the years of exile are as but a
short moment, compared to the manifold mercies G-d will bestow on
Israel during the Messianic era, when they will be gathered in to their
land.38 The Mezudat David says that the exile will be a brief moment
compared to the length of the peace and tranquillity they will experience
in the Messianic era.39 The bond between G-d and the people of Israel is
an everlasting bond; unfaithfulness on the part of the Jewish people will
have consequences, but the relationship will never end. In the messianic
era even the ten tribes that have been lost will be gathered back in Israel.
5. Conclusion
37
Ibid., 432.
38
Ibid., 431.
39
Ibid.
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, Sanherib vor Jerusalem 701 v. Chr., in: H.-P. Mller (ed.), Bibel und
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 225
DR. K.D. JENNER is emeritus lecturer of Old Testament Studies, but still
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the Syro-Hexaplaric Psalter and the Peshitta, in: M.F.J. Baasten, W.Th.
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(SSN 48), Assen 2006, 13-44. Address: P.O. Box 9515, NL 2300 RA
Leiden; k.d.jenner@umail.leidenuniv.nl.
DR. M.J. DE JONG is coordinator for biblical studies New Testament at
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(VT.S 117) Leiden 2007; Ezekiel as a Literary Figure and the Quest for
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Ezekiel and Its Influence, Aldershot 2007, 1-16; Mark 16:8 as a Satisfy-
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2008, 123-49. Address: Zijlweg 198, NL 2015 CK Haarlem;
mdjong@bijbelgenootschap.nl.
PROF. DR. A. VAN DER KOOIJ is professor of Old Testament Studies at
the Leiden Institute of Religious Studies, Faculty of Humanities, Leiden
University (the Netherlands). Main publications: Die alten Textzeugen
des Jesajabuches: ein Beitrag zur Textgeschichte des Alten Testaments
(OBO 51), Fribourg/Gttingen 1981; The Oracle of Tyre: the Septuagint
of Isaiah 23 as Version and Vision (VT.S 71), Leiden/Boston, etc. 1997;
Canonization of Ancient Hebrew Books and Hasmonaean Politics, in:
J.-M. Auwers, H.J. de Jonge, The Biblical Canons (BEThL 163), Leuven
2003, 27-38. Address: P.O. Box 9515, NL 2300 RA Leiden;
a.van.der.kooij@religion.leidenuniv.nl.
DRS. P. LUGTIGHEID is a PhD student at Leiden University (the Ne-
therlands). Main publications: The Kingship of Yhwh and his ser-
vant, Dutch Studies Near Eastern Languages Literatures 4 (2001),
193-217; De Terugkeer van Jhwhs Dienaar: Jes. 44-46 als betoog (in
CONTRIBUTORS 231
32:11, 119
1 Samuel
Deuteronomy 2:2, 70
1:30, 117 8:7, 96
8:3, 118 12:12, 96
9:5, 127 13:3, 74
9:26, 150 14:4, 152
12:5, 76 15:34, 128
12:11, 76 17:9, 24
12:21, 76 17:33, 24
14:23-24, 76 25:28, 27
16:2, 76
16:3, 117 2 Samuel
16:6, 76 2:28, 74
17:17, 195 3:18, 34
20:10, 24 5:9, 1
20:19, 24 5:18, 69
21:15-17, 194 5:22, 69
24:19-22, 69 7, 117
26:2, 76 7:9, 69
26:19, 156 7:14, 34
28:12, 139 7:16, 27
32:4, 70 7:25, 127
32:15, 14, 70 12:8, 196
32:18, 70 15:10, 74
32:31, 70 16:21-23, 195
33:5, 14, 96 17:10, 69
18:16, 74
Joshua 20:3, 196
6, 74 20:22, 74
15:8, 69 23:3, 70
18:6, 69 23:13, 69
24:20, 152
Judges
3:27, 74 1 Kings
6:34, 74 1:34, 74
7:8, 74 1:39, 74
7:16, 74 1:41, 74
7:20, 74 7:23-26, 104
8:2, 69 8, 150
11:13, 119 8:6, 151
11:16, 119 8:7, 151
13:3-5, 28 8:21, 151
13:24, 28 8:29, 76, 150, 151
INDEX OF BIBLICAL PASSAGES 239
34:1, 74 37:36-37, 57
34:8, 12 37:37, 86
34:8-17, 12 37:38, 57, 86
34:13, 119 38, 31, 84, 89, 90, 91
34:16-17, 52, 53, 56 38:3, 83
34-35, 100 38:5, 83, 90
35, 12, 13 38:5-6, 83
35:1, 13, 19, 100 38:7, 91
35:1-2, 11, 12, 14, 20 38:7-8, 30, 84
35:2, 12, 14, 19, 116 38:8, 90, 93
35:3-4, 14 38:9, 57, 81, 82
35:4, 19, 70 38:9-20, 81
35:5, 19 38:10, 73, 84, 90
35:6, 100 38:10-20, 57
35:6-7, 13, 14, 19 38:11, 69
35:8-10, 12 38:16, 83
35:9-10, 110 38:17, 83
35:10, 110 38:18, 84
36:1, 82, 85, 90 38:18-19, 83
36:1-38:8, 81 38:20, 85, 91
36:2, 30, 61, 82, 85 38:21-22, 85, 91
36:7, 116 38:21-39:8, 81
36:19, 64 38:22, 30, 84, 85, 91
36-37, 51, 61, 80, 84, 85, 88 39, 53, 54, 57, 61, 62, 81, 83,
36-38, 23, 31, 57, 87, 88 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91,
36-39, 51, 53, 57, 59, 81, 82, 92, 93
85, 91, 92, 93, 100 6-7, 57, 58, 88
37:1, 85 39:1, 61, 72, 86
37:6, 82 39:2, 61, 86, 87, 91
37:7, 86 39:4, 91
37:8, 85 39:6, 87, 91, 92, 149
37:9, 72 39:6-8, 173
37:14, 85, 91 39:7, 87, 91
37:15-20, 85 39:8, 53, 83, 88, 91, 92
37:16, 83 40, 62, 81, 86, 89, 92
37:19, 69 40:1, 88, 91, 92, 93, 115, 163
37:20, 70, 84, 116 40:1-2, 102, 167, 173
37:21-35, 60, 83 40:1-9, 99
37:22, 95 40:1-11, 58, 88, 92, 102, 115,
37:29, 86 160, 163
37:30, 91 40:2, 97, 98
37:30-32, 82, 83 40:3, 98, 100, 116
37:32, 95 40:3-5, 102
37:35, 83 40:6-8, 102, 164, 174
INDEX OF BIBLICAL PASSAGES 245
27:9, 70
Zechariah 28:1, 70
1:14, 95 29, 96
1:17, 95 29:10, 96
2:10-11, 106 31:3, 70
6:10, 26 33:7, 139
6:14, 26 36:9, 104
8:3, 95 42:6, 70
9:9, 95, 114 44:5, 70
9:14, 74 44:6, 73
10:5, 73 46, 16, 71, 101
11:16, 131 46:4, 117
13:1, 117 46:5, 15, 104
14:8, 104 46:6, 38
14:8-10, 117 47:3, 96
14:9, 96 47:6, 74
14:16-17, 97 47:7, 96
47:8, 96
Malachi 47:9, 96
1:14, 96, 97 48, 71, 101
48:3, 96
Psalms 48:4, 38
2:7, 34, 140 48:9, 45
3:1, 71 50:23, 70
3:3, 70 54:3, 70
5:9, 3 60:6, 71
7:11, 70 60:14, 73
9:9, 146 61:4, 71
17:9, 71 62:3, 70
18:3, 70 62:8, 70
18:8, 70 65:6, 70
18:32, 70 65:10, 104
18:47, 70 68:23, 137
19:5, 70 68:25, 96
20:6, 70 68:32, 72
22:16, 143 69:2, 70
22:29, 97 69:3, 137
24, 96 69:16, 137
24:5, 70 69:36, 70
24:7, 96 72:9-11, 152
24:8, 96 73:26, 70
24:9, 96 74:12, 96
24:10, 96 74:39, 73
25:5, 70 75:6, 70
INDEX OF BIBLICAL PASSAGES 253
Ezra 16:31, 96
1:1-3, 98 16:35, 70
1:7-11, 117
2:1, 119 2 Chronicles
2:59, 119 6:20, 76
4:7, 26 12:4, 195
7:6, 119 18:22, 195
7:7, 119 19:14, 195
7:28, 119 28, 35, 47
8:1, 119 28:17, 32
29-32, 47
Nehemiah 36:22-23, 98
1:9, 76
4:12, 74 Ben Sira
4:14, 74 1:4, 73
7:5, 119 27:153, 69
7:6, 119 39:14, 13
7:61, 119 50:8, 13
12:1, 119
Matthew
1 Chronicles 1:20-21, 28
4:9, 28
11:15, 69 Luke
12:1, 71 1:30-31, 28
14:9, 69