Академический Документы
Профессиональный Документы
Культура Документы
Oudtestamentische Studin
Old Testament Studies
published on behalf of the Societies for
Old Testament Studies in the Netherlands and
Belgium, South Africa, the United Kingdom
and Ireland
Editor
B. Becking
Utrecht
Editorial Board
H.G.M. Williamson
Oxford
M. Vervenne
Leuven
VOLUME 60
By
Csaba Balogh
LEIDEN BOSTON
2011
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
BS1515.6.E59B35 2011
224.106dc23
2011030295
ISSN: 0169-7226
ISBN: 978 90 04 21157 5
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,
photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher.
Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV
provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center,
222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA.
Fees are subject to change.
To Gyngyi,
Benjmin and Efraim
CONTENTS
Preface .................................................................................................. xi
Abbreviations ...................................................................................... xiii
4.4 Isaiah 18 and the Stele of Yhwh (Isaiah 1323) ............ 200
4.5 Conclusion ............................................................................ 202
exegesis of Isaiah, they made me realise how full this world is with the
glory of God and see how close to me it shines.
Csaba Balogh
The research for this book was made possible by Stichting FundamentIrnyt.
The preparations for publication were supported by Stichting Afbouw Kampen.
ABBREVIATIONS1
1
For abbreviations not found on this list, see S.M. Schwertner, Abkrzungsverzeichnis
(TRE), Berlin 21994. Page numbers are used as follows: (a) in dictionaries: CAD 124
indicates page 124 of CAD; (b) in lexicons: L 4.125 indicates page 125 from vol. 4 of
L; (c) in text editions: COS, 1.303 refers to page 303 from vol. 1 of COS (COS 1.23
indicates text nr. 23 from vol. 1).
xiv abbreviations
var.variant
VL R. Gryson (ed.), Esaias, vol. of Vetus Latina, Freiburg, 198797
WS A. Erman, H. Grapow, Wrterbuch der gyptischen Sprache, Bd.
14, Berlin 41982
WAW Writings from the Ancient World
WBC Word Biblical Commentary
WO B.K. Waltke, M. OConnor, An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew
Syntax, Winona Lake, IN 1990
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1
For the diverging views concerning the delimitation and designation of this cor-
pus, see 1.2 and 2.1.
2
Two marginal interpretations may be noted here, but they shall not be taken into
consideration any further in this study. In an article on Isa. 18, Winckler located the
Kush of Isa. 18:1 not in Africa, as scholars usually do, but in southern Mesopota-
mia, connecting Isa. 18 with Gen. 10:812 and the Chaldaean embassy of Merodach-
baladan from Isa. 39 (H. Winckler, Alttestamentliche Untersuchungen, Leipzig 1892,
14656). Although may occasionally refer to southern Mesopotamia, this inves-
tigation concurs with the widely adopted view that mentioned in Isa. 18:1 is to
be located in the Nile valley. A second opinion to be left out of discussion is Knigs
interpretation of Isa. 17:1214 as a prophecy focusing on the fall of Egypt and thus the-
matically related to Isa. 1820 (Knig, 19798). Knigs identification of the unnamed
group of many nations in Isa. 17:1214 with Egyptians does not rest on convincing
arguments, and later interpreters pursue a different exegetical trace.
3
Isa. 1820 are discussed in an article by A. Niccacci, Isaiah xviiixx from an
Egyptological Perspective, VT 48 (1998), 21438. For other studies on different parts
of Isa. 1820, see 1.2 below and the Bibliography.
2 chapter one
4
For overviews on Isaiah-research since the 1980s, see, for instance, A.G. Auld,
Poetry, Prophecy, Hermeneutic: Recent Studies in Isaiah, SJTh 33 (1980), 56781;
R. Kilian, Jesaja 139 (EdF, 200), Darmstadt 1983; C. Hardmeier, Jesajaforschung
im Umbruch, VF 31 (1986), 330; M.A. Sweeney, The Book of Isaiah in Recent
Research, CRBS 1 (1993), 14162; Idem, Reevaluating Isaiah 139 in Recent Critical
Research, CRBS 4 (1996), 79114; H.G.M. Williamson, The Book Called Isaiah: Deu-
tero-Isaiahs Role in Composition and Redaction, Oxford 1994, 118; M.E. Tate, The
Book of Isaiah in Recent Study, in: J.W. Watts, P.R. House (eds), Forming Prophetic
Literature: Essays on Isaiah and the Twelve in Honor of John D.W. Watts (JSOT.S,
235), Sheffield 1996, 2256; Berges, 1146; U. Becker, Jesajaforschung (Jes 139), ThR
64 (1999), 137, 11752; P. Hffken, Jesaja: Der Stand der theologischen Diskussion,
Darmstadt 2004.
introduction 3
5
H. Donner, Israel unter den Vlkern: Die Stellung der klassischen Propheten des
8. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. zur Auenpolitik der Knige von Israel und Juda (VT.S, 11),
Leiden 1964; P. Machinist, Assyria and Its Image in the First Isaiah, JAOS 103 (1983),
71937; F. Gonalves, Lexpdition de Sennachrib en Palestine dans la littrature
hbraque ancienne (PIOL, 34), Louvain-la-Neuve 1986; S.A. Irvine, Isaiah, Ahaz, and
the Syro-Ephraimitic Crisis (SBL.DS, 123), Atlanta, GA 1990; M.A. Sweeney, Sargons
Threat against Jerusalem in Isaiah 10.2732, Bib. 75 (1994), 45770; A. Schoors, His-
torical Information in Isaiah 139, in: J. van Ruiten, M. Vervenne (eds), Studies in
the Book of Isaiah: Festschrift Willem A.M. Beuken (BEThL, 132), Leuven 1997, 7593;
W.R. Gallagher, Sennacheribs Campaign to Judah: New Studies (SHCANE, 18), Leiden
1999; M.J. de Jong, Isaiah among the Ancient Near Eastern Prophets: A Comparative
Study of the Earliest Stages of the Isaiah Tradition and the Neo-Assyrian Prophecies
(VT.S, 117), Leiden 2007.
4 chapter one
of prophecy has strong (albeit not always clear) connections with the
historical realities in which it was born.6
Adopting a historical approach to the text of Isaiah is not free of
problems, however. Prominent difficulties in discussions concerning
the historical interpretation of Isaianic texts include the following:
6
De Jong, Isaiah, 191285.
7
Some argue that social criticism may in fact be part of the Assyria-related dispute
aiming to bring political opponents of the prophet Isaiah into discredit, and thus also
related to the times of the uprising. Cf. De Jong, Isaiah, 12425, 24548; O. Backer-
sten, Isaiahs Political Message: An Appraisal of His Alleged Social Critique (FAT, 2.29),
Tbingen 2008. Two objections may be brought to bear on this view. First, parallels
from ancient Near Eastern prophecy suggest that prophets may have been concerned
with justice in social administration without any direct relationship to issues of war-
fare or political alliances. Second, the wide-ranging functions of the leading personali-
ties implied in this criticism (e.g., the priests in Isa. 28:7, or leaders of a lower rank,
who are unlikely to have exerted direct influence on the decisions of higher political
circles) suggest that the prophets statements cannot be reduced to rhetoric aimed at
discrediting political opponents.
8
See, e.g., W. Dietrich, Jesaja und die Politik, Munich 1976; F. Huber, Jahwe, Juda
und die anderen Vlker beim Propheten Jesaja (BZAW, 137), Berlin 1976; J. Hgen-
haven, Gott und Volk bei Jesaja: Eine Untersuchung zur biblischen Theologie, Leiden
1988; De Jong, Isaiah, 191249.
9
Some also emphasise the impact of Sargons campaign against Gaza in 720 bc.
Cf. Sweeney, Sargons Threat, 45770; K.L. Younger, Sargons Campaign against
JerusalemA Further Note, Bib. 77 (1996), 10810; De Jong, Isaiah, 21314.
introduction 5
10
Compare for instance Kilian, 12627, who assumed that Isa. 20:46 referred to
the deportation by Esarhaddon in the 7th century, and considered Isa. 20 a post-
eventum text, with Duhm (148), who argued that Isa. 20 was a genuine prediction
exactly because it never actually came to be fulfilled.
11
For the phenomenon of telescoping, that is the possibility that the primary his-
torical background is overwritten by a secondary one, see Beuken, 27.
12
On this aspect see also E. Ben Zvi, History and Prophetic Texts, in: M.P. Graham
et al. (eds), History and Interpretation: Essays in Honour of John H. Hayes (JSOT.S,
173), Sheffield 1993, 10620.
13
Kaiser, 20; Kilian, 162, 2034; U. Becker, Jesajavon der Botschaft zum Buch
(FRLANT, 178), Gttingen 1997, 2160.
14
Cs. Balogh, Oude en nieuwe profetie: De rol van de profetische traditie in de
volkenprofetien, in: G. Kwakkel (ed.), Wonderlijk gewoon: Profeten en profetie in het
Oude Testament, Barneveld 2003, 12024.
6 chapter one
15
Sweeney, Sargons Threat, 45770. Cf. also De Jong, Isaiah, 21314.
E.g., , , , , .
16
17
Cf. De Jong, Isaiah, 42.
18
Cf. R.L. Schultz, How Many Isaiahs Were There and What Does It Matter?
Prophetic Inspiration in Recent Evangelical Scholarship, in: V. Bacote et al. (eds),
Evangelicals and Scripture, Downers Grove, IL 2004, 168.
introduction 7
19
S. Mowinckel, The Spirit and the Word: Prophecy and Tradition in Ancient Israel,
Minneapolis, MN 2002, 6163, 138.
20
For two earlier attempts, cf. L.J. Liebreich, The Compilation of the Book of Isa-
iah, JQR 46 (195556), 25977; 47 (195657), 11738; J. Becker, Isaiasder Prophet
und sein Buch (SBS, 30), Stuttgart 1968. See further, e.g., P.R. Ackroyd, Isaiah ixii:
Presentation of a Prophet, in: J.A. Emerton et al. (eds), Congress Volume (VT.S, 29),
Leiden 1978, 1648; O.H. Steck, Bereitete Heimkehr: Jesaja 35 als redaktionelle Brcke
zwischen dem Ersten und Zweiten Jesaja (SBS, 121), Stuttgart 1985; W.A.M. Beuken,
Jesaja 33 als Spiegeltext im Jesajabuch, EThL 67 (1991), 535; Williamson, Book;
Cs. Balogh, Blind People, Blind God: The Composition of Isaiah 29,1524, ZAW
121 (2009), 4869.
21
R. Rendtorff, Zur Komposition des Buches Jesaja, VT 34 (1984), 319;
Sweeney, 41.
8 chapter one
22
Miscall, 11; Watts, xxxii; E.W. Conrad, Reading Isaiah and the Twelve as Pro-
phetic Books, in: C.C. Broyles, C.A. Evans (eds), Writing and Reading the Scroll of
Isaiah: Studies of an Interpretive Tradition (VT.S, 70), Leiden 1997, 317.
23
Cf. E.W. Conrad, Reading Isaiah, Minneapolis, MN 1991, 31.
introduction 9
Those who look for more in the book of Isaiah than pure artistic
satisfaction may consider most of these studies inspiring but ultimately
unconvincing (after all art need not convince anyone). The fact that
these readings do not account for the complexities of the text would
disappoint those who find no delight in easily passing over textual
difficulties. There is more to the meaning of a text than its final form,
and everyone who strives to understand something about the com-
position of the book of Isaiah will find this approach a hermeneutic
blind alley.
The diachronic literary analysis of Isaiah promises more, but its suc-
cess depends on several factors. Following Wildberger and Vermeylen,24
two major trends may be distinguished. A first group of scholars
assumes that the book is the product of different authors and groups
of the post-exilic period. These communities of transmission inher-
ited several short sayings from the 8th century, which were expanded
in subsequent redactional stages after the exile. This trend in criticism
is highlighted by names such as O. Kaiser, R. Kilian and U. Becker. Its
practice of dating presumably non-Isaianic words to (very) late peri-
ods parallels the older commentaries of Duhm and Marti. However,
the degree to which recent scholars ascribe words to post-exilic scribes
differs considerably.25 Only Becker gives a redaction critical overview
of the entire process, attempting to bring various redactional stages
in connection with each other. Kaiser and Kilian deal essentially with
smaller textual units, without working out a consistent scheme for the
development of the book.
A second larger group of scholars assume that the present form
of the book is the result of gradual growth (Fortschreibung), a pro-
cess which may have begun with the prophet and continued after his
24
Wildberger, 152936; J. Vermeylen, Lunit du livre dIsae, in: BoI, 1726.
25
For Kaiser the basic core is: Isa. 1*, the woes of 5:8ff, and a small part of Isa. 2831
( Jesaja 112, 1927; Jesaja 1339, 14). Later he also included 8:115*; 14:2932*;
17:13 and 18:12* in this list. These independent prophecies were collected at the
beginning of the 5th century and were influenced by the Deuteronomistic reception
of Isaiah (Isa. 3639). Sections were added to the book as late as the 2nd century bc.
Kilian begins by describing Isaiah as a prophet of doom (Isa. 6) and attributes those
texts to Isaiah which coincide with this image. From Isa. 1323 he regards 17:16*;
22:1b3, 1214, 1518 as Isaianic. He dates 7:117 to the post-exilic period, as a text
modelled on 3639 (Kilian, 162, 2034). According to Becker, Isaiah was essentially a
prophet of salvation. Complying with this view, the core of the Isaianic collection is
supposed to have consisted of 6:18*; 8:1, 34*(16*); 17:1b3; 18:12*; 20:34*; 28:1*,
3, 7b10 (Botschaft, 286; Jesajaforschung, 131).
10 chapter one
26
For the 7th century edition of Isaiah, cf. H. Barth, Die Jesaja-Worte in der Josiaz-
eit: Israel und Assur als Thema einer produktiven Neuinterpretation der Jesajaberliefe-
rung (WMANT, 48), Neukirchen-Vluyn 1977; J. Vermeylen, Du prophte Isae
lapocalyptique: Isae, IXXXV, miroir dun demi-millnaire dexprience religieuse en
Isral, Paris 197778. Vermeylens wider goal is to reconstruct the development of the
book from its beginnings to its final phase.
27
Cf. Williamson, Book, on 2:24; 5:2529; 8:2123a; 11:1116; 12; Steck ascribed
Isa. 11:1116; 13:516; 2427*; 30:1826(?); 34:24; 51:18, 1116; 52:36(?); 62:1012
to the Hellenistic era (Heimkehr, 80); Rendtorff, Komposition, 295320; K. Nielsen,
There is Hope for a Tree: The Tree as Metaphor in Isaiah (JSOT.S, 65), Sheffield 1989;
Z. Kustr, Durch seine Wunden sind wir geheilt: Eine Untersuchung zur Metaphorik
von Israels Krankheit und Heilung im Jesajabuch (BWANT, 154), Stuttgart 2002.
28
Vermeylen argues that Isa. 139 is framed according to the so-called eschatolog-
ical model, just like the Greek version of Jeremiah and Ezekiel, namely judgment of
Judah (112), of the nations (1327), and the salvation of Israel (2835), (Vermeylen,
Lunit, 2834). See further Chapter 2 below.
introduction 11
29
Cf. also H.G.M. Williamson, Synchronic and Diachronic in Isaian Perspective,
in: J.C. de Moor (ed.), Synchronic or Diachronic? A Debate on Method in Old Testa-
ment Exegesis (OTS, 34), Leiden 1995, 21920; Berges, 16.
30
J. Barton, What Is a Book? Modern Exegesis and the Literary Conventions of
Ancient Israel, in: J.C. de Moor (ed.), Intertextuality in Ugarit and Israel (OTS, 40),
Leiden 1998, 114.
31
B.D. Sommer, The Scroll of Isaiah as Jewish Scripture, Or, Why Jews Dont Read
Books, SBL Seminar Papers (1996), 22542.
32
Apud Barton, Book, 4. Barton writes: . . . rabbinic exegesis regards Isaiah as a
book in the sense that there is a scroll called Isaiah, but not in the sense that Isa-
iah is a literary work with beginning, middle, and end, and internal coherence, as we
expect in a book in our literary sense. By saying that there is a book called Isaiah,
rabbinic commentators do not imply that it possesses unity of theme or closure in its
literary form, only that there is a collection of verses and paragraphs written by Isaiah
and gathered together in one place.
12 chapter one
hand and other prophetic books, such as Amos, Micah, Jeremiah, and
Ezekiel on the other. Yet these connections are insufficient to treat
them as one book.33 Does the mere proximity of Isa. 4066 lend addi-
tional and sufficiently strong support to these chapters to conclude
that they form a literary unit with the first part of the book, i.e. a
unit with a defined structure and perspective? (2) Second, it is curi-
ous that superscriptions and other text-structuring division mark-
ers often related with editorial activity (e.g., ) are so richly
represented in the first part of the book, but are almost entirely absent
after Isa. 40. (3) Third, it appears that certain themes from First Isaiah
are restated in the third part of the book only, while being absent in
the second part.34 How does this relate to any view of the three parts
as one book? (4) Fourth, the second and third part of Isaiah is also
grown out of independent prophecies, much like Isa. 139. It is often
on the level of independent prophecies that the connections with First-
Isaianic texts are established. This suggests that intertextual allusions
are not necessarily the work of the final editors, but those rather func-
tion at the earlier level of individual prophecies. To conclude, the rela-
tionship between the three divisions of the book is evident, but what
this exactly implies for the development of the book as a whole still
needs further research, as a book model with a highly sophisticated
structure would seem to gloss over the difficulties.35
(d) One method of dating texts frequently used in literary and
redaction criticism involves evaluating vocabulary and its lexical par-
allels. (1) This analysis, however, implies certain premises concerning
the date of one pericope which guides the conclusions regarding the
related text. Such circumstances easily lead to far-reaching specula-
tions. (2) Second, conclusions are often based on virtually neutral ter-
minology or stereotypical material.36 (3) Third, one has to clarify the
kind of textual dependence (if any) that lexical parallelism presup-
33
G.I. Davies, The Destiny of the Nations in the Book of Isaiah, in: BoI, 119.
34
See, e.g., , / . Cf. L. Boadt, Re-Examining a Preexilic Redac-
tion of Isaiah 139, in: L. Boadt, M.S. Smith (eds), Imagery and Imagination in Biblical
Literature: Essays in Honor of Aloysius Fitzgerald, F.S.C. (CBQ.MS, 32), Washington,
D.C. 2001, 17879.
35
Cf. D. Carr, Reaching for Unity in Isaiah, JSOT 57 (1993), 7677.
36
E.g., in Isa. 14:26 and 18:3 is argued to imply post-exilic universalism. Oth-
ers regard in 14:26 as evidence of a late link with wisdom literature, considering
the author a sage or a scribe. Cf. W. Werner, Studien zur alttestamentlichen Vor-
stellung vom Plan Yahwes (BZAW, 173), Berlin 1988.
introduction 13
37
E.g., Werners discovery of the plan of Yhwh-motif in late texts of the Bible
leads him to conclude that virtually every text containing this motif is contemporary
and late. See also the observations of Hardmeier, Jesajaforschung, 1416; H.G.M.
Williamson, In Search of a Pre-exilic Isaiah, in: J. Day (ed.), In Search of Pre-exilic
Israel (JSOT.S, 406), London 2004, 19195.
38
From the relations between Isa. 10:511* and 36:1820; 37:1013, Becker
concludes that Isa. 10 was influenced by Isa. 3637 (Becker, Botschaft, 209; Idem,
Jesajaforschung, 130). Cf. the opposing views on Isa. 7:117 and 3639 in Becker,
Jesajaforschung, 124; J. Barthel, Prophetenwort und Geschichte: Die Jesajaberliefe-
rung in Jes 68 und 2831 (FAT, 19), Tbingen 1997, 63.
39
The lack of divine names assumed to be typical for Isaiah leads Wildberger to
conclude that Isa. 14:423 is spurious (542). However, on Isa. 19 Kaiser says: Die
zahlreichen Rckgriffe auf andere Stelle unseres Buches zeugen nicht fr Jesaja als
ihren Autor, sondern die Arbeit eines in den Gedanken des Buches lebenden From-
men (83). Similarly also Kilian, 120.
14 chapter one
40
Whether Isa. 6:910 is a commission or a retrospective conclusion of the proph-
ets experience is a hotly debated issue. Hardmeier cuts a long discussion short arguing
that it may have been retrospective, as the present recorded form of Isa. 6:910 is
indeed a retrospective view of history (Jesajaforschung, 2324, 28).
introduction 15
41
In contrast to Becker, De Jong does not claim that Isaiah was merely a prophet
of salvation. Isaiah uttered threatening oracles against specific groups, such as politi-
cal and religious leaders (De Jong, Isaiah, 50). Yet Isaiah always supported the state
and never predicted that Judah with all its inhabitants would collapse in a political
cataclysm.
42
Becker, Botschaft; see also M. Kckert et al., Das Problem des historischen
Jesaja, in: I. Fischer et al. (eds), Prophetie in Israel (ATM, 11), Berlin 2001, 11718;
cf. De Jong, Isaiah, 4445, 8081.
43
Cf. W. Dietrich, Jesajaein Heilsprophet?, ThR 64 (1999), 32437; Barthel in
Kckert et al., Problem, 12536; Williamson, Pre-exilic Isaiah, 198.
44
Becker, Botschaft, 24563; cf., however, De Jong, Isaiah, 9297.
45
E.g., Becker regards Isa. 6:18 as Isaianic, but in order to fit his scheme, he drops
6:5abb (the people of unclean lips), which might be regarded as a critical remark by
a prophet of doom (Becker, Botschaft, 8889). Furthermore, as Barthel also noted, it
is unlikely from a critical point of view that a call narrative such as Isa. 6 could come
to an end in v. 8, without presenting the actual commission to the prophet (Barthel
in Kckert et al., Problem, 128).
46
Cf. M. Nissinen, Das kritische Potential in der altorientalischen Prophetie, in:
M. Kckert, M. Nissinen (eds), Propheten in Mari, Assyrien und Israel (FRLANT,
201), Gttingen 2003, 133; De Jong, Isaiah, 272, 312.
16 chapter one
47
Esarhaddons treaty warns against prophets (ragimmu), ecstatics (muh h ), or
inquirers of the divine word (mr ilu amt ili) who incite rebellion against the king
(SAA 2 6:11617; PPANE 102). This may refer to the same prophets that otherwise
predicted the success of his reign. The ambiguity of the message and its reception are
related (cf. PPANE 1:1328). Cf. De Jong, Isaiah, 312: The same prophetic voice that
encouraged and legitimised the king, could also formulate demands on him, or even
choose the side of his adversaries.
48
See his concise analysis of selected texts in De Jong, Isaiah, 53170.
49
Cf. Isa. 28:7b10 (attributed to Isaiah also by De Jong, Isaiah, 239, 24345).
50
I believe that the unpreserved prophecies supporting the anti-Assyrian policy of
Judah would provide a better parallel to the New-Assyrian prophecies than Isaiahs
texts. The collapse of Judah may explain why it was the Isaianic critical prophecies and
not the anti-Assyrian and pro-rebellion messages of his adversaries which were passed
on to later generations. But it is difficult to explain why critical words would have been
composed and placed in the mouth of Isaiah after 587, if he had always strived for the
consolation of his nation.
51
See De Jong, Isaiah, 35456, discussing some differences between the Judaean
and Assyrian societies.
introduction 17
which means that they spoke and acted for the benefit of social and
cosmic stability.52 But in my view, this prophetic function does not
exclude directing criticism against the system. Such criticism is indeed
not the prediction of irrevocable doom (not an ex eventu prophecy), as
it was sometimes assumed.53 By criticising Judah, Jerusalem or its king,
Isaiah was protecting the society to which he belonged by revealing
a threatening disaster that he wished to avoid and, as such, he was
only doing his job.54
Later editors of the book of Isaiah were undisturbed not only by a
prophet who proclaimed salvation (as Becker noted) but also by an
Isaiah who pronounced both doom and salvation (Isa. 38:1, 5). In the
time of these authors (7th6th century bc) this seems to have been a
rather normal phenomenon, which raises the question how far this
ambiguity is irreconcilable with an 8th century prophetic figure like
Isaiah?55
Finally, the Assyrian campaign of 701 bc is generally believed to
have had disastrous effects on Judah.56 If that is true, it makes it even
historically probable that these events deeply influenced the Isaianic
tradition, far beyond what Becker and De Jong are ready to admit.
52
De Jong, Isaiah, 313.
53
Rightly questioned by R.G. Kratz, Das Neue in der Prophetie des Alten Testa-
ments, in: I. Fischer et al. (eds), Prophetie in Israel (ATM, 11), Mnster 2001, 19, 21,
and De Jong, Isaiah, 32930.
54
De Jong, Isaiah, 312. Curiously and somewhat confusingly (with respect to the
principal thesis of his book), a similar interpretation is given also by De Jong on the
prophecy of Mic. 3:12, cited by Jer. 26:18: of you Zion will be ploughed as a field. De
Jong notes about this text that in announcing disaster the prophet did not stand in
opposition to the establishment, but served the interest of king and state (Isaiah, 344).
While this example underlines that the fulfilment of the prophetic pronouncement of
doom is conditional, it was rather supposed to threaten the leaders and urge them to
change their policy, yet, at the same time, Mic. 3:12 is also a clear case of a prophecy
of judgment which predicts the collapse of the state (Zion) and its inhabitants. De
Jong overstated the role of Isaiah as a prophet supporting the establishment because
he started his analysis in obvious opposition to a one-sided description of Isaiah by
some scholars as a figure free of the system, a lonely fighter, and a representative of a
unique form of prophesying (cf. De Jong, Isaiah, 2528, 328).
55
Based on extra-biblical evidence, De Jong correctly questioned the either/or
approach to the issue of judgment and salvation. However, he goes too far in conclud-
ing that the categories of Heilsprophetie and Unheilsprophetie are better abandoned
from descriptions of prophecy in the ancient Near East (Isaiah, 313). The categories
prophet of judgment or salvation may be abandoned (the one need not be played off
against the other), but not the prophecy of judgment and salvation as global designa-
tion for the content of utterances.
56
Cf. also De Jong, Isaiah, 22432.
18 chapter one
57
Cf. Becker, Botschaft, 1112; Kckert in Kckert et al., Problem, 10711.
58
So, e.g., H.-J. Hermisson, Zukunftserwartung und Gegenwartskritik in der
Verkndigung Jesajas, EvTh 33 (1973), 5477. Cf also Barth, Jesaja-Worte, who found
support for this in Isa. 1:2126, the Denkschrift, and 28:14ff.
59
W. Dietrich, Jesaja und die Politik, Munich 1976; G. Fohrer, Wandlungen Jesa-
jas, in: Idem, Studien zur alttestamentlichen Texten und Themen (BZAW, 155), Berlin
1981, 1123.
60
Hgenhaven, Gott, Leiden 1988, 111.
61
See already Barthel in Kckert et al., Problem, 132.
62
It is problematic to distinguish clearly between criticism against the leaders
(which De Jong considers authentic prophecies) and criticism against the king and
the ordinary Judaeans supporting the leaders (which he considers post-587 inser-
tions). Words addressed against the leaders were obviously also directed against their
supporters. Nevertheless, Isa. 8:1118 suggests that the prophet differentiates between
various audience groups.
introduction 19
than the book63 does not take full account of the complex nature of
the book as a source and the extra-biblical evidence. As already noted
above, diviners (in general) in the Near East delivered both positive
and negative messages, depending on the occasion. Indeed, they were
expected to tell what had been revealed to them from time to time. If
Beckers description of Assyrian texts as prophecies issued on specific
occasions (Gelegenheitsprophetien)64 can be applied to Isaiah as well,
our view of ambiguity in the message of this prophet undergoes a sig-
nificant change.65 Therefore, Isaiahs pronouncements must be analy-
sed carefully while considering complex internal and external factors.
(d) A final remark concerns the theological factor in the books edit-
ing process. In dealing with intertextual connections between various
passages, it is common to reconstruct their date based on parallels asso-
ciated with theological ideas. This is again a problematic point. (1) As
reports indicate, the pre-exilic era was not free of conflicts between
different groups and opposing voices (e.g., pro- and anti-Assyrian
views). The question is therefore whether reconstructed editorial lay-
ers often appearing to be contradictory automatically imply differences
in date, as often assumed. May it not be possible that anti-Assyrian
prophecies derive from prophets contemporary with Isaiah and were
included later into the Isaianic collection?66 (2) How far do similar
theological views imply a common date for parallel passages? Does
the motif of the plan against the entire earth ( )in Isa. 14:26
point to common authorship with the similarly focused Isa. 13, dated
in the post-exilic period?67 Strikingly, the foreign nation prophecies of
Jeremiah contain additional salvation prophecies (46:26; 48:47; 49:6,
39) that strongly resemble the original text yet derive from different
eras.68 A closer example from Isaiah is the divine name
appearing in the 8th century bc, as well as in later texts. (3) As noted,
Isa. 3639 suggests that not long after Isaiah died he was received as a
63
Becker, Botschaft, 11.
64
Becker in Kckert et al., Problem, 118.
65
Note also Barthel in Kckert et al., Problem, 132.
66
E.g., Becker questions whether the Vlkerkampf-motif (Isa. 8:910; 17:1214)
is conceivable in the 7th century (Jesajaforschung, 12829). However, considering
various groups in Judah, including those related to the cult, from where this motif is
supposed to emerge, his objections sound artificial.
67
For this rather common way of arguing, cf., e.g., B.M. Zapff, Schriftgelehrte
ProphetieJes 13 und die Komposition des Jesajabuches: Ein Beitrag zur Erforschung
der Redaktionsgeschichte des Jesajabuches (FzB, 74), Wrzburg 1995, 292.
68
Only Jer. 49:39 appears in the presumably older tradition of the LXX.
20 chapter one
69
Cf. Davies, Destiny, 9899: . . . on this matter [namely the nations in Isaiah]
there are harsh contradictions between positive and negative passages, and the
book is more like a billboard on which different political parties or religious groups
daub their slogans one on the top of the other . . .. Berges also writes: Das Jesajabuch
in seiner Endgestalt ist ein eingefrorener Dialog zwischen verschiedenen jdischen
Gruppen in nachexilischer Zeit, die um die Bedeutung des Zion fr sich und die
Vlker kmpfen. (Berges, 47).
70
This latter possibility is implied by Jer. 26:1819 assuming that piety can turn
prophecies of judgment into prophecies of salvation. Cf. Isa. 6:1113 that leaves the
door open for post-disaster salvation prophecies. For two examples in this sense, cf.
Cs. Balogh, He Filled Zion with Justice and Righteousness: The Composition of
Isaiah 33, Bib. 89 (2008), 47879; Idem, Blind People, Blind God: The Composition
of Isaiah 29,1524, ZAW 121 (2009), 4869.
71
S. Mowinckel, Die Komposition des Jesajabuches. Kap. 139, AcOr 11 (1933),
26970.
72
E.g., J. Vermeylen, Lunit du livre dIsae, in: BoI, 3233; Zapff, Prophetie,
3012; O. Kaiser, Der Gott des Alten Testaments: Theologie des Alten Testaments.
Teil 3: Jahwes Gerechtigkeit, Gttingen 2003, 82.
introduction 21
73
Cf. O. Eissfeldt, Einleitung in das Alte Testament, Tbingen 31964, 410; P.-M.
Bogaert, Lorganisation des grands recueils prophtiques, in: BoI, 14753.
74
Wildberger, 1562.
75
Berges, 139; Seitz, 11819; Beuken, 21.
76
Vermeylen, Lunit, 3031; Seitz, 118; Berges, 14344.
77
Cf. G. Stansell, Isaiah 2833: Blest Be the Tie that Binds (Isaiah Together), in:
R.F. Melugin, M.A. Sweeney (eds), New Visions of Isaiah (JSOT.S, 214), Sheffield 1996,
68103; Balogh, Zion, 47879.
78
The psalm of Hezekiah in Isa. 38:920 could be the third closing song of deliver-
ance in the section 2839. Note the key term in 25:9; 38:20 and in 12:2, 3;
25:9; 26:1, 18, all playing on the name of the author, Isaiah.
22 chapter one
79
Kaiser, 119.
80
Wildberger, 809; cf. also P.R. Raabe, Why Prophetic Oracles Against the Nations,
in: A.B. Beck et al. (eds), Fortunate the Eyes that See: Essays in Honor of David Noel
Freedman in Celebration of His Seventieth Birthday, Grand Rapids, MI 1995, 239.
81
Hayes & Irvine, 221; Ohmann, 60; Berges, 139.
introduction 23
82
Duhm, 1213.
83
Sweeney, 215.
84
A.K. Jenkins, The Hand Stretched Out over All the Nations: A Study of the Pre-
sentation of the Isaiah Tradition in Is. 1323 (Ph.D. diss.), London 1985; Idem, The
Development of the Isaiah Tradition in Isaiah 1323, in: BoI, 23751.
24 chapter one
1319 and 2127. The section in the middle is the unusual text of the
symbolic act of Isaiah in Isa. 20. He points to five -superscriptions
before Isa. 20, and another five following it,85 and notices that 19:1625
ended with six expressions, just as 25:927:13 also contained
six such formulas. Both collections begin with a prophecy on Babylon.
Unfortunately, the reader is not informed why other for-
mulas (17:4, 7, 9; 20:6; 22:8, 12, 20, 25; 23:15) were not counted in
this structuring, nor how thein his interpretationanti-Babylonian
prophecy in Isa. 24 fits in the disciplined chaotic (Berges term) struc-
ture of two sections beginning with one Babylon-oracle each.
Diachronically speaking, Berges argues for a core collection of
Isaianic utterances enriched successively with other foreign nation
prophecies after 539.86 The present redaction goes back to the Persian
era. Eventual insertions of prophecies from the Hellenistic period are
not excluded, but those did not alter the overall structure of the com-
position. Berges identifies several major editorial revisions: (1) The
Babylonisierung (Babylon oriented redaction) and (2) the Zionisierung
(Zion oriented redaction) of the prophecies on the nations which layers
show significant connections with later parts of Isaiah, as well as with
other prophetic books (like Zechariah). (3) Berges notes the somewhat
unique tone of Isa. 19:1625, which, in contrast to Zion-centric pas-
sages, adopts a position in favour of separate Yhwh-nations. (4) A
subsequent redaction shifted the focus, viewing the wicked and the
just in the perspective of the kingship of Yhwh in Zion.
This theory of the successive expansion of earlier material is rooted
in the studies of earlier scholars. Mowinckel explained the development
of 1323 in relation to its larger context, Isa. 139. Part A (Isa. 6:19:6)
and part B (Isa. 1) of the book of First Isaiah were expanded in the
pre-exilic period by a third block C (Isa. 2ff.), which also included
authentic Isaianic prophecies which now appear in 1323, such
as 14:2832; 17; 18; 20; 22. Because most of the prophecies on the
nations were originally located in the middle of this C section, and
because other prophetic books also follow this pattern, the later editors
placed the foreign nation prophecies here, distilling a new collection,
Isa. 1323.87
85
Berges, 14145; cf. also Hffken, Jesaja, 123; Beuken, 19, 2324, 4041.
86
Berges, 145. The primary collection, warning Manasseh against anti-Assyrian
alliances, included 14:2832*; 17*; 18*; 19*; 20*; 22* (149).
87
Mowinckel, Komposition, 278.
introduction 25
88
Fohrer, 1.177.
89
Wildberger, 155962.
90
Vermeylen, 1.34647: (1) Isaianic: 14:2425a, 2832*; 17:13*, 46*; 18:12,
4; 22:1b3, 7, 1214, 1518. (2) around 678: 14:26; 17:1214a; 23:14; (3) Josianic:
22:1923; (4) Deuteronomistic: 17:910a; 19:14, 1115; 20:3; 22:4, 811; (5) early
5th century: 13:122; 24:113, 18b20 added together with other universalistic pas-
sages: 15:18; 16:1, 34a, 612; 18:3, 56; 19:510; 21:19*; 21:1112a, 1315; 22:56;
23:13, 1516* (including the systematic addition of the -superscriptions); (6) the
pious and the wicked redaction: 14:34a, 2223 (and the inclusion of the earlier
14:4b21); 14:27, 30; 15:9; 16:2, 1314; 17:2b, 3b, 78, 14b; 19:1617; 21:2b, 10, 12b,
1617; 22:2425; 23:15*, 1718. (7) Hellenistic period: 14:12a?; 16:4b5; 17:10b11
(anti-Samaritan); 18:7; 19:1825. This Fortschreibung-model is adopted with some
modifications by Clements, 47: Isaianic nucleus: 14:2832, 17:16; 18:16; 20:16.
91
Zapff, Prophetie, 28699: (1) Isaianic: 14:2829, 31; 17:13; 20*; 22*; (2) 7th cen-
tury: 14:2425a; (3) shortly before 587: 1516*; 19*; 22:8b11; (4) late exilic: 13:1a,
1722a; 14:25b27; 21:110; possibly 23* (-superscriptions composed); (5) post-
exilic: 14:4b21 (originally independent); 18 (?, cf. 296); (6) universalistic redaction:
13:1b16; (7) individual additions: 19:1825.
92
The original form of 14:28 was ( Prophetie, 286, 289).
26 chapter one
93
Cf. Clements, 47; Sweeney, 216; Zapff, Prophetie, 286; Berges, 149; etc. A few
studies argue that prophecies on the nations have preserved little if any historically
valuable information and should be seen as theological productions of a later age, as a
search for a new post-exilic Israelite identity (e.g., Ch. Fischer, Die Fremdvlkersprche
bei Amos und Jesaja [BBB, 136], Berlin 2002). This approach has found little resonance
among scholars, however.
introduction 27
and received a proper place inside the book of Isaiah means that, for
later communities reading Isaiah, this secondary context and meaning
was of utmost importance. Therefore, to consider that the reconstruc-
tion of a presumed original form of prophecies exhausts the entire
function of Isa. 1323 and the entire book of Isaiah does not do justice
to the present form, position and sequence of those prophecies.
As the overview above makes clear, the three chapters of Isa. 1820
figure among those that have induced the most wide-ranging disagree-
ments in the study of Isa. 1323. Below, I shall reflect briefly on spe-
cific problems related to them in particular.
king of Egypt.94 Others date Isa. 18 to 720 bc, when Egypt offered
help for the revolting Philistines of Gaza.95 Some others connect the
prophecy to the revolt of Ashdod in 713711 bc.96 A fourth group of
scholars believe that the preparations for Sennacheribs attack in 701
inspired this prophecy.97
The literary research dealing with Isa. 18 focuses on two problems.
The first is concerned with textual integrity. Most scholars are scepti-
cal about the authenticity of vv. 3 and 798 or even vv. 3799 and con-
sider them late additions.100 The second problem involves the place
of Isa. 18 in the collection of 1323. Exegetes notice the absence of
a -heading in 18:1, typical of most prophecies. To make sense
of this lacuna, Isa. 18 is occasionally regarded as a literary unit with
17:114.101 Others believe that the lack of a superscription betrays the
late insertion of Isa. 18 into a collection that already possessed such
superscriptions. Isa. 18:17 is then either considered a unit within
itself, or it is connected to 17:1214.102 Still others assume that Isa. 18
appears at a crucial point in the prophecies on the nations, at the start
of a subcollection within 1323, which explains its peculiar form.103
From a theological point of view, Isa. 18 is part of the prophecies
concerning the nations. Many believe that these types of prophecies
contain important information regarding the political views of the
prophet Isaiah, but opinions differ on significant details in the text, for
instance whether it proclaims the fall of Assyria or rather the Kushite
alliance, as well as the theological function of Isa. 18 among 1323.104
94
In 728 or 724 bc; cf. Marti, 151; Knig, 198; Sweeney, 257.
95
Hayes & Irvine, 253, 258; Niccacci, Isaiah xviiixx, 226.
96
Procksch, 237; Fohrer, 1.22122; H.W. Hoffmann, Die Intention der Verkndi-
gung Jesajas (BZAW, 136), Berlin 1974, 65; Clements, 163; Oswalt, 360; J.J.M. Roberts,
Isaiahs Egyptian and Nubian Oracles, in: B.E. Kelle, M.B. Moore (eds), Israels
Prophets and Israels Past: Essays on the Relationship of Prophetic Texts and Israelite
history in Honor of J.H. Hayes, Edinburgh 2006, 205.
97
Donner, Israel, 12324; Wildberger, 690; De Jong, Isaiah, 238.
98
Wildberger, 681, 69697.
99
Kaiser, Gott, 120; Becker, Botschaft, 276; De Jong, Isaiah, 14849.
100
Kilian, 118, and Zapff, Prophetie, 296, regard the entire prophecy as late.
101
Sweeney, 254.
102
Kaiser, 75; Zapff, Prophetie, 296.
103
Fischer, 136; Jenkins, Isaiah Tradition, 239.
104
Anti-Assyrian: Delitzsch, 352; Duhm, 138; Gray, 308; Procksch, 242; Kissane,
207; Young, 1.477; Donner, Israel, 126; Blenkinsopp, 311. Anti-Kushite: Fohrer, 1.206;
Wildberger, 690; Kaiser, 78; Clements, 165; Dietrich, Politik, 129.
introduction 29
105
See the studies of Feuillet, Vogels, Deissler, Schenker, Kraovec, Wodecki, and
Kustr mentioned in the Bibliography.
106
Cf. Delitzsch, 240; Ridderbos, 13738; Young, 2.48; Oswalt, 247; Ohmann,
7577; Hayes & Irvine, 263; Niccacci, Isaiah xviiixx, 21438.
107
Gray, 320; Wildberger, 704; Hayes & Irvine, 25863.
108
Procksch, 246; Fischer, 140; Kissane, 210; Wildberger, 7078; Hayes & Irvine,
258; Sweeney, 271, 275; Schoors, 118; Niccacci, Isaiah xviiixx, 226.
109
Cheyne, 114.
110
Duhm, 14041; Fohrer, 1.226; Kaiser, 82; Hffken, 144; Kilian, 120.
111
Hayes & Irvine, 262; Niccacci, Isaiah xviiixx, 214; Roberts, Oracles, 206.
112
H. Gressmann, Der Messias, Gttingen 1929, 208; Sweeney, 270, 272.
113
J.F.A. Sawyer, Blessed Be My People, Egypt (Isaiah 19.25): The Context and
Meaning of a Remarkable Passage, in: J.D. Martin, Ph.R. Davies (eds), A Word in
Season: Essays in Honour of William McKane (JSOT.S, 42), Sheffield 1986, 59; Berges,
16667.
114
Kaiser, 86; Hffken, 159.
30 chapter one
argued that vv. 510 disturbs the description of the political turmoil
pervading vv. 14 and 1115, which originally may have formed a
coherent unit.115 Scholars also disagree on the unity of 19:1625. This
passage is often viewed as the product of gradual growth.116 The liter-
ary relationship between 19:115 and 19:1625 is said to be based on a
prophecy of judgment that was extended by prophecies of salvation.
Isa. 19:1625 has been especially popular among exegetes because
of its astonishing theological view of non-Israelite nations. Many have
discussed how this theology relates to other passages of the Old Tes-
tament, but less attention has been given to 19:1625 as a part of the
prophecies concerned with foreign nations. Berges observes a strik-
ing difference between the universalism of Isa. 19:1625 and other
descriptions of the future of the nations. He concludes that vv. 1625
form a unique editorial layer in the book of Isaiah.117
Despite the obvious lack of attention devoted to, Isa. 19:115, this
section is, theologically speaking, no less significant. One of its key
motifs, the plan of Yhwh, is a theme pervading the entire collection
of 1323. The relationship between the Isaianic views of Egypt in
Isa. 3031 and Isa. 19 is another important theme to consider when
addressing the question of its origin.
115
T.K. Cheyne, The Nineteenth Chapter of Isaiah, ZAW 13 (1893), 12728; Marti,
155; Procksch, 244; Vermeylen, 1.322; Wildberger, 7034.
116
Cf. Procksch, 249; Fohrer, 1.211; Kaiser, 86; Schoors, 121; Kilian, 123; Sweeney,
27071; Hffken, 146; Blenkinsopp, 318; etc.
117
Berges, 16471.
118
See for the latter Kaiser, 9697; Vermeylen, 1.32425; Sweeney, 272; J. Blenkin-
sopp, The Prophetic Biography of Isaiah, in: E. Blum (ed.), Mincha. Festgabe fr Rolf
Rendtorff zum 75. Geburtstag, Neukirchen-Vluyn 2000, 1326.
introduction 31
The coherence of this passage is not always taken for granted. The
difficult phraseology of Isa. 20:12 has led some scholars to assume
that one of these verses is the work of a later glossator, and different
parts of vv. 46 are occasionally ascribed to this unnamed author.119
Even the exact identity of the addressees has raised some questions.
A few exegetes maintain that originally Isa. 20 addressed Philistia and
was transformed into an anti-Judaean text only at a later stage.120
It is also a significant question why the salvation prophecy in Isa. 19
is followed again by a text predicting the fall and deportation of Egypt
and Kush. Kilians answer is that Isa. 20 was included in the collection
at a date earlier than the salvation prophecy of 19:1825.121 Neverthe-
less, the problem still remains: why was Isa. 19:1825 not included
after Isa. 20, i.e. after the text dealing with the collapse of the Nilotic
kingdoms?
The anti-Egyptian theological stance of Isa. 20 overlaps with Isa. 30
and 31, but it is intriguing to investigate whether the function and
theological intention of the prophecy can be sufficiently explained
against the 8th century background, or other alternatives need also to
be considered.
119
Becker, Botschaft, 277; De Jong, Isaiah, 15051.
120
Procksch, 258; Donner, Israel, 115; Kaiser, 95; Clements, 17374.
121
Kilian, 127.
32 chapter one
This study is divided into two main parts. Chapters 2 and 3 give an
overview of the wider literary and theological context of the prophe-
cies on the nations in Isa. 1820 and explore them on two levels. First,
Chapter 2 discusses other collections of foreign nation prophecies in
the Bible similar to Isa. 1323 and examines them as a source of analo-
gies and partial answers with regard to the formation and theology
introduction 33
1
Utterances with similar concerns also appear outside the prophetic books (cf.
Ps. 2; 60; 89:20, 2324). It is difficult to see if there is any difference between texts
included in and those appearing elsewhere (cf., e.g., Isa. 18:7 and Mic.
2:14 with Ps. 86:9; Isa. 18:7 with Ps. 68:32). It is not always easy to draw boundaries
between prophecy and cultic poetry. Similar texts were preserved with their historical
context in 2 Kgs 3:1619; 19:2034 (|Isa. 37:2135). For further discussion of these
texts, see J.H. Hayes, The Oracles against the Nations in the Old Testament: Their Usage
and Theological Importance (Ph.D. diss.), Princeton, NJ 1964, 12253.
2
Isa. 1323; Jer. 4651; Ezek. 2532; Amos 12; Zeph. 2:4(1)15.
3
Cf. Isa. 7:58; 8:4, 910; 10:534*; 25:1012; 30:31; 33:112; 34; 47; Jer. 9:2425;
12:1417; 43:813; Ezek. 21:2832; 35; 3839.
36 chapter two
4
E.g., Isa. 19:115; 21:110; 23; Jer. 46:112; 46:1324, 2526; 49:2327; etc.
5
E.g., Joel 2:20 in 2:1827; Joel 4:19 in 4:1821; Mic. 4:1112 in 4:814; Mic. 5:45,
14 in 5:18, 14; Hag. 2:22 in 2:2023; Zech. 2:13 in 2:517; etc.
6
Cf. Ezek. 25:814; Joel 3:48; 4:19; Zeph. 2:810.
7
Cf. Isa. 17:1214; Joel 4:13, 917; Hag. 2:22.
8
F. Fechter, Bewltigung der Katastrophe: Untersuchungen zu ausgewhlten Fremd-
vlkersprchen im Ezechielbuch (BZAW, 208), Berlin 1992, 2.
collections of foreign nation prophecies 37
9
Fechter, Bewltigung, 1 n. 3; B. Huwyler, Jeremia und die Vlker: Untersuchungen
zu den Vlkersprchen in Jeremia 4649 (FAT, 20), Tbingen 1997, 2.
10
Note for instance texts in which the fate of a nation is supposed to be determined
by Israel, appearing as an agent of Yhwh in his dealings with the nation in question.
Cf. 2 Kgs 3:1619; Isa. 11:14; 14:14; cf. also Ps. 2; 110.
11
Cf. Hayes, Nations, 301; Fechter, Bewltigung, 2. The term Gattung is adopted
by Y. Hoffmann, The Prophecies against Foreign Nations, Tel-Aviv 1977; Idem, From
Oracle to Prophecy: The Growth, Crystallization and Disintegration of a Biblical
Gattung, JNWSL 10 (1982), 75.
12
Compare Jer. 51:4143 with Jer. 6:2224.
13
P. Hffken, Untersuchungen zu den Begrndungselementen der Vlkerorakel des
Alten Testaments (Ph.D. diss.), Bonn 1977, 38788 n. 3; Huwyler, Jeremia, 12.
38 chapter two
text formation.14 (b) Since not all of these prophecies comply with the
features of oracular literature (though some of them may), it is bet-
ter to use the name prophecy instead of oracle, unless reference is
being made to specific texts conforming to the latter category.15 The
term adopted in this study is foreign nation prophecies, henceforth
abbreviated as FNPs.
14
Cf. also J.B. Geyer, Another Look at the Oracles about the Nations in the Hebrew
Bible: A Response to A.C. Hagedorn, VT 59 (2009), 82.
15
Cf. Fechter, Bewltigung, 23; Huwyler, Jeremia, 2.
16
For a detailed discussion, see Hffken, Begrndungselementen, 34063. In
the analysis below, I have mainly used the text and translation in the edition of
M. Nissinnen, Prophets and Prophecy in the Ancient Near East (WAW, 12), Atlanta,
GA 2003 (PPANE).
collections of foreign nation prophecies 39
while FNPs were probably also uttered in the presence of the king,
several texts were presented in the absence of the actual addressee,
Zimri-lim. Many of these letters were sent from one of the towns by
the kings officials. Some oracles were publicly pronounced, others
were only addressed to the royal official responsible for delivering the
letter. Often, they were not only uttered in the absence of the primary
addressee, Zimri-lim, but in the absence of the enemy as well. The
enemy is sometimes addressed in the second person form (PPANE
10:1720; 17:1517; 19:618), on other occasions in the third person
(PPANE 4:3243; 5; 7:1119; 20:1116; 38:939). The enemy of Zimri-
lim is often addressed through its king (PPANE 19:1518), but a few
prophecies also mention the enemy nation (PPANE 10:1720; 19:810;
38:3239).
The FNPs of Mari function as salvation oracles for Zimri-lim in
times of war. Generally the king is the focus of these prophecies, which
is understandable given that these tablets come from royal archives.
Considering their form and relating them to biblical prophecies, it
is also remarkable that proclamations regarding the destruction of the
foreign nations were recorded on the same tablet with other proph-
ecies dealing with various aspects of Zimri-lims personal, social or
administrative life (PPANE 4). Furthermore, some tablets contain col-
lections of oracles concerning the same nation but uttered by different
prophets (PPANE 19).
The Assyrian prophecies of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal resemble
the Mari texts in many respects.17 They are similarly focused on the
Assyrian king. They also represent foreign nations or kings as enemies.
At the same time, however, the prophecies addressing Esarhaddon and
Assurbanipal have much more to say on theological issues, such as the
relationship between the king and the deity, a motif rather infrequent,
though not totally absent in the Mari prophecies (PPANE 17:3134).
Assyrian prophetic texts also differ from the letters of Mari in the sense
that they tell us less about the social context of the prophecies. Refer-
ences to this context appear mainly in historical inscriptions recording
17
For Assyrian prophecies, see the above-mentioned PPANE as well as S. Parpola,
Assyrian Prophecies (SAA, 9), Helsinki 1997; M. Nissinen, References to Prophecy
in Neo-Assyrian Sources (SAAS, 7), Helsinki 1998; M. Weippert, Knig, frchte
dich nicht! Assyrische Prophetie im 7. Jahrhundert v. Chr., Or. 71 (2002) 154;
M.J. de Jong, Isaiah among the Ancient Near Eastern Prophets: A Comparative Study
of the Earliest Stages of the Isaiah Tradition and the Neo-Assyrian Prophecies (VT.S,
117), Leiden 2007.
40 chapter two
the campaigns of the king (PPANE 100 iii 47; 101; cf. also PPANE
137 A 1117). Likewise, it is striking that in PPANE 85 Esarhaddon
is mentioned in the third person. The message regarding the defeat
and destruction of Melid, Cimmer and Ellipi is addressed in a second
person form to the Assyrians (mar mt Aur), but according to the
colophon, the oracle was read aloud before the king (PPANE 85 ii
32).
The Assyrian texts are usually much longer and adopt a language
full of metaphors and comparisons only sporadically attested in the
Mari prophecies. In Nineveh, these oracles were often gathered into
collections of pronouncements of several prophets, given on various
occasions (PPANE 6877; 7883). A remarkable collection is PPANE
93, which bears the superscription dibb a Elamyi, words concern-
ing the Elamites and contains individual, thematically-coherent orac-
ular utterances.
To exemplify types of prophecies that are not cast into the form
of a messenger speech common in Mari and the New Assyrian arc-
hives, note should be made of the so-called execration texts from
Egypt. Besides pronouncing on the fate of a given nation, Balaam, the
biblical figure referred to above, also performs ritual acts in order to
influence the fate of the enemy nation. Such types of rituals appear
frequently in Egypt in the context of war between Egypt and its ene-
mies.18 Pots and figurines inscribed with the names of nations under
Egyptian authority or nations threatening Egypts sovereignty were
broken, symbolising the fate of those foreign nations. Since Israelite
prophecy is presented in Deut. 18:922 as a substitute for all kinds of
mantic practices, including execration, curse, witchcraft, and magic,19
these Egyptian texts may have some value in studying biblical FNPs.
However, contrary to the suggestion of some scholars,20 the relation-
ship between Israelite FNPs and execration and manticism is rather
superficial.
18
G. Posener, Princes et pays dAsie et de Nubie: Textes hiratiques sur des figurines
denvotement du Moyen Empire, Bruxelles 1940; Hayes, Nations, 8386.
19
Note also Joseph, Moses and Daniel, the Israelite prophet-like figures, each sur-
passing in his way the skills of foreign magicians, proclaiming not only the superiority
of Yhwh above other gods but also the pre-eminence of Israels prophets above other
diviners. Cf. also Isa. 19:1115; 47:1214.
20
Cf. A. Bentzen, The Ritual Background of Amos i 2ii 16, in: P.A.H. de Boer
(ed.), Oudtestamentische Studin, vol. 8, Leiden 1950, 8599. For a critical review of
Bentzens arguments, see J. Barton, Amoss Oracles against the Nations: A Study of
Amos 1.32.5 (SOTS.MS, 6), Cambridge 1980, 1214.
collections of foreign nation prophecies 41
21
De Jong, Isaiah, 26466, 27578. Similarly, we also find prophecies concerning
foreigners in Greek literature, though these are more distant relatives of the biblical
FNPs. See A.C. Hagedorn, Looking at Foreigners in Biblical and Greek Prophecy,
VT 57 (2007), 43248.
22
For discussions of previous research on the FNPs, see Hayes, Nations, 1438;
Hffken, Begrndungselementen, 1236; D.L. Christensen, Prophecy and War in
Ancient Israel: Studies in the Oracles against the Nations in Old Testament Prophecy,
Berkeley 1989, 19.
42 chapter two
23
F. Schwally, Die Reden des Buches Jeremia gegen die Heiden: XXV. XLVILI
untersucht, ZAW 8 (1888), 177216.
24
So Gunkel and Gressmann (cited in Hayes, Nations, 2124, 2627).
25
H.G. Reventlow, Das Amt des Propheten bei Amos, Gttingen 1962, 65.
26
C. Schmerl, Die Vlkerorakel in den Prophetenbchern des Alten Testaments,
Wrzburg 1939; Hayes, Nations; B. Margulis, Studies in the Oracles against the Nati-
ons (Ph.D. diss.), Brandeis University, MA 1966; Christensen, Prophecy; Hffken,
Begrndungselementen; Hoffmann, Nations.
27
Cf. Hayes, Nations, 39170; Idem, The Usage of Oracles against Foreign Nations
in Ancient Israel, JBL 87 (1968), 8192.
28
Hayes, Nations, 124, 128.
collections of foreign nation prophecies 43
29
Hayes, Nations, 300.
30
Christensen, Prophecy, 15.
31
(1) The prophecy is concerned with one distinctly named foreign nation; (2) it
proclaims calamity for that nation; (3) it speaks about a historical (not eschatologi-
cal) calamity; (4) the causes of the calamity are explained; (5) there is no hint to the
deliverance of Israel; (6) the future is presented as irreversible and not as a warning
(Hoffmann, Nations, i; Idem, Oracle, 7778).
32
He also includes Isa. 14:323, 2832; 1516; 19:115; 21:110, 1317; 23; 47;
Jer. 4651; Ezek. 2532; Nah. 2:43:19 (Hoffmann, Nations, ii).
33
Hoffmann, Nations, iv.
44 chapter two
34
J.B. Geyer, Mythology and Lament: Studies in the Oracles about the Nations,
Hants 2004, 5.
35
Geyer, Mythology, 5, 11747; Idem, Another Look, 83.
36
Geyer, Another Look, 83.
37
Geyer, Another Look, 86.
38
(a) military and political threat against Israel / Judah; (b) the motifs of invective,
mockery, or malicious delight in the fate of Israel / Judah.
39
Hffken, Begrndungselementen.
collections of foreign nation prophecies 45
40
P.C. Beentjes, Oracles against the Nations: A Central Issue in the Latter Proph-
ets , Bijdr. 50 (1989), 205.
41
Huwyler, Jeremia, 34.
42
Although FNPs also appear outside these collections, those texts are less relevant
in view of the primary purpose of this study as formulated in 1.4.
43
J. Vermeylen, Lunit du livre dIsae, in: BoI, 2834; P.-M. Bogaert, Lorga-
nisation des grands recueils prophtiques, in: BoI, 14753; Beentjes, Central Issue,
2039.
46 chapter two
a. What was the reason for collecting these FNPs? What characteristics
bind the individual texts together? Is the collection a static corpus
of pre-existing utterances gathered with a consistent editorial view,
or can we find evidence of re-organisation and amendment based
on various editorial criteria?
b. What is the concept guiding the further assembly of these col-
lections in the series of prophetic books?
c. How far does the editorial elaboration behind the collections follow
a concept paralleled by other prophetic books and how far are these
collections book specific?
44
The disputed prophecies are those concerning Tyre, Edom and Judah. Cf. H.W.
Wolff, Dodekapropheton 2: Joel und Amos (BK, 14/2), Neukirchen-Vluyn 1969, 170
71; Barton, Oracles, 2224; B. Gosse, Le recueil doracles contra les nations du livre
dAmos et lhistoire deutronomique, VT 38 (1988), 2240; J. Jeremias, Der Prophet
Amos (ATD, 24/2), Gttingen 1995, 1011.
collections of foreign nation prophecies 47
45
On this surprise technique, see Barton, Oracles, 37; Jeremias, Amos, 8. A simi-
lar technique is used in Amos 3:36, 8 and 5:1820.
46
Cf. Jeremias, Amos, 8; A.S. van der Woude, Amos-Obadja-Jona (T&T), Kampen
1997, 25. The numerical sayings of the FNPs (for three transgressions of GN, and for
four . . .) acquire their real meaning in the prophecy against Israel. In the FNPs, there
is one wrongdoing mentioned in case of every nation, while the prophecy against
Israel mentions not four (so Jeremias and Van der Woude), but 4 + 3 = 7 sins (some
of which may be synonymous re-iterations, but note Amos 2:7cd). Amos 2:1416 also
describes seven forms of punishment (3 + 3 + 1) that will affect the nation.
47
The prophecy on Israel in Amos 2:68, 1416 with its seven transgressions may
also be a summary of the prophets own message scattered throughout Amos 36
(cf. also Jeremias, Amos, 21). It is frequently argued that such summaries precede the
collection of the Isaianic prophecies in Isa. 1.
48
Cf. Wolff, Amos, 184; J. Jeremias, Vlkersprche und Visionsberichte im Amos-
buch, in: Volkmar Fritz et al. (eds), Prophet und Prophetenbuch: Festschrift fr Otto
Kaiser zum 65. Geburtstag (BZAW, 185), Berlin 1989, 8297; Idem, Amos, xix, 89.
The vision reports are consequently interrupted by a narrative and several oracular
sayings. But Jeremias considers their present location secondary.
48 chapter two
49
The enlargement of the FNPs to seven textual units (distorting the parallels with
Amos 79) could be the work of the same editors who inserted the Amos narrative
in Amos 7. The editorial conception governing the later texts of Amos 12 is often
attributed to the Deuteronomists (cf. Wolff, Amos, 13738, 18485; Gosse, Lhistoire
deutronomique, 2240), as is also the narrative of Am 7.
50
E.g., Wolf, Amos, 21213; Jeremias, Amos, 85, 89; S.M. Paul, Amos (Hermeneia),
Minneapolis, MN 1991, 1001. For the literary connections between Amos 12 and
3:2, see Barton, Oracles, 36.
51
Cf. Jeremias, Amos, 32 n. 10.
52
The question is whether Amos Israel is a historical reference to the Northern
Kingdom after 721 or whether it has a theological meaning (i.e. it also includes Judah),
as it does in exilic and later literature. The name of Judah appears only sparingly (cf.
Amos 1:1; 2:45; 7:12).
collections of foreign nation prophecies 49
53
E.g., K.-F. Pohlmann, Das Buch des Propheten Hesekiel (Ezekiel) (ATD, 22/1),
Gttingen 1996, 19, 33; J. Blenkinsopp, Ezekiel (Interpretation), Louisville, TN 1990,
107; Idem, A History of Prophecy in Israel, Louisville, TN 21992, 168; O. Kaiser, Der
Gott des Alten Testaments: Theologie des Alten Testaments. Teil 3: Jahwes Gerechtigkeit,
Gttingen 2003, 82.
54
Cf. O. Eissfeldt, Einleitung in das Alte Testament, Tbingen 31964, 410; Bogaert,
Lorganisation, 14753.
55
On Jer. 4651, cf. B. Huwyler, Jeremia; G. Fischer, Jer. 25 und die Fremdvlker-
sprche: Unterschiede zwischen hebrischem und griechischem Text, Bib. 72 (1991),
47499; J.D.W. Watts, Text and Redaction in Jeremiahs Oracles against the Nations,
CBQ 54 (1992), 43247; B. Gosse, La place primitive de recueil dOracles contre les
Nations dans le livre de Jrmie, BN 74 (1994), 2830; C.J. Sharp, Take Another
Scroll and Write: A Study of the LXX and the MT of Jeremiahs Oracles against
Egypt and Babylon, VT 47 (1997), 487509; H.G.L. Peels, Drinken zlt gij! Plaats
en betekenis van de volkenprofetien in Jeremia 4651, ThRef 44 (2001), 20520;
50 chapter two
M. Haran, The Place of the Prophecies against the Nations in the Book of Jeremiah,
in: S.M. Paul, E. Ben-David (eds), Emanuel: Studies in Hebrew Bible, Septuagint, and
Dead Sea Scrolls in Honor of E. Tov, Leiden 2003, 699706.
56
K. Seybold, Der Prophet Jeremia: Leben und Werk, Stuttgart 1992, 12028.
57
E.g., R.P. Carroll, Jeremiah, London 1986, 81516; Seybold, Jeremia, 121.
58
Cf. H.G.L. Peels, Gods Throne in Elam: The Historical Background and Lite-
rary Context of Jeremiah 49:3439, in: J.C. de Moor, H.F. van Rooij (eds), Past,
Present, Future: The Deuteronomistic History and the Prophets (OTS, 44), Leiden 2000,
21629.
59
See, for instance, Seybold, Jeremia, 12728; Huwyler, Jeremia, 267.
collections of foreign nation prophecies 51
60
Due to the different order of prophecies, LXX lacks this heading.
52 chapter two
61
This date coincides with the first year of Nebuchadnezzars reign (Jer. 25:1). This
is not insignificant, as he will become the protagonist of Jer. 4649.
62
Jer. 36:2 and 45 connects the prophecies against Israel, Judah and the nations
to the person of Baruch, while Jer. 5051 are related to Seraiah (51:59). For Seraiah
as a second Baruch (his brother?), see Carroll, Jeremiah, 749; Seybold, Jeremia, 35.
In LXX, Babylon does not appear on the list of the nations to drink from the cup of
wrath (MT Jer. 25:1826; LXX 32:412).
63
may have a double meaning in 25:11: country and world.
64
Carroll, Jeremiah, 759; W.L. Holladay, Jeremiah, vol. 2, Philadelphia, PA 1989,
313; Haran, Place, 702.
65
Watts, Text, 43247.
collections of foreign nation prophecies 53
66
Jer. 49:28 (LXX 30:23) contains no dating formula.
67
The prophecy was dated variously to 609, 605, 601. For adopting 605 as the most
likely date, see H.J. Katzenstein, Before the pharaoh conquered Gaza (Jeremiah
xlvii 1), VT 33 (1983), 24951; Holladay, Jeremiah 2, 314. The historical reference to
the Pharaoh is lacking in LXX.
68
Peels argued that some prophecies correspond to events predating those men-
tioned in 46:2 (Volkenprofetien, 207 n. 7). However, chronological ordering does
not necessarily mean a chronology based on the actual historical background of the
prophecies (unlike e.g., Seybold, Jeremia, 122 believes), but a chronology assumed
by the editors to fit the background of the oracles. And this assumed chronology
is explicitly mentioned in Jer. 25:1; 36:2 and 46:1, all of which are editorial texts.
Given this conception of the redactors, the texts may be considered chronologically
organised. Also note that the editorial conclusion in 51:59 dates the anti-Babylonian
prophecy to 594, while some verses refer to the destruction of the temple of Jerusalem
(50:28; 51:11).
69
MT order: Moab, Ammon, Edom, Damascus, Kedar; LXX order: Edom, Ammon,
Kedar, Damascus, Moab. The Moab oracle, the final text in the LXX order, is followed
in MT by an editorial verse (absent in LXX): ( Jer. 48:47; cf. also
54 chapter two
(b) The different order in which the nations are mentioned and the
place of the FNPs in the book as a whole have led some to believe that
Jer. 4651 was only added to the rest of the book of Jeremiah at a late
stage, circulating previously as an independent anonymous collection.70
Watts is probably right when he suggests that the different organisa-
tion of the prophecies does attest to a once independent collection of
FNPs that happened to find its way into both textual traditions. The
divergences reflect differing views belonging to two separate editorial
traditions (MT/LXX). Nevertheless, it is remarkable that Jer. 25:1 and
36:2 mention prophecies addressed to Israel and Judah in the same
collection with the prophecies aimed at other nations. Moreover and
as previously mentioned, the system of superscriptions in the FNPs is
well suited to the book of Jeremiah, reinforcing the view that the FNP
collection never circulated as an independent book detached from the
other prophecies of Jeremiah.
What theological concerns do the two textual traditions serve in
placing the collection of FNPs at different locations in the book? The
key evidence in this regard is provided by Jer. 25:29 (LXX 32:29): if
Jerusalem, Yhwhs own city, is about to be brought down by a disas-
ter, how could the nations go unpunished? Indeed, they will not, for
a sword will devour all the other nations as well. In other words, the
prophecies regarding the punishment of other nations are extensions
of those addressed to Judah. Jeremiah does not have a three level
structure (judgment of Israel, judgment of other nations, salvation of
Israel), but a two level structure: judgment of Israel and judgement
of other nations. These two levels are evident in the form attested by
MT; Jer. 145 describes the judgment passed on Judah, its execution
encompassing the entire 40 year period in which Jeremiah was active,
from 627 (Jer. 1:1) to 587 bc, the fall of Jerusalem. This book is con-
nected to the person of Baruch (Jer. 36; 45). The book on Judah ends
with a vision on the fall of Egypt (Jer. 44:2930), the nation that appears
in Jer. 46 as the first among the foreign nations to be denounced in
Jer. 4651.
Jer. 51:64, also missing from LXX). If this can be regarded as the end of a collection of
prophecies there is some support for making the Moab text the final one in the collec-
tion as it is in LXX. However, this phrase only denotes the end of the Moab prophecy
and not an entire collection.
70
See the discussion in Holladay, Jeremiah, 313; Watts, Text, 43234.
collections of foreign nation prophecies 55
71
Jer. 1, in which the prophet is concerned with both Judah and other nations,
should probably be seen as the introduction to the entire book, including the FNPs
(cf. Seybold, Jeremia, 121).
72
The scroll with many similar words ( ) added to the book
burned by Jehoiakim (Jer. 36:32) may indirectly allude to such a concept. For the
significance of Jer. 36 in the history of Jeremiah, see Y. Hoffman, Aetiology, Redac-
tion and Historicity in Jeremiah xxxvi, VT 46 (1996), 18589; Sharp, Another Scroll,
5078. Sharps view that Jer. 36 indirectly supports the authoritativeness of the shorter
tradition in LXX is doubtful (cf. Jer. 36:23!).
73
Jer. 2645 is treated as a distinctive unit in Jeremiah research (cf. Duhms biog-
raphy source and Mowinckels source B in Seybold, Jeremia, 2021).
74
Jer. 49:16 and Amos 1:1415 indirectly allude to the relationship between Amos
and Jeremiah. Jer. 25:3038, the epilogue of the FNPs in the LXX, is also particularly
close to Amos 1:2, the starting point of the FNPs of Amos.
56 chapter two
regarding them as the totality of all people, and suggests that the entire
encircling world will become subservient to Nebuchadnezzar, the ser-
vant of Yhwh. A further expansion adds the idea of Yhwhs world
dominion (Jer. 49:38). The theology of the MT version of Jeremiah
places the judgment on Babylon in the final position and is not without
parallels. The same idea frames Isa. 112 and 2833, both proclaiming
judgment on Judah and Israel by way of a foreign nation ultimately
subdued by Yhwh. The superscriptions are, however, rather book spe-
cific, and the same holds true for many particular expressions in the
individual prophecies. The motivation for the judgment on nations in
Jer. 25:29 is also particular to this book.
75
On the FNPs of Ezekiel, see H. van Dijk, Ezekiels Prophecy on Tyre (Ez. 26,1
28,19): A New Approach (BiOr, 20), Rome 1968; L. Boadt, Ezekiels Oracles against
Egypt: A Literary and Philological Study of Ezekiel 2932 (BiOr, 37), Rome 1980; Fech-
ter, Bewltigung; M. Alonso Corral, Ezekiels Oracles against Tyre: Historical Real-
ity and Motivations (BiOr, 46), Rome 2002; V. Premstaller, Fremdvlkersprche des
Ezechielbuches (FzB, 104), Wrzburg 2005.
collections of foreign nation prophecies 57
76
For as the beginning of a prophecy, see Isa. 49:22; Obad. 1
(not in opening position in Isa. 7:7; 28:16; 30:16; 52:4; 65:13; Jer. 7:20). The -
formula appears also elsewhere in the Tyre-prophecy (Ezek. 2628), but it does not
always function as a text-delimiter (e.g., 27:3; 28:2, 6, 12, 22). In 28:25, intro-
duces a new section, but one that is not part of the Tyre-collection (see below). In
the Egypt prophecies (Ezek. 2932), is used in a variety of ways.
may belong to the text (cf. 29:3, 8, 19; 30:2; 31:10, 15?; 32:3, 11), or apparently func-
tion as an ending, like the -formula (cf. 30:6, 10, 13). Once or twice,
may introduce a new expansion (29:13; 31:15?), but in both cases the text is related
and subordinated to the previous passages, so that it is hard to consider them indi-
vidual prophecies similar to those headed by + date + .
The formula appears as an opening text outside Ezekiel in
Jer. 1:4, 11; 2:1; 16:1; 24:4; Zech. 6:9. As a formula inside a prophecy, see Jer. 13:3, 8;
18:5; Zech. 4:8.
77
+ mentioning a sinful deed against Israel + + recognition formula.
58 chapter two
78
M. Dijkstra, Ezechil II (T&T), Kampen 1989, 24, 27.
79
The Sidon oracle is different from the rest and may have been added to include
seven nations in the collection (cf. Blenkinsopp, Ezekiel, 125). The Tyre prophecy
is similar to 25:26, but it also presents differences such as the absence of the usual
introductory , the use of instead of . If it was part of
an earlier collection (Ezek. 25)which is theoretically possibleit was reworked to
fit its present position. Cf. below.
80
The fact that 29:6b9a was originally distinct from the previous prophecy is
beyond question (see Blenkinsopp, Ezekiel, 128; M. Dijkstra, Ezechil II, 7071). The
closing recognition formula appears in 29:9a. Of the Tyre and Egypt prophecies, only
these two short prophecies denounce the nations because of their attitude towards
Israel.
81
This phrase appears only in the book of Ezekiel in the heading of the prophecies
against false prophets, Jerusalem, the Edom unit, and the Gog unit (see Ezek. 6:2;
13:17; 21:2, 7; 35:2; 38:2).
collections of foreign nation prophecies 59
ecy promising glory for Israel in contrast to Egypt.82 Egypt, Judahs ally
in the face of the Babylonian threat (29:6), would become an insignifi-
cant state (29:14), while Yhwh will cause a horn to grow to Israel, i.e.
its strength and glory will surpass that of Egypt.
Now, the problem with Ezek. 29:16, 21 is that it does not appear
at the end of the Egypt section but somewhere in the middle. This
placement of Ezek. 29:16, 21 is not accidental. Formal and thematic
considerations played an important part in the shifting editorial con-
cepts of the book. Ezek. 29:1316, 21 is, at any rate, later than the
previous 29:6b12 to which it has been attached.83 Since it envisages
a different future for Egypt than the following prophecies do (Ezek.
3032), it is probably later than those as well. One may assume there-
fore, that Ezek. 29:1316, 21 was placed in its present location due to
thematic considerations, and the direct relationship with the prophecy
that it follows. From a literary-chronological point of view, however,
and following the concept of its author, Ezek. 29:16, 21 is indeed a
conclusion similar to 28:2426.
The prophecies against Tyre and Egypt are disproportionately
long in comparison with the utterances against other nations. Both
of them form small collections of seven pericopes, containing, on
the one hand, utterances against a nation (Tyre: 26:16, 714; Egypt:
29:6b16, 21; 29:1720; 30:119), supplemented by elegies on its fall
(Tyre: 26:1621; 27:136; Egypt: 32:1732). On the other hand, both
collections include prophecies against the king (Tyre: 28:110; Egypt:
29:16a; 30:2026; 31:118), and elegies on the fall of the king (Tyre:
28:1219; Egypt: 32:116). The organisation of the prophecies against
Tyre appears to be thematic in the first instance (first the city, then
the king) and formal in the second (first prophecies, then elegies). In
the case of Egypt, formal criteria seemingly played an important role,
but the chronological headings must have surely imposed some limi-
tations. The Tyre series contains one single date only, while the orga-
nisation of the prophecies in the Egypt unit is based on chronological
considerations.84
82
Ezek. 29:21 probably belongs to 29:1316, the salvation prophecy with which it
has more common points than the preceding 29:1720.
83
Ezek. 30:23, 26 also mentions the dispersion of the Egyptians, so that 29:1316,
21 probably derives from a still later date than 30:2026. Ezek. 29:1316, 21 reflect on
29:6b12 (note the motif of 40 years of captivity and Egypt as supporter of Judah).
84
An unsurprising exception is the prophecy in Ezek. 29:1720.
60 chapter two
(b) Given that the book of Ezekiel contains several explicit refer-
ences to the nations surrounding Judah, the organisation of the FNPs
according to geographical principles (Ezek. 28:24, 26) fits the theol-
ogical framework of the book (cf. 5:5, 6, 7, 14, 15; 36:3, 4, 7, 36).
The structure reinforces the close connection between the FNPs and
the prophecies on Israel in Ezek. 124. Like the MT version of Jer-
emiah, the two textual units are probably connected based on chrono-
logical considerations. The prophecies in the first section of the book
are dated between the 5th9th years of king Jehoiachins captivity
(Ezek. 1:2; 24:1).85 The dated prophecies concerning the nations are
placed between the 10th12th years of the same kings reign (32:17).
The conclusion is that the prophecies concerning Judah and the for-
eign nations stretch together over a period of 7 years, a number having
symbolic value.86
Besides the two textual blocks with prophecies addressed to Judah
and the FNPs, it is believed that Ezek. 3348 forms a collection of
salvation prophecies. The view is somewhat complicated, however, by
the fact that Ezek. 33 does not fit the scheme of a salvation proph-
ecy.87 Moreover, Ezek. 35 again contains a prophecy against Edom,
85
On the chronological problems, cf. W. Zimmerli, Ezechiel (BK, 13/12), Neukir-
chen-Vluyn 1969, 4045, 562; M. Dijkstra, Ezechil I (T&T), Kampen 1986, 21, 32;
Idem, Ezechil II, 15.
86
The symbolic sense of the number 7 is well illustrated by Ezek. 3:1516. Accord-
ing to this text, after sitting dumb for seven days among the exiles, Gods word was
revealed to him. The motif of dumbness appears at different key locations in the book
(3:15, 26; 24:27; 29:21; 33:22). Its interpretation has been a source of many difficulties
(cf. R.R. Wilson, An interpretation of Ezekiels dumbness, VT 22 [1972], 91104).
Since the key chapter, Ezek. 33, is strongly connected with Ezek. 3, and since Ezek.
4:6 is familiar with a 1 day = 1 year symbolism, it is tempting to relate the seven day
dumbness in 3:15 with the seven year dumbness in 33:22, as well as the seven year
period of the prophecies in Ezek. 424; 2532. It is also noteworthy that the activity
of Jeremiah, presented as the second Moses in Jer. 1, is similarly dated to a symbolic
period of forty years, from the 13th year of Josiah in Jer. 1:1, i.e. 627 to the fall of
Jerusalem in 587 (cf. Blenkinsopp, Prophecy, 135).
87
Ezek. 33, which closes the judgment speeches against Judah and the nations, is
a very significant chapter in the book from a compositional viewpoint. Contrary to
assumptions that Ezek. 33:2133 would have originally belonged to Ezek. 124 (Dijk-
stra, Ezechil I, 21; Idem, Ezechil II, 21, 95), this entire chapter can be adequately
explained in its present context. Ezek. 33 is the conclusion to the previous set of
prophecies rather than the introduction of a new section. It reflects on important
passages from the book, especially Ezek. 3; 18 and 24. The function of Ezek. 33 is
threefold. First, in view of the judgment accomplished with the fall of Judah and the
nations, it concludes the entire activity of Ezekiel in the light of Ezek. 3:1621. Ezekiel
is not to blame for the doom that has come upon Judah, for he fulfilled his task of
a watchman. The prophet has saved his life (3:21; 33:9). Second, neither is Yhwh to
collections of foreign nation prophecies 61
blame for what happened to his people (18:25, 29; 33:17). Third, only Israel alone is to
be held responsible for the course of the events, as it was not only unfaithful to Yhwh
(33:2526) but also failed to heed any warning (33:3033).
88
Cf. Dijkstra, Ezechil I, 22223; M. Greenberg, Ezekiel 2137 (AncB, 22A), New
York, NY 1997, 434, 436.
89
Its form is also similar, since it also makes use of the / sequence (35:56,
1011) and the recognition formula (35:9, 15).
90
Whether the basic narrative can still be assigned to the prophet Ezekiel (so Zim-
merli, Ezekiel, 946; Blenkinsopp, Ezekiel, 18081) is a question that reaches beyond
the interest of this chapter. It is clear, nevertheless, that Ezek. 3839 was also written
for this book, as it adopts the books characteristic phraseology.
62 chapter two
with a prophecy on Israel in Ezek. 36, reminds the reader of the similar
organisation of the anti-Edom prophecy in Isa. 34 and 35.
91
D.H. Ryou, Zephaniahs Oracles against the Nations: A Synchronic and Diachronic
Study of Zephaniah 2:13:8 (BIS, 13), Leiden 1995; cf. also J. Vermeylen, Lunit du
livre dIsae, in: BoI, 32. P.-M. Bogaert, Lorganisation des grands recueils proph-
tiques, in: BoI, 148, disputes the legitimacy of comparing Zephaniah with the Major
Prophets but his short note does not raise any convincing objections.
92
L. Perlitt, Die Propheten Nahum, Habakuk, Zephaniah (ATD, 25/1), Gttingen
2004, 98.
93
M.A. Sweeney, The Twelve Prophets, vol. 2, Collegeville, MN 2000, 494; cf.
J. Vlaardingerbroek, Sefanja (COT), Kampen 1993, 135.
94
Ryou, Zephaniahs Oracles, 135.
collections of foreign nation prophecies 63
95
Contra Perlitt, who believed that the FNP-cycle of Zephaniah was an expression
of the universal rule of Yhwh (Perlitt, Zephaniah, 123).
96
Zeph. 2:7 refers to the return from exile. But it is exactly this exile that repentance
was supposed to prevent (cf. 2:13).
97
Cf. Ezek. 25:1517 and see Ryou, Zephaniahs Oracles, 29499.
98
On the connection between Zeph. 2:11 and the oracle on the Philistines, see
Sweeney, Twelve Prophets, 517.
99
Note the above-mentioned similarities between 2:7 and 9b. Zeph. 2:9b fits well
into its immediate context, Zeph. 2:810 (as 2:7 also fits 2:56), but the message of this
entire prophecy differs from the reading imposed by Zeph. 3:67 (warning for Judah).
Moreover, it is difficult to read the Moab-Ammon prophecy as a description of the
past, as Zeph. 3:67 presupposes. That is understandable if 2:810 was not originally
written for its present position.
64 chapter two
100
The text enumerates a list of nations both in proximity and far away, comparable
to the perspective of the book (cf. Zeph. 1:8 with 3:8). The thesis of a geographical
organising principle is more convincing than Berlins suggestion, who believed that
the text is modelled on and reflects the cultural antagonism of nomadic Semites and
urbanised societies. Cf. A. Berlin, Zephaniahs Oracles against the Nations and an
Israelite Cultural Myth, in: A.B. Beck et al. (eds), Fortunate the Eyes That See: Essays
in Honor of David Noel Freedman in Celebration of His Seventieth Birthday, Grand
Rapids, MI 1995, 17584.
collections of foreign nation prophecies 65
101
The expression is most certainly a gloss (cf. Perlitt, Zephaniah, 140),
reinterpreting the verse originally referring to foreign nations (cf. Isa. 18:1, 7) as a
promise regarding the Jews in the diaspora.
102
A further possible reference to the future fate of foreign nations appears in a
subsequent extension of the book at Zeph. 3:18, a verse famous for its problems. The
text is usually taken to refer to Judaeans, but that hardly makes any sense in the
context of the present verse. It seems more convincing to interpret 3:18 as an allu-
sion to the reactions of foreigners grieving ( )about the feasting of the Judaeans.
In Zeph. 1, the verb appears as a terminus technicus for judgment; its sense is
probably the same in this location. In 2:8, describes the attitude of Moab and
Ammon toward Judaeans. It is possible that 3:18 again refers to the of the same
community of foreigners, arguing that their former insults will be turned as a burden
on themselves (the emendation of to is supported by the Targum). This
verse is similar to Zeph. 2:9b.
103
Cf. Zeph. 3:9 | Isa. 19:18; Zeph. 3:10 | Isa. 18:1, 7; Zeph. 3:12 | Isa. 14:32.
66 chapter two
2.5 Conclusion
tions may have altered the concept of earlier editors. The dynamic pro-
cess of rereading and reformulating editorial concepts was influenced
by changing audiences and hermeneutical situations.
Examination of these four prophetic books does not suggest that the
books of Ezekiel, Zephaniah, or the LXX of Jeremiah were ordered fol-
lowing an eschatological scheme. It is nevertheless significant that the
FNPs always form dyptichs with prophecies addressed to Israel. The
prophecies against Yhwhs own people are usually followed by judge-
ments pronounced on other nations (Jer., Ezek., Zeph.), but in the case of
Amos, the prophecies concerning these nations precede those addressed
to Israel. The foreign nations are important only in relation to Israel, the
people of Yhwh. This also underlines the fact that the collections were
composed from the perspective of the authors own community.
The theological emphasis of the collections may differ. In Amos the
prophecy on foreign nations functions as a prelude to the prophecies
on Israel, and to a certain extent the same holds true for Zeph. 2:415.
The announcement of judgment on other nations in the latter text
serves as a warning for Israel. In Jeremiah, the motivation for the
judgment of other nations is the previous punishment meted out to
Judah. In Ezekiel, the judgment of nations is induced by their attitude
towards Judah.
In some cases, however, we may presuppose that the editors were
acquainted with collections of FNPs in other books. We find concepts
overarching various compositions (chronological, geographical orga-
nization of prophecies, use of the symbolic number seven, the theme
of the day of Yhwh), and these features may reveal the interconnect-
edness of groups working on different books, even though it would go
too far to ascribe all editorial activity to one particular group.
Despite all these general observations, the collections of FNPs are
strikingly book-specific. They are well integrated inside their respec-
tive books, so that authors and editors use superscriptions, headings
and other stereotypical phrases appearing elsewhere in the same book.104
The uniformity is most noticeable in Amos, Jeremiah and Ezekiel. The
book-specific character of the prophecies suggests that the collections
of FNPs were not supposed to be read as independent compositions
but were always meant to be connected to the books in which they
now stand.
104
This is indeed striking, in contrast to opinions maintaining that this redaction of
the prophetic books was the work of the same editors (Vermeylen, Lunit, 32).
CHAPTER THREE
1
In case of Isa. 1323, cf., e.g., Wildberger, 1562; A.A. Fischer, Der Edom-Spruch
in Jesaja 21: Sein literaturgeschichtlicher und sein zeitgeschichtlicher Kontext,
in: M. Witte (ed.), Gott und Mensch im Dialog: Festschrift fr Otto Kaiser zum 80.
Geburtstag, Bd. 1 (BZAW, 345), Berlin 2004, 477.
70 chapter three
2
Some have argued that (c)-type headings are formed with the help of key-
words derived from the prophecy (Procksch, 277; Kaiser, 5, 97 n. 1; A.A. Macintosh,
Isaiah XXI: A Palimpsest, Cambridge 1980, 4; cf. Wildberger, 764). This idea may
be true of 21:13 () , but in two other cases one would expect
( cf. 21:1b) instead of , and ( cf. 22:5) instead
of . ( 21:11) does not appear anywhere in the related prophecy.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 71
3
Cf. Wildberger, 76364; B. Uffenheimer, The Desert of the Sea Pronounce-
ment (Isaiah 21:110), in: D.P. Wright et al. (eds), Pomegranates and Golden Bells:
Studies in Biblical, Jewish, and Near Eastern Ritual, Law, and Literature in Honor of
Jacob Milgrom, Winona Lake, IN 1995, 67779.
4
. Dhorme, Le dsert de la mer (Isae, xxi), in: Idem, Recueil douard Dhorme:
tudes bibliques et orientales, Paris 1951, 3014; Uffenheimer, Pronouncement, 678
79; Sweeney, 28081. mt tmt is referred to in the Erra and Ishum Epic (iv 130) as
tmtu.
5
Contra Macintosh, Palimpsest, 6; S. Erlandsson, The Burden of Babylon: A Study
of Isaiah 13:214:23 (CB.OT, 4), Lund 1970, 82; D.S. Vanderhooft, The Neo-Babylonian
Empire and Babylon in the Latter Prophets (HSM, 59), Atlanta, GA 1999, 131.
6
Cf. Jer. 25:12; 51:3637. See Ibn Ezra and Qimchi apud Seitz, 167; Uffenheimer,
Pronouncement, 67879; W.R. Gallagher, Sennacheribs Campaign to Judah: New
Studies (SHCANE, 18), Leiden 1999, 39.
7
can be compared with Jer. 50:21, which refers to Babylon as
. This name may also include a symbolic (cf. , stubborn, rebellious) and a
geographical significance (cf. nr marrtu, designating the area where the Tigris meets
the Euphrates). The same ambiguity appears possibly in )!( in the same verse
line. Cf. W. Rudolph, Jeremia (HAT, 12), Tbingen 1968, 303.
8
Since is also the name of a city in the Arabian Desert (Gen. 25:14; 1 Chron.
1:30), Isa. 21:1112 is sometimes connected with this Arabian region. Cf. K. Galling,
Jesaja 21 im Lichte der neuen Nabonidtexte, in: E. Wrthwein, O. Kaiser (eds), Tra-
dition und Situation: Studien zur alttestamentlichen Prophetie. Arthur Weiser zum
70. Geburtstag, Gttingen 1963, 59; Oswalt, 397 n. 1; Sweeney, 285; Fischer, Edom-
Spruch, 47677. However, the city of Seir mentioned in Isa. 21:11 reminds one of
Edom rather than an Arabian settlement that is otherwise insignificant for Biblical
literature.
9
Cf. , quiet, silence (Isa. 47:5; Hab. 2:19 [ in 1QpHab]; Lam. 3:26) and
, silence (Ps. 22:3; 39:3; 62:2). See further )<( calm (1 Kgs 19:12;
Ps. 107:29; Job 4:16) and ( Ezek. 27:32). In connection with foreign nations, note
especially Isa. 47:5 (Babylon) and Ezek. 27:32 (Tyre).
10
For and , see Isa. 47:5, for and , see Ps. 22:3.
72 chapter three
11
This superscription is absent in LXX, but it is supported by all other versions and
manuscripts. Given the nature of the LXX of Isaiah, caution must be exercised when
relying solely on this textual witness (contra Gallagher, Campaign, 57). Isa. 21:1317
should be thematically distinguished from the previous prophecy, so that a new super-
scription should occur at this location.
12
Another symbolic -superscription appears in Isa. 30:6. In the phrase
, the term itself is ambiguous: may mean pronouncement
against those going to Egypt, as well as burden, i.e. the treasures people transported
on the beasts in order to obtain support from Egypt.
13
Delitzsch, 245, and Young, 2.86, speak of a tetralogy. Sweeney argues that Isa. 21
is an original unit (Sweeney, 277, 281, 284; cf. also Fischer, Edom-Spruch, 478).
Yet, this argument is strange in view of his assumption that the oracles in 1323 are
delimited by the superscriptions + X (Sweeney, 221, 254). His identification
of 21:11, 13 as demarcations of textual subunits (277) is confusing (he also regards
21:14; 21:510; 21:1315; 21:1617 as subunits). Unlike Sweeney (278) assumes, 21:10
concludes an individual oracle.
14
Cf. 21:2, 3, 4, 6, 10, 11, 16; 22:4, 14. Isa. 21:16 may be secondary (see below).
15
21:2, 6, 10, 11, 16; 22:14. The of 14:2832 also refers to an inquiry.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 73
war ( ;21:14, 15; 22:3); and both texts give a detailed description
of the enemy.
These common characteristics may suggest that Isa. 2122 contains
a distinctive sub-collection inside the prophecies on the nations of
Isa. 1323.16 Isa. 2122 probably existed as a collection prior to being
inserted into its present location. This editorial process may answer
several important questions on the composition of Isa. 1323, such as
those concerning the two Babylonian prophecies, the appearance of a
prophecy on Jerusalem and one addressed to a palace official alongside
other texts on foreign nations, the present position of Isa. 23, and the
differences in the superscriptions in Isa. 1323.
As noted above in 1.2, scholars usually relate the two anti-Babylonian
prophecies in Isa. 13:114:27 and 21:110 to two successive stages in
the redaction of the book of Isaiah.17 However, this interpretation is
challenged by other texts which were similarly connected to different
stages of redaction but were included among the thematically related
prophecies. In these cases, the prophecies concerning one particular
nation were collected under one heading in Isaiah (cf. 1314; 1516;
1920), as well as in Jeremiah (Jer. 48; 5051) and Ezekiel (Ezek. 2628;
2932). It is more convincing therefore to argue that Isa. 2122 were
not from the beginning supposed to form part of a collection of FNPs.
Moreover, they were related to each other even before they came to be
part of Isa. 1323.
An earlier grouping of Isa. 2122 may also explain the present loca-
tion of Isa. 22, the unusual prophecy addressing Jerusalem in a col-
lection of FNPs. Similar collections in Jeremiah, Ezekiel or Zephaniah
do not include prophecies on Jerusalem. A prophecy against Israel
appears in Amos 2:616, but there it forms a bridge to the second
part of the book, Amos 36. Isa. 22 in its present position does not
share the same function as Amos 2:616, especially since Isa. 22 is
followed by another prophecy concerning a foreign nation, Tyre, in
Isa. 23. Furthermore, Isa. 22:1525, the prophecy addressed specifi-
cally to a Judaean palace official, is unusual with regard to any collec-
tion of FNPs.
The assumption that Isa. 2122 was inserted among an already
existing -collection also provides an explanation for the present
16
Duhm, 12, also takes 10:2820:6 and 2122 + 30:67 as two collections.
17
For instance, Vermeylen and Jenkins.
74 chapter three
The space allotted to this chapter and the specific focus of the pres-
ent study limit our examination of Isa. 1323 to issues related to spe-
cific problems in Isa. 1820. In accordance with a general approach in
recent Old Testament scholarship, the final form of the text is taken as
the starting point for our discussion. Nevertheless, even if the recon-
struction of the diachronic development of biblical texts is to a large
extent dependent on subjective considerations and exegetical insights,
the question whether the final form corresponds to the original form
must be considered seriously in each individual case. Pursuing this
trajectory, I shall aim to answer the following literary, theological and
historical questions:
18
Some exegetes delimit 13:114:23 as the first division, excluding the prophecy
on Assyria in 14:2427 (Kaiser, 5). Others regard 13:114:32 as one unit (Sweeney,
22122; Childs, 124). According to Sweeney the superscription in Isa. 14:28 does not
correspond to the standard form of the title in chs. 1323. It should instead be treated
like 20:1, as an appendix (Sweeney, 221). However, the superscriptions of Isa. 2122
also deviate from the standard forms, bringing further pluriformity of -type
headings in the range of possibilities. Isa. 20:1 is different from 14:28, because it is
concerned with the same theme as the previous Isa. 19. No such thematic connection
appears between 13:114:27 and 14:2832. Along with other scholars, I consider 13:1
14:27 to be the first -unit. Cf. K. Jeppesen, The ma bbel in Isaiah 1314,
PIBA 9 (1985), 6380; J.A. Goldstein, The Metamorphosis of Isaiah 13:214:27, in:
R.A. Argall et al. (eds), For a Later Generation: The Transformation of Tradition in
Israel, Early Judaism and Early Christianity, Harrisburg, PA 2000, 7888.
19
Contra Goldstein, Metamorphosis, 7888. For the original unity of 13:114:23,
see Erlandsson, Burden; B. Gosse, Isae 13,114,23 dans la tradition littraire du livre
dIsae et dans la tradition des oracles contre les nations (OBO, 78), Freiburg 1988, 276;
Watts, 195. Hayes & Irvine, 226, treat 14:127 as a unit.
20
Duhm, 112; Kissane, 154; Wildberger, 507; Vermeylen, 1.28687; Sweeney, 231;
Kilian, 95 (but cf. 100); Blenkinsopp, 27677.
76 chapter three
Isaiah 13:28
The first unit of the begins with a summons ().
Another imperative appears later in v. 6 (), although this is aimed
at other addressees.26 As vv. 28 describe the preparations for the day
21
Zapff identifies an older anti-Babylon oracle 13:1a+1722a from 13:1b+2
16+22b, with universalistic tendencies and with Babylon as the personification of evil.
Cf. B.M. Zapff, Schriftgelehrte ProphetieJes 13 und die Komposition des Jesajabu-
ches: Ein Beitrag zur Erforschung der Redaktionsgeschichte des Jesajabuches (FzB, 74),
Wrzburg 1995, 219, 22739. Bosshard-Nepustil regards 13:28+1416 as the primary
layer (after 587), expanded by 13:1+1722 (around 539), and later by 13:913. Cf.
E. Bosshard-Nepustil, Rezeptionen von Jesaia 139 im Zwlfprophetenbuch (OBO,
154), Freiburg 1997, 91. Fischer distinguishes 13:25+78+1416 (after 587), from two
subsequent expansions 13:1a+17+18b+1922 (after 539) and 13:6+913 (date?). Cf. C.
Fischer, Die Fremdvlkersprche bei Amos und Jesaja (BBB, 136), Berlin 2002, 7599.
22
Clements, 13238, discerns vv. 23 (Babylonian revolt against Assyria, late 8th
century), vv. 45 (Babylon against the world, end 7th century), vv. 68 (Babylon
against Jerusalem, after 587), vv. 916 (eschatological reinterpretation of , 4th
century), vv. 1516 (after 587), vv. 1722 (ca. 545538).
23
Isa. 17:1; 19:1; 24:1; 30:27; Jer. 6:22; 47:2; Amos 8:11; 9:13; Nah. 2:1.
24
Isa. 28:2, 16; 34:5; 35:4; 39:6; Jer. 2:35; 5:14; Joel 4:7; Hab. 2:4; etc.
25
For as the beginning of a new prophecy, see, e.g., Jer. 46:25; 49:35; 51:1; as
the beginning of a new section, cf. Jer. 49:5; 50:18.
26
Isa. 13:6 may form a new beginning in the poem (cf. Isa. 23:1), but it is not
likely that 13:68 was independent from 13:25 (contra Clements, 13435). Kaiser,
11 noted that 13:25 is written in qina-meter which obviously differs from v. 6. This
may mean that the summons to wail in v. 6 refers to the lament in 13:25. Jer. 4:58
serves with a further example for the relation between the summons to wail and the
coming destruction of the enemy.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 77
27
Zapff, Prophetie, 237; Hffken, 128.
28
Cf. Deut. 28:49; Isa. 5:26; Jer. 6:22 ( ;)cf. Deut. 30:4; Neh. 1:9.
29
LXX seems to support reading , by vocalising as an imperative,
(). Following this consonantal text but vocalising , would give a clearer
reading, viz. so that the nobles may enter his gate.
78 chapter three
30
Kissane, 15455; Goldstein, Metamorphosis, 7888. C.T. Begg noted the loose
sitting of Babylon in Isa. 1314 and argued for the later babylonisation of these
prophecies (Babylon in the Book of Isaiah, in: BoI, 122).
31
In a prophecy against Judah, Jer. 1:15 (cf. 25:9) speaks about a great multitude
of the north ( ) summoned ( )by God to come and set up
a throne before the ports of Jerusalem () .
32
Goldstein, Metamorphosis, 8485, argues that the similarity between Isa. 13:20
and Zeph. 2:1315 would mean that Isa. 13:20 also refers to Nineveh.
33
Similar word play occurs in Isa. 21:14 and 22:56 (cf. Bosshard-Nepustil, Rezep-
tionen, 47 n. 5).
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 79
34
On the redaction-critical problems of Isa. 10:534, cf. O. Eissfeldt, Einleitung in
das Alte Testament, Tbingen 31964, 41314; Mowinckel, Komposition, 284; G.C.I.
Wong, Deliverance or Destruction? Isaiah x 3334 in the Final Form of Isaiah xxi,
VT 53 (2003), 54452.
35
See C. Balogh, Blind People, Blind God: The Composition of Isaiah 29,1524,
ZAW 121 (2009), 4869.
36
Clements, 135; Bosshard-Nepustil, Rezeptionen, 71; Fischer, Fremdvlkersprche,
9199. The (often insignificant) lexical similarities between 13:916 and its context
referred to in Bosshard-Nepustil, Rezeptionen, 71 n. 1, need not imply the direct influ-
ence of one text on the other. These similarities can be more convincingly explained
by the common theme of the two texts.
37
For connections with in Isa. 2:12, see 3.4 below.
80 chapter three
38
H. Grimme, Ein bersehenes Orakel gegen Assur (Isaias 13), ThQ 85 (1903),
111; Kissane, 154; Goldstein, Metamorphosis, 7888.
39
For instance, Gray, 241. Cf. Isa. 48:20; Jer. 50:8, 16; 51:6, 45; Zech. 2:10, 11.
Procksch, 189, Clements, 136, and Zapff, Prophetie, 156, understand 13:14 in the sense
that even flight would not bring escape from Yhwhs wrath. However, this interpreta-
tion contradicts 13:15, according to which death will come only upon those who are in
the city and not those in flight. Moreover, Jer. 50:1617 makes clear that the earliest
witness to this Isaianic text (note the imagery of the scattered sheep, the devouring
sword; cf. also ) understood Isa. 13:14 as referring
to the flight of foreigners from Babylon.
40
For example, Kaiser, Clements, Zapff, Kilian, Bosshard-Nepustil.
41
Cf. Vermeylen, 1.28889; Ohmann, 63; Kilian, 98; Blenkinsopp, 27879.
42
Jer. 4:2325, 28; Ezek. 32:78; Joel 2:2, 10; Amos 5:1820; 8:910; Zeph. 1:1416.
Cf. the nearness of the day of Yhwh in Joel 2:1 | Zeph. 1:7, 14 | Isa. 13:6, the con-
secrated warriors in Zeph. 1:7, 14 | Isa. 13:3, the summons to howl in Zeph. 1:11 |
Isa. 13:6, wrath in Zeph. 1:15 | Isa. 13:3, 5, fear in Joel 2:6 | Isa. 13:78, the wealth
which cannot save in Zeph. 1:18 | Isa. 13:17. Cf. also Isa. 28:2; 29:6; 30:30 (cosmic
theophany); Judg. 5:45, 20; Josh. 10:1113.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 81
43
See in 13:16 and 18, and cf. Kaiser, 11.
44
In prophetic texts, Persia is never mentioned as an enemy of Babylon, but only
Elam and Media (Isa. 21:2), or Media alone (Jer. 51:11, 28).
82 chapter three
45
Gosse, Isae, 272 (Darius I); Vermeylen, 1.28990 (Xerxes).
46
For Isa. 13 as a pre-eventum prophecy, cf. Clements, 13637; Begg, Babylon,
12425; Sweeney, 231; H.G.M. Williamson, The Book Called Isaiah: Deutero-Isaiahs
Role in Composition and Redaction, Oxford 1994, 158; Vanderhooft, Babylon, 125;
Blenkinsopp, 277.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 83
47
Cf. Isa. 11:1116; 45:14; 49:2223; 56:3, 6; 60:1016; 61:56; Zech. 2:1316. Note
( Zech. 2:16) and ( Isa. 14:2), ( Zech. 2:16)
and ( Isa. 14:1).
48
Sweeney, 232 (post-exilic); Williamson, Book, 16567, 17175 (exilic).
49
For the unity of 14:14a, cf. Zapff, Prophetie, 26566.
50
Wildberger, 506; M.A. Sweeney, King Josiah of Judah: The Lost Messiah of Israel,
Oxford 2001, 244.
51
For as paradigm, cf. R.M. Shipp, Of Dead Kings and Dirges: Myth and
Meaning in Isaiah 14:4b21, Atlanta, GA 2002, 3443.
84 chapter three
52
Jeppesen, Isaiah 1314, 78 n. 30, allow the possibility that Isa. 14:4b21 was
composed of the independent units 14:4b8, 911, 1217, 1821. Blenkinsopp, 285,
distinguishes two poems, 14:4b11 and 14:1221, but gives no details. It is, however,
doubtful that these passages could have formed independent prophecies. Some also
argued that 14:5 and 20b21 are later glosses. Cf. Fohrer, 1.174; Wildberger, 541; Kai-
ser, 29; H. Barth, Die Jesaja-Worte in der Josiazeit: Israel und Assur als Thema einer
produktiven Neuinterpretation der Jesajaberlieferung (WMANT, 48), Neukirchen-
Vluyn 1977, 128; Clements 141; Zapff, Prophetie, 26667; Blenkinsopp, 285; Fischer,
Fremdvlkersprche, 12526. This assumption is based on the conviction that v. 5
implies the direct action of Yhwh, unexpected in such a song. Note however, that
Yhwh is actively present in the similar dirges of Ezekiel concerning the fall of Tyre
(Ezek. 28) and Egypt (Ezek. 3132). Moreover, v. 6 could hardly be the continuation
of v. 4b. connects v. 6 to / in v. 5 (cf. Isa. 10:24; 14:29; 30:31), and not
in v. 4b (contra Zapff, Prophetie, 26667). For Isa. 14:21, cf. also Ezek. 32:3132.
53
Although Canaanite mythological elements may appear here (cf. Shipp, Dead
Kings, 124, 6779), it is more likely that the text presents primarily Mesopotamian
views, filtered through the interpretation of a Canaanite poet.
54
E.g., Sweeney, 23233; Gallagher, Campaign, 8889; Shipp, Dead Kings, 172. In
Assyrian texts Sargon is called akin Ellil, the governor of Ellil. Gallagher assumes
that the similarities between Ellil and in 14:12, justify identification of the king
as Sargon (Campaign, 8889). Accepting, for the sake of argument, the philological
connections between and Ellil, it still remains problematic that Sargon is called
governor of Ellil. Isa. 14:12 points not only to a close association of Sargon with this
particular god (so Gallagher, Campaign, 89), but it identifies with the king and
associates him with .
55
We know that Esarhaddon killed some of the high officials, and so did Sen-
nacherib and Sargon II, too, with other throne contenders. But this was rather com-
mon and far from destroying ones land and killing the people.
56
Blenkinsopp, 284; S. Olyan, Was the King of Babylon Buried Before His Corpse
Was Exposed? Some Thoughts on Isa 14,19, ZAW 118 (2006), 425.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 85
57
Cf. Zapff, Prophetie, 271; Blenkinsopp, 287; Kaiser, 28; Goldingay, 102. For the
motifs of ascent, descent, Sheol, see Shipp, Dead Kings, 81127.
58
The plurals , ( 14:5) and ( 14:20) are not to be seen as redac-
tional expansions universalising an earlier song (contra Barth, Jesaja-Worte, 12728;
Clements, 144; Zapff, Prophetie, 26768). It is characteristic to the genre that its
language is impersonal, expressed here by the plural.
59
In contrast to Wildberger, 542; Vermeylen, 1.294; Kaiser, 28, and Zapff, Pro-
phetie, 271, I do not regard anonymity as the sign of a late date, but a common fea-
ture of -literature. Note that in Ezek. 28:210, 1119; 31; 32:110, 1730 are also
without proper names.
60
Ehrlich, 56; Gosse, Isae, 239; W.A.M. Beuken, A Song of Gratitude and a
Song of Malicious Delight: Is Their Consonance Unseemly, in: F.-L. Hossfeld,
L. Schwienhorst-Schnberger (eds), Das Manna fllt auch heute noch: Beitrge zur
Geschichte und Theologie des Alten, Ersten Testaments. Festschrift fr Erich Zenger
(HBS, 44), Freiburg im Breisgau 2004, 102.
86 chapter three
The case for the Assyrian background of the song is stronger. First,
14:21 referring to the building of cities reminds one of Nimrod in
Gen. 10:812, and beyond that of Mic. 5:5, where Assyria is called the
land of Nimrod. Second, a probable reference to the myth of Ishtars
descent to the netherworld in 14:12 may also be evidence of an Assyr-
ian origin of the protagonist king. Ishtar played an important role as
the mother of the Assyrian king.61 Third, it has been noted that there
are close connections between 14:4b21 and Ezek. 31, the lamentation
over the king of Egypt. These connections reach beyond formal simi-
larities, and Isa. 14 may have influenced Ezek. 31 in a more direct way.
Yet Ezek. 31 suggests that Ezekiel read Isa. 14:4b21 as an Assyria-
related text.62
But what role is an anti-Assyrian prophecy playing in this part of
the book of Isaiah? Is it possible to determine its original position with
any degree of certainty? It appears that Isa. 14:4b21 was part of an
anti-Assyrian collection in an earlier form of the book. I argued above
that the pre-monarchic experience of Israel, especially its Egypt-related
past, provided an important analogy for the editors of Isa. 1314 when
they described the return from Babylon. It is striking to observe this
pre-monarchic, mainly Egypt-related past used as an analogy in the
anti-Assyrian utterances of Isa. 911.
Three of these texts are especially important: Isa. 10:2023; 10:2427 and
11:1112:6. Although appearing in an anti-Assyrian prophecy, 10:2023
is in fact dealing with Jacob and Israel (cf. 14:1). It asserts that in the
future, Israel will no longer rely on the one who had struck them.
is often identified with Assyria.63 However, since in its present location
10:2023 is a secondary interpolation, the connection of this text with
Assyria is dubious. If Jacob and Israel refer to the Northern Kingdom,
cannot be Assyria, for Israel was never supported by Assyria. If
Jacob and Israel allude to Judah, identifying with Assyria would
also be problematic, for Judah never sought support from Assyria, who
61
For Ishtar as the deity of dawn (), cf. Shipp, Dead Kings, 76. It is common
in Assyrian prophecies to refer to the king as raised up by his mother, Ishtar. For
the Assyrian hubris motif, cf. M. Kszeghy, Hybris und Prophetie: Erwgungen zum
Hintergrund von Jesaja xiv 1215, VT 44 (1994), 54954.
62
Zapff also argues that Ezek. 31 depends on Isa. 14:4b21, but he dated the Isai-
anic text to the early post-exilic period (Prophetie, 27172). Yet Ezekiels description
of the fall of Egypt caused by Babylon is not likely post-exilic.
63
Cf. Delitzsch, 176; Knig, 150; Procksch, 171; Clements, 115; Young, 1.369;
Oswalt, 270. Watts, 153, assumed this verse referred to the Aramaean support to
Pekah, or the Assyrian support to Hoshea.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 87
has smitten it. When Ahaz became an ally of Assyria, Judah had not yet
been smitten by it; later Assyria appears as an enemy and not a friend
of Judah. It is more likely that the reference is to Egypt, which was sup-
porting Israel after previously having smitten it (Isa. 31:1).
This early Egypt-related tradition is also the imagery recalled in the
following verses (10:2426), which refer to Israels servitude in Egypt.
The Assyrian yoke resembles Egyptian slavery, but Assur will also be
humiliated similarly to the Egyptian pharaoh.
The third text alluding to Egypt and the exodus is Isa. 11:1112:6.
These verses promise the restoration of the glorious nation of the past
with Ephraim and Judah living in peace and the surrounding nations
subjugated as vassals. With boundaries reaching from Egypt to Assyria,
this is the restored Davidic kingdom. Its inhabitants will be brought
home by Yhwh, who will divide the sea of Egypt and the river Euph-
rates. The new parting of the waters will be followed by a new song
of Moses (Isa. 12), related in its vocabulary to Exod. 15. The exodus
event and song of gratitude are connected in Isa. 1112, as they are in
Exod. 1415.
Close connections exist between the editorial ideas piecing together
Isa. 1314 (14:14a) and Isa. 1012. It would require little imagination
to read 14:4b21 in relation to the boasting speech of the Assyrian
king in 10:515. Isa. 14:4 can be considered an answer to the haughty
speech of the Assyrian king in 10:515 (cf. also 37:2235), as well as a
secondary continuation of either 10:27, the verse originally closing the
anti-Assyrian speech, 10:515, or 11:10.64
The closing verses, Isa. 14:2223, form an oracular statement. It is
commonly accepted that these short utterances do not belong to the
previous poem, but they were added in view of the present context of
the anti-Assyrian prophecy. They are usually assigned to the author of
14:(12)34a.65 However, the views of 14:2 and 14:22 are different with
respect to what happens to the remnants of Babylon. Furthermore,
Isa. 14:21 deviates from the genre of the song and comes close to a
64
There are close connections between 14:4b21 and the anti-Assyrian texts in Isa.
911. in 14:4b reminds of in 9:3. and in 14:5 appear
in 9:3; 10:5, 15, 24, 26 (cf. 28:27; 30:32), in which Assyria is presented as and
in the hand of Yhwh (10:5, 15), or as holding the and in its hands
(10:24). The expression , abhorrent branch (14:19), may be the reversed
image of the glorious and ( cf. Ezek. 15:35; 31:12). At any rate, the new
monarch who shall take on the former role of Assyria is portrayed as the new sprout
( ;11:1), the new ruler of the earth (11:4, 9), justly holding the staff ( ;11:4) of
righteousness. Note also 14:8 showing similarities with another anti-Assyrian speech,
likewise related to Isa. 911, now located at Isa. 37:24 (37:2235).
65
Fohrer, 1.181; Zapff, Prophetie, 269.
88 chapter three
66
Cf. the heading in 12:1 followed by a song as in 14:4a.
67
Cf. Jer. 50:23 | Isa. 14:4; Jer. 50:26 | Isa. 14:22; Jer. 50:29, 31 | Isa. 14:1114;
Jer. 50:33 | Isa. 14:17; Jer. 50:34 | Isa. 14:7. Note also that Jer. 50:1718 explicitly
alludes to the analogy between Assyria and Babylon. For other citations of Isa. 1314
in Jer. 5051, cf. S. Erlandsson, The Burden of Babylon: A Study of Isaiah 13:214:23
(CB.OT, 4), Lund 1970, 15459; Goldstein, Metamorphosis, 86 n. 29; Cs. Balogh,
Oude en nieuwe profetie: De rol van de profetische traditie in de volkenprofetien,
in: G. Kwakkel (ed.), Wonderlijk gewoon: Profeten en profetie in het Oude Testament,
Barneveld 2003, 13033.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 89
the sons for the sins of the fathers (14:21) suggests some distance from
those who committed the sins. But clearly, it required no substan-
tial imagination to argue that the sons were actually the Babylonians,
heirs to the Sargonid Empire and descendants of Nebuchadnezzar.
This explains the placement of 14:4b21 in its present position (cf.
Jer. 50:1718).
(c) The prophecy in 14:4b21, related to the anti-Assyrian prophe-
cies of the other parts of the book, probably derives from the 7th cen-
tury. The additions in Isa. 14:2223 and 14:14a may be dated to the
exilic and post-exilic periods respectively.
Isaiah 14:2427
It strikes the reader of the book that, after being denounced in Isa. 10,
Assyria is mentioned again in 14:2427. Isa. 14:2425 contains a brief
oracular statement introduced by . The pas-
sage presents the succession of historical events, the humiliation of
Assyria and the end of Israels servitude as the fulfilment of Yhwhs
plans concerning the world. Some expressions that appear here are
common with other parts of Isaiah, most notably 10:515, 2427. Isa.
10 highlights the divergence between the thoughts ( )and pur-
poses ( )of Assyria and Yhwh. Probably as a replica to the boast-
ing speech of Assyria, Yhwh swears in 14:27 that as he himself has
designed ( )so will it stand, as he purposed ( )so will it be ful-
filled (). The removal of the yoke and the burden from the shoul-
ders of Judah (14:25) closely parallels 10:2427.68 The plan concerning
the earth ( ) is probably a direct allusion to
10:23 (cf. also 28:22). The hand stretched out ( ) appears in
the refrains of 5:25; 9:11, 16, 20; 10:4. These interconnections have led
scholars to conclude that 14:2427 is the closing section of the anti-
Assyrian prophecy in Isa. 10:515.69 It is more likely, however, that
Isa. 10:515 is concluded in 10:2427. The opening
introduces a new and independent prophecy in Isa. 14:24 which
was not an integral part of an earlier prophetic speech. Nevertheless,
68
For , see Isa. 9:3; 10:27; for , see Isa. 9:3, 5; 10:27; for , see 9:3, 5; 10:27;
for , cf. 10:27.
69
Procksch, 181; Vermeylen, 1.25255, 29697; Kaiser, 42; F. Huber, Jahwe, Juda
und die anderen Vlker beim Propheten Jesaja (BZAW, 137), Berlin 1976, 4748, 59;
Gosse, Isae, 88; R.E. Clements, Isaiah 14,2227: A Central Passage Reconsidered,
in: BoI, 256; Zapff, Prophetie, 29091; U. Becker, Jesajavon der Botschaft zum Buch
(FRLANT, 178), Gttingen 1997, 272.
90 chapter three
70
Duhm, 123; Wildberger, 566; Zapff, Prophetie, 293; Becker, Botschaft, 272.
71
Clements and Zapff mention the universalistic character of vv. 2627. However
in 14:26 is not more universalistic than 10:14, 23.
72
For a similar reinterpretation of , cf. Zeph. 1:18 and 3:8.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 91
out against Assyria in 10:515, 2427 and, beyond that, against all
nations in Isa. 14:2427.
These interconnections suggest that 14:2427, which provides the
theological background for the anti-Assyrian reinterpretation of anti-
Israelite texts,73 actually forms a bridge between Isa. 112 and 1323.
Isa. 14:2427 not only closes the Israel-related prophecies, but it also
opens the prophecies concerning the other nations. The fall of Assyria
with its universal implications ( / )explains
the salvation prophecies concerning some nations in Isa. 1523.74
When the anti-Babylonian prophecies in 13:122 and 14:14a were
inserted, 14:4b21 and 14:2427 came to be detached from their ear-
lier Assyrian context. After Babylon had taken over the historical role
of Assyria and 14:4b21 became a part of this anti-Babylonian section
by the insertion of 13:114:4a, 2223, Isa. 14:2427 was also integrated
into this collection. Isa. 14:2427 may have followed 14:4b21 in the
earlier edition as well. The oath in 14:2427 can be read as the answer
to 14:21 (similarly to 14:2223, the Babylonian reinterpretation of
14:4b21). The editors recognised the function of 14:2427 as a bridge-
text. In such a context, Assyria may have been regarded secondarily
either as just another literary name for the Babylonian Empire75 or as
a prototype for Babylon (cf. Jer. 50:1718).76
The secondary literary connections of 14:2427 with the Babylonian-
texts should not be underestimated. From the viewpoint of the final
editors of the book, the terms ( 13:5; 14:7; 14:26), the motif
of the fall of the king and Assur on the mountain (13:2; 14:13; 14:25),
the plan of Yhwh and his command to his chosen ones (13:3; 14:24)
played an important role. Isa. 14:2 about the land of Yhwh, may have
also been inspired by 14:25.
Regarding its date, Isa. 14:2427 probably derives from before the
definitive fall of Assyria in 612/609 bc. A few scholars date it to the
days of Sennacherib, reading 14:25 in relation to the events of 701
73
Cf., e.g., 29:78; 30:2733; 31:45, 89.
74
The reference in Isa. 14:18 to may also be read in relation to an
early collection of FNPs, while 14:68 alludes to the positive effects of the destruction
of Assyria and may implicitly testify to the salvation prophecies in 1523.
75
Kaiser, 42; Kilian, 106. The name of Assyria refers to the Seleucids in the apoca-
lyptic rereading of Isa. 10:2122 in Dan. 9:2627, but this hermeneutical practice may
be of earlier origin.
76
Jeppesen, Isaiah 1314, 74; Blenkinsopp, 289.
92 chapter three
retold in Isa. 3637.77 However, the Assyrian campaign of 701 was far
more complex than the later Isa. 3637 would suggest. The positive
effects of the Assyrian invasion could only have appeared so impres-
sive decades after 701. For this reason, it is more likely that 14:2427
alludes to a future Assyrian defeat, possibly in the 7th century.78
In conclusion, (a) we have no substantial reasons to question the
unity of 14:2427 but not much support for any assertion of such
unity. Isa. 14:2427 appears as a key text in the existing collection as
well as in a possibly earlier (pre-Babylonian) edition of FNPs, which
these four verses may have introduced. Through its overarching motifs,
14:2427 serves as a bridge between the first part of Isaiah and the col-
lection of FNPs.
(b) The key theological concepts in these verses are the plan of
Yhwh and the stretching out of his hand. Both motifs develop earlier
themes of Isaiah. The plan against Israel and Judah revealed in Isa.
9 is enlarged by 14:2427 with a purpose concerning Assyria and all
nations. Once Yhwh completes his task in Jerusalem, he will punish
Assyria, who claims to rule the whole earth (10:12, 14). This action will
mark the ultimate fulfilment of his earlier announced purpose (Isa. 9).
Inserting the Babylon-related prophecies in the FNPs assigned the two
Assyria-related prophecies, 14:2427 and 14:4b21, a new position and
meaning in this collection. The editors recognised not only the key
importance of 14:2427 for the FNPs section, but Babylon was also
regarded as the heir to the Assyrian empire and also to its judgment.
(c) Isa. 14:2427 may originate from the 7th century (before 609).
77
Duhm, 13334; Fohrer, 1.18283; Gosse, Isae, 92. Sweeney, 233, dated this pas-
sage to an alleged campaign of Sargon II in 720, on the shaky grounds of the similarity
of vocabulary with 10:534, also dated by him to that period.
78
Cf. Clements, 146; Zapff, Prophetie, 293, and Berges, 51, on 14:2425(a).
79
Cf. Jeppesen, Isaiah 1314, 76 n. 9, in contrast to Blenkinsopp, 292.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 93
80
Williamson argues that, like Isa. 6:1, 14:28 was the heading of an earlier col-
lection of FNPs (Book, 16364; cf. Bosshard-Nepustil, Rezeptionen, 11819). But the
limited reference of the demonstrative pronoun in calls into question the
idea that 14:28 would reach beyond the prophecy of 14:2832.
81
Contra Sweeney, 234; Becker, Botschaft, 273. Cf. 2 Chron. 28:18!
82
The date of the death of Ahaz and the ascension of Hezekiah is one of the
debated issues in Old Testament chronology. Contrary to the often adopted view that
Hezekiah would have ascended the throne as late as 715714, see, e.g., A.K. Jenkins,
Hezekiahs Fourteenth Year: A New Interpretation of 2 Kings xviii 13xix 37, VT 26
(1976), 28498; G. Galil, The Chronology of the Kings of Israel and Judah (SHCANE,
9), Leiden 1996, 99101.
83
Cf., e.g., Gosse, Isae, 93; Becker, Botschaft, 27274.
84
Isa. 22:114 similarly contrasts the present joy with future doom.
85
Gosse, Isae, 93; Becker, Botschaft, 272; U. Berges, Die Armen im Buch Jesaja:
Ein Beitrag zur Literaturgeschichte des AT, Bib. 80 (1999), 16062; Blenkinsopp, 293.
Cf. also Fohrer, 1.184; Barth, Jesaja-Worte, 1415.
94 chapter three
86
See Isa. 10:515; 25:4; 29:1920; Hab. 3:14. Cf. Balogh, Blind People, 66. This
terminology is not exclusively biblical. The Zakkur Stele refers to the one oppressed
by foreign powers as nh (DNWSI, 874). Sargon calls himself der die Lastenbe-
freiung fr Sippar, Nippur und Babylon festsetzte, der Beschtzer ihrer schwachen
(entu), der ihnen der Schaden ersetzte (Tonzylinder 1:4; ISK). Sennacherib is a
prayerful shepherd, worshipper of the great gods, guardian of the right, lover of jus-
tice, who lends support, who comes to the aid of the needy, who turns (his thoughts)
to pious deeds (A1; D.D. Luckenbill, The Annals of Sennacherib, Chicago 1924, 48; cf.
also B1:12).
87
Note especially ( 14:29) and ( 11:8), and further ( 14:29; 11:1),
( 14:29, 30b; 11:1), ( 14:30; 11:7), ( 14:30; 11:6, 7), ( 14:30; 11:4),
(11:4; 14:32), and ( 14:30).
88
The text only makes sense if an implicit is inserted before . The
pl. cannot be the subject of the sg. verb. cannot refer to the Assyr-
ian messengers in Isa. 37:910 (contra Berges, Armen, 162), not in a prophecy
addressed to Philistia. The messengers from Isa. 18:2 provide a better parallel. The
fact that appears in the sg. suggests that it refers to one foreign nation, probably
the Philistines.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 95
, the needy of his people should trust Yhwh (cf. Isa. 7:9).89
( 14:32) and ( 14:30) are synonymous terms conveying an
idea familiar to the reader of Isaiah from 28:16.90
With regard to the present position of the prophecy in Isa. 14:28
32, it is interesting that v. 29 implies the breaking of the rod of Assyria,
which was the theme of 14:5, while vv. 2427 again refer to the break-
ing ( )of Assur. This close thematic resemblance between the peri-
copes justifies the present location of the concerning Philistia
after the prophecies against Assur. Clearly, however, the collapse of
Assyria in 14:29 is supposed to be only a temporary phenomenon,
unlike in the previous passages, which again points to the earlier ori-
gin of 14:2832 with respect to 14:5 or 14:2427.
To conclude, (a) Isa. 14:29, 30b32 forms a literary unit. V. 32 sug-
gests that the prophecy was an answer to an oracular inquiry, intend-
ing to convince Judah not join the Philistines in rebellion. Isa. 14:30a,
however, appears to be a later reinterpretation.
(b) Key theological motifs of 14:2832 are the image of the vanished
oppressor, the imperative to wail ( ;14:31; cf. 14:29), the threat
posed to Philistia, which will not affect those who place their trust in
Zion, and the lack of surviving trace of the Philistines.
(c) This text is dated to the death of Ahaz (and the emergence of
King Hezekiah), which coincided with the death of Tiglath-pileser III.
The text of a prophecy containing a message close to the Imman-
uel-theology expressed in Isa. 78 is well-suited to this historical
background.
89
appears further in Isa. 10:2 ( ) and Ps. 72:4 (), in both
cases referring to a smaller group (cf. Isa. 3:15). In Isa. 14:32, may also allude
to a small audience. V. 30a with its reference to the synonymous may
have been influenced by this earlier v. 32.
90
On Isa. 28:16, see J. Dekker, Zions Rock-Solid Foundations: An Exegetical Study
of the Zion Text in Isaiah 28:16 (OTS, 54), Leiden 2007. This verse may help us to
understand why 14:32 is only concerned with the . In 28:16, the trust in Yhwh
is also contrasted to the arrogance, and pride of the leaders of the nation who know
nothing of and , i.e. exactly the group opposite to . The differ-
entiation among the audience of Isaiah appears explicitly in Isa. 8:1118, also in the
context of conspiracy or rebellion.
Berges emphasises the connection between Isa. 14:32 and Zeph. 3:1213. He argues
that both texts reflect the same view and both were written in the post-exilic period
(mid-5th century) (Armen, 163, 174). However, further correspondences between
Zephaniah and Isaiah (Zeph. 2:8 | Isa. 16:6; Zeph. 3:10 | Isa. 18:1, 7) may suggest that
Isa. 14:2832 was known to the author of Zeph. 2 and 3, and Zeph. 3:12 may have
borrowed ideas from Isa. 14:32.
96 chapter three
Isaiah 15:116:5
Isa. 15:19 describes a catastrophe in Moab. Some scholars have
argued that the main body of this text was formerly a lament con-
cerning drought and famine.92 Only v. 9, with its allusions to blood
and the lion devouring the remnants of Moab, suggests a war scene.
This thematic change as well as the form of v. 9 as an utterance of
Yhwh, which is strange to the genre of lamentation, has led scholars
to conclude that v. 9 is a later addition.93 Others have argued that Isa.
15 is a mixed composition (cf. Isa. 14) expressing irony, dressed in the
garments of a lament.94
Although natural disaster may appear in descriptions of enemy inva-
sions, destruction of natural resources being a frequently-implemented
military technique in the Near East,95 the drought-like disaster in vv.
67 does not have human causes. Nevertheless, the allusion to blood
filling the water(beds) of Moab in v. 9 builds on the previous motif of
drought. It is therefore possible that an earlier song of lament about
natural disaster was reapplied with prophetic purposes to predict
future destruction by an enemy in Moab. Yhwh is about to inflict
more ( )on Moab (i.e. in addition to drought). Isa. 15:9 was
91
W. Rudolph, Jesaja xvxvi, in: D.W. Thomas, W.D. McHardy (eds), Hebrew and
Semitic Studies Presented to Godfrey Rolles Driver, Oxford 1963, 141; T.G. Smothers,
Isaiah 1516, in: J.W. Watts, P.R. House (eds), Forming Prophetic Literature: Essays
on Isaiah and the Twelve in Honor of John D.W. Watts (JSOT.S, 235), Sheffield 1996,
8283; Sweeney, 24051; B. Jones, Howling over Moab: Irony and Rhetoric in Isaiah
1516 (SBL.DS, 157), Atlanta, GA 1996.
92
Jenkins, Development, 241; Blenkinsopp, 298. , the warriors of
Moab, paralleled by in 15:4, should perhaps be emended to , the
loins of Moab (cf. LXX; Rudolph, Jesaja xvxvi, 134).
93
Rudolph, Jesaja xvxvi, 141; Clements, 151; Kilian, 110.
94
Hayes & Irvine, 242; Jones, Howling, 107, 24971.
95
The invasion of a country by the enemy is sometimes linked to natural disasters
(cf. Isa. 32:912; 33:9; 37:30; Jer. 14; Joel 12; Hab. 3:17).
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 97
supposedly added to the text when the lament was first adapted for
the purposes of a prophecy.96
This second theme of a military assault against Moab is elaborated in
16:15 in a different tone. The mount Sela in v. 1, often connected with
Edom (but see Jer. 48:24), is one of the places to which the Moabites
fled to escape the attacker from the north. The lamb ( )belonging
to the ruler of the land ( )was often assumed to refer to a tri-
bute that the Moabites should have sent to Jerusalem (cf. 2 Kgs 3:4).97
However, it is more likely that is a metaphor for the dispersed
Moabites, who are advised to take refuge in Judah (16:24).98 This
metaphor, which is inspired by the pastoral lifestyle of the Transjorda-
nian tribes, also fits the previous picture of the destruction of herbage
and vegetation (15:67). The imagery of a ruler of Moab ()
unable to guard and feed his people reminds us of descriptions of Israel
as a (scattered) flock ( )and its leaders as rams ( )or shepherds
(). Lam. 1:6 writes: From daughter Zion all her majesty departed,
her leaders have become like rams99 that found no pasture, and walked
feebly before their pursuer.100 Neither the rock of Edom (), nor the
ruler of Moab ( )could offer secure shelter, but the daugh-
ters of Moab (16:2) can find safety on the mountain of the daughter
of Zion. The new leader in Judah who rules in the tent ( )of the
shepherd David (16:5) will grant them protection before destruction
( and in 16:4; cf. 15:1). Isa. 16:5 is especially close to 4:26;
9:56; 11:15, and 32:12.
96
Cf. G.R. Hamborg, Reasons for Judgment in the Oracles against the Nations of
the Prophet Isaiah, VT 31 (1981), 151. Cf. also Isa. 19:510 in its context (5.3.1) and
Isa. 23 discussed below.
97
Cf. Rudolph, Jesaja xvxvi, 140; Smothers, Isaiah 1516, 7677; Jones, Howl-
ing, 197202. The sg. form of makes this opinion highly unlikely.
98
Although Isa. 16:2 is dropped as a gloss (Kilian, 111) or relocated to the previous
poem (Fohrer, 1.188), it makes good sense in its present position. in 16:1 and
in 16:2 presuppose metaphorical language.
99
Reading , ram instead of , deer is more likely (cf. LXX and the note
below). The verb refers here to the deportation of the inhabitants of Jerusalem
and therefore reminds the reader of a flock driven before a shepherd, in which con-
nection is often used. Note that these animals walk ( )before the pursuer
and not flee from him (in contrast to most translations).
100
Cf. Ps. 44:12; Isa. 13:14; Jer. 25:36; Ezek. 34:6; Zech. 11; etc. Cf. also , he-
goat (Isa. 10:13; 14:9; Jer. 50:8; Zech. 10:3), or , ram (2 Kgs 24:15; Jer. 25:34 and
in Exod. 15:15) as symbols for leaders. Cf. Jer. 51:40; Ezek. 39:18. For
as leader of animals / nations, see Hab. 1:14.
98 chapter three
101
In contrast to JPS, NIV, NRSV, I assume that vv. 45 refer to the past.
102
The fact that the Judaean ruler is placed in a tent in v. 5, need not necessarily
allude to the post-monarchic origin of these verses (as Berges suggests, 164). The true
shepherd reminds us of David (contrast the bad shepherds of the house of David),
a tent is familiar in Moabite context, and the imagery parallels in Isa. 4:5.
most likely refers to an existing royal throne.
103
J. Hgenhaven, The Oracles against the Nations in the Book of Isaiah: Their
Possible Value for the Study of the History of Jordan, in: Studies in the History and
Archaeology of Jordan VII: Jordan by the Millennia, Amman 2001, 354; Kilian, 112. In
contrast to Jones, Howling, 26364, I doubt that rhetorical arguments can satisfacto-
rily explain the radical transition in 16:6.
104
The translation as a passive construction in LXX suggests a niphal reading. How-
ever, the most ancient witness of this text, Jer. 48:33 also uses the hiphil 1st pers.
105
The parallel text in Jer. 48 contains even more prophetic elements.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 99
which is typical of prophecy. The other framing verse, Isa. 16:12 with
its allusion to 15:2, connects 16:711 to the former Moab-prophecy.106
The forecasting of further judgment in 15:9 provides a theological base
for these further expansions.
The fact that 16:15 was attached to the first part of the prophecy
only, namely to 15:19, also makes it clear that 15:18 and 16:711
derive from different sources and do not form an original literary unit.
Moreover, it is noteworthy that 15:18 is concerned with calamities
affecting pastures and waters (15:67), while in 16:711 the emphasis
falls on the vineyards of Moab (16:810). Yet by the time Jer. 48 was
composed, Isa. 15:116:12 had already taken its present form.107
The final pericope, 16:1314, alludes to even further developments
in the text of these prophecies. An ancient (or earlier; ;cf. Ezek.
29:1721) prophecy is contrasted with a new revelation (). The
chronological indication in v. 14 is similar to Isa. 7:8 and 21:16.108 Unlike
16:612, vv. 1314 emphasise that judgment is to appear soon.
Owing to Moabs role in the destruction of Jerusalem (2 Kgs 24:1),
prophecies composed after the fall of Zion express strong anti-Moabite
feelings. The prophecy in 16:612 may date from this period, though
the lament underlying 16:711 may be older.109
To conclude, (a) Isa. 1516 form an editorial unit with 15:(1)28,
which was likely an old song, expanded by 15:(1)9. This prophecy was
first supplemented by the addition of 16:15 and its positive message
concerning Moabite refugees. Isa. 16:15 is supposed to have served as
an extension of the previous prophecy. Isa. 16:612 further transforms
106
Note both the similarities and contrasts in Isa. 15:2 and 16:12.
107
I.e. including Isa. 16:12 (cf. Jer. 48:28), 16:6 (cf. Jer. 48:2930), and 16:12 (cf.
Jer. 48:35). For the parallelism of 16:12 | Jer. 48:28, cf. Knig, 190; Gosse, Isae, 108;
Jones, Howling, 99101; Balogh, Oude en nieuwe, 12324. The absence of various
passages in 15:116:12 need not necessarily mean that the author of Jer. 48 was unac-
quainted with those (contra Gray, 27172; Wildberger, 606). The reason behind the
selective citation is rather that Jer. 48 is limited to sections describing judgment, an
element missing in Isa. 16:35. Cf. Jer. 48:5 | Isa. 15:5; 48:28 | 16:1, 2; 48:29, 30 | 16:6;
48:31 | 16:7; 48:32 | 16:8, 9; 48:32, 33 | 16:10; 48:34 | 15:4, 5, 6; 48:35 | 16:12 (15:2?);
48:36 | 16:11+15:7; 48:37 | 15:2, 3; 48:38 | 15:3. The view that Isa. 1516 was based on
Jer. 48 (Blenkinsopp, 29798) is not convincing, neither is it likely that Jeremiah was
influenced by a text different from Isa. 1516 (despite the claims of J. Bright, Jeremiah
[AncB, 21], New York 1965, 322).
108
This formula has little to do with apocalyptic vision (as suggested by Kaiser, 6;
Ch. Fischer, Die Fremdvlkersprche bei Amos und Jesaja [BBB, 136], Berlin 2002,
7599, 184), but it is typical of salvation prophecies.
109
Cf. Rudolph, Jesaja xvxvi, 14142; Smothers, Isaiah 1516, 83.
100 chapter three
110
Note the parallels and word play ( | 17:1), ( | 17:2).
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 101
111
Because Aroer also appears as a Moabite city, Wildberger (63940) and Cle-
ments (157) argue that Isa. 17:2 re-echos the preceding Moab oracle. However, Aroer
was a border city, once also possessed by Israel (Num. 32:34; Deut. 3:12; 4:48; Josh.
13:9, 16), annexed by Aram (2 Kgs 10:33), and later by Mesha (Moabite stone ln. 26).
On fluctuating borders in early states, cf. M. Steiner, I am Mesha, King of Moab, or:
Economic Organisation in the Iron Age II, in: Studies in the History and Archaeology
of Jordan VII: Jordan by the Millennia, Amman 2001, 328; G.L. Mattingly, Moabite,
in: A. Hoerth et al. (eds), Peoples of the Old Testament World, Grand Rapids, MI 2000,
319, 326.
112
Gosse, Isae, 95; Clements, 157. Based on Jer. 49:2327, Hffken has argued that a
post-Isaianic interest in Damascus should not be excluded (148). However, Damascus
is here presented as an ally (glory) of Israel, which suggests an 8th century date.
113
It is sometimes assumed that these verses refer to Tiglath-pileser IIIs earlier
campaign (2 Kgs 15:29). Cf. Gosse, Isae, 95; Clements, 157.
114
Cf. ( 10:16 | 17:4), ( | 10:16 | 17:4), ( 10:16 | 17:4), ( 10:18
| 17:4). Cf. the remnant-motif in 17:6 and 10:2022.
115
For Yhwh as the creator of Israel, see especially Deut. 32:15; Hos. 8:14.
102 chapter three
116
The frequently proposed emendation of to , and to
(cf. Fischer, 134; Wildberger, 637) based on LXX becomes even less likely in view of
these intertextual connections.
117
The Judah-oriented interpretation of Isa. 17 is underlined by further texts such
as Isa. 24:1213 and 27:211. Isa. 24:12 alludes to the desolation of Jerusalem (
), the city of chaos (cf. 24:5, 10, 12), as does 17:9. Isa. 24:13 refers to 17:56. This
means that by the time 24:1213 was composed, 17:111 was known in its present
form, i.e. containing both 17:6 and 17:9.
The other text, Isa 27:211, is rich in intertextual allusions especially to Isa. 5 and
17:111. For the latter, see especially ( 17:8; 27:9), ( 17:8; 27:9;
only here in Isaiah), ( 17:2; 27:10), ( 17:2, 9; 27:10), ( 17:6; 27:10; appears
only here), ( branch, not harvest, 17:11; cf. JPS). The description of Yhwh as
Israels maker and creator ( ; 27:11) can be compared to 17:7. Isa. 27 also
presupposes the present form of 17:111.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 103
118
Galling, Jesaja 21, 56.
119
Macintosh, Palimpsest. Bosshard-Nepustil also distinguishes between a Grund-
schicht from 587 (21:1, 2ab, 35, 6, 89a) and an expansion from around 539
(21:2b, 7, 9b10; 2b: ; 2b: ( ) Rezeptionen,
2442). Like W.H. Cobb (apud Macintosh, Palimpsest, 69), Bosshard-Nepustil argues
that originally the prophecy had nothing to do with Babylon but proclaimed doom for
Jerusalem (Rezeptionen, 3336; cf. Kaiser, 6). He identifies with the south-
ern desert of Judah and notes a relationship with the exodus tradition (Rezeptionen,
36). However, the author heaps up his premises in a manner that they are ultimately
unconvincing.
120
Hffken, 163, wonders whether Isa. 21 can be divided into 21:15+610.
104 chapter three
121
Cf. Ezek. 12:2125; Hab. 2:13.
122
Scholars in general delimit the colas of v. 1b as / /
( cf. BHS). However, in this form the qal inf. does not make any
sense. + is not attested, but + is well-known (1 Sam. 10:3). I suggest the
following division: / / , like whirlwinds
in the south, about to pass on from the desert, (so) it comes from a fearful land. The
enemy is not assumed to have come from the south (contra, e.g., Macintosh, Palimp-
sest, 7; cf. Jer. 4:11), it is only compared to southern winds. For the imagery applied
here, cf. also Isa. 5:28; Jer. 4:13 ( ;)49:39; Hab. 1:11 ( ;for in connection
with , wind, see also Job 4:15). See also Isa. 25:4; 27:8; 28:2; 29:6.
123
See discussion in Cs. Balogh, He Filled Zion with Justice and Righteousness:
The Composition of Isaiah 33, Bib. 89 (2008), 49394.
124
Cf. Erlandsson, Burden, 274; J. Hgenhaven, Gott und Volk bei Jesaja: Eine
Untersuchung zur biblischen Theologie, Leiden 1988, 145; Ohmann, 7981; Gallagher,
Campaign, 40.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 105
125
Cf. Vanderhooft, Babylon, n. 37. See, e.g., Jer. 6:26; Hab. 1:13. Like the seer of
Isa. 21, Habakkuk also observed the lack of righteousness in his world (Hab. 1), and
he was depressed by his experience; he was sighing and groaning in front of Yhwh
imploring God to favour his oppressed people.
126
should probably be , her (Judahs) sighing (as suggested by
many Massoretic manuscripts, Vulg. and the Syr.; cf. HUB). Hayes & Irvine, 275,
argue that Isa. 21:2 refers to Babylons sighing under the Chaldaean oppression, as one
of Sargons text claims. However, the Assyrian text which they point to refers to Sar-
gon acting in favour of Babylon, while Isa. 21 is concerned with the fall of the city.
The interpretation of 21:2 in the sense that the Elamites and Medians would be
Babylons allies rather than enemies (argued by Gallagher and Sweeney) is problem-
atic. The imperative to Elam ( )can only be interpreted as to go up (against) in
offence and not in defence (cf. Jer. 46:9, 11; 50:21; Nah. 2:2; with Blenkinsopp, 326,
contra Macintosh, Palimpsest, 1416; Sweeney, 277, 281).
127
One of the notorious problems is the precise meaning of in v. 5.
Galling emended the phrase and put it in the mouth of the enemy preparing for battle
(Jesaja 21, 57). But it is more likely that v. 5 refers to the Babylonians rejoicing before
the fall of the city (cf. Isa. 22:13; Dan. 5).
128
Galling, Jesaja 21, 57.
129
This complex structure also appears in the vision reported by Micaiah ben Imlah,
who saw Israel scattered on the mountains and, in this vision, was told by Yhwh to
send the people home (1 Kgs 22:17).
130
refers to Babylon after the threshing (judgment) of Yhwh (as
suggested by Saadya, Ibn Ezra, Qimchi apud Macintosh, Palimpsest, 37; cf. Jer. 51:33)
and not to Judah (as claimed by Macintosh, Palimpsest, 38; Hayes & Irvine, 276; Gal-
lagher, Campaign, 46).
106 chapter three
131
Erlandsson, Burden, 92; Macintosh, Palimpsest, 1056; Hayes & Irvine, 27274;
Sweeney, 27983; Gallagher, Campaign, 2150.
132
The 8th-century dating was based mainly on the identification of /
with Assyria. But ifas arguedv. 1 refers to Babylon, its description as and
and as an enemy of Elam and Media would not apply to the 8th century bc.
Some have also argued that the feelings of the prophet would be inopportune if the
nation condemned was Babylon (cf. Macintosh, Palimpsest, 20; Sweeney, 27879;
Bosshard-Nepustil, Rezeptionen, 24, 25 n. 2; Gallagher, Campaign, 24). However, the
prophets feelings express neither sympathy nor empathy (cf. Isa. 16:11; Jer. 4:19?),
but they are the direct consequence of the harsh vision. A causative translation of
( because of hearing) and ( because of seeing)which I favour above
the privative so that I cannot hear, so that I cannot seestrengthens this asser-
tion. According to v. 4, vision was unbearable to the prophet (cf. Hab. 3:16; Dan. 4:2;
7:15, 28; 8:27). The cruelty of the vision also proclaims a negative message concerning
Babylon.
133
Kaiser, 6, considers this an earlier poetry from before 539, but as he approaches
the end of his Isa. 21 commentary, he becomes increasingly sceptical of a real histori-
cal setting (Kaiser, 105). Kilian, 128, also favours a very late date, but his reasoning
is circular. Both scholars assume that Babylon could have functioned as a chiffre for
world empires, but they fail to prove that in Isa. 21 this actually was the case.
134
It is doubtful whether Isa. 21:110 could be related to the post-Cyrus era (Fis-
cher, Edom-Spruch, 48081). Babylon would hardly appear then as and ,
causing the groaning of Gods people. It may be important that the name at the end
of the oracle, , appears once in 2 Sam. 7:27 (|1 Chron. 17:24);
Isa. 37:16; Zeph. 2:9, but 32 times (!) in Jer.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 107
135
Both Hab. and Isa. 21 are -oracles and visions (Hab. 2:13; Isa. 21:2); cf. also
the description of Babylon in Hab. 1:2, 13 and Isa. 21:2, the reaction of the prophet
in Hab. 3:16 and Isa. 21:34, the watcher in Hab. 2:1 and Isa. 21:6. On Habakkuk and
Babylon, see Vanderhooft, Babylon, 15263.
136
Hffken, 163, noted that 21:110 is written from a Judaean perspective. For a
discussion of the political background (especially Elam and Media as adversaries of
Babylon), see Vanderhooft, Babylon, 13234. Elam was a supporter of Babylon against
Assyria prior to its fall but became Babylons enemy as soon as it began expanding
eastward (ABC 5:rev. 1620). Jer. 49:3439 provides an account of Elam in conflict
and losing the battle in a prophecy dated to 597/596.
108 chapter three
137
Cf. in Ezek. 3:17, in Isa. 21:6 and in Isa. 62:6; Jer. 51:12.
138
For other temporal interpretations, see Gray, 357; Galling, Jesaja 21, 60.
139
G.A. Rendsburg, Linguistic Variation and the Foreign Factor in the Hebrew
Bible, IOS 15 (1995), 18182; cf. Gallagher, Campaign, 52. The two verbs appearing
here, ( cf. Obad. 6) and , may also be Aramaisms, which makes good sense
in a dialogue with foreigners.
140
Galling, Jesaja 21, 5960; cf. Sweeney, 285.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 109
behind this prophecy. The Edomite messengers may have visited the
prophet or sent him letters. However, the entire scene might also be
visionary.141
If it is right to argue that the prophet does not provide any specific
response to the queries from Seir, Isa. 21:1112 should be considered
a peculiar case inside the FNPs containing general messages of doom
towards the nations, in some cases supplied with prophecies of salva-
tion. This text does not seem to reflect the aftermath of any particular
Assyrian or Babylonian campaign, so that it would be difficult to sug-
gest any specific date for this oracle. It is only because of the similari-
ties with the content of the prophecy in 21:110 that I am predisposed
to date it to approximately the same era.142
141
Medieval Jewish exegetes were seriously troubled by a prophet who provided
answers to inquirers from Edom (Macintosh, Palimpsest, 4142).
142
The lack of anti-Edomite feelings so characteristic of the post-exilic period may
additionally support this hypothesis (Macintosh, Palimpsest, 133), although Edom
may appear in a favourable light even after the exile (cf. in Isa. 42:11; cf.
Galling, Jesaja 21, 60).
143
It is sometimes assumed that refers to an oasis in the desert (cf. Jer. 46:23),
but is quite consistently used for forest. Eccl. 2:56 mentions in connection
with , both of which probably refer to royal forests rather than an oasis. For
, see also Neh. 2:8.
144
Cf. Isa. 42:11: . For + + place in Isa. 21:13, cf.
Gen. 19:2; 31:54; Josh. 4:3; 6:11; Judg. 19:11; Song 7:12.
110 chapter three
145
Cf. LXX, Vulg. For + , cf. Gen. 32:14, 22; Josh. 8:9 ().
146
It should also be noted that 21:1315 is poetry and 21:1617 prose (Galling,
Jesaja 21, 62; E.A. Knauf, Kedar, ABD 4.9; Blenkinsopp, 32930).
147
Isa. 8:11; 30:15; Ezek. 14:21; 16:59. Cf., however, Isa. 18:4; 21:6.
148
On Kedar, see I. Ephal, The Ancient Arabs: Nomads on the Borders of the Fertile
Crescent 9th5th Centuries bc, Jerusalem 1982, 22327; Knauf, Kedar, 9.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 111
pose the fall of Tema and Dedan, at least these three verses should
perhaps be dated to the pre-Nabonid era. Nothing more precise can,
however, be deduced from the oracles.
Isaiah 22:114
While most scholars consider Isa. 22:114 a coherent passage, a few
exegetes argue that it bears signs of expansion. For metrical reasons,
Duhm regarded vv. 18a, 8b9a, 9b14 as distinctive texts.150 In the
footsteps of Marti, Kaiser considered vv. 1b4, 1214a to be the Isai-
anic layer, which was supplemented around 588 by vv. 911a and even
later by 22:56.151
Uncertainties arising from the temporality of the verbal forms
weigh heavily in discussions regarding the unity of 22:114. The ques-
tion is whether the prophet refers to a recent past experience (such as
149
First, is a characteristic divine name in the book of Isaiah
(3:15; 10:23, 24; 28:22), also appearing in Isa 22 in vv. 5, 12, 14, 15 (cf. Ps. 69:7;
Jer. 2:19; 46:10; 49:5; 50:25, 31; mainly Jeremiahs FNPs!). Comparable is
, which is attested in Isa. 1:24; 3:1; 10:16, 33; 19:4. These names connect juxta-
posed texts in 3:1, 15 and 10:16, 23, 24, 33. Obviously, neither Isa. 3 nor 10:534 are
original literary units. These divine names were one of the reasons why these texts
were positioned close to each other. The same is probably true in the case of Isa. 22.
It is furthermore significant that the two prophecies in Isa. 22 begin with the questions
and
respectively. Moreover, Isa. 22:23 envisages the capture of Judahs
leaders by the enemy. In the final form, vv. 1517 flesh out the prediction of 22:23 on
one particular leader. Finally, Isa. 22:114 ends with the prediction that the iniquity of
Judah will not be forgiven until its inhabitants all die. Strikingly, v. 15 begins with the
tomb cutting of Shebna. These literary and thematic considerations explain the linking
of Isa. vv. 114 to 1525, as well as the presence of Shebna in the FNPs.
150
Duhm, 157. Cf. also Procksch, 276.
151
Kaiser, 114, 11819; cf. also R.E. Clements, The Prophecies of Isaiah and the Fall
of Jerusalem in 587 bc, VT 30 (1980), 430.
112 chapter three
152
For an interpretation of vv. 114 as an account of past events, see NRSV, JPS,
Alexander, Dillmann, Knig, Kaiser, Wildberger (except for 22:14), Schoors, Watts,
etc. On interpreting vv. 114 as predictive prophecy, see NIV, Knobel, Duhm (22:1
8a), Procksch (22:18a), Young.
153
in v. 13 cannot refer here to the past (contra NRSV, JPS). V. 14 can only
be understood as a prediction still needing to be accomplished.
154
Those who make no distinction between vision (future) and the reporting of the
vision (present), assume that Judah was feasting after a partially lost battle (Kaiser,
113). However, Duhm, 157, rightly argues that a loss such as the one described in vv.
23 could have hardly been celebrated by the people.
155
The fact that we are here dealing with a vision complies well with the indication
in the title of this prophecy that it concerns the Valley of Vision. is perhaps
a symbolic name for Jerusalem (Delitzsch, 254; cf. Joel 4:2, 12, 14; for Jerusalem as the
inhabitant of the valley, see Jer. 21:13). As an ominous title, may appear in
deliberate contrast to the people who cannot see the approaching judgment (cf. 22:8a
below and Oswalt, 405). Jerusalem, usually called Mount Zion, is here referred to as a
valley. may also allude to the valley of the (current) vision to be soon filled
with soldiers (22:5; cf. in v. 7).
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 113
156
Climbing up on the roofs (22:1) is not an expression of joy after the enemy
retired (in opposition to the views of Gray, 364; Procksch, 278; Fohrer, 1.249; Kaiser,
115), nor an attempt to hide oneself from the enemy (contra Beuken, 251), but it
alludes to weeping for the dead and captives (cf. Isa. 15:3; Jer. 48:38), i.e. it reso-
nates with the negative prediction of 22:12. According to one of Sargon IIs conquest
accounts, the old men and women of Urartu were weeping on the roofs after the
Assyrians devastated their country (cited by Beuken, 251 n. 99).
157
Isa. 22:3 is a difficult sentence. Preferring to avoid emendations, I structure the
text as follows: / / /
, all your rulers have fled together, / (but) were captured without a bow, / all
those found inside were captured together, / without away fleeing (i.e. without get-
ting the chance to flee away; + ) = . For the privative function of the
preposition , cf. JM 133e, 157; WO 11.2.11e. Some believe that Isa. 22:3 refers to
death caused by famine (Knobel, 15051; Alexander, 380). But the context mentions
only people in flight and taken captive, or others captured in the city. does not
imply death in itself, but may also be rendered as wounded, or perhaps even victim
(Job 24:12).
158
in v. 5 may have been chosen because of its multiple meanings. , shout
(cf. Ugaritic qr), , city[wall], and the geographical name, Kir, of Aramaean back-
ground (cf. 2 Kgs 16:9; Amos 1:5; 9:7; Gallagher, Campaign, 66 n. 180). may also
mean cry if read as (cf. Job 30:24; 36:19), but it also appears as the name of a
people. Shoa and Peqod (Ezek. 23:23) were likewise Aramaic tribes (cf. Puqud in
Taylor Prism i 45 [BAL, 2.63]). In its present form, is senseless and it should
perhaps be emended to as in Zech. 9:1. cannot mean horsemen,
as often rendered, for that would require either ( ][2 Sam. 1:6), or
][, or simply . cannot substitute in such cases. It is unclear
whether is to be vocalised as ( cf. app. BHS; Aram spreads out with
114 chapter three
chariots), but it is noteworthy that a few manuscripts have . Isa. 22:56 can
be translated as follows: Kir cries out (or tears down, cf. Num. 24:17; or attacks,
from I, cf. Deut. 25:18) / and Shoa to the hill, / Elam takes up the quiver, /
Aram [comes] with chariots [and] horsemen (cf. Exod. 14:9), / and Kir uncovers the
shield.
159
appears in Jer. 50:21 as suffering judgement along with Babylon.
160
For Aramaeans and Elamites as Babylonian allies, cf. W. Pitard, Arameans, in:
A. Hoerth et al. (eds), Peoples of the Old Testament World, Grand Rapids, MI 2000,
22324.
161
The dangling wayyiqtol, , in v. 7 is unusual for poetry (cf. Duhm, 160; Kaiser,
117). 1QIsaa has here, which appears often (e.g., Isa. 8:8).
162
Cf. Isa. 47:23; Jer. 13:22, 26. Cf. Young, 2.97. Duhm emended , covering
to , fundament (cf. Mic. 1:6), but this change is unnecessary.
163
Knobel, 15253; Delitzsch, 257; Knig, 218; Procksch, 281.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 115
from the face of Jerusalem so that it may detect its weaknesses. Yet
instead of recognising the events as the workings of Yhwh and turn-
ing to him (v. 11b), Judah takes the initiative of repairing the breaches
in the wall. This means that Yhwhs efforts went unheeded. Just like
Israel (Isa. 9:12; 17:10), Judah failed to recognise and return to Yhwh,
and was punished as a result (Ezek. 23:11, 31). In this respect, v. 11bc
is close to later texts of Isa.164
It is clear that all these events cannot be placed on the same tem-
poral level. Isa. 22:8b11 sounds like a retrospective description of
the past and as a reproach addressed to Jerusalem. The perspective
of vv. 15a(5b7), 1214, which proclaim an imminent future judg-
ment on the Valley of Vision, is obviously different.165 Consequently,
one should distinguish not only vv. 15a(78a) and 1214 from vv.
5b6(78a), which represents an early New Babylonian period expan-
sion, but one may recognise a further exilic text looking back upon the
past of Judah and reproaching blindness as the cause of its destruction.
What we see here is that the motif of removing Judahs covering in v.
8a was originally understood as the exposure of Jerusalem before the
enemy but was reinterpreted by vv. 8b11 as the removal of a blind-
fold. This reinterpretation provides the background for the different
focus of 22:8b11.166
V. 12 connects well with v. 5a. On the day of devastation, Jerusa-
lem will be summoned to lament and mourn. Vv. 1314 contrasts the
present tumult and sphere of joy with the lament required in view of
the coming judgment, performed here as an ominous sign by the seer
prophet (22:4).
164
Isa. 37:26 contains a close parallel to v. 11bc: / /
. Note the fem. suffixes in both texts. In Isa. 22:11, these suffixes can also
be related to the city, but in 37:26 they refer to the historical events. These verses are
also closely related to Isa. 46:10; 48:3, 5.
165
Driver noted that if 22:5b is read as an account of the past, the measures taken
in 22:9b would be incomprehensible. It is not likely that a city wall would be repaired
during the war, when the valley is full of soldiers, an interpretation required if 22:5b
is read as a past narrative. Nor would the acts described in 22:1011 comply with the
feasting of the community in 22:14. Emerton passed over this difficulty too easily. Cf.
J.A. Emerton, Notes on the Text and Translation of Isaiah xxii 811 and lxv 5, VT
30 (1980), 442.
166
A similar reinterpretation of the blindness theme appears in Isa. 29:1524. For
more on this topic, see Balogh, Blind People, 4869. The blindness of the people is
one of the favourite motifs of the book of Isaiah (see, e.g., Isa. 5:12; 6:9, 10; 9:1; 17:78;
28:7; 29:15, 18, 23; 30:10, 20; 32:3; 35:5; 42:1825; 50:10).
116 chapter three
167
Kaiser, 116; Gray, 364; Fohrer, 1.249; Schoors, 130; Wildberger, 813; Clements,
Fall of Jerusalem, 429.
168
Dillmann, 19798; Watts, 281, 284; Gallagher, Campaign, 6672. Gallagher
assumes that 22:18a refers to Babylon (rather than Jerusalem), the city welcoming
Sennacherib in 704 after his defeat of Merodach-baladan II in the battle of Kish. His
conclusion are mostly based on the present position of Isa. 22 following a prophecy
on Babylon (Isa. 21). Gallaghers interpretation of 22:114 as a vision, yet also con-
forming to precise historical realities, remains one of the perplexing problems of his
approach (Campaign, 73 n. 207).
169
Procksch, 277; Oswalt, 408.
170
Young, 2.88.
171
This opinion, formulated already by Calvin and Vitringa, has been adopted by
Clements, Oswalt, Bosshard-Nepustil as well as others.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 117
Isa. 22 into the present collection, the editors may have been guided by
the -title and the theme of the day of Yhwh in 22:5a.
(c) The primary prophecy, 22:15a(78a), 1214, goes back to the
8th century. The first expansion, 22:5b6(78a), probably derives from
shortly before 596. A second addition of 22:8b11, partially modifying
the topic of the prophecy, bears the signs of the Babylonian exile.
Isaiah 22:1525
Isa. 22:1525 is concerned with two individuals from Jerusalem: Shebna
and Eliakim ben Hilkiah. It was argued above that this prophecy was
connected with 22:114 before its inclusion into Isa. 1323.
Shebna is called and , the highest official of the royal
court, an office to be received by Eliakim, son of Hilkiah, after Shebna is
shamefully replaced and deported to a foreign land. As the name Shebna
also appears in Isa. 36:3, 11, 22; 37:2,172 scholars usually identify the
two figures. This identification is, however, problematic. In Isa. 3637,
Shebna is a , scribe, and Eliakim ben Hilkiah, is . The
idea that Shebna may have been degraded to a scribe,173 however widely
shared, is hardly more than speculation, given the lack of serious sup-
port. It is doubtful whether historically speaking a governor could ever
be demoted to a scribe. Unless we assume that is a wrong variant
for , it remains difficult to identify the two persons. As an alterna-
tive, it has also been suggested that following
was a later gloss in the prophecy.174 However, v. 15 has a
good parallel in this respect in Isa. 36:6. Even though the syntax of Isa
22:15 is rather unusual,175 the name of Shebna must have been related to
the prophecy from the beginning.176
The name Shebna appears on a seal in Louvre with the inscription
, Belonging to Shebnayaw, servant of Uzziyaw (COS
2.70R). Shebna is called an officer of (most likely) king Uzziah of Judah.177
172
is rendered consistently with in Isa, but appears twice with in 2 Kgs
18:18, 26. Its original form was probably ( cf. Wildberger, 83637).
173
Knobel, 156; J.T. Willis, Historical Issues in Isaiah 22,1525, Bib. 74 (1993),
6465; P.K. McCarter, The Royal Steward Inscription (COS 2.54).
174
Cf. Duhm, 163; Wildberger, 833; Clements, Fall of Jerusalem, 432.
175
is probably a misplaced introductory sentence for the proph-
ecy in 22:16 (which is missing in the present form of the prophecy) and not the intro-
duction to the commission of the prophet.
176
Fohrer suggested that the name of Shebna was filled in from Isa. 3637, den
man dort bereits zum bloen Schreiber degradiert sah (1.253). But how did these
editors know that Shebna in Isa. 3637 was an officer removed from the post of royal
overseer if 22:15 had nothing to do with him?
177
Regarding the Assyrian-styled imagery of this seal, see S. Dalley, Recent Evi-
dence from Assyrian Sources for Judaean History from Uzziah to Manasseh, JSOT
28 (20032004), 389.
118 chapter three
Another text (KAI 1.191B; COS 2.54) is the well-known Silwan inscrip-
tion, found on a grave hewn from a rock in the Kidron Valley. The
inscription reads: [ . . . ], This is [the tomb
of . . .]yahu, who is over the house. Kyle dated the inscription paleo-
graphically to between the end of the 8th and beginning of the 7th cen-
tury bc (COS 2.54). Since Eliakim, the steward from Isa. 3637,178 does
not bear a Yahwistic name, the possessor of this grave may have been
his predecessor, Shebna also appearing in Isa. 22:15.179
The literary unity of 22:1525 is a matter of debate. Vv. 1519 are con-
cerned with Shebnas fall and deportation, while vv. 2024 mark the
emergence of a new steward, Eliakim, son of Hilkiah. V. 25 then por-
trays the fall of Eliakim. The question whether these verses could all
have been pronounced on one occasion is often answered negatively
by exegetes, and not without reason. The least dispute concerns 22:25,
which is generally accepted not to be a foreseeable conclusion to the
pronouncement on the election of Eliakim. Those who argue for the
contrary must make some unwarrantedly daring and unconvincing
assumptions that do not appeal to even the least critical scholars.180
Some exegetes maintain that one can also distinguish 22:1519 from
22:2023, or 22:1518 from 22:1923.181 It should be noted that v. 19
contains a prophecy formulated in the 1st person in contrast to vv.
1518. Furthermore, the removal of Shebna from his office in 22:19
constitutes an anti-climax to vv. 1718, which mention his exile.182
178
For Eliakims family, one may mention the seal Belonging to Yehozarah, son of
Hilqiyahu, servant of Hizqiyahu (COS 2.70R).
179
The prophetic question whom do you have here in 22:16 (cf. Gen. 25:8, 17;
49:33) suggests that Shebna had no relatives in the necropolis of old Jerusalem. This
complies well with the second half of the Silwan-inscription, which mentions only a
maid servant buried in the same chamber. Isa. 22:16cd may cite a well-known prov-
erb which was secondarily applied to the situation of the royal steward. But even if
Shebna of the inscriptions is different from the person mentioned in Isa. 22:15, one
may argue that the name Shebna was not so uncommon that it would require us
identifying Shebna in Isa. 22:15 with Shebna of Isa. 3637. Note also the inscription
lnr bn, belonging to Nera, (son of ) Shebna, on a private impression among the
lmlk stamps dating to a time before 701 (M. Lubetski, Beetlemania of Bygone Times,
JSOT 91 [2000], 24).
180
E.g., Knobel, 159, and Dillmann, 207 (following Rashi and Qimchi), assume that
the closing verse(s) refer(s) again to Shebna and not Eliakim. Knig, 22122, argued
that vv. 2425 should be interpreted as a conditional prediction: Should it be that . . ..
However, 22:24 and 25 appear as two syntactically unrelated sentences. Cf. also Willis,
Historical Issues, 67 n. 24.
181
For the first view, see Wildberger, 840, 844, although he also considered 22:19
secondary compared to 22:1518. For the second view, see Duhm, 163.
182
Duhm, 164; Wildberger, 840, 844.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 119
The interchange of the 1st and 3rd person forms should not, how-
ever, lead to the conclusion that 22:1518 is earlier than the rest of the
prophecy. In v. 19, both the 1st and 3rd person forms appear in two
parallel verse lines. One argument that would point towards a possible
unity of the passage is related to the genre of vv. 1523 as a destitu-
tion oracle. These types of texts not only deal with the removal of an
unfaithful official, but in some cases also clarify the identity (though
not the name) of the newly elected.183
Nevertheless, two problems regarding this interpretation cannot
be overlooked. First, even though v. 19 is not necessarily in logical
contradiction with vv. 1718, the text still sounds strange in its place,
suggesting that it is a secondary addition.184 Second, the foreseen fate
of Shebna is that he will be cast out and sent into exile. If this proph-
ecy is read as a pre-eventum text (which I believe is most appropri-
ate), the prediction would imply that, by the time Shebna is exiled to
Assyria, Eliakim is alive and well. However, it is likely that Shebnas
deportation should be related to the envisaged fate of the entire Judah
(cf. Amos 7:17). Assigning Eliakim the function of overseer of the pal-
ace might seem odd in a context where Judah is also exiled. This leads
us to conclude that 22:19 and following should be read separately from
the previous verses.
There are two possibilities to explain 22:1924. If the prophecy
is concerned with the person of Eliakim, son of Hilkiah, the text
may have functioned similarly to dynastic oracles. In the Near East
the installation of officers was more than a political endeavour, and
prophets and mantics usually joined other dignitaries in the process
of inauguration.
Another scenario is also possible, however. Isa. 22:1924 is not an
independent oracle addressed to Eliakim during the ceremony mark-
ing his promotion. These verses can only be understood in the context
of the earlier prophecy against Shebna. The motifs of 22:1924 are also
directly related to the previous verses.185 This implies that v. 24 belongs
183
Note, e.g., 1 Sam. 15:2829; 1 Kgs 11:31; 14:714; Isa. 3:15.
184
V. 19, which mentions the pushing away of Shebna and crushing or ruining
him ( )in his post, does not allow us to assume that he was simply assigned a
lower office of a scribe (contra Duhm, 164; Wildberger, 840). Being the scribe of a
king was still a very significant position at the royal court, incongruent with the fall
of Shebna proclaimed in Isa. 22.
185
Eliakim is clearly presented as the countertype to Shebna. Shebna is called
, disgrace of your masters house (v. 18), while Eliakim is
120 chapter three
to vv. 1923 and is not an independent addition. Isa. 22:24 does not
speak of nepotism in the dynasty of Eliakim, as often understood.186 It
assumes that all important and less important affairs of the royal house
will rest on the shoulders of Eliakim, as the previous verse ascribes
him authority over the palace.
Wildberger noted that the firm place ( ) assigned to this
ruler, reminds one of the dynastic promises addressed to David in
2 Sam. 7.187 The relationship between Shebna and Eliakim is similar
to the one between Saul and David, or Abiathar and Zadok. Just as in
those cases, Isa. 22:1924 may be concerned with more than just one
particular person in the monarchic administration of Judah. It may
attest to the divine establishment of and support for a dynasty of royal
overseers (servants?) in Judah after the 8th century bc.188 The status
of Eliakim, the new , is presented as very significant.
and in v. 23 are royal symbols (cf. Zech. 10:14). The idea
that Eliakim would become a throne may refer to a time when this
functionary had to fulfil the duty of a king. There were two periods
when the top palace official had such power: during the temporary
exile of King Manasseh in Assyria (2 Chron. 33:1113) and during
the rule of Gedaliah, the last overseer of Judah, whose family included
three generations of high officials in service of the Judaean royal house
(although not ; 2 Kgs 22:3, 12; 25:22).189
The final v. 25, which is introduced by a , was written in
response to the end of Eliakims dynasty, possibly in the early exilic
period. may allude ambiguously to the superscription in 22:1,
so that 22:25 considered 22:1524 the fulfilment of the speech con-
cerning the deportation of the leaders mentioned in 22:3.
, throne of honour of his fathers house (v. 23). In contrast to the usual inter-
pretation of this text, I believe does not refer to the ancestor father, nor the family
of Eliakim, but to the king (Gen. 45:8; 2 Kgs 5:13; Isa. 9:5; cf. also 1 Mac 11:32).
is in this sense a synonym of ( v. 18) and in which Eliakim
will become the overseer () .
186
Delitzsch, 263; Fohrer, 1.255; Schoors, 137; Willis, Historical Issues, 67.
187
Wildberger, 845.
188
For suggestions in this direction, see Wildberger, 846.
189
Cf. also the bulla from Lachish, Belonging to Gedalyahu, overseer of the royal
house (( ) COS 2.70D). With king Jehoiachin as the legitimate heir in
captivity, Gedaliah fulfilled the task of a king in Judah. We know from 2 Kgs 25:25
that at least the party of Elishama, of royal origin () , was not particularly
delighted with the decision of the Babylonians to appoint Gedaliah as governor. This
may explain the importance of the legitimising oracle in Isa. 22:1924.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 121
To recapitulate the above, (a) as it was the case in Isa. 22:114, the
subsection 22:1525 is composed of an Isaianic text (vv. 1518) that
was subsequently supplemented by vv. 1924 and updated by v. 25.
(b) From a theological viewpoint, it is important to mention the
motif of in (vv. 18, 23, 24), as well as the theme of hubris (v. 16).
The day of judgment will be the day of humiliation for Jerusalem (vv.
114), including its most prominent figures (vv. 1518).
(c) From a historical point of view, Isa. 22:1518 goes back to the
8th century bc, but vv. 1924 derive from a later period. As has been
argued, these verses provide the legitimising background not only for
Eliakim but also for his descendants, so that vv. 1924 may be dated to
the 7th or early 6th centuries, at any rate before 587 bc. V. 25 comes
from the exilic era.
190
Cf. Isa. 7:8; 17:1; A. van der Kooij, The Oracle of Tyre: The Septuagint of Isaiah
XXIII as Version and Vision (VT.S, 71), Leiden 1998, 21, 195.
191
Cf. 1 Sam. 25:33; Isa. 24:10. The temporal translations when/as they came from
the land of Kittim (NRSV; cf. JPS; Procksch, 295; Kaiser, 130; Wildberger, 855) would
require the forms ( 1 Sam. 16:6; 18:6; 2 Chron. 20:10; Ezra 2:68; Ezek. 44:17, 21;
46:10) or ( 2 Kgs 6:20; Jer. 41:7).
192
Van der Kooij interprets in both cases as privative: it is laid waste, so that
there is no house to enter any more (Tyre, 21, 195). However, this would require
* . Isa. 24:10 has a different syntax (contra Van der Kooij).
193
In Ezek. 27:3 Tyres location is ( cf. Assurbanipals Prism A ii
4850). Note also that the gate of Jerusalem leading to the land of the tribe of Benja-
min was called ( Jer. 37:13).
122 chapter three
194
Cf. Kaiser, 133; Young, 2.123; Wildberger, 870; R. Lessing, Interpreting Discon-
tinuity: Isaiahs Tyre Oracle (Ph.D. diss.), Saint Louis 2001, 190.
195
The idea that Tyre is transformed into a bare rock also appears in the Tyrus
prophecy of Ezek. 26:4, 14 (cf. ) .
196
This may be compared to Assyrian inscriptions that express the fear felt by a
nation when learning about the destruction of others. Sargons Nimrud Prism (ln. 35)
relates the fear of the Cypriots when they heard of Sargons deeds against the Chaldae-
ans and Hittites by stating that their hearts palpitated, fright fell upon them.
197
In 23:4 Sidon (Phoenicia) is summoned to be ashamed of what Tyre ()
has to say: I have never laboured (), never given birth, never raised youths,
or reared maidens. The sentence can hardly refer to childlessness (contra Alexander,
395; Delitzsch, 265; Kaiser, 134; Oswalt, 431). Tyre is presented as a young woman,
a virgin (cf. , the virgin daughter of Sidon [i.e. Phoenicia] in 23:12)
who has not yet experienced the pain of giving birth (). The childbirth imagery
metaphorically represents a city in anguish before the enemy.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 123
198
Alexander, 399; Gray, 394; Berges, 158; Gallagher, Campaign, 74.
199
For , this people, cf. Rendsburg, Linguistic Variation, 185.
200
For this sense of , observe Isa. 15:6; Jer. 14:5 (cf. with
in 14:6; for = , see also Dan. 8:4, 7); Obad. 16 (?).
201
In this case, the verbs and suffixes referring to Assyria are masc. (sg. and pl.)
in contrast to the fem. suffixes referring to . Consequently, the subject of
and ( pl.) may be the Assyrians (cf. also Van der Kooij, Tyre, 31; Lessing,
Tyre, 185 n. 26). is assumed to refer to the siege-towers of the Assyrians rather
than the watchtowers of Chaldea.
124 chapter three
Kittim in the west and the land of Chaldea in the east (cf. Jer. 2:10)
offer no way to escape from the hand of Yhwh. The destruction of
Tyre is unavoidable.
(2) If is rendered as this (is the) people (that) was
not (before), we must assume that Isa. 23:13 refers to the destruction
of two different cities: Behold, the land of Chaldaeans!This people
that was not, Assyria had destined it (the land of Chaldea) to the desert
animals.(the Chaldeans) raised (or will raise) their (?) siege towers
and demolished (or will demolish) her (Tyres) palaces; they turned
(or will turn) her into a desert.
To reiterate, the destruction of Chaldea by the Assyrians mentioned
in Isa. 23:13 either exemplifies the future fate of Tyre or explains the
sudden emergence of Chaldea threatening the nations of Canaan lying
within the domain of its power.
The unity of Isa. 23 is almost universally recognised as secondary.
Vv. 114 discuss the collapse of Tyre; vv. 1518 relate its re-emergence.
The fact that these two texts were written with different concerns is
well-recognised. More than that, the coherence of vv. 114 has been
subject to debate as well. The reason for this is the assumed change
in the addressees of vv. 114. Some scholars have argued that, in its
earlier stage, Isa. 23 was a prophecy concerned with Sidon, but it was
later reinterpreted as a prophecy against Tyre, a rereading which left
its marks on the composition.202 Other scholars consider 23:114 to
be directed against the whole Phoenician coast.203 Clearly, the prob-
lem concerning the literary unity of 23:114 is closely linked with the
identity of the addressees. Two issues need to be discussed here: the
reference of the name Sidon and the identity of those addressed in
the 2nd and 3rd person forms.
As for the first question, Sidon may be used with two distinctive
meanings. It may refer to the city Sidon, or it may designate south-
ern Phoenicia, as evidenced by other Israelite, Phoenician, and Greek
sources.204 In Isa. 23, Sidon is not the name of a city alone but of
202
Kaiser, 132; Vermeylen, 1.342.
203
Knobel 16364; Delitzsch, 265; Dillmann, 210; Wildberger, 860. Fohrer argued
that vv. 1b4 were directed against Sidon, vv. 69 against Tyre, and vv. 1014 against
Phoenicia (1.258). See, however, Isa. 23:5, 12.
204
The father of Jezebel, Ethbaal I, is called in 1 Kgs 16:31 the king of the Sido-
nians () , even though he was ruling in Tyre. The same can be observed
in the 8th century. Tiglath-pileser III refers to Hiram II (738730) as the king of
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 125
Tyre, while the same king is called king of the Sidonians (mlk sdnm) on a Phoenician
inscription (W.A. Ward, Tyre, OEANE 5.248).
205
Since lt may mean ruler, Shilta could be a title rather than a personal name
(cf. Piru of Egypt). N. Naaman, Sargon II and the Rebellion of the Cypriot Kings
against Shilta of Tyre, in: Ancient Israel and Its Neighbors: Interaction and Counterac-
tion, Winona Lake, IN 2005, 11828.
206
The determinatives uru, city and kur, land may occasionally be interchanged.
uru Yah udu (Judah) is also attested in the Assyrian inscriptions.
207
This is corroborated by Sennacheribs Bull Inscription 4 (BAL, 2.69), according
to which Luli took flight ultu qereb uru surri, from inside the city Tyre. /
Luli may eventually be identical with Shilta (contra Naaman, Shilta, 125). If Tyre
was ruled by another pro-Assyrian Shilta, a contemporary of Luli, as Naaman sug-
gested, the act of Sennacherib, nominating a new vassal king, and entrusting him the
entire mainland region of the former Tyrean kingdom, would be more difficult to
explain.
208
G. Bunnens, Lhistoire vnementielle partim Orient, in: V. Krings (ed.), La
civilisation phnicienne et punique: Manuel de recherche (HO, 1/20), Leiden 1995, 230.
126 chapter three
of in the 3rd person.209 For the 2nd person (vocative) form, cf.
( 23:1), ( 23:2, 6), ( 23:2), ( 23:4), ( 23:7),
( 23:10). Tyre, whose fall is pictured in the prophecy, is
referred to quite consistently by 3rd person suffixes, prepositions and
verbs: ( 23:1), ( 23:1),210 ( 23:3), ( 23:3),211
(23:4), ( 23:7), ( 23:7), ( 23:8), ( 23:8).
The metaphors ( 23:1; emended text), ( | 23:2),212
( 23:4), ( 23:4),213 ( 23:7), ( 23:9),
(23:10), ( 23:11?, 14) all refer to Tyre. The city Tyre is destroyed
and deported to a far off land. But the direct addressees of the text are
not identical with those undergoing judgment. The 2nd person mes-
sage is addressed to Tyres former friends and mates, summoned as
witnesses to moan, wail, be ashamed, cross over to or go through their
land.214 This distinction between Tyre and its friends (larger Phoenicia,
the Mediterranean region and Egypt) is essential to understand Isa. 23,
and it offers a fairly consistent pattern for reading this prophecy.
209
One exception appears in v. 12, where Tyre is addressed in the 2nd person.
This is a particular case, however, for here it is Yhwh (and not the prophet) speak-
ing to Tyre, which means that it belongs to a different rhetorical level. In principle,
can refer to both Sidon and Sidons (= Phoenicias) daughter, i.e.
Tyre. With as the name of Phoenicia, v. 12 resembles constructions like
( Lam. 1:15), ( Isa. 47:1; cf. there ) . For the virgin
daughter of Sidon (Phoenicia), see later Phoenician coins referring to Sidon as msr,
the mother of Tyre.
210
The fact that the name of Tyre is avoided at the beginning does not pose any
problem if the prophecy originally contained a superscription. Note also that 23:114
is interpreted as a prophecy on Tyre in 23:1518.
211
This is a 3rd fem. sg., just like the suffix of the previous
. She (Tyre) has
become a profit for the nations. Merchant of the nations would require the vocalisa-
tion ( cf. Knobel, 164).
212
is a problematic term in 23:2. For the Massoretic , the
one who crosses over the sea has filled you (= 1QIsab; cf. Vulg., Syr., Tg. Isa.), 1QIsaa
has and 4QIsaa . 1QIsaa and 4QIsaa are textual cor-
rections rather than representatives of a more reliable textual tradition. The reading
provided by MT does make sense in its present form (cf. Van der Kooij, Tyre, 21).
However, refers here to the Tyrean seafarers (like ) , while the sg. 2
suffix in refers to , the inhabitants of the coastland (Phoenicia / Sidon),
addressed in the second person. This structuring also means that goes
with 23:3 as follows: / / .
213
resonates with Uzu of EA 148:11, 30; 149:49 (cf. Uu in Assyrian and t in
Egyptian), the name of Old Tyre. Cf. also in Josh. 19:29; 2 Sam. 24:7. For
in 23:4, cf. in Isa. 19:7.
214
The emendation of into , till your land (cf. 1QIsaa, the
LXX) is unnecessary, for cannot substitute for ( Van der Kooij, Tyre, 197).
V. 6 also refers to crossing over to Tarshish, and v. 12 to Kittim. Wandering through
the homeland is an act of mourning (cf. Isa. 15).
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 127
215
Vermeylen, 1.34243 treated vv. 9, 11, 13 (but not 8, 12) as expansions.
216
Cf. Jer. 47:4; Pss 83:8; 87:4 mentioning Phoenicia with Philistia. Sennacheribs
Taylor Prism ii 4855 refers to the destruction of Tyre in the context of tributes
brought by other Canaanite kingdoms, subjugated by Assyria.
217
Or in the days of a king (reading instead of ?)
218
Isa. 23:15 may refer to an actual song about a prostitute (for , cf.
in Isa. 5:1), so that the author compares the life of Tyre with the life of a
forgotten prostitute. This interpretation is supported by several parallel elements in
the prophecy: as Tyre is forgotten for 70 years (23:15), the prostitute is forgotten and
remembered (23:16); as the prostitute receives its reward (), so also the city
Tyre after it is remembered; as the prostitute will resume her job (), Tyre will also
resume its former trading activity.
128 chapter three
219
Fohrer, 1.257; Wildberger, 861; Clements, 192.
220
Cf. Isa. 13:6; 14:31; Jer. 4:8; 25:34; 48:20 (cf. 48:16); 48:39 (cf. 48:4042); 49:3 (cf.
49:12); 51:8; Ezek. 21:17; 30:2; Zeph. 1:11; Zech. 11:2. Ezek. 29:1820 on Tyre, though
set as a lamentation, is clearly predictive.
221
Sweeney and Lessings attempts to soften the meaning of in 23:1, 14 are
not convincing.
222
Duhm, 166; Fohrer, 1.258; Kaiser, 132, date Isa. 23 to Alexanders era. For the
problems with this view, see Wildberger, 864; Lessing, Tyre, 247 n. 82.
223
Neither Tiglath-pileser IIIs war with Chaldea and Tyre nor Sargon IIs peace-
ful Chaldaean and Tyrean relations give a suitable setting. Although Assurbanipal is
known to have punished Baal, king of Tyre around 662, his anti-Chaldaean cam-
paigns are more than a decade later than his dealings with Tyre. There are two more
probable options. First, vv. 114 may have been written during the early days of Sen-
nacherib, perhaps shortly before 701 (Sweeney, 3068; Lessing, Tyre, 251, 25456).
Before his campaign in Canaan, Sennacherib waged heavy wars with the Chaldaeans.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 129
about to lead Tyre into captivity (see above) then at least vv. 89, 11,
12a, 13 must be dated to the early New Babylonian period.
To conclude, (a) Isa. 23 can be divided into two pericopes: 23:114
is a call to lament in view of an impending attack on Tyre. Despite
earlier assumptions, Isa. 23 is concerned with the fall of Tyre only.
The other addressees are summoned merely as witnesses. The theolog-
ical-reflective character of vv. 89, 11, 12a, 13 might suggest that they
are later additions, although this remains uncertain. At any rate, Isa.
23:1518 is a later expansion compared to vv. 114.
(b) Common motifs shared with the other FNPs include the fol-
lowing: the summons to wail ( ;)the humiliation of the rich and
powerful kingdom; the fulfilment of the purposes and plans of Yhwh
(), stretching out his hands and even extending it beyond the earth
to include the sea; Tyre will be restored, but its glory and wealth will
be given to Yhwh in Zion.
(c) If 23:114 is considered one literary unit and if
in 23:13 is rendered as this is the people that is no more, 23:114
could be dated to 703671. If is translated as this
is the people that was not before, the date of the prophecy should
be advanced to the era of Nebuchadnezzar (cf. Ezek. 26). The literary
parallels of 23:1518 suggest that this expansion derives from the late
Assyrian or New Babylonian periods, depending also on the dating of
23:114.
His texts report massive destruction and deportations of the Chaldaean population
(BAL, 2.6566). His Chaldean campaign was followed by a march against the kingdom
of Tyre and Luli, its ruler (Taylor Prism ii 3464; BAL, 2.67). The mainland kingdom
fell, but the isle Tyre was saved. Luli found rest in Kittim. Of course, these details do
not present any problems if the prophecy is dated before 701. Alternatively, 23:114
can be dated to Esarhaddons era (Wildberger, 866). Sennacherib assigned the main-
land territories of the Tyrean kingdom to Tubailu, whose successor, Abdi-milkutti,
rebelled against Esarhaddon (677). Though he fled to the sea (Kittim?), he was cap-
tured and decapitated. Sidon was transformed into an Assyrian province. Part of its
former territory was given to Baal I, king of Tyre, who may have also been among the
rebels but surrendered in time to Esarhaddon. We hear again of a rebellion of Baal in
connection with Esarhaddons later campaign to Egypt (674/671?). He appears as an
ally of Taharka, for which he is punished, but his life is ultimately spared. Esarhaddon
reports to have taken away the cities and possessions of Baal. Esarhaddon pursued
a Chaldea-friendly policy, but 23:13 could refer Sennacheribs anti-Babylonian cam-
paigns in his later years.
130 chapter three
224
E.g., the in Isa. 13, or the divine name in Isa. 22.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 131
225
For Isa. 17:1220:6, see Chapters 46 below.
132 chapter three
226
Note that Isa. 11:11 mentions a second time when Yhwh will raise his hand
() , which possibly alludes to the well-known motif, which was an
earlier organising principle of the editors but is now a motif used in a positive sense.
227
Cf. Isa. 10:3; 13:13; 17:11; 22:5; 30:25; 34:8.
228
Cf. Hamborg, Reasons, 157.
229
Cf. , , in the two texts. Note also the motif of wealth not being a
means to avoid the wrath of Yhwh in 2:7, 20 and 13:17.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 133
230
Kaiser, 133.
231
Delitzsch, 264; Oswalt, 427.
134 chapter three
232
Cf. RIMA 3 A.0.102.1:19; A.0.102.2 i 510; A.0.102.5 i 16; A.0.102.14:1517;
A.0.103.1 i 2633; A.0.104.1:19; A.0.105.1:12; IAKA 21:114.
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 135
233
RIMA 3 A.0.102.1:1112; 5758; A.0.102.2 i 13; IAKA 65:3034; etc.
234
See for instance the relief of Sargon II from Tang-i Var in G. Frame, The
Inscription of Sargon II at Tang-i Var, Or. 68 (1999), 33, 55, Sargons Basalt Stele
from Cyprus (AOB 117 Tafel LIX), or Esarhaddons Nahr-el Kelb relief (AOB 146,
Tafel LXV). Nabonids Harran Stele H1 i 3944 speaks of Ishtar, the mistress of war,
who stretched out her hand so that the kings of the land of Egypt, the Medes, the
Arabs, and all the enemy kings sent emissaries inquiring for the well-being of King
Nabonid (INBK, 490, 497).
235
On presenting Yhwh in parallel with the Assyrian kings, see also S. Parpola,
Assyrias Expansion in the 8th and 7th Centuries and Its Long-Term Repercussions in
the West, in: W.G. Dever, S. Gitin (eds), Symbiosis, Symbolism, and the Power of the
Past: Canaan, Ancient Israel, and Their Neighbors, from the Late Bronze Age through
Roman Palaestina, Winona Lake, IN 2003, 1045.
136 chapter three
Sennacherib, great king, mighty king, king of the universe (ar kiati),
king of Assyria, king of the four corners of the world (ar kibrat erbetti)
(. . .) God Assur, the great mountain, has provided me an unpaired king-
dom (. . .) from the Upper Sea on the West (tmti elnti a alam ami)
to the Lower Sea on the East (tmti aplti a st ami). Every black
headed people (i.e. the humanity) he has put under my feet (. . .).
(Taylor Prism i 1016).
Assurbanipal, the great king, the legitimate king, the king of the world,
king of all the four rims, king of kings, prince without rival, who rules
from the Upper Sea to the Lower Sea and has made bow to his feet all the
rulers and who has laid the yoke of his overlordship (upon them) from
Tyre, which is in the Upper Sea and Tilmun, which is in the Lower Sea,
and they pulled the straps of his yoke.
(Warka Cylinder of Assurbanipal, ANET, 297).236
This world-wide scope of the FNPs convinces the reader of the col-
lection that Yhwh is the ruler of the earth. History is not simply the
course of events unforeseeable and uncontrolled, but the realisation
of a plan of Yhwh, a plan now revealed on the stele of Yhwh, in
Isa. 1323.237
The question is whether we should attribute a direct influence of
Assyrian literature on the composition of Isa. 1323, or there may
have been other possible conveyors of this tradition? Though the fea-
tures noted appear most often in Assyrian literature, the indicated par-
allels can also be found on the inscriptions of Babylonian and Persian
kings.238 The Cylinder Inscription of Cyrus the Great, probably also
known by Judaeans (cf. Ezra 1:1), also presents King Cyrus in words
similar to the Assyrian steles, as ruler of the entire world, from the
Lower Sea to the Upper Sea (TUAT, 1.4089). Nevertheless, the Cyrus-
236
These motifs are also known from Ps. 72:8; Zech. 9:10.
237
Isa. 2:622, the possible introduction to the -edition, can also be related
to the Assyrian stele-literature. The appearance of the majesty of Yhwh (
) causing people to flee to the mountains (2:10, 19, 21) reminds the reader
of the melammu (or pulh i melamm) of the god Assur, who spreads dread among
the enemies of the Assyrian king chasing the people into the mountains (e.g., RIMA
3 A.0.102.14:7879, 151; A.0.102.16:22122; A.0.102.17:4344). The same is true of
the motif of excessive wealth that will not save the life of people (Isa. 13:17). Assyr-
ian inscriptions refer to rulers of cities overcome by the fear of Assur and saving
their lives by paying fabulous tributes of silver, gold, etc. (RIMA 3 A.0.102.14:13435;
A.0.102.16:21920).
238
For the Babylonian literature, see the Etemenaki Cylinder of Nebuchadnezzar in
Vanderhooft, Babylon, 3637, the Harran Stele of Nabonid in INBK, 499 [iii 18], the
Adad-guppi Stele in INBK, 511 [i 4044].
the foreign nation prophecies of isaiah 1323 137
239
Cf. M. Dandamayev, Assyrian Traditions during Achaemenid Times, in:
S. Parpola, R.M. Whiting (eds), Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary
Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project Helsinki, September 711, 1995,
Helsinki 1997, 44; see also, Parpola, Assyrias Expansion, 105.
240
Note especially the Upper Sea / Lower Sea frame.
CHAPTER FOUR
LANDS OF RIDDLES:
THE ANALYSIS OF ISAIAH 18
Chapters 46 aim to answer the question how Isa. 1820 clarifies the
formation and function of the collection comprising Isa. 1323. Below
I shall present a thorough exegetical analysis of these three pericopes
from Isaiah. Each one of Chapters 46 includes a translation with text
critical and semantic notes, followed by a detailed exegetical analysis,
and rounded off with an overall evaluation of the exegetical results
from literary critical, theological and historical perspectives.
Isa. 18 is a thematically coherent prophecy supposedly concerned
with the African nation of Kush, south of Egypt, who invaded Egypt
in the 8th century bc and ruled it for almost a century. Beyond this
widely shared opinion, the many details of the text clouded by lexical
uncertainties have caused scholars to disagree on the specific ways in
which Isa. 18 deals with Kush and how the prophecy is connected to
the people of Israel or Judah. The most important problems in Isa. 18
are the identity of the messengers in v. 2, their destination, and the
identity of the people whose destruction and humiliation are predicted
in vv. 56.
The thematic coherence of 18:17 does not necessarily mean that the
literary unity of this prophecy should be taken for granted. Indeed, the
authenticity of almost every verse has been questioned at some point
in the exegetical literature. The question of literary integrity will be
best addressed after a close examination of the text of the prophecy.
Beyond the often doubted literary integrity of Isa. 18, scholars have
also noted its loose connections to the in Isa. 17:1. Isa. 18
is frequently considered a misplaced component of the
in Isa. 19. However, a few exegetes hold that Isa. 17 is positioned in a
suitable context. The question is whether there is any justification for
the present position of Isa. 18? How can this be related to the forma-
tion of Isa. 1323?
Being part of the Isaianic tradition of prophecies concerned with the
lands on the Nile, one may ask how Isa. 18 is related to other prophe-
cies in Isaiah dealing with Egypt and how it functions as a prophecy
140 chapter four
concerning the nations. Was its original purpose modified after Isa. 18
came to be part of the present collection?
Isa. 18 is most often dated to the Isaianic era, but doubts surround
the origin of especially vv. 3 and 7, whose eschatological tone sug-
gests, in the view of many exegetes, that it shares the universalism
of the post-exilic period. Moreover, there is disagreement concerning
the events that would provide a suitable occasion for the deliverance
of this prophecy.
1
Cf. LXX; Vulg.; Targ. Isa.; Knig, 198; Fischer, 13637; W. Janzen, Mourning Cry
and Woe Oracle (BZAW, 125), Berlin 1972, 6061; Clements, 164; Blenkinsopp, 308.
2
Ibn Ezra, 85; Gesenius, 572; Gray, 309; Young, 1.474; Sweeney, 257; Motyer,
160.
3
E. Gerstenbeger, The Woe-Oracles of the Prophets, JBL 81 (1962), 24963;
G. Wanke, und , ZAW 78 (1966), 21518; R.J. Clifford, The Use of HY in
the Prophets, CBQ 28 (1966), 45864; J.G. Williams, The Alas-Oracles of the Eighth
Century Prophets, HUCA 38 (1967), 7591; Janzen, Cry; H.-J. Kraus, hy als prophe-
tische Leichenklage ber das eigene Volk im 8. Jahrhundert, ZAW 85 (1973), 1546;
Wildberger, 18283; H.-J. Zobel, , ThWAT 2.38388; D.R. Hillers, Hy and Hy-
Oracles: A Neglected Syntactic Aspect, in: C.L. Meyers, M. OConnor (eds), The Word
of the Lord Shall Go Forth: Essays in Honor of David Noel Freedman in Celebration of
His Sixtieth Birthday, Winona Lake, IN 1983, 18588.
4
An exception to a certain extent is the study Hillers.
5
In Isa. 33:1 appears a combination of second and 3rd person forms.
142 chapter four
5:18; 6:1; Mic. 2:1; Nah. 3:1; Hab. 2:6, 9, 12, 15, 19; Zeph. 2:5; 3:1, 18b
(cf. LXX); Zech. 11:17.
(2) The 3rd person form is also used in a second group of texts, but
is connected to the subject by a preposition. These texts closely
resemble group (1). See Jer. 48:1; 50:27; Ezek. 13:3, 18. is here
syntactically and semantically similar to , which almost always
appears with a preposition ().
(3) A third group includes texts where is an independent particle,
casually doubled as a summons or an exclamation. In these cases, it is
not the impersonal or 3rd person form that is used, but the 2nd person,
corresponding to the vocative. Cf. Isa. 1:24; 55:1; Jer. 30:7; 47:6; Zech.
2:10, 11.
(4) A fourth group, syntactically related to the previous one, is
formed by texts where is a mourning cry by which the deceased is
addressed in the 2nd person, with , ah functioning as a vocative:
1 Kgs 13:30; Jer. 22:18; 34:5.
When arguing for a neutral translation (oh / ah) in Isa. 18:1, exe-
getes referred to parallel texts from group (3). That is exactly the prob-
lem; for syntactically speaking Isa. 18:1 belongs to group (1) where the
translation woe is evident. Wherever this was questioned (e.g., Isa.
17:12), it was done on grounds similar to 18:1. should therefore be
rendered as woe in v. 1a.
Looking at the contexts in which it appears, is always a cry with
negative overtones related either to a disastrous, depressing past or
present, or, more frequently, it introduces an unfortunate future.6
b-b . Scholars disagree on the meaning of this expres-
sion. if left unvocalisedappears six times in the Old Testa-
ment.7 Lexicons generally distinguish four semantic domains: ,
whirring; , spear, harpoon; , whirring locust, cricket;
, cymbal (musical instrument of percussion). The last mean-
ing is the least disputed (2 Sam. 6:5; Ps. 150:5). In Deut. 28:42,
refers to an insect causing agricultural disaster. In Job 40:31, is
often translated as spear, harpoon. However, the rendering
6
HALOT suggests that, in Isa. 18:1; 55:1; Zech. 2:10, is a cry of encouragement.
This idea is, however, expressed by the imperatives of ( Isa. 55:1) and ( Zech.
2:10) and not by itself. is a cry emerging from by the psychological impact of
an existing (Isa. 55:1) or coming (Zech. 2:10) calamity.
7
Deut. 28:42; Isa. 18:1; Job 40:31; 2 Sam. 6:5; Ps. 150:5 (2x).
the analysis of isaiah 18 143
8
G.R. Driver, Difficult Words in the Hebrew Prophets, in: Studies in Old Testa-
ment Prophecy: Presented to Professor Theodore H. Robinson by the Society for Old
Testament Study on His Sixty-Fifth Birthday, Edinburgh 1950, 5253; J.V.K. Wilson,
A Return to the Problems of Behemoth and Leviathan, VT 25 (1975), 11.
9
E.Y. Kutscher, Language and Linguistic Background of the Isaiah Scroll (1 Q Isaa),
Leiden 1974, 279.
10
See BDB; RSV; NIV; Gray, 306; D.M. Goldenberg, The Curse of Ham: Race and
Slavery in Early Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, Princeton, NJ 2003, 3031; Cheyne,
110; Duhm, 137; Marti, 147; Knig, 198; Procksch, 238; Kaiser, 74.
11
Cf. I. Eitan, La rptition de la racine en hbreu, JPOS 1 (1920), 17477.
12
I. Yannay, Augmented Verbs in Biblical Hebrew, HUCA 45 (1974), 75.
13
NCW 4.195; DTTM 1286; DJPA 466 ( , she clapped with her
hands).
14
Cheyne, 160; Duhm, 137; Knig, 198; Schoors, 11617; Kaiser, 76.
15
Probably connecting to and late Hebrew , noise, chattering.
144 chapter four
16
Cf. Syr. [r] dtll dknp, land of the shadow of wings.
17
For the division of the celestial zones in antiquity, see the notes of H.L. Jones in
his translation of Strabo, Geog. ii 2.3.
18
Driver, Difficult Words, 56; Kissane, 205; Wildberger, 67879; Oswalt, 35960.
19
Cf. ] [ , the reckoning which was made about
the sailboat and the fishing boat (Scroll III B 2:24; cf. also Scroll III B 2:18; 3:31;
B. Porten, A. Yardeni, Textbook of Aramaic Documents from Ancient Egypt: Litera-
ture, Accounts, Lists, vol. 3, Winona Lake, IN 1993, 194204). was probably a
boat with a protective deck. Cf. in the Elephantine documents, as well
as Akkadian bt eleppi, Aufbau auf dem Deck des Schiffes, Kajte. See A. Salonen,
Die Wasserfahrzeuge in Babylonien nach umerisch-akkadischen Qellen (mit besonde-
rer Bercksichtigung der 4. Tafel der Serie har-ra=h ubullu): Eine lexikalische und kul-
turgeschichtliche Untersuchung, Helsingforsiae 1939, 9698. See also silli eleppi, saluli
the analysis of isaiah 18 145
22
Those cases where the geographical aspect is missing are of little relevance to
Isa. 18:1 (contra Gemser, Beber hajjardn, 351).
23
Gemser, Beber hajjardn, 350; J.P.U. Lilley, By the River-Side, VT 28 (1978),
16571; H.-P. Sthli, , THAT 2.203; H.F. Fuhs, , ThWAT 5.1031.
the analysis of isaiah 18 147
2 d .
qal is usually rendered in lexica as (1) to seize,
or (2) to draw, to pull, to stretch out; to carry along.24 The passive
translation of the pual part. in Isa. 18:2, 7, (to be) drawn out, is gener-
ally accepted, but opinions differ on both the derivation and the exact
meaning of the text. is most often explained to refer to physi-
cal appearance, to a nation drawn out, i.e. tall.25 Others understood
18:2, 7 to refer to Israelites, and translate uprooted, pulled out.26 Vit-
ringa considered that describes the geographical characteristics
of the country and rendered accordingly extended nation.27 Hitzig
believed that the verb alludes to the long life of the Ethiopians as
24
GesB 46869; BDB 604; HALOT. Torczyner defends only one sense, to seize, to
grasp, to hold. He maintains that to draw, to pull is a late development of in
post-biblical Hebrew (H. Torczyner, eine miverstandene hebrische Vokabel,
MGWJ 33 [1889], 40112). His views are not convincing, however, since the verbal
parallels of support the translation to draw, to pull.
25
Cf. in LXX, and see further Delitzsch, 351; Gray, 312; Young,
1.476; Kaiser, 77; Wildberger, 689; Blenkinsopp, 308; Goldenberg, Curse, 32.
26
For instance, Vulg., Syr. and some medieval Jewish commentaries.
27
Vitringa, 84647; cf. also Lowth and Dathe according to Gesenius, 581.
148 chapter four
also mentioned by Herodotus (Hist. ii 17, 2223; iii 20). Lubetski and
Gottlieb believe that beyond the connotation tall, also means
bow drawers.28
The pual part. of appears only once more in Prov. 13:12 in a dif-
ferent syntagmatic relationship, mentioning , deferred/
delayed hope. In lack of parallels for the pual, the qal form should be
examined more closely, assuming that the pual is the passive to qal.29
One should probably distinguish between a more general transitive
and a more rare intransitive meaning. The intransitive meaning, to
draw up, to depart, appears in Judg. 4:6 (with as in Exod. 12:21);
20:37.30 The transitive formwhich is more important for the present
case, since the pual requires an objectmeans: (1) to seize, (2) to
draw, to pull; to carry along. Looking at from a syntagmatic
point of view, the objects of the verb may be people (Gen. 37:28; Judg.
4:7; Job 24:22; Song 1:4; Ezek. 32:20; Hos. 11:4), animals (Job 40:25),
bow (1 Kgs 22:34; Isa. 66:19), yoke (Deut. 21:3), or evil (in metaphori-
cal sense; Isa. 5:18).31
in 18:2 is best understood as a passive form of with a
person as its object. As a passive, cannot mean bow drawer.
Otherwise, could have this sense only in relation with
(1 Kgs 22:34; Isa. 66:19). A similar objection applies to the proposal
of Hitzig (prolonged life). The approach of Vitringa can be justified
from a geographical perspective, but it is difficult from a grammatical
point of view, since would have to be connected to rather
than . The parallel referring to the appearance of the nation
would further question the geographical connotation of . The
assumption that refers to physical stature finds further support
in post-biblical Hebrew. In b. Ketub. 10b we read: (the rain) gives
beauty and enlargement ( )to the fruits, while in b. Ber. 54b we
28
M. Lubetski, C. Gottlieb, Isaiah 18: The Egyptian Nexus, in: M. Lubetski et al.
(eds), Boundaries of the Ancient Near Eastern World: A Tribute to Cyrus H. Gordon
(JSOT.S, 273), Sheffield 1998, 37374.
29
The niphal stem (Isa. 13:22; Ezek. 12:25, 28) should also be translated as passive
to qal (DCH 5.52425). Cf. Isa. 13:22 niphal and Prov. 13:12 pual.
30
Less probable is Job 21:33, where may perhaps be the object of .
31
In some less important cases, the verb has abstract objects: to hold on / to pro-
long / to extend years (Neh. 9:30 [unlike HALOT; H. Ringgren, , ThWAT 5.60;
DCH 5.524 16]), kindness (Ps. 36:11; 109:12; Jer. 31:3), anger (Ps. 85:6). With ,
horn, means the prolonging of its sound (Exod. 19:13; Josh. 6:5).
the analysis of isaiah 18 149
32
in Tanh. Noah 13 is substituted in another version with ( cf. Golden-
berg, Curse, 18990), which suggests that the two verbs can be used as synonyms.
33
Cf. Vulg., Syr. Targ. Isa. has ][ , which is hardly a translation of
][ , since the same phrase also renders . The word pair is
imported from Isa. 17:14, which is regarded as closely related to Isa. 18.
34
Knobel, 123; Delitzsch, 351; Cheyne, 11112; Gray, 312; Procksch, 239; Young,
1.476; Hayes & Irvine, 255; Fohrer 1.205; Kaiser, 74, 77; Wildberger, 689; Watts,
245.
35
Ezra 9:3 (cf. Job 1:20; Ezek. 27:31); Neh. 13:25; Isa. 50:6; Ezek. 29:18. See also the
niphal form (functioning as passive to qal) in Lev. 13:40, 41.
36
1 Kgs 7:45; Ezek. 21:14, 15, 16, 33.
37
See Akkadian martu, muruttu , to rub, scratch (CAD m 27677); Eg. Aramaic
, pull out (of wool) (DNWSI 693), Biblical Aramaic ( Dan. 7:4), Syriac mrt,
to pluck, to pull, to tear out (hair, feather, vegetables). In the Syr. of Mic. 1:6 mrt
equates , baldness (CSD 301). The Targumic Aramaic renders , bald-
ness in Deut. 14:1 and Isa. 15:2. For the verbal form, see Targ. Onq. for Lev. 21:5, Targ.
Jon. for Jer. 16:6 and Ezek. 27:31. Cf. also the parallelism | in Ezek. 29:18.
38
Kissane, 206, and Marti, 148, regarded as a corrupted word or name. A
few render by a nation feared from/by itself and beyond.
150 chapter four
But that neither gives any sense, nor is it possible grammatically. In 1 Sam. 20:22,
mentioned in support of this theory, is paralleled by , hither
from you (20:21). See discussion of this text below.
39
Sym. ( ); Ibn Ezra, 85; Dillmann, 166; Von Orelli,
7475; Schmidt, 119; Wildberger, 680; Clements, 165; Blenkinsopp, 308.
40
Cf. the Vulg.; Targ. Isa.; Saadya and Lowth (according to Gesenius, 583); Vit-
ringa, 848; Cheyne, 111; Ehrlich, 68.
41
For the temporal usage, cf. Lev. 22:27; Num. 15:23; 1 Sam. 18:9; Ezek. 39:22, for
local usage, see Num. 32:19; 1 Sam. 10:3; 20:22, 37. Cf. also ( Gen. 35:21;
Jer. 22:19; Amos 5:27). Ezek. 43:27 uses instead of .
42
This is also the case in Nah. 2:9, where , from the time she exists, was
argued by Gesenius to support a temporal translation in Isa. 18:2 (Gesenius, 58182;
GKC 103m). In its present vocalisation, the temporal aspect is assured by and not
by . On the problems of this text, see further K. Spronk, Nahum (COT), Kampen
1999, 12728; A. Pinker, NinevehAn Isle is She, ZAW 116 (2004), 4025.
43
Cf. BDB 214: from (the time that) it was.
44
BDB calls attention to and from 2 Kgs 7:7, 10, but these
are different. In contrast to countless appearances of , appears merely
17 times in the Old Testament, in each case with the sense from (that) which (or
compared to / except for which) and not only from. I doubt that this semantic
aspect would coincide with the context of Isa. 18:2.
the analysis of isaiah 18 151
45
Gesenius, 582; Young, 1.476. This might also be in the background of LXX:
, which is beyond it. can be masculine as well as neutral (refer-
ring to ). Cf. also LXX version of 1 Sam. 20:22, 37: . It is
also possible, however, that the LXX translates , who / which is beyond it?,
as a rhetorical utterance. Alternatively, the LXX considered the Aramaic form of
Hebrew . Or was actually read as ( cf. MT of Ezek. 8:6 for a similar
error of / ?) Cf. Sym.: .
152 chapter four
46
See further Eitan, Rptition, 17186. Cf. Gen. 25:30; Deut. 16:20; Judg. 5:22;
1 Sam. 2:3; Prov. 20:14; Eccl. 7:24.
47
P.A.H. de Boer, Etude sur le sens de la racine QWH, OTS 10 (1954), 233.
48
The use of the negative form in Isa. 18:2 is particularly striking, but note
in Isa. 18:7, and see also 28:10, 13.
49
In 1QH i 28 and Sir. 44:5 probably means verse meter (cf. HALOT). Qimchi
believed referred to a nation (Israelites) trampled little by little. Ibn
Ezra understood to mean a nation line by line, referring to the intellect of
the child, who is taught gradually (Ibn Ezra, 85; cf. Isa. 28:10, 13).
50
Delitzsch, 351. See also Von Orelli, 75; Ridderbos, 134. Cf. Vitringa, 84950.
51
Fischer, 138; Hayes & Irvine, 255; Goldenberg, Curse, 3536. For Isa. 28:10, 13,
see J.A. Emerton, Some Difficult Words in Isaiah 28.10 and 13, in: A. Rapoport-
Albert, G. Greenberg (eds), Biblical Hebrew, Biblical Texts: Essays in Memory of
Michael P. Weitzman (JSOT.S, 333), Sheffield 2001, 3956.
the analysis of isaiah 18 153
52
Note that, beside and , we also find , which can hardly be onomato-
poeic. Moreover, the preposition cannot be explained in an onomatopoeic expres-
sion. In view of Isa. 28:14, it is also possible that vv. 10 and 13 cite Isaiahs opponents,
the scoffers who do not want to listen to the prophets words. Through their mock-
ery, these people typify the Isaianic message as and ( 28:17), as always
commandments, and always rules. Despite Emertons reservations (Some Difficult
Words, 44), in this text possibly stands for measure, gage.
53
Knobel, 124; Gesenius, 58586; Alexander, 344; Cheyne, 112; Dillmann, 166;
Marti, 147; Duhm, 137; Gray, 317; Procksch, 239; Van Hoonacker, 105; Kissane, 2067;
G.R. Driver, Linguistic and Textual Problems: Isaiah IXXXIX, JThS 38 (1937), 46;
Wildberger, 680; Kaiser, 74; Watts, 24344; Blenkinsopp, 308.
54
Ps. 44:6 (| ;)60:14; 108:14; Isa. 14:19, 25 (| ;)63:6. Cf. Ezek. 16:6, 22.
55
Driver, Isaiah IXXXIX, 46.
56
Cf. the Vulg., Syr., Targ. For see Isa. 10:2, 6; 11:14; 17:14; etc.
154 chapter four
57
ArEL 198; L. Khler, Bz = fortschwemmen, ThZ 6 (1950), 317.
58
NCW 1.205; DTTM 153; DJBA 194. is basically identical with ( Cheyne,
112; Dillmann, 167; Procksch, 239; Wildberger, 680). For the / change, see
Hebrew / , / , / , / . See further Official Aramaic
bz (DNWSI 149) and Syriac bz, to cleave (CSD 40; LS 64). A synonym of / is
. Cf. Hab. 3:9 ( ;) Job 28:10; Ps. 74:15; Num. 16:31; 1 Kgs 1:40.
59
But I had become a mockery of the raging torrents; F. Garca Martnez, E.J.C.
Tigchelaar, The Dead Sea Scrolls: Study Edition, vol. 1, Leiden 1997, 181.
60
And I have become robbed by the scourging rivers (J. Mansoor, The Thanksgiv-
ing Hymns, Leiden 1961, 155).
61
J. Maier, Die Qumran-Essener: Die Texte vom Toten Meer, Bd. 1, Mnchen 1995, 90.
62
Cf. the Aramaic and cleft, breach, also in the ground.
63
HUB suggests that LXX gives a geographical exegesis in Isa. 18:2, 7, but that is
not necessarily the case. , part, border, side frequently renders Hebrew ,
a synonym of ( also means to break off or to divide, like Aramaic ;cf.
2 Kgs 10:32; Prov. 26:6). For , used with rivers, see Josh. 3:8, 15.
the analysis of isaiah 18 155
64
Ibn Ezra, 85; Alexander, 345; Von Orelli, 75; Knig, 199; Young, 1.474.
65
Cf. Gen. 33:10; Num. 22:4; 2 Sam. 3:34; 17:3; Job 10:4.
66
E.g., LXX; Qimchi; Duhm, 138.
67
For , cf. Ps. 33:13; 80:15; 102:20; Isa. 63:15. See further the Targ.; Gesenius, 587;
Procksch, 236; Lubetski & Gottlieb, Isaiah 18, 376 n. 63.
68
Exod. 15:17; 1 Kgs 8:13, 39; Ps. 33:14; Isa. 4:5. Occasionally means base,
fundament (Ps. 89:15; 97:2; Ezra 2:68). Cf. ( 1 Kgs 7:27; Ezra 3:3; Zech. 5:11).
69
Compare 1 Kgs 8:13 | 1 Kgs 8:29, 30; Ps. 104:5 | Job 9:6; Dan. 8:11 | Jer. 17:12.
70
E.g., Gesenius, 588; Delitzsch, 352; Von Orelli, 75; Blenkinsopp, 308.
71
Dillmann, 167; Gray, 313, 318; Wildberger, 678.
72
Gesenius, 588, referred to in Isa. 8:23, claiming that it supported
his temporal translation. However, is there a contraction of + ( cf. Isa. 9:3,
where = + ;see GKC 118u; JM 133h). In Isa. 8:23 is clearly
comparative.
156 chapter four
73
Cf. in Song 5:10 and in Lam. 4:7.
74
, scorching wind (Jer. 4:11), is the dry, hot wind from the desert. Con-
trast this with , the coolness of the north-wind in Sir. 43:20 (cf. Prov.
25:23). In Isa. 32:4 , clear, probably derives from a different root which may be
related to the Old South Arabic and Classical Arabic *shh, to be healthy.
75
Contra I. Eitan, Contribution to Isaiah Exegesis (Notes and Short Studies in Bib-
lical Philology), HUCA 1213 (19371938), 65; J. Barr, Comparative Philology and the
Text of the Old Testament, Oxford 1968, 334. For Hebrew terms designating the sun,
see , , poetical ( Isa. 24:23; 30:26; Song 6:10; cf. in Isa. 18:4), .
76
J.A. Soggin, Zum wiederentdeckten altkanaanischen Monat , ZAW 77
(1965), 85, followed by Kaiser, 74; Lubetski & Gottlieb, Isaiah 18, 377. In the disputed
documents, the reading was questioned by A. Lemaire, Note pigraphique sur la
pseudo-attestation de mois sh, VT 33 (1973), 24345.
77
Cf. also E. Baumann, Zwei Bemerkungen, ZAW 21 (1901), 26668; Lubetski &
Gottlieb, Isaiah 18, 37778.
78
In Isa. 18:4, cf. the LXX; the Vulg.; Gray, 314; Procksch, 240.
79
Targ. Isa., Gesenius, 588; Marti, 149; Cheyne, 112; Duhm, 138; Van Hoonacker,
106; Fisher, 138; Kissane, 203; Penna, 180; Wildberger, 691; Blenkinsopp, 308.
80
Cf. Rashi; A. Elmaleh, Nouveau dictionnaire complet hbreux-franais, t. 1, Tel-
Aviv 1950, 93; Alexander, 345; NIV. See the philological notes on Isa. 19:7 m-m.
81
Judg. 16:2; 1 Sam. 14:36; 25:34, 36; 2 Sam. 17:22; 2 Kgs 7:9. In all cases is a qal
inf., syntactically equivalent to ( niphal impf.), or
(see JM 124k). Cf. also Gen. 44:3; 1 Sam. 29:10; 2 Sam. 23:4; Mic. 2:1.
the analysis of isaiah 18 157
82
Cf. DCH 1.161. For and , cf. Judg. 19:26 ( | , until
daybreak; cf. and in v. 25). For paralleled by , see
Job 3:9; 41:10; Isa. 58:8; Hos. 6:5. as daybreak appears in Neh. 8:3 (
, from early morning until midday; cf. Neh. 7:3). Cf. J. Day,
in Isaiah 26 19, ZAW 90 (1978), 26569, esp. 26768; he argues that means
morning in Isa. 26:19 (see however below). as daybreak is attested in post-
biblical Hebrew (NAW 1.45; DTTM 32; cf. , upon daybreak [b. Pes. 2b],
, the entrance of his daybreak [b. Ber. 2b]. Akkadian urru means early morning,
daybreak. urru also refers to the day as opposite to night (cf. Job 24:14).
83
Cf. , until the dawn breaks. For the / interchange as scribal error,
see 1 Chron. 5:16; Ezek. 41:17, and eventually Pss 19:7; 48:11, 15 (cf. BHS).
84
1 Sam. 25:8 ( ;) Job 3:4 ( ;)|18:20 ( ;)Jer. 47:4 ().
85
The meaning rain also mentioned as a derivation from Arabic ary (b. Taan. 7b,
Judah ben Karish and Saadya cited by Gesenius, 588; Vitringa, 861; Eitan, Contribu-
tion, 65; Barr, Comparative Philology, 321) is less likely. The biblical evidence for such
a translation is lacking. In Job 37:11, one of the texts commonly referred to in this
respect (cf. the Targ.), does not mean rain. Gesenius, 58889, pointed to simi-
larities between in Job 37:11 and in 37:15. is used in Job 37:15
with , to shine forth, suggesting that rather refers to lightning, as it is usually
interpreted (cf. Job 36:30, 32; 37:3, 15, 21). This view is further strengthened by the
fact that hiphil appearing with in Job 37:11 is also used with , lightning
in Ps. 18:15.
86
ar (Aru) appears in relation to the weather god Baal, as well as tly in KTU 1.3
i 2225: Baalu sees his daughters, eyes Pidray, daughter of Aru, even Tallay (tly),
daughter of Rabbu (cf. , [spring] shower or mist). See also KTU 1.3 iii 58.
87
Cf. J. Barth, Etymologische Studien, Leipzig 1893, 60. Barth compares
to and in Job 37:6. For another view on Isa. 26:19, see Day,
, 26569.
88
Contra Blenkinsopp, 309 (while the dew covers the ground); Lubetski & Got-
tlieb, Isaiah 18, 378 (heavy rain).
158 chapter four
in 1QM xii 910: our horsemen are like clouds (), and like clouds
of dew ( ) that cover the earth, like a rain shower that sheds
justice on all its sprouts. Similarly, in the Targ. of Job 38:28 and in
11Q10 xxxi 6, the Hebrew is rendered by ( cf.
in Sir. 43:22 and the Targ. of Isa. 18:4).
q-q . MT is supported by the majority of manuscripts, as well
as 1QIsaa and Targ. Isa. However, twelve manuscripts, LXX,89 the Syr.,
and the Vulg.90 suggest a reading of instead of . The formal
resemblance between and may explain the textual corruption, but
it is hard to say which might have been the original reading. The con-
struction appears once more in Prov. 25:13, but
also makes perfect sense.
r . Instead of its usual meaning, harvest, is occasionally
rendered as vintage.91 However, the two texts on which this sugges-
tion relies, Isa. 16:9 and 17:11, offer no support for this translation. In
Isa. 17:11, means bough or branches (cf. JPS). In Isa. 16:9,
is probably a textual error for , vintage, attested in Jer. 48:32, the
literary parallel to Isa. 16:9.
89
To avoid repetition, LXX corrects words that appear double in a parallelism.
See I.L. Seeligmann, The Septuagint Version of Isaiah: A Discussion of Its Problems
(MVEOL, 9), Leiden 1948, 69.
90
Jeromes commentary on Isaiah implies that he was aware of both variants:
quomodo nubes roris in die messis ([ ) ]et in ferventi aestate ( )gratis-
sima est.
91
Gesenius, 58889; Procksch, 240; Blenkinsopp, 308. The rendering of vintage
for in v. 5 is even more widespread (cf. Duhm, 139; Penna, 181; Kissane, 207).
92
Kutscher, Isaiah Scroll, 201.
the analysis of isaiah 18 159
93
I. Lw, Die Flora der Juden, Bd. 1, Leipzig 1881, 7778; G. Dalman, Arbeit und
Sitte in Palstina, Bd. 4: Brot, l und Wein, Gtersloh 1935, 303; O. Borowski, Agri-
culture in Iron Age Israel, Winona Lake, IN 1987, 110 n. 13.
94
Cf. Arabic busr or bisr, unripe datteln, Syr. besr, and Aramaic , with
similar meaning. The lexeme busra also appears in an Aramaic-Persian glossary (Fra-
hang-i-pahlavik) with the meaning vine. See also HSED 7374.
95
Wildberger, 692.
96
M. Hyland Lavik, A People Tall and Smooth Skinned: The Rhetoric of Isaiah 18
(VT.S, 112), Leiden 2007, 184.
97
A.E. Rthy, Die Pflanze und ihre Teile im biblisch-hebrischen Sprachgebrauch,
Bern 1942, 6061. Cf. also Dalman, Brot, 301. appears only once, and its
meaning is debated. LXX and the Vulg. translate this term as basket (cf. Aramaic
, basket).
98
Jer. 11:16; Ezek. 17:7, 23; 19:11; 31:7, 9, 12. On see also I. Lw, Aramische
Pflanzennamen, Gtersloh 1936, 65; Dalman, Brot, 301; Rthy, Pflanze, 5657. Dal-
man also refers to Arabic dlie, the name of the lying vine (Dalman, Brot, 314), a term
Delitzsch also mentioned in relation to Hebrew ( Delitzsch, 353).
99
J.E. Hoch, Semitic Words in Egyptian Texts of the New Kingdom and Third
Intermediate Period, Princeton, NJ 1994, 38991; CDD d 6667; Lubetski & Gottlieb,
Isaiah 18, 379.
160 chapter four
7 w-w
. For a discussion on the vocalisation
, see note y-y
below.
x . means tribute, gift (cf. Ps. 68:30; 76:12),100 being synony-
mous with ( cf. Zeph. 3:10 citing Isa. 18:7). also appears in
Aramaic on the Zenjirli-Stele: , a gift
to Hadad, El, Rachabel, and Shemesh,101 designating gift offerings to
the gods, just like Ugaritic ty in KTU 2.13:1415; KTU 2.30:1314:
ty . ndr . itt, tribute, vow, generous gift.102
y-y . . . . The present form and vocalisation of MT is difficult.
Scholars often explain Isa. 18:7 in the sense that the people will be
brought as a tribute to Jerusalem.103 This is, however, improbable in
the context (see next section) and it cannot explain the preposition
. Most often exegetes include an additional preposition before
in v. 7b: a tribute will be brought ( ) from a people ( )tall and
shaved . . . (cf. also LXX, Vulg., 1QIsaa).
In the translation above I followed the proposal put forward by
Lubetski & Gottlieb to take as an emphatic conjunction. The
emphatic conjunction, to be rendered as and also, and indeed (cf.
), most likely also appears in Ruth 4:5 and Neh. 5:11 (), two
further texts which can otherwise only be clarified by emendation.104
Lubetski & Gottlieb interpret the verb as a hophal form, as in
MT. But that would imply that the foreign nation itself will be brought
as a tribute to Yhwh, which is unlikely. Taking as an emphatic
conjunction and vocalising the verb as (hiphil) (cf. Syr.) would
perfectly fit the context.
100
Some reconstruct in Gen. 49:10 () > . The reading of this text
remains controversial, however. also appears in post-biblical Hebrew (DTTM
1556).
101
KAI 214:18; COS 2.36:18. might appear in KAI 215:6 in damaged context.
102
Strikingly, Ps. 76:12 also mentions and in one place. For itt as generous
gift, cf. G.R. Driver, Ugaritic and Hebrew Words, Ugaritica 6 (1969), 18184.
103
Delitzsch, 35354; Blenkinsopp, 309, with reference to Isa. 49:22; 60:4, 9; 66:20.
104
Lubetski & Gottlieb, Isaiah 18, 382. This grammatical phenomenon pointed
out in Hebrew first by F. Andersen was subsequently reinforced by evidence from
Eblaite texts, discussed in three articles in C.H. Gordon et al. (eds), Eblaitica: Essays
on the Ebla Archives and Eblaite Language, vol. 1, Winona Lake, IN 1987, 2941. See
also J.P. Lettinga, Jona / Ruth: Notities bij de Hebreeuwse tekst en proeve van vertaling,
Kampen 1996, 31. Lettinga compares the construction to , and .
the analysis of isaiah 18 161
105
Janzen, Cry, 35.
106
Hyland-Lavik, who also interprets as the sign of the vocative (ah!),
acknowledges that Isa. 18 is an oracle of doom. Yet she argues that 18:1a does not
reveal the identity of those under judgment (Isaiah 18, 4849). However, prophetic
cries of doom generally identify to whom the refers in the first introductory line.
107
Lubetski & Gottlieb, Isaiah 18, 36484; Lubetski, Beetlemania, 1526. The
beetle as a royal symbol was also adopted by the Kushite pharaohs of Egypt. See
D. OConnor, Ancient Nubia: Egypts Rival in Africa, Pennsylvania, PA 1993, Plate 12.
See also Figure 1 below.
162 chapter four
108
Cf. Jer. 46:78 (cf. Isa. 8:7); Ezek. 29:3; 32:2. Note also PPANE 93 describing
Elam as a snake, one of the well-known symbols of this country.
109
For the historical significance of the metaphor of the two-winged scarab in Isa.
18:1, see 4.3.3 below.
110
Cf. Schoors, 116: het land dat zich uitstrekt tot over de rivieren van Koesj. For
the semantic discussion on , see note 1 c. It may also be noted that the often
proposed translation alongside the rivers of Kush makes little sense with the pl.
. Rivers is strange if the Kushites were settled only along a single river, the
Nile, as believed. Moreover, the same African empire is described in v. 2 as divided by
, likely identical with .
111
For variant spellings, cf. K. Zibelius, Afrikanische Orts- und Vlkernamen in
hieroglyphischen und hieratischen Texten (BTAVO, B/1), Wiesbaden 1972, 16669;
L. Trk, The Kingdom of Kush: Handbook of the Napatan-Meroitic Civilisation (HO,
1/31), Leiden 1997, 12. Other frequently used Egyptians terms are T nhsj, South-
land and T stj, Bow-land. El-Amarna texts refer to Kush as Meluh h a (e.g., EA 70:19;
95:40; 108:67; etc.) or Kai / Kaa (cf. EA 49:20; 127:22, 36; 131:13; 133:17; 287:33,
72, 74. See H. Klengel, Das Land Kusch in den Keilschrifttexten von Amarna, in:
E. Endesfelder et al. (eds), gypten und Kusch (SGKAO, 13), Berlin 1977, 22732.
Meluh h a was the Akkadian name of the country, while Kai the Egyptian term (cf.
Mitanni / Nah rima in the Amarna letters). Meluh h a (with Magan) actually designated
all far southern countries whether on the east beside the Persian Gulf or on the west
in Africa (cf. D. Potts, The Road to Meluhha, JNES 41 [1982], 27988; W. Heimpel,
Das Untere Meer, ZA 77 [1987], 2291; M. Liverani, The Sargon Geography and the
Late Assyrian Mensuration of the Earth, SAAB 13 [19992001], 7071; cf. the two
A in Homer, Odyss. i 2223; Herodotus, Hist. vii 70; Josephus, Ant. i 135). The
Assyrian term Ksi, appearing first in the Nimrud Wine Lists dated to 732 (cf. J.V.K.
Wilson, The Nimrud Wine Lists: A Study of Men and Administration at the Assyrian
Capital in the Eighth Century bc [CTN, 1], London 1972, 91, 93, 138) and on a regular
bases from the time of Esarhaddon, the first king to have conquered Egypt, replaced
the formerly used Meluh h a, as implied by IAKA 76:611: On my 10th campaign
Aur [encouraged me] (. . .) and directed my attention towards the lands Magan and
Meluhha (. . .) which people call Kush and Egypt (mt Ksi u mt Musur) (. . .). For
further discussion, see Cs. Balogh, Ks fldje s ksitk az szvetsgben, Reform-
tus Szemle 103 (2010), 577604.
In modern literature, the geographical area under discussion is also referred to as
Nubia. It is common to distinguish between Lower Nubia (between the first and
second cataracts) and Upper Nubia (from the second cataract upwards). To avoid
the analysis of isaiah 18 163
was the name of the territory located along the Nile, south of ancient
Egypts southernmost city Aswan, beginning at the natural border cre-
ated by the first Nile cataract.112
The rivers of Isa. 18:1 could refer to the Blue and White Niles and
the Atbara, a major tributary of the Nile.113 In spite of frequent assump-
tions to the contrary, there is sufficient archaeological evidence to
maintain that, even in the 8th century, the kingdom of Kush extended
far beyond the fifth cataract (just above the meeting point of the Nile
and the Atbara).114 References to Kushites are frequent in the Old Tes-
tament, but only Gen. 2:13 mentions a river in connection with this
country: Gihon, encircling all the land of Kush.115 The presumption
confusion with Abyssinia, the once frequent Ethiopia, taking its origin in the works
of classical authors, is to be avoided.
112
In the Old Testament, refers mostly to this African region. Cf. Gen. 10:6,
7; 2 Kgs 19:19; 1 Chron. 1:8, 9; 2 Chron. 12:3; Est. 1:1; 8:9; Job 28:19; Pss 68:31; 87:4;
Isa. 11:11; 20:3, 4, 5; 37:9; 43:3; 45:14; Jer. 13:23; 38:7, 10, 12; 39:16; 46:9; Ezek. 29:10;
30:4, 5, 9; 38:5; Dan. 11:43; Amos 9:7; Nah. 3:9; Zeph. 3:10. Exceptions are rare. In
Num. 12:1 is probably a synonym for Midian, and a variant of ( cf. Hab. 3:7).
This is supported by Egyptian texts which mention Kws in the region south of Judah
(cf. S. Ahituv, Canaanite Toponyms in Ancient Egyptian Documents, Jerusalem 1987,
85). For Num. 12:1, see also b. Moed Qat. 16b; A. Shinan, Moses and the Ethiopian
Woman: Sources of a Story in The Chronicles of Moses, in: J. Heinemann et al. (eds),
Studies in Hebrew Narrative Art through the Ages (Hierosolymitana, 27), Jerusalem
1978, 6678; D.M. Goldenberg, Curse, 2021. The meaning of may be the same
to Num. 12:1 in 2 Chron. 14:8, 1112; 21:16. In Gen. 10:8 probably alludes to the
Kassites (cf. the subtle difference in Amarnaic Kai / Kaa and Kau). See Balogh,
Ks, 57883.
113
These rivers were well-known in antiquity. Cf. Strabo, Geogr. iv 7; xvi 4; xvii 1;
Diodorus Siculus i 37.9; Pliny, Nat. Hist. v 8; Josephus, Ant. ii 243.
114
Mero, the city between the Nile and the Atbara, centre of the later Meroitic
Nubian civilisation, is at least as ancient as the time of the Kushite pharaoh Piye
(747717). Cf. D. OConnor, Ancient Nubia: Egypts Rival in Africa, Pennsylvania, PA
1993, 6869; Idem, Mero, OEANE 3.472; R. Morkot, Black Pharaohs: Egypts Nubian
Rulers, London 2000, 2, 5, 155, 204. According to Trk, Kush, 129, 152, 232, Mero
functioned as a government centre during the 25th Dynasty (8th7th centuries bc).
Different objects containing the name of pharaoh Shabaka (717703) were recovered
even as far as Sennar and Gebel Moya in the region of the Blue and White Niles (cf.
J. Leclant, Schabaka, L 5.500; Morkot, Black Pharaohs, 7).
115
Kush in Gen. 2:13 was located east of Mesopotamia, in Eastern Anatolia, or in
Arabia, but associating it with African Nubia is still more convincing. The river Gihon
encircling Kush is identified in LXX with , (part of) the Nile (cf. Jer. 2:18; Sir.
24:27). Cf. M. Grg, Zur Identitt des Pischon (Gen. 2,11), in: Idem, Aegyptiaca
Biblica: Notizen und Beitrge zu den Beziehungen zwischen gypten und Israel (AT,
11), Wiesbaden 1991, 1315; Goldenberg, Curse, 2021. For Pishon and Gihon as
the two rivers of Egypt and Kush, see R.S. Sadler, Can a Cushite Change His Skin:
An Examination of Race, Ethnicity, and Othering in the Hebrew Bible (JSOT.S, 425),
London 2005, 2425.
164 chapter four
behind this text, namely that Gihon, apparently the southern part of
the Nile, is a river distinctive from the upper part of the Nile (Pishon?),
corresponds to Egyptian beliefs distinguishing the Nile of Egypt and
the Nile of Kush, both originating from two caves at the border city
Aswan from the subterranean ocean Nun.116 The fact that Isa. 18:1
uses rather than , the biblical name for Egypts Nile, may
also suggest an awareness of the distinction between the Kushite and
the Egyptian Niles.117 Nevertheless, Isa. 18 is not concerned with geo-
graphical accuracy. The prophecy abounds in theologically significant
symbols dealing with a nation on the edge of the most distant horizon
of the author.118 The rivers of Kush delimit the furthest coordinates
of the earth. The northern borders of the country are not mentioned
here, but as it will be shown below, Isa. 18 may have included Egypt as
well.119 It is important to note that the two winged beetle is primarily
an Egyptian symbol, adopted subsequently by Kushite pharaohs.
Some exegetes assume that the sea ( )on which the messengers of
this far country are sent, refers to the Mediterranean Sea.120 It would
be more convincing, however, to relate to the Nile.121 While using
poetic parallelism in describing the movement of these distant mes-
sengers, the prophet refers first to their travel on the Nile. The fragile
papyrus vessels mentioned as the means of transportation were only
capable of sail on still waters.122 But can refer to the river Nile?
Some texts in the Old Testament allow this interpretation. No-Amon
(Thebes) is described by Nah. 3:8 as built by the Nile, with waters as
her wall and the as her rampart.123 Here , and refer to
the Nile encompassing Thebes. In Ezek. 32:2, is the dwelling-place
116
The two caves (qrtj) of Elephantine are mentioned in an inscription of Seti I
(ARE 3.171); Book of Dead (149 14:4); Famine Stele (AEL 3.97; COS 1.53); Dream
Stele of Tanutamani (FHN 1.29:11); etc. Cf. K.W. Butzer, Nilquellen, L 4.5067.
117
Classical authors were also aware of this tradition. Cf. Homer, Odyss. iv 477;
Herodotus, Hist. ii 28; Diodorus, i 32.1; Pliny, Nat. Hist. vi 65.
118
For Kush as the most distant southern corner of the earth, see Goldenberg,
Curse, 2325. For remote nations as a biblical symbol, cf. Deut. 28:49; Ps. 72:10; Isa.
5:26; Joel 4:8; Hab. 1:8; etc.
119
In the Assyrian inscriptions of Esarhaddon, the dominion of the Kushite King,
Taharka, is described as Lower Egypt (mt Musur), Upper Egypt (mt Paturisi) and
Kush (mt Ksi) (IAKA 57:89; 65:3738).
120
Clements, 164; Hayes & Irvine, 254; Watts, 244; G. Pfeifer, gypten im Alten
Testament (BNB, 8), Mnchen 1995, 15; Blenkinsopp, 309.
121
Cf. Gesenius, 577; Dillmann, 166; Marti, 148; Gray, 311; Kaiser 76.
122
Dillmann, 166; Gray, 311; Young, 1.475; Penna, 179; Kaiser, 77.
123
Cf. Esarhaddons portrayal of the Mediterranean kingdoms (IAKA 57).
the analysis of isaiah 18 165
of the dragon, i.e. the pharaoh.124 The relationship between Ezek. 32:2
and 29:3 suggests that in Ezek. 32:2 refers to the Nile, just like
in Ezek. 29:3.125
, emissary is a New Assyrian loan word, derived from sru and
etymologically connected to sru, first-rank, outstanding. As also
implied by the logogram form l.mah, sru was not a simple mes-
senger, but a special, high-ranking emissary.126 The title sru is given
124
Cf. Exod. 7:9; Deut. 32:33; Ps. 74:13; 91:13; Job 7:12; Isa. 27:1; 51:9.
125
This symbolic identification of the Nile with appears to be restricted to the
river Nile. in Jer. 51:36 does not refer to the Euphrates as occasionally suggested.
and are here the two extremities of the Euphrates.
It is noted that the Arabic name for the Nile is al-Bahr-n-Nl. Since bahr means
sea in Arabic, this is assumed to support the connection between and the Nile.
However, and bahr belong to two different languages, having different semantic
fields. It is more helpful to compare Hebrew and Arabic yam (probably an Ara-
maic loanword; cf. S. Fraenkel, Die aramischen Fremdwrter im arabischen, Leiden
1886, 231) associated with the Red Sea and eventually the Nile. yamm appears in the
Quran (Sur. 20:39; 28:7) in allusions to the salvation of the baby Moses. But it remains
unclear whether the Quran really has the Nile in view here. Cf. R. Bell, A Commentary
on the Quran (JSSt.M, 14), vol. 2, Manchester 1991, 44.
By analysing a comprehensive list of Egyptian texts containing the Canaanite loan-
word jm (ym), Vandersleyen has argued that jm should be considered a reference to
the Nile and not the sea, or Egypts lakes, as previously thought (C. Vandersleyen,
Ouadj our, wd wr: Un autre aspect de la valle du Nil, Bruxelles 1999, 87128.).
Although the arguments of Vandersleyen are not always convincing (cf. J.F. Quack,
Zur Frage des Meeres in gyptischen Texten, OLZ 97 [2002], 45363), some of his
examples must be taken seriously. E.g., p jm n wsjr, le fleuve dOsiris (Vandersleyen,
Ouadj our, 93), p jm n Qbte, the Nile of Coptos (101; see, however, Quack, Frage,
461), Papyrus Harris 500, 2, 78 (104; but this may refer to a lake as well, cf. Quack,
Frage, 462), Papyrus Lansing 14,12 (104), etc. Making proper distinction among
various genres is essential for interpreting jm (Quack, Frage, 454). In the worst case,
the texts cited by Vandersleyen may serve as evidence that Lower Egypt and especially
the Delta region abounded in inner lakes that might have been termed as jm / by
Hebrew prophets. See also the Kushite lake jm n Niy, the jm of Niy, somewhere
around Gebel Barkal (A.H. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica, London 1947,
1:162*63*; Vandersleyen, Ouadj our, 108).
Herodotus (Hist. ii 97) compares the inundating Nile to the Mediterranean Sea.
Following Egyptian traditions, some classical authors connect the Nile to the Primeval
Ocean (Herodotus, Hist. ii 21; Diodorus, i 12.6, 19.4, 96.7). Egyptians associated the
inundating Nile with the all-encompassing and underground water, Nun. The river is
personified as the god Hpy, sprung from earth, dwelling in the netherworld, he con-
trols both sky and earth (AEL 1.20410; HG, 5006). See further also R.O. Faulkner,
The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Warminster 197378: Spells 318, 362, 820, and
ARE 743.
126
In accordance with Tadmor, ITP, 178 n. 21 and opposed to P.V. Mankowski,
Akkadian Loanwords in Biblical Hebrew (HSS, 47), Winona Lake, IN 2000, 132 n. 489.
For the Babylonian and Assyrian messenger designations, see S.A. Meier, The Messen-
ger in the Ancient Semitic World (HSM, 45), Atlanta, GA 1988. mr ipri is the general
Akkadian term for messenger (cf. Hebrew ).
166 chapter four
127
Generally srni(l.mah.me) a mt(kur) GN, envoys of the land of GN (e.g.,
5 40:r.23; 5 75:4). Cf. l si-ra-ni-e a PN in ABL 1117:6.
128
Cf. SAA 1 32:17ff (?); 1 33; 1 110:r.417; 5 171; 7 58:2024.416; 7 127; 11 32;
11 36:15; 11 92 (?).
129
SAA 1 110:r.1517; 5 171:15; 11 31.
130
J. Vandier, Manuel darchologie gyptienne, t. 5, Paris 1969, 49394; S. Wachs-
mann, Seagoing Ships and Seamanship in the Bronze Age Levant, London 1998, 9;
L. Casson, Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World, Princeton, NJ 1971, 12;
M.-C. de Graeve, The Ships of the Ancient Near East (c. 2000500 bc), Leuven 1981,
91. In ancient iconography, passengers are often depicted as standing upon these rafts
(cf. in LXX).
131
Vandier, Manuel, 493510. For descriptions of seagoing ships, see Vandier,
Manuel, 659, and Wachsmann, Seagoing Ships, 14.
the analysis of isaiah 18 167
132
Meier, Messenger, 25.
133
Cheyne, 111; Duhm, 137; Gray, 311; Procksch, 239; Wildberger, 689; Blenkin-
sopp, 30910. Rarely is the destination considered to be Assyria (Janzen, Cry, 6061;
Hayes & Irvine, 254; Watts, 246), the Medes (Kissane, 206; Oswalt, 361), or Israel
(Targ., Jerome, Rashi, Qimchi, Motyer, 162). Yet the semantic analysis of v. 2cg
above makes these alternative opinions unlikely.
Regarding the swift Kushite messengers, note the swift footed Kushite in 2 Sam
18:21 ( pass.) ( is a gentilicum; cf. B.U. Schipper, Israel und gypten in der
Knigszeit: Die kulturellen Kontakte von Salomo bis zum Fall Jerusalems [OBO, 170],
Freiburg 1999, 111; pace E. Yamauchi, Africa and the Bible, Grand Rapids, MI 2004,
44). Cf. Herodotus description of the Aithiopian Troglodytes as
, the swiftest runners of all men (Hist. iv 183; cf. also Heliodorus,
Aethiopica viii 16.4).
134
Kissane, 206; Oswalt, 361; Sweeney, 261 (an Israelite, not Judaean, emissary is
sent to King So of Egypt, not Kush; cf. 2 Kgs 17); Blenkinsopp, 309.
135
Vermeylen, 1.318.
136
Janzen, Cry, 6061; Clements, 16465.
137
Gen. 42:19; Num. 22:13; 1 Sam. 8:22; 2 Kgs 1:6 ( ; cf. Hos. 6:1); Amos
7:12. may emphasise the fact that they have to leave (Beuken, 165 n. 57).
168 chapter four
138
It is unlikely that the messengers ( )of Ezek. 30:9 sent from the pres-
ence of Yhwh ( ) to terrify the unsuspecting Kushites are divine beings.
These messengers make use of ships ( / ), which cannot be emended to ,
urged or , running (contra Janzen, Cry, 60). LXX on which the emendation is
based ( ), does not display any awareness of the meaning of , nor
do Aq. ( ; siim according to Jerome), Sym. ( ) and Theod. ().
While these versions translate , the unknown word was merely transliterated.
is the contracted reading of . Cf. also L. Boadt, Ezekiels Oracles against Egypt: A
Literary and Philological Study of Ezekiel 2932 (BibOr, 37), Rome 1980, 6970.
139
See also M.S. Kee, The Heavenly Council and its Type-scene, JSOT 31 (2007),
25974.
140
Egyptian texts are obviously much clearer regarding the ethnological details of
the South. Geographically more sophisticated texts distinguish between various groups.
Beside the nhsjw, the southerners, Lower Nubia is referred to as wwt and Upper
Nubia as k. Other important names in the Nile region include Irtjet (jrtt) and Setju
(stw), possibly somewhere in Upper Nubia. Yam (jm) (related with Irem) was located
beyond the rivers of Kush somewhere in the region of later Mero (D. OConnor,
the analysis of isaiah 18 169
which probably fall outside the horizon of Isa. 18, the Old Testament
expresses familiarity with , (Lower) Egypt, , Upper Egypt
(Isa. 11:11), Kush (), and Seba ( ;Isa. 43:3; 45:15). Isa. 45:15
describes Sabaeans (and probably the Kushites) as men of stature
() .141 The same physiological characteristics struck Herodo-
tus, who writes that
these Ethiopians to whom Cambyses sent them, are said to be the tallest
and fairest ( )142 of all men [. . .] they deem worthy
to be their king that townsman whom they judge to be tallest and to have
strength proportioned to his stature (Hist. iii 20).
The stature of the inhabitants of the Nile valley increases travelling
towards the south, so that Isa. 18:2d may refer to (Upper?) Egypt or
(Lower) Kush. The emissaries (and the people from whom they came)
were tall in stature and their hairless body, face and occasionally the
head was equally remarkable for full bearded Judaeans.143 The nation
The Locations of Yam and Kush and Their Historical Implications, JARCE 23 [1986],
3940). A more distant and often-mentioned legendary region is Punt, somewhere to
the (south-)east of Kush (ARE 2.134 [321]). The people of mdjw inhabited the region
between the Nile and the Red Sea, appearing in later texts as a general term for vari-
ous tribes of the desert, like q, wbt-spt, brhm, hs (Zibelius, Vlkernamen, 134). Amu
(mw or m) seems to designate the eastern desert somewhere in the neighbourhood
of the third cataract. See G. Posener, Lor de Pount, in: E. Endesfelder et al. (eds),
gypten und Kusch (SGKAO, 13), Berlin 1977, 33941); F. Hommel, Ethnologie und
Geographie des alten Orients, Mnchen 1926, 641; A.H. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian
Onomastica, London 1947; Zibelius, Vlkernamen; OConnor, Nubia.
141
Cf. Num. 13:32; 2 Sam. 21:20; 1 Chron. 11:23; 20:6.
142
Some regard the resemblances between the two texts more than coincidental
and tend to interpret the word pair in 18:2 as a Hebrew counterpart
of (Dillmann, 166; Van Hoonacker, 105; Schmidt, 119). But
while Herodotus concern is to present his readers with a sympathetic picture of the
Ethiopians, the intention of Isa. 18:2 is clearly different (see below). For Herodotus
Kush-related traditions, cf. Homers Il. i 42324; xxiii 2057; Odyss. i 2224; iv 84;
v 282, 287. See Trk, Kush, 6973.
143
Cf. Gen. 41:14. L.S. Fried, Why Did Joseph Shave?, BAR 33.4 (2007), 3641,
argues that the pharaonic palace was considered a temple, so that those entering it
should be pure like a priest. When Sinuhe returns to Egypt from Retjenu, he was
clothed in royal linen, he was plucked and his hair combed. In Egyptian iconography,
the Egyptians and Nubians are represented as beardless people, in contrast to their
neighbours. See Vandier, Manuel, 3.11011, 4.574; W. Helck, Fremdvlkerdarstel-
lungen, L 1.317; J. Vercoutter, Limage de noir dans lEgypte ancienne (ds origines
la XXVe dyn.), in: Africa in Antiquity: Meroitica 5 (1979), 1922; A. Leahy, Ethnic
Diversity in Ancient Egypt, in: CANE, 22627; cf. Herodotus, Hist. ii 36; iii 12. Self-
representations of the Kushite king of the 25th Dynasty (748656) display a dark-
brown body colour and a face of the Upper Nubian physical type, while for non-royal
representations Twenty-Fifth Dynasty monumental art in Kush adopted the Egyptian
170 chapter four
beyond the one mentioned in v. 2d, an even more fearful one, whose
land is divided by rivers (v. 2eg), may refer either to the southern
Kushites or their neighbours, the Sabaeans, even further to the south.
( to be distinguished from in Arabia; cf. Gen. 10:26; 25:3;
Ps. 72:10) is the firstborn of Kush in Gen. 10:7. Isa. 43:3 promises Egypt,
Kush and Seba as ransom for the king of Persia in place of Israel. The
three names also reappear together in Isa. 45:15, suggesting that Seba
must be located in the neighbourhood of Kush. This assumption is also
supported by Ps. 72:10, where Tarshish, Seba and Sheba represent the
three furthest located descendants of the three sons of Noah (Japhet,
Ham and Shem). A legend in Josephus Ant. ii 24849 retells that
was a royal city of , called Mero by Cambyses, after the name
of his sister. The place is described as surrounded by Astapus, Astaboras
and the Nile. The name of the third river, the Nile, is actually Astaso-
bas, the White Nile (cf. Strabo, Geogr. xvii 4), which has also preserved
the name of Soba (=Seba).144 The town Sabai and the harbour Saba on
the Red Sea coast mentioned by Strabo, Geog. xvi 4.810 probably also
reflect the reminiscences of maritime contacts with the Sabaeans.
Descriptions of mighty foreign nations in the Bible fulfil two different
rhetorical purposes: the intention is either to proclaim Yhwhs judg-
ment upon famous peoples145 or to invoke them as means of punish-
ment in pronouncing Yhwhs sentence on a different nation.146 The
rhetorical intention of 18:2dg complies with the first possibility, an
interpretation corroborated by the following verses of the prophecy.
4.2.3 Verses 36
3a All you inhabitants of the world
3b and those dwelling on earth:
3c when the signal is raised on the mountains, look,
3d and when the horn is blown, listen!
New Kingdom iconography of the exaggeratedly tall, slender Nilotic type (Trk,
Kush, 37). In regard to Isa. 18:2, one may note that a distinctive hair dress typifies the
Kedarites in Jer. 9:26; 25:23; 49:32.
144
The common element of these rivers names, asta, probably means water or
river. Cf. Diodorus i 37.9; R. Pankhurst, The Ethiopian Borderlands: Essays in Ancient
History from Ancient Times to the End of the 18th Century, Lawrenceville, NJ 1997, 27.
Similarly, the name Astaboras (present day Atbara) preserved the name of the (mega)
bari/bareya tribe, settled in this region. For further discussion regarding ancient Seba,
see Balogh, Ks, 59496.
145
2 Chron. 16:8; Isa. 10:515; 14:521; 17:1214; 23:114; Ezek. 2832.
146
Deut. 28:4950; Isa. 5:2630; 13:35; Jer. 4:13; 5:1517; Hab. 1:611.
the analysis of isaiah 18 171
147
Sounds and signals may signify the beginning (Isa. 5:26; 13:2; Jer. 4:21; 6:1;
51:27) or end (1 Sam. 13:3; 2 Sam. 2:28; 18:16; 20:22; Jer. 50:2) of battles.
148
Clements, 165, maintains that in 18:3 these motifs are not a sign of an impend-
ing battle, but an emphatic assertion that Yhwh is announcing his plans to the world.
However, in the present context it is not the summons itself (v. 3cd), but the loom-
ing events (vv. 46) that will request the attention of the audience. Blenkinsopp, 310,
pointed to other texts where is related to the beginning of the repatriation of the
Jews from the diaspora. This he assumed could also be the case in Isa. 18. Nevertheless,
the issue of repatriation is not the subject of this prophecy.
172 chapter four
149
E.g., Josh. 11:23; 14:15; Judg. 3:11, 30; 5:31; 8:28; 2 Chron. 13:23; 20:30.
characterises a nation in times of peace.
150
Vitringa, 859; Delitzsch, 353; Gray, 313. See Ps. 33:1319. In contrast, lack of
concern, abandonment, or negligence is expressed in the Bible by turning away the
face of someone, by not looking at a person. Cf. Ps. 80:15; 91:8; 92:12; 102:20; Isa. 5:12;
63:15; Lam. 4:16; 5:1; Amos 5:22.
151
Cf. also Hyland Lavik, Isaiah 18, 133.
152
Cf. also Jerome and Vitringa, 86162.
153
Dillmann, 167; Young, 1.477; Van Hoonacker, 106; Motyer, 162.
154
Duhm, 138; Clements, 165.
155
Fohrer, 1.205.
156
Hffken, 154.
157
Schmidt, 120.
the analysis of isaiah 18 173
view, the quietness and the gazing of Yhwh is likened to the intensity
of the shimmering heat. The simile of the vibrating hot air alludes to
the invisible yet real presence of Yhwh in this world.158
The parallel use of the comparative preposition makes it unlikely
that the two similes would refer to different things. Both meteorologi-
cal images are related here with the idea of Yhwh sitting calmly and
looking down on earth, so their allusion must also be a semantic paral-
lel. At the same time, meteorological imagery can be applied in bibli-
cal texts for various purposes, with different aspects of the metaphor
being exploited. For example, the metaphor of dew can be used in a
negative or a positive sense, depending on the context. In Hos. 13:3,
the dew represents something that vanishes quickly. In Prov. 25:13,
cold snow on the day of harvest is compared to the refreshing mes-
sage of a faithful messenger. However, the imagery of snow and rain in
summer has negative connotations in Prov. 26:1 (cf. Prov. 28:3).
It is difficult to interpret , scorching heat as a positive experi-
ence.159 The grammar of the comparative construction in 18:4 requires
that either or is taken as the key reference of the compari-
son. This means that ideas like the necessity of the phenomenon, its
fresh and beneficial character, its short termed nature, its invisible and
inevitable presence are unlikely to be the vehicle of the association.
One of the possibilities discussed in the semantic notes is that the
comparisons enhance the imagery of God staying calm in his place:
like scorching heat on daybreak and like a cloud of dew in the heat
of the harvest. The sense of the verse would be then that just as gleam-
ing heat stays calm in its place at daybreak until the sun rises to its
zenith, and just as the cloud of dew sits still in its place in the heat of
the harvest, waiting for the night or cooler days to moisten the ground,
Yhwh also remains still while waiting for the right moment to step
forward and take action. The two pictures are complementary: in the
first the heat stays calm in the cool of the morning; in the second, the
cool cloud of dew remains at rest when there is heat outside. The mes-
sage is not one of neutrality, of not engaging oneself in the course of
158
Hyland Lavik, Isaiah 18, 136.
159
Just like storm (), dry heat ( )is considered to be a symbol for the enemy
of the people of God in Isa. 25:45 (cf. also Isa. 4:56; 30:30; 28:2, 17; 29:6). Yhwh
protects his people against the enemy as a cloud (or shadow; cf. Isa. 4:6; 25:4) pro-
tects the earth from scorching heat or as a place of refuge ( )protects someone
against the storm.
174 chapter four
160
Isa. 5:7; 14:27; 21:16; 30:15; 31:4; Jer. 4:3. Cf. W. Dietrich, Jesaja und die Politik
(BEvTh, 74), Mnchen 1976, 12829; Blenkinsopp, 311.
161
Procksch, 241; Fisher, 138; Kaiser, 78; Wildberger, 692; Oswalt, 362; Kilian, 119;
Beuken, 169. In the Gezer calendar, the month of second pruning ( ) is placed
between the harvest ( ) ][and the month of summer fruit (( ) TSSI
1.3; on , see Lev. 25:3, 4; Isa. 5:6).
162
The harvest time extended from April until early June. See Song 2:13, 15;
L. Turkowski, Peasant Agriculture in the Judean Hills, PEQ 101 (1969), 101.
163
Cf. Dalman, Brot, 31213; O. Borowski, Agriculture in Iron Age Israel, Winona
Lake, IN 1987, 3337. Qimchi describes the stages as follows: when the vine drops
its , a will come, and the becomes , and the develops ( )slowly
until it ripens into mature grapes ().
the analysis of isaiah 18 175
designate the fruit bearing branches of the vine.164 Cutting them off as
described in 18:5 would destroy the vine itself. At the very moment
that the harvest looks so promising and the success of the vintage can
be estimated based on the development of the fruit, Yhwh intervenes
with unforeseen power and complete destruction.165
A similar motif is used in Jer. 5:10b, according to which the
nations will destroy the vine-rows and strip away the branches (
)of the vine of Israel (cf. Isa. 5:5). In Ezek. 19:1014, a fruit-
ful vine full of branches is a symbol for Israel. Gods anger burned
its shoots and caused it to be uprooted.166 The destruction of trees,
vineyards and orchards is a prominent theme in descriptions of Assyr-
ian warfare.167 Many of the Assyrian reliefs depict soldiers cutting off
fruit-trees in conquered territories. An inscription of king Tiglath-
pileser III describing the attack against Damascus and its king, Rezin,
reads: his gardens, [grapevin]es, orchards I cut down. I did not leave
a single one.168 Similarly, Sennacherib mentions that when conquer-
ing the land Elippu, their orchards I cut down, over their fertile land
I poured out misery.169 Isa. 18:5 makes good sense if read against this
background (cf. Isa. 9:9).
Isa. 18:6 transposes the imagery from the symbolic to the real world.
The text does not speak about cutting tendrils, but the dead bodies of
slain people, around which birds of prey gather.170 The beasts will stay
there for a long time, implying that there are a great number of dead
164
Cf. also Dalman, Brot, 301, 330; A.E. Rthy, Die Pflanze und ihre Teile im
biblisch-hebrischen Sprachgebrauch, Bern 1942, 59.
165
Cf. Gesenius, 59091; Duhm, 139; Dalman, Brot, 331; Kissane, 207; Young,
1.47778; Fohrer, 1.206; Hyland Lavik, Isaiah 18, 167.
166
Cf. Ps. 80:914; Jer. 49:9 (| Obad. 1:5); Ezek. 17:910.
167
Cf. S.W. Cole, The Destruction of Orchards in Assyrian Warfare, in: S. Parpola,
R.M. Whiting (eds), Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary Symposium of
the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project Helsinki, September 711, 1995, Helsinki 1997,
3436. See also Deut. 20:19; 2 Kgs 3:25.
168
Annals of Tiglath-pileser 23 1112: kirte [kar]nu sippte a nba l
akkisma itn ul zib (ITP, 7879). For reading [kar]nu, cf. W.R. Gallagher, Sen-
nacheribs Campaign to Judah: New Studies (SHCANE, 18), Leiden 1999, 133. Cf. also
SI 7 24: I cut down the orchards and the sissoo trees around the city walls, and did
not leave a single one. I destroyed the date palms, throughout his land. I ripped off
their fruit and filled the meadows.
169
D.D. Luckenbill, The Annals of Sennacherib, Chicago 1926, B1 lns 2730.
170
See Deut. 28:26; 1 Sam. 17:44; 2 Sam. 21:10; Ps. 79:2; Jer. 7:33; 12:19; 15:3; 19:7;
Ezek. 29:5; 32:4; 39:4; Rev. 19:17.
176 chapter four
4.2.4 Verse 7
7a At that time will bring tribute to Yhwh of hosts,
7b the people tall and bald,
7c and indeed the people more fearful beyond it,
7d a nation mighty and treading down,
7e whose land the rivers divide
(or: whose country is the riverbed),
7f to the place of the name of Yhwh of hosts, mount Zion.
171
Cf. Gen. 8:22; Ps. 74:17; Amos 3:15; Zech. 14:8.
172
Gesenius, 586; Delitzsch, 35253; Dillmann, 167; Duhm, 139; Cheyne, 112;
Gray, 308; Schmidt, 120; Procksch, 242; Fischer, 138; Van Hoonacker, 106; Kissane,
207; Young, 1.477; Motyer, 161; Blenkinsopp, 311.
173
Clements, 165; Hayes & Irvine, 256; Hyland Lavik, Isaiah 18, 17071.
174
Hyland Lavik argues that Isa. 18 is designed in a particular way so as to entrap
the audience [Judah] to think that somebody else will be judged and not themselves
(Isaiah 18, 20). However, the fact that the vine imagery is often related to the people
of Yhwh in the Bible (cf. Isaiah 18, 15661; but see Isa. 16:811) does not exclude the
possibility that, at this point in the text, this motif has a wider scope and includes the
nations from the rivers of Kush as well. Indeed, it is not so much one nation that is
compared here to the destroyed vine but the developing plan of the nations. Certainly,
the vine imagery may have also evoked Isa. 5, where Israel and Judah are described
as the vineyard of Yhwh.
175
Cf. Fohrer, 1.206; Wildberger, 690; Kaiser, 78; Dietrich, Politik, 129.
the analysis of isaiah 18 177
4.2.5 Conclusion
Isa. 18 is a prophecy of doom addressed primarily to the African nations
of the Nile valley, the Egypto-Kushite Empire (and not Kush alone),
with its borders extending to the ends of the earth. This kingdom is
typified as the land of the two-winged beetle, an Egyptian symbol well-
recognised in the entire Near East. Their African emissaries ( )sent
to Canaan are commissioned to deliver a sombre message for their
master, the Kushite pharaoh on their return. What the farthest nations
should hear, all the world should hear (v. 3). From a distance, the
God of Israel carefully follows the emergence of promising plans, wait-
ing for the right moment to intervene (v. 4). When those plans come
to the final phase, Yhwh will subdue the mighty and fearful nations.
Similar to a vine tree being destroyed shortly before the vintage (v. 5),
their almost successful plans are destined for oblivion. This message
is indirectly addressed to all those who expect their salvation from
these outwardly attractive and powerful people. After destruction, the
land extending beyond the rivers of Kush will bring tribute to the city
where the King of Israel reigns.
176
Pss. 48:3, 12; 74:2; 78:68; 125:1; Isa. 4:5; 8:18; 10:12; 18:7; 24:23; 29:8; 31:4; 37:32;
Lam. 5:18; Joel 3:5; Obad. 1:17, 21; Mic. 4:7.
177
Wildberger, 696; Kaiser, 79. Cf. Deut. 12:5, 11, 21; 14:23, 24; 1 Kgs 8:16; etc. For
the temple as , cf. 1 Kgs 3:2; 5:17, 19; 8:17, 20; Jer. 3:17.
178 chapter four
178
Marti, 14849; Gray, 313; Fohrer, 1.205; Kaiser, 80; Wildberger, 681; Vermeylen,
1.319; Clements, 165; Kilian, 11819; Berges, 16263.
179
Isa. 11:12; 13:2; 27:13 (cf. Wildberger, 681; Berges, 19293).
180
Synonymous parallelism: with ( 1 Sam. 2:8; 1 Chron. 16:30; Job 34:13; Ps.
19:5; 24:1; 33:8; 77:19; 89:12; 90:2; 96:13; 97:4; 98:9; Prov. 8:26; Isa. 14:21; 24:4; 26:9,
18; 34:1; Jer. 10:12; 51:15; Lam. 4:12; Nah. 1:5),
(Ps. 9:9), ( Prov. 8:31).
Synthetic parallelism: 2 Sam. 22:16; Job 18:18; 37:12; Ps. 18:16; 50:12; 93:1; 98:7;
Isa. 13:11; 14:17; 27:6.
the analysis of isaiah 18 179
that are normally absent from everyday speech. This poetic context
adequately explains the appearance of in Isa. 18:3.181
With regard to the late origin of and , Wild-
bergers suggestion would carry some weight only if there were other
syntagmatic constructions in which and appear. However,
is the verb generally used with ,182 and appears exclusively
with .183
Regarding the universalistic view of v. 3, it would be misleading
to say that there is only one type of universalism in the Bible deriv-
ing from the post-exilic period. It is hard to imagine that an Assyrian
Empire whose ruler generally introduces himself as the king and judge
of the entire world (ar kite) and to whom the god Assur submit-
ted the universe (kippat erbetti;184 PPANE 85 ii 3), would not give rise
to a universalistic vision in the deepest sense of the word that did
not infect the Hebrew prophets, who so often talk about this world
power. In several judgments pronounced through Judaean prophets,
Yhwh appears to stand behind this king of the universe (cf. Isa. 10:5).
Each prophecy directed against a foreign nation is in itself evidence of
some kind of universal perspective.185 The main problem in this case
is that some exegetes consider v. 3 a pronouncement of an eschato-
logical judgment regarding all nations of the earth. However, this is
clearly not the case in v. 3, whereas comparable texts suggestthe
rhetorical intention is different.186 Although the prophet addresses the
world, his concern is to deliver the message to those listening to him.
The world is not summoned to take action, but to look, listen, and wit-
ness (1 Kgs 22:28). Assuming that the prophets audience was a multi-
national community (cf. ), including those living in the distant
Kush, such a rhetorical address line is certainly in its place.187
In conclusion, there is no convincing evidence that would urge us to
treat v. 3 as a later addition. Isa. 18:3 makes explicit what is implied by
the FNPs in general, namely that the implications of Yhwhs judgment
181
appears to be an Akkadian loanword (tbalu, dry land, field; cf. also
ablu), attested in the Akkadian since the Amarna period.
182
Isa. 5:26; 11:12; 13:2; Jer. 4:6; 50:2; 51:12; 51:27. in Isa. 49:22; 62:10.
183
Josh. 6:4, 8, 9, 13, 16, 20; Judg. 3:27; 6:34; 7:18, 19, 20, 22; 1 Sam. 13:3.
184
Cf. Hebrew in Job 37:3; 38:13; Isa. 11:12; 24:16; Ezek. 7:2.
185
Cf. Duhm, 138.
186
E.g., Ps. 2:10; 33:8; 49:2; Isa. 1:2; Mic. 1:2 (cf. 1 Kgs 22:28).
187
Sargons Hymn to Nanaya also begins as follows: Hear, o world (kibrti), the
praise of queen Nanaya! (SAA 3 4:rev. ii 13).
180 chapter four
and salvation are far reaching. They entail more than simply local
interventions in the life of one nation in the worlds history. This is
even more the case when the life and political affairs of that particular
nation are inseparably linked with the destiny of many others.
Isa. 18:7 is more commonly viewed as a secondary attachment to
the prophecy, mainly in order to introduce a scene of salvation after
judgment, or so the argument goes. This opinion appears to be sup-
ported by the fact that v. 7 merely repeats v. 2 with some variations.
Finally, verses beginning with are also generally regarded
as later additions. A few exegetes contest this view, however, noting
that the defeat of Assyria by Yhwh may have encouraged the Kushites
to bring tributes to him.188 Nevertheless, according to the conclusion
of the exegetical section above, this last view can hardly correspond to
the intention of Isa. 18.
The connection between 18:7 and the previous verses is established
in two ways. First, is considered a synonym for
in 18:4. Second, the image motif of the mount in Zion connects v. 7
with the judgment scene of v. 6. It must be noted, however, that the
viewpoint of v. 7 is slightly different. As argued, refers to Yhwhs
heavenly dwelling from where he is seen and heard by the prophet.
Furthermore, Zion is not the location where the judgment of v. 6 is
issued.189 Do these slight differences allude to the later origin of v. 7?
Isa. 18:7 contains an important motif well-represented in other sec-
tions of the book of Isaiah: foreign treasures are brought to Jerusalem
(cf. 23:18; 45:14; 60:516; 61:56). Of course, not all these texts are
written with the same concern. The interchange between Yhwh and
Zion concerning the site where tributes are to be brought is more than
simply a matter of style. The specific theme of 18:7, tributes brought
to the King of Jerusalem, also appears in royal psalms, especially
Ps. 72:1015, as well as in cultic poems, like Ps. 68:2931, singing
about the kingship of Yhwh. Such tribute scenes have countless par-
allels in Mesopotamian literature. The New Assyrian kings generally
accentuate the vast extent of their dominion and their fame in the
188
Knobel, 125; Dillmann, 170; Procksch, 24243; A. Feuillet, tudes chronologique
des oracles quon peut dater, in: Idem, tudes dexgse et de thologie biblique. Ancien
Testament, Paris 1975, 51; Oswalt, 363. One often points to 2 Chron. 32:23, which
mentions the tributes of foreigners. This episode, however, seems to be a shortened
assessment of the story in 2 Kgs 20. In Sadlers view, Isa. 18:7 is concerned with pros-
elytism (see Sadler, Cushite, 49, 53).
189
For the mountain as a place of judgment, see 1 Kgs 22:17 and Isa. 14:25.
the analysis of isaiah 18 181
190
Among the many examples, see for instance the encounter between King Shil-
kanni of Egypt and Sargon II described on his Assur prism (lns 111). An account
of Shalmaneser III from shortly after 841 retells how the Assyrian king crossed the
Euphrates for the 16th time. He defeated Hazael of Damascus and erected his royal
statue on Mount Baali-raasi, a cape jutting into the Mediterranean Sea. Then we
read: At that time (ina meuma) I received tribute from the people of Tyre, Sidon,
and from Jehu of the House of Omri. (RIMA A.0.102.8 2427). ina muma can be
compared to in Isa. 18:7. The Erra and Ishum epic summons the god Erra
to show his might so that those above and below quake (. . .), so that kings hear and
kneel beneath you, so that countries hear and bring you their tribute (. . .) (S. Dalley,
Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, the Flood, Gilgamesh, and Others, Oxford 1989,
287). After Marduk is returned by a Babylonian king from exile and retakes his place
in his temple, he speaks as follows: Then I carried myself back to my city Babylon and
to the Ekursagil. I called all the goddesses together. I commanded: Bring your tribute,
o you lands, to Babylon [. . .] (Marduk prophecy ii 1; cf. i 23). Dynastic prophecy ii
17 reads: All the lands will bring tribute to him (i.e. to the divinity) (T. Longman III,
Fictional Akkadian Autobiography: A Generic and Comparative Study, Winona Lake,
IN 1991, 23334, 239).
182 chapter four
191
Isa. 21:1117 undermines Jenkins assumption, as do 13:114:23 and 23.
the analysis of isaiah 18 183
192
B. Gosse, Isae 13,114,23 dans la tradition littraire du livre dIsae et dans la
tradition des oracles contre les nations (OBO, 78), Freiburg 1988, 9697; Ohmann, 73;
Clements, 161.
193
Kaiser, 70; Kilian, 11617.
194
Cf. M.J. de Jong, Isaiah among the Ancient Near Eastern Prophets: A Compara-
tive Study of the Earliest Stages of the Isaiah Tradition and the Neo-Assyrian Prophecies
(VT.S, 117), Leiden 2007, 16869.
184 chapter four
195
As we shall see below, Isa. 20, which appears in a collection concerned with
Egypt but which is primarily concerned with the shame of the prophets own people,
is a similar case.
196
Sweeney, 254, 260. Cf. also Beuken, 149.
197
Blenkinsopp, 3067, and Beuken, 149, 152, contest the view that these texts
would have been written for their present context. Agricultural imagery is very fre-
quently used by the prophets, including Isaiah (see Isa. 1516).
the analysis of isaiah 18 185
chaff (17:13). The branches of Israel (as the context implies) will be
cut down (cf. 18:5). Similarly to vv. 56, the metaphor of seed and
twig that will be shaken on that day of incurable pain according to
Isa. 17:911 (cf. 3.2.4) recalls once again the images of grain (17:12
14) and tree (18:17). Isa. 17:1214 and 18:17 which follow these
predictions appear to be editorial illustrations regarding the fulfilment
of those earlier prophecies in 17:56 and 911. From this editorial
viewpoint, the alliances with the northern Aramaeans against Assyria
and Jerusalem (17:1214) during Peqah (cf. 2 Kgs 16:5; Isa. 7) and
with southern Egyptians (Africans) against Assyria (18:17) during
Hoshea (cf. 2 Kgs 17:3) were two fatal steps in an Israelite policy ulti-
mately leading to the deportation and total destruction of the North-
ern Kingdom and its ally. In this reading of the editors, the messengers
of Isa. 18:2 could have been related to those of Hoshea in 2 Kgs 17:4.198
Although this reinterpretation of Isa. 18 did change the original mean-
ing of the prophecy, insofar as Isa. 18 implicitly also addressed all
those who chose to ally with Egypt against Assyria, one could hardly
claim that the editors new reading was entirely strange to the proph-
ecys original objective.
To conclude, although 17:1214 and 18:17 are two originally inde-
pendent prophecies, from an editorial point of view they appear as
constitutive parts of the . In a contextualised reading, they
serve as illustrations for the fulfilment of the earlier prophecies in
17:111. This appears to be the rationale behind including Isa. 18 on
its current location of the book.199 This editorial reinterpretation which
regarded Israel rather than the Kushito-Egyptian Empire as the focus
of the prophecy must be distinguished from the original intention of
Isa. 18, the historical setting of which will be discussed below.
198
Isa. 18:7 had probably been added to 18:16 already before the prophecy was
included into its present context.
199
On a literary level, the cloud standing still in 18:4 may also be related to the
swiftly moving cloud that brings judgment to Egypt in 19:1.
200
Clements, 166.
186 chapter four
the produce of Egypt, and the profit of Kush and the Sabaeans, men of
stature, will come over to you, will belong to you, and will follow you;
they will come over in fetters. They will bow down towards201 you, and
they will pray towards you. Only in you is there a God, and nowhere else
is there any divinity.202
The function of Isa. 45:14 in its present context is not totally clear,203
but there seems to be a certain parallel between Yhwhs dealing with
Cyrus in 45:113 and with Zion in 45:14.204 The final sentence in which
Cyrus reappears again (45:13) should perhaps be regarded as a clos-
ing utterance in the Cyrus oracle (45:16?; note the suffix ).
Beyond the above noted parallel, other important terms appear that
further emphasise the relationship between the Cyrus-prophecy and
the utterance addressing Israel: , wage, value and , gift,
bribe, in v. 13 and , produce and , profit in v. 14. The only
other location in Isaiah where Egypt, Kush and Seba are mentioned is
Isa. 43:3, a prophecy which asserts that the three nations will be given
to Cyrus as a ransom ( )for Zion. In Isa. 45, the prophet steps
beyond 43:3 maintaining that Cyrus will do the work for Yhwh even
without being paid. For this reason, the profit of Egypt, Kush and Seba
will be transferred to Zion; she will receive the tribute of foreigners. If
this reading is correct, the tribute description of 45:14 is a parallel to
the Cyrus-texts, and is less clearly related to 18:7.205 In 45:14 (cf. also
Isa. 60:317), many nations bring their wealth to Zion and not specifi-
cally to Yhwh living in Zion as in 18:7. This concern with Zion and its
people rather than Yhwh or the king in Jerusalem distinguishes Isa.
45:14 (and Isa. 60:317) from 18:7.
The relationship between Isa. 18:7 and Ps. 68:30 is more signifi-
cant. The verse division of Ps. 68:2930 in MT is probably erroneous,
and one should read as so you have
done to us from your temple in Jerusalem.206 Ps. 68:30b, parallel to Isa.
18:7, may be an independent sentence: let the kings bring tribute to
201
For , see Ps. 5:8; 138:2. Cf. Isa. 44:17.
202
For , cf. Isa. 45:6; 46:9; 47:8, 10; Zeph. 2:12.
203
For details, see H.-J. Hermisson, Deuterojesaja. 45,849,13 (BK, 11/2), Neu-
kirchen-Vluyn 2003, 3138.
204
God will subdue the nations before Cyrus (v. 1), he will level the hills (v. 2), he
will give Cyrus the hidden treasures (( )v. 3), and engird him, so that all the
nations of the earth may know that Yhwh is God alone (v. 6).
205
Cf. also Blenkinsopp, 311.
206
For a detailed discussion of this verse, see the commentaries.
the analysis of isaiah 18 187
you. But it may also form a causal relationship with the former lines:
Because ( ) = you have done this to us (. . .), kings will bring
tribute to you. The appearance of the rare word in Ps. 68:30 (cf.
Ps. 76:12) and the description of the Kushites and Egyptians bringing
tribute to Yhwh in 68:32 may point to a close relationship with Isa.
18:7.207
A text clearly influenced by Isa. 18:1.7 is Zeph. 3:10:208 From beyond
the rivers of Kush, my suppliants, the daughter of my dispersed ones,
will bring tribute.209 The sense of this sentence is modified insofar as
it describes tribute brought to Jerusalem by Jews. However, the expres-
sion is most likely a gloss (as often noted). By the time Zeph.
3:10 was composed, Isa. 18:7 was part of the present collection. It is
even possible that Zeph. 3:9 was formulated in view of Isa. 19:18.
To sum up, the texts mentioning the tribute of the nations to Jerusa-
lem do not all reflect a similar theology. In one case, the nations come
to serve Zion and contribute their wealth to the well-being of the city
(Isa. 45:14). Secondly, the tribute of foreigners is brought to Yhwh,
or his king in Zion (Ps. 68:30; Zeph. 3:10), an idea which is close to
Near Eastern cultic and royal theology. The tribute scene so promi-
nent in the second half of the book of Isaiah, which puts the people of
Zion at the centre, is probably a later development of this cultic and
royal theology. This development is similar to the process by which
the same author (Deutero-Isaiah) also adapted the language of former
royal oracles to address the people of Zion in a way that was formerly
typical for addressing a king (cf. PPANE 69 ii 57; 82 iii 2425).
207
It is also possible that the metaphors in Ps. 68:31 refer to Egyptians and their
expansionary policy in Canaan. The term is particularly suitable for Egypt
of the Delta marshes (cf. M.E. Tate, Psalms 51100 [WBC, 20], Dallas, TX 1990, 183).
Egypt is the , beautiful heifer in Jer. 46:20, and its mercenaries
, fatted calves in Jer. 46:21.
208
Kissane, 208, and Berges, 162, suggest that Isa. 18:7 was built on Zeph. 3:10. But
Zeph. 3:10 obviously combines Isa. 18:1 and 7, as noted by Wildberger, 695; Blenkin-
sopp, 311; L. Perlitt, Die Propheten Nahum, Habakuk, Zephanja (ATD, 25), Gttingen
2004, 140.
209
Note , , and as a synonym of .
188 chapter four
210
Allusions to Egypt in 7:18; 10:20, 24, 26; 11:11, 15, 16; 23:5; 27:12, 13 and to
Egypt and Kush in 11:11 are beyond the scope of the present discussion.
211
Isa. 20 will be discussed below.
212
Wildberger, 1150; Clements, 243; J. Barthel, Prophetenwort und Geschichte: Die
Jesajaberlieferung in Jes 68 und 2831 (FAT, 19), Tbingen 1997, 278.
the analysis of isaiah 18 189
213
Cf. Hayes & Irvine, 33839; J.K. Hoffmeier, Egypt As an Arm of Flesh: A Pro-
phetic Response, in: A. Gileadi (ed.), Israels Apostasy and Restoration: Essays in
Honor of Ronald K. Harrison, Grand Rapids, MI 1988, 8889.
214
Tanis was the second capital, a northern Thebes during the 21st and 22nd
Dynasties. Hanes ( )is often connected to Heracleopolis Magna (ht-nn-nswt) or
Heracleopolis Parva (hn-n-stnj, Assyrian h inini) (cf. Wildberger, 115455). Kitchen
suggests that is the transcription of the Egyptian hwt-nswt, the palace of the
king (Hanes, NBD 504). It is more likely, however, that the messengers arrive at
one city rather than multiple locations. is phonetically close to the name of the
Egyptian god, H nsw (Khonsu), one of the most prominent deities of Zoan, to whom
Shoshenq V dedicated a great temple (M. Romer, Tanis, L 6.198, 202). During the
New Kingdom, Khonsu came to be known as Khonsu the advisor and especially as a
healing god of salvation and a helper in need (W. Helck, E. Otto, Kleines Wrterbuch
der gyptologie, Wiesbaden 1956, 76). The Isaianic text is concerned with looking for
advice ( ;30:1) and protection ( ;30:2). ( 30:1) may eventually also
refer to building political coalitions.
215
See B.U. Schipper, Wer War So, Knig von gypten (2 Kn 17,4), BN 92
(1998) 7184; K.A. Kitchen, Egyptian Interventions in the Levant in Iron Age II, in:
W.G. Dever, S. Gitin (eds), Symbiosis, Symbolism, and the Power of the Past: Canaan,
Ancient Israel, and Their Neighbors, from the Late Bronze Age through Roman Palaes-
tina, Winona Lake, IN 2003, 126.
216
R.G. Kratz, Israel in the Book of Isaiah, JSOT 31 (2006), 10328, argued that
the term Israel in the book of Isaiah only refered to the Northern Kingdom in texts
that explicitly deal with Samaria as a threat to Judah. But Kratzs very selective use
of scholarly literature on Isaiah (and relying too often on the controversial study of
Becker) in dating the discussed passages makes most of his conclusions doubtful.
190 chapter four
217
Barth, Jesaja-Worte, 8384; Barthel, Prophetenwort, 44748; Y. Shemesh, Isaiah
31,5: The Lords Protecting Lameness, ZAW 115 (2003), 256.
218
Duhm, 231; Kaiser, 25152. For two different metaphors expressing the same
idea, cf. also Isa. 17:56; 18:4. A very similar picture of the deity appears in a prophecy
addressed to Esarhaddon (PPANE 80:310): I will stand [guard over you] (. . .) Like
a winged bird over its fledgling I will twitter above you, going around[d yo]u, sur-
rounding you. Like a faithful cub (a lion?; cf. Nissinens note a) I will run around in
your palace, sniffing out your enemies.
219
Cf. De Jong, Isaiah, 11822.
220
For in Isaiah, cf. 17:3, 9.
221
The anti-Israel Kehrversgedicht in 9:720, also emphasises the validity of previ-
ous pronouncements of doom (cf. the outstretched-hand motif in 31:3).
the analysis of isaiah 18 191
222
Duhm, 25859; Kaiser, 30615; Clements, 278. Duhm and Kaiser consider
37:2232 a further individual unit.
223
This metaphor may allude to breaking the royal power of Egypt. Note that the
Egyptian term king (nswt) means that of the reed (Hoffmeier, Arm of Flesh, 88).
The reed was also a symbol of Upper Egypt. On the other hand, the term broken
reed appears in Akkadian texts typifying the defeated enemy as qan kassu (K.L.
Younger, Assyrian Involvement in the Southern Levant at the End of the Eighth Cen-
tury B.C.E., in: A.G. Vaughn, A.E. Killebrew [eds], Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeol-
ogy: The First Temple Period [SBL.SS, 18], Atlanta, GA 2002, 258).
224
Isa. 37:7 probably refers to the news of the approaching Egypto-Kushite army
that would chase Sennacherib away.
192 chapter four
(cf. 37:14 and 37:1420). Such recognition would explain why Judah,
though allied with Egypt, will be saved, while Israel allied with Egypt
will be destroyed (2 Kgs 1718).225
As the texts above make it clear, the southern African neighbour
appears consistently in a negative light in two respects. Alliance with
Egypt represents a rebellion against Assyria, the vassal lord and the
agent of Yhwh, and thus indirectly against Yhwh himself.226 Egypt
was wrongly esteemed as a source of confidence, the power on which
Israel and Judah were tempted to rely. Egypt was believed to play
the role of Yhwh (Isa. 30:2; 31:1, 3; 36:6; cf. 2:22). Instead Isaiah
repeatedly emphasises quietness and trust in Yhwh ( hiphil /
hiphil in 7:14; / in 30:15) as the
only way to escape the disaster, a motif that returns in Isa. 18:4 as
well.227 The prophecies in 30:117 and 31:13 predict doom to Israel
and Judah in the first instance, but they also hint at the destruction of
Egypt (cf. 30:3, 5; 31:3). The case with Isa. 18 is presumably similar,
with a reversed emphasis.
The alliance with Kush and Egypt against Assyria seems to provide
the most fitting background for Isa. 18. The picture of the emissaries
sent from the land beyond the rivers of Kush evokes a rather concrete,
real life situation personally experienced by the prophet, an experi-
ence that recalls Isa. 14:32 to mind. In this situation, the prophet may
have been asked for a prophecy by political leaders about to attend a
summit. The attitude of Yhwh in 18:45 is a pertinent message point-
ing right at the hesitant heart of Judahs precipitate political attitude.
The future holds no secrets for those who trust Egypt. When every-
thing looks so perfect, when time is ripe, Yhwh will intervene with
surprising power and destroy both the helper and those helped.228 In
225
A combination of a negative deed and a positive Hezekiah-image also appears in
Isa. 39. According to Isa. 9:12 Israels collapse was caused not so much by its depraved
morality but by its repeated rejection of prophetic summons to return to God.
226
Cf. , ( 30:1) as treaty terminology in Hayes & Irvine, 33839. Such
unethical political behaviour is also rejected by Isa. 33:8 and Ezek. 17. Cf. J. Blenkin-
sopp, The Prophetic Biography of Isaiah, in: E. Blum (ed.), Mincha. Festgabe fr Rolf
Rendtorff zum 75. Geburtstag, Neukirchen-Vluyn 2000, 22; Cs. Balogh, He Filled
Zion with Justice and Righteousness: The Composition of Isaiah 33, Bib. 89 (2008),
48586.
227
Cf. H.W. Hoffmann, Die Intention der Verkndigung Jesajas (BZAW, 136), Ber-
lin 1974, 73; Hyland Lavik, Isaiah 18, 146.
228
Contrary to Dillmann, 167; Clements, 165; Dietrich, Politik, 130; Blenkinsopp,
310, I doubt that Isa. 18 would propagate a policy of neutrality.
the analysis of isaiah 18 193
229
Dating Isa. 18 based on its present context (Sweeney, 25657, 260; Wildberger,
690) is misleading, so far as this context is secondary.
194 chapter four
230
The Khorsabad Annals of Sargon (lns 5357) and the Great Display Inscription
(lns 2527) mention Ree, the turtannu of the unnamed king of Egypt, as a promi-
nent figure (cf. A. Fuchs, Die Inschriften Sargons II. aus Khorsabad, Gttingen 1994).
However, several reliefs in Room V of Sargons palace at Khorsabad give evidence of
significant Kushite involvement. On Slab 2 Lower Register, Nubians defend the border
city Raphia. On Slab 4 Lower Register, a Nubian warrior (Ree?) faces two Assyrian
soldiers (Sargon and his eunuch?). For the iconographic material, see N. Franklin,
The Room V Reliefs at Dur-Sharrukin and Sargon IIs Western Campaigns, TA 21
(1994), 25575, esp. 26467; J.E. Reade, Sargons Campaigns of 720, 716, and 715 bc:
Evidence from the Sculptures, JNES 35 (1976), 99102; N. Naaman, The Historical
Background to the Conquest of Samaria (720 bc), Bib. 71 (1990), 218 n. 37. Slab 5
Lower Register depicts the siege of Gibbeton in northern Philistia, apparently also
defended by Nubians. Cf. Reade, Sargons Campaigns, 95104; K.L. Younger, Recent
Study on Sargon II, King of Assyria: Implications for Biblical Studies, in: M.W. Chav-
alas et al. (eds), Mesopotamia and the Bible: Comparative Explorations, Grand Rapids,
MI 2002, 293, 316.
231
In Nimrud Inscription ln. 8, originating from 717 or early 716 (Fuchs, Annalen,
83; K.L. Younger, The Nimrud Inscription, COS 2.118I), Sargon is called muakni
mt Yadu a aaru rqu, the subduer of Judah, which lies far away (COS 2.118I).
Roberts is probably right, however, that this title for Sargon does not imply an actual
campaign against Judah. Cf. J.J.M. Roberts, Egypt, Assyria, Isaiah, and the Ashdod
Affair: An Alternative Proposal, in: A.G. Vaughn, A.E. Killebrew (eds), Jerusalem in
Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period (SBL.SS, 18), Atlanta, GA 2002, 271;
contra M.A. Sweeney, Sargons Threat against Jerusalem in Isaiah 10,2732, Bib. 75
(1994), 45770.
the analysis of isaiah 18 195
232
Cf. Sargons Nineveh Prism fragments 1668+ IV lns 2533 in A. Fuchs, Die
Annalen des Jahres 711 v. Chr. nach Prismenfragmenten aus Ninive und Assur (SAAS,
8), Helsinki 1998, 4446, 7274; Younger, Recent Study, 31314. On another occa-
sion, the rebellious Lower Egyptian prince seeks the help of Taharka by sending mes-
sengers to him (cf. Borger, BIWA, 211, 213).
233
For discussions of the troubled history of Egypts Third Intermediate Period in
general, including Shabatakas era, see, e.g. J. Yoyotte, Les principauts du Delta au
temps de lanarchie libyenne, Mmoires publies par les membres de lInstitut Franais
dArchologie Orientale du Caire 66 (1961), 12181; M.L. Bierbrier, Genealogy and
Chronology of the Late New Kingdom (c. 1300664 bc), London 1975; F.J. Yurco, The
Shabaka-Shebitku Coregency and the Supposed Second Campaign of Seennacherib
against Judah: A Critical Assessment, JBL 110 (1991), 3545; J.K. Hoffmeier, Egypts
Role in the Events of 701 bc in Jerusalem, in: A.G. Vaughn, A.E. Killebrew (eds),
Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period (SBL.SS, 18), Atlanta,
GA 2002, 21934; K.A. Kitchen, The Third Intermediate Period, London 21986; L.
Trk, The Kingdom of Kush: Handbook of the Napatan-Meroitic Civilisation (HO,
1/31), Leiden 1997; D.B. Redford, A Note on the Chronology of Dynasty 25 and the
Inscription of Sargon II at Tang-i Var, Or. 68 (1999), 5860; J. Taylor, The Third
Intermediate Period (1069664 bc), in: I. Shaw (ed.), The Oxford History of Ancient
Egypt, Oxford 2000, 33068; R.G. Morkot, The Black Pharaohs: Egypts Nubian Rulers,
London 2000; D. Kahn, The Inscription of Sargon II at Tang-i Var and the Chronol-
ogy of Dynasty 25, Or. 70 (2001), 118. Cf. 5.3.
234
Trk, Kush, 170.
196 chapter four
235
Cf. G. Frame, The Inscription of Sargon II at Tang-i Var, Or. 68 (1999), 3157.
Ln. 20 reads m-pa-ta-ku-[u] ar mt Meluh h a, Shabataka, king of Meluhha (Kush).
Based on this inscription, Kahn presents a detailed case for dating the ascension year
of Shabataka to 707/706 and excludes co-regency with Shabaka (cf. D. Kahn, Tang-i
Var, 118). It is interesting to note, however, that Yamanis hiding place from where
he is brought to Assyria appears in the Great Display Inscription and the Display
Inscription of Room XIV as (ana) it mt Musri a pt mt Meluh h a, the neighbour-
hood of Egypt, which is bordered on Meluhha. The Tang-i Var Inscription has ana
pt mt Meluh h a, to the border of Meluhha. This ar mt Meluh h a identified with
Shabataka in the Tang-i Var Inscription appears to live in Upper Egypt and not in
Memphis, which was presumably the centre where Shabaka reigned by this time.
236
Contra Kahn, Tang-i Var, 8.
237
Hezekiah pushed the Philistines back to Gaza and captured some of their cities.
The kings of Ashdod, Ekron (Padi) and Gaza had been loyal to Assyria, so Hezekiahs
actions may have been directed against those unwilling to participate in the rebellion
(cf. Isa. 7). It is likely that Padi was handed over to Hezekiah in order to save the city
Ekron from the Judean king, otherwise the imprisonment of Padi in Jerusalem rather
than in Ekron with the other pro-Assyrians (mentioned by Sennacherib) is difficult to
explain. Some of the 46 cities that Sennacherib took away from Hezekiah, giving them
to his loyal vassals, may have been among those previously conquered by Judah.
238
For Hezekiahs active role, see A. Spalinger, The Foreign Policy of Egypt Preced-
ing the Assyrian Conquest, Cd 53 (1978), 35; Younger, Assyrian Involvement, 253;
Roberts, Egypt, 272; contra Hoffmeier, Egypts Role, 23334; S. Dalley, Recent Evi-
dence from Assyrian Sources for Judaean History from Uzziah to Manasseh, JSOT 28
(2004), 39398. The Assyrian sculptures of the siege of Lachish in 701 apparently also
illustrate Nubians punished by the Assyrians. Dalley, Evidence, 391; cf. K.A. Kitchen,
Egypt, the Levant and Assyria in 701 BC, in: M. Grg (ed.), Fontes atque pontes: Eine
Festgabe fr Hellmut Brunner (AT, 5), Wiesbaden 1983, 24849.
the analysis of isaiah 18 197
239
Cf. also Schipper, Israel, 2067.
240
Most versions read arrni(lugal.me-ni) mt Mus(u)ri, kings of Egypt. The
sg. ar, king (appearing on the Taylor Prism) is a scribal error. The king of Meluhha
(sg.) refers to the Kushite pharaoh, Shabataka, who was absent in the battle (unlike
what Spalinger claims, Foreign Policy, 39 n. 3). The text refers further to mr
arrni Musuraya, Egyptian princes, taken captive by Sennacherib. Note that one
of Sennacheribs relatives by marriage is uanqu, an Egyptian name popular in the
22nd and 23rd Dynasties (H.-U. Onasch, Die assyrischen Eroberungen gyptens [AT,
27], Bd. 1, Wiesbaden 1994, 15). He is h atnu arri, the kings son-in-law (less likely
brother-in-law), perhaps one of the Egyptian princes taken captive at Eltekeh and
married later to Sennacheribs daughter. It is known that the rulers of the Libyan
Dynasties often named their children after the grandfather (K.-H. Priese, Der Beginn
der kuschitischen Herrschaft in gypten, ZS 98 [1970], 19). This means that usanqu
might have been the (eldest?) son of Osorkon IV, grandchild of Shoshenq V.
241
BAL, 6768; COS 2.119B. For detailed discussion of the third campaign, see Gal-
lagher, Campaign, 91142; Younger, Assyrian Involvement, 24662.
198 chapter four
beetle, pushing the dung ball (symbolising the sun) between its fore-
legs (cf. Figure 1).242 Six bullae are known to contain this impression,
which according to Robert Deutsch, go back to more than one royal
seal. Two other bullae with the same inscription preserved another
related Egyptian symbol, the two winged sun-disk with two ankh
signs. Four-winged beetles and two-winged sun-disks243 appear on a
large number of jar handles containing the inscription , belong-
ing to the king. These so-called -jars are dated by archaeologists
to the late 8th century and supposedly functioned as storage jars of
Hezekiah on the eve of his war with Sennacherib.244
The Judaean religious and political connotations of these sym-
bols remain a matter of dispute, but it is most likely that they were
adopted as Egyptian motifs without foreign mediators.245 The ties with
Egypt were particularly strong on every level in the latter half of the
8th century. Hezekiah may not have imported the ideological back-
ground of the beetle symbol, but his choice for the scarab and the
242
On the scarab seal of Hezekiah, see F.M. Cross, King Hezekiahs Seal Bears
Phoenician Imagery, BArR 25.2 (1999), 4245, 60; Idem, A Bulla of Hezekiah, King
of Judah, in: P.H. Williams, T. Hiebert (eds), Realia Dei: Essays in Archaeology and
Biblical Interpretation in Honor of Edward F. Campbell, Jr. at His Retirement, Atlanta,
GA 1999, 6166; M. Lubetski, King Hezekiahs Seal Revisited: Small Object Reflects
Big Geopolitics, BArR 27.4 (2001), 4451, 59; R. Deutsch, Lasting Impressions: New
Bullae Reveal Egyptian-Style Emblems on Judahs Royal Seals, BArR 28.4 (2002),
4251, 60, 62. The winged scarab seal impression on Figure 1 is currently held in the
Shlomo Moussaieff collection in London. The picture and the drawing are adapted
from BArR 25.2 (1999), 4243, and are republished here with the kind permission of
Dr. Robert Deutsch, author of the drawing.
243
The image is sometimes erroneously identified as a flying scroll (cf. discussion
in Deutsch, Impressions, 4950).
244
D. Ussishkin, Lachish, NEAEHL 3.909; A. Mazar, Archaeology and the Land of
the Bible: 10.000586 bce, New York 1992, 45558; J.A. Balkely, J.W. Hardin, South-
western Judah in the Late Eighth Century bce, BASOR 326 (2002), 1213.
245
In accordance with Lubetski and in contrast to Cross. Lubetski also argues that,
by adopting the scarab symbol by which the pharaoh expressed his rule over Upper
and Lower Egypt, Hezekiah presents himself as king of Judah and Israel (Beetlema-
nia, 2426). This is not likely, however. Note that Hezekiah is explicitly called king
of Judah on the scarab seal impressions. Detaching Judah from king in the upper
part of the bulla, as Luebetski argues, would seem an unnecessary distortion (cf. also
Deutsch, Impressions, 50). While the scarab can be considered a royal symbol, the
specific Egyptian design of monarchy, as consisting of two countries, is not inherent
to the symbol itself. The beetle symbol also appears on a seal of Manasseh, son of
the king, most likely the son of Hezekiah. Four-winged beetle stamps were used by
various individuals in Judah: e.g., a certain Ahimelek living around 701 bc (Ussishkin,
Lachish, 909), and another official called Shaphat (Mazar, Archaeology, 507). The
winged beetle is also attested beyond the borders of Judah in Israel, Phoenicia and
Amon.
the analysis of isaiah 18 199
246
In agreement with O. Keel, C. Uehlinger, Gods, Goddesses and Images of God in
Ancient Israel, Minneapolis, MN 1992, 259; contra Deutsch, Impressions, 5051.
247
Another royal symbol of Assyrian origin, the eight-petalled rosette appearing on
Judaean royal jars dating from the 7th century bc, betrays the Assyrian influence on
the Judaean kings owning these rosette jars. Chemical analysis has shown that these
jars were made in the same production centre as the lmlk-jars. Cf. J.M. Cahill, Royal
Rosettes: Fit for a King, BArR 23.5 (1997), 4857, 68.
200 chapter four
The final verse of the prophecy does not contain much historical
information. The claim of v. 7 is, as argued, theological in the first
instance. The idea of bringing tributes could, however, be historicised
as describing the relation between the Egypto-Kushites of the 7th cen-
tury and Assyria, the instrument through which Yhwh established his
worldwide rule. I shall argue for such a case in my following discussion
of Isa. 19. The motif of tribute brought to Jerusalem by foreigners may
be compared to the Assyrian kings tribute scenes on royal inscrip-
tions. But Isa. 18:7 can also function as an ahistorical pronouncement
well-attested to in other passages from Near Eastern literature, such
as Erra and Ishum, the Marduk prophecy, or the Dynastic prophecy
mentioned above.
As we have seen above, this original intention of Isa. 18 came to
be modified when the editors inserted the prophecy into its present
literary context. On this new location the prophecy dealing primarily
with the Kushito-Egyptian alliance in the time of Hezekiah of Judah
was reinterpreted as a text concerned with the causes of the collapse
of Israels kingdom.
248
The / in Isa. 3:1 recalls the support of Egypt and Kush described
with similar terms in Isa. 30:15; 31:1 ( ;)36:6 ().
202 chapter four
4.5 Conclusion
249
Note the prominence of the theme in the late pre-exilic Zeph. 1.
the analysis of isaiah 18 203
Isa. 19 bears the title: the Egypt pronouncement. Its Egypt related
message is clear, as is also for the most part the Hebrew text of the
prophecy. However, two crucial verses have given rise to a great deal
of controversy. First, , which appears in most Massoretic
manuscripts at 19:18 is most often considered an erroneous variant
of or . Second, a significant translational problem
is caused by the phrase in 19:23. From a lexi-
cal point of view, the most obvious meaning of this phrase is Egypt
will serve Assyria. It is assumed, however, that this translation does
not suit the context of the salvation prophecy in which it occurs, and
scholars generally render this phrase as Egypt will serve Yhwh with
Assyria. Both issues have far-reaching implications for understanding
the prophecy, its theological concept, as well as the historical back-
ground of the text.
From a literary critical point of view, Isa. 19 is considered a text
composed over a long period. Scholars observe a break between vv.
115 and 1625, but closer analysis of both pericopes makes the liter-
ary integrity of either of them questionable. In 19:115, the thematic
divergence of vv. 510 is said to distort the literary structure of the
poem. As for 19:1625, opinions differ on how many stages of devel-
opment one should distinguish in the formation of this pericope.
Theologically speaking, 19:115(1617) is regarded as a prophecy
of doom against Egypt, while 19:1825 is believed to pronounce sal-
vation for this nation. The function of this message of judgment is
debated, and scholars vacillate between considering 19:115 a learned
theological treatise and a prophecy delivered as implicit warning for
Israelites or Judeans relying on the support of Egypt against Assyria.
In the opinion of some scholars, the salvation prophecy in 19:1825
is an unparalleled utterance in the Old Testament. Others compare its
universalist theology to texts of the Persian or Hellenistic period.
While a few exegetes find nothing in 19:115 that would contradict
Isaianic authorship and an 8th century setting, others bewail the lack
206 chapter five
1
See GKC 67dd; BL 58t; Young, 2.17 n. 10; cf. Gen. 17:11; Judg. 5:5.
2
Isa. 24:1 | , to lay waste; 24:3 niphal | ni, to be plundered; Jer. 51:2 piel.
3
Nah. 2:3 | , to ruin, to destroy.
4
For the literal sense, see Gen. 41:7, 24; Exod. 7:12; 15:12; Jon. 2:1. For the meta-
phorical meaning, see Job 20:15, 18; Ps. 124:3; Prov. 1:12.
5
, piel to ruin (Lam. 2:5; cf. 2 Sam. 20:20 hiphil), , hiphil to cause to
die (2 Sam. 20:19), , to break down (Lam. 2:2).
6
Cf. Lam. 2:5 (, palace), 2:8 (he restrained not his hand ). See also
Hos. 8:8, where Israel is compared to a useless vessel, suggesting that in niphal
means here to be destroyed in the manner of a useless clay vessel (cf. Jer. 19:11), and
not to be swallowed up (contra NRSV, NASB, NIV).
210 chapter five
7
Lev. 19:31; 20:6, 27; Deut. 18:11; 1 Sam. 28:3, 9; 2 Kgs 21:6; 23:24; 2 Chron. 33:6;
Isa. 8:19; 19:3. appears separately in 1 Sam. 28:7, 8; 1 Chron. 10:13; Isa. 29:4.
8
J. Ebach, U. Rterswrden, Unterweltsbeschwrung im Alten Testament, UF 9
(1977), 5770; UF 12 (1980), 20520; J. Tropper, Spirit of the Dead, DDD 8069.
9
The necromancer is called and ( 1 Sam. 28:7; Deut. 18:11; cf.
1 Chron. 10:13; Ezek. 21:26 [)] . The connection with Hittite a-a-p, ritual
pit argued by H.A. Hoffner, Second Millennium Antecedents to the Hebrew b, JBL
86 (1967), 385401, is questionable.
10
Exod. 34:15; Lev. 17:7; Judg. 2:17; 8:33; Ezek. 6:9; etc.
11
Gen. 35:2; Josh. 24:14, 23; Judg. 10:16; 1 Sam. 7:3.
12
For examples, see HALOT ( I). Tropper compared to the Sumer-
ian l gidim.ma, lit. man of the spirit of the dead, and the Akkadian a etemmi,
one of the spirit of the dead (Spirit of the Dead, 808). It is better, however, to relate
the Sumerian and Akkadian expressions to Hebrew constructions like ,
or .
the analysis of isaiah 19 211
13
One of the Egyptian techniques of oracular inquiry was to address questions
to the statue of the divinity. The priests answered the questions of the inquirer from
inside the statue or from a secret chamber, but it was the statue that was believed to
have spoken (L. Kkosy, Orakel, L 4.6006).
14
Cf. Tropper, Spirit of the Dead, 807.
15
Deut. 23:16; 32:30; Josh. 20:5; 1 Sam. 17:46; etc. Cf. Eshmunazors inscription
(KAI 14:21): wysgrnm hlnm hqdm t mmlkt dr ml bnm lqstnm, may the holy gods
deliver them to a mighty king, who will rule over them to destroy them. Cf. Gray, 325;
J.C. Greenfield, Scripture and Inscription: The Literary Rhetorical Element in Some
Early Phoenician Inscriptions, in: S.M. Paul et al. (eds.), Al Kanfei Yonah: Collected
Studies of Jonas C. Greenfield on Semitic Philology, Leiden 2001, 71416.
16
Cf. thskrhm bydy, you must surrender them into my hands (KAI 224:2); yhskr
lbry, he must surrender (them) to my son (KAI 224:3); , I closed up
the man (DJPA 378). Cf. also Akkadian sekrum (sakrum), to shut off (CDA 320).
17
GKC 53p; WO 27.4c and n. 30 on p. 445.
18
Gesenius, 610.
212 chapter five
19
The meaning of was not recognised by the versions. LXX left the word untrans-
lated (so also ). translates ( cf. Isa. 38:14) and not .
20
See also Jewish Babylonian Aramaic , to become degenerated / diminished
(DJBA 339). In Isa. 38:14, derives from a different verb. Cf. Syriac dl, to lift up
(CSD 92; G.R. Driver, Linguistic and Textual Problems: Isaiah ixxxix, JTS 38 [1937],
47). in Isa. 38:14 has further parallels in Jewish Babylonian Aramaic.
The verb derives from and not ( should be corrected to ) , cognate
to Aramaic , to lift up (b. Yom. 87a: , he raised up his eyes and
saw him; b. BQam. 117a: , raise my eyelids up for me).
21
P.J. Calderone, The Rivers of Masor , Bib. 42 (1961), 42332 (channels of
rock or cataracts); H. Tawil, The Historicity of 2 Kings 19:24 (= Isaiah 37:25): The
Problem of yer msr, JNES 41 (1982), 197200 (mount Musri [Jebel Bashiqah]).
The Assyrian texts which Tawil refers to in support of his thesis allude to agricultural
activity in the region of Jebel Bashiqah, while 2 Kgs 19:24 (bringing in connec-
tion with the Assyrians) presupposes military activity.
22
Mic. 7:12 (LXX, Vulg., Syr., Targ.); Isa. 19:6 (Vulg., Syr., Targ.); 37:25 (Vulg., Syr.).
the analysis of isaiah 19 213
k-k . 1Q Isaa has with a larger space before this word, indi-
cating the beginning of a new sentence. The subject of is seem-
ingly not as in MT, but of v. 7. However, this reading
makes no sense of . MT has further support in 4QIsab. LXX
has . The word , marsh,
meadow corresponds to ( cf. Isa. 33:9). The final from was
attached to of v. 7 ( ).
The verb appears only once more in Isa. 33:9 in the phrase
. Syriac qml means to become mouldy (CSD 508) and Ara-
maic qml appears in the Sefire inscription, as a plant disease (KAI
222A:31). Arabic qamila refers to a disease affecting plants after rain.
Akkadian qummlu (qummnu, qummru) appears both as a skin
complaint (a kind of rash) and a disease affecting grain and fruit
(CAD q 305). In view of these cognates, is rendered as to become
mouldy.
23
Vulg.; BDB 788; Ibn Ezra, 88; Gesenius, 61011.
24
N. Herz, Isaiah 19, 7, OLZ 15 (1912), 49697. See also T.W. Thacker, A Note
on , JTS 34 (1933), 164; Y. Muchiki, Egyptian Proper Names and Loanwords
in North-West Semitic (SBL.DS, 173), Atlanta, GA 1999, 25253. For Egyptian r see
WS 1.208. Cf. also Egyptian r.t reed pen; stalk of a plant, flower; branch of a tree
(WS 1.208, CDME 45) and Akkadian aru, eru, haru, branch or frond of (palm)
trees; stalk of a plant (cf. artu, foliage, branches; CDA 25).
25
lw is translated pondweed in CSD 238, and Wasserlinse by I. Lw, Aramische
Pflanzennamen, Leipzig 1881, 23538.
26
is translated by Chilton as the greater part of the river will
dry up (B. Chilton, The Isaiah Targum, Edinburgh 1987, 38). However, is the
suffixed form of , fenugreek or flax. Cf. Lw, Pflanzennamen, 317; DTTM
145556.
214 chapter five
27
as plant is known from the Samaritan Targum of Gen. 1:11, 12 (
/) and Deut. 32:2 ( / ) . Note also Egyptian -r / -r-ja,
bean (Pap. Harris i 55b.7; W. Helck, Die Beziehungen gyptens zu Vorderasien im 3.
und 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr., Wiesbaden 1962, 553), jwrjt, bean (WS 1.56), Demotic
wr, chick-pea (Greek / ; KHw 275), Coptic ur / ar, bean (KHw 11,
275; cf. West Chadic *ar-, vegetable in HSED 15). Ugaritic ur designates some kind
of vegetable serving as food (paralleled by blt, and gml; cf. DLU 47). See also Akka-
dian ur, aromatics (herbs) (AHw 1436; CDA 427).
From other reasons, Herz argued that like , on its second appearance
in Isa. 19:7 means fruit, relating with of 2 Kgs 4:39 and Isa. 26:19 (Herz,
Isaiah 19, 7, 49697). However, ( LXX), the pl. of / ( A.E. Rthy,
Die Pflanze und ihre Teile im biblisch-hebrischen Sprachgebrauch, Bern 1942, 38),
probably designates a specific kind of plant and not herbage (I. Lw, Die Flora der
Juden, Bd. 2, Leipzig 1881, 228). B. Yom. 18b identifies with ( DTTM 33).
was a plant with berries, which explains its confusion with in the story
of 2 Kgs 4:39.
28
translates . Cf. , (Exod. 7:24).
29
Chilton translated as rock (Chilton, Isaiah Targum, 38). may mean,
however, shore, border (DTTM 635; Josh. 3:15; 4:18; Jdg 7:12; 1 Sam. 13:5; Isa. 8:7;
27:12; Jer. 46:6; Ezek. 47:6). Cf. Akkadian kappu, edge, bank (CDA 147).
30
Cf. Akkadian hirtu, canal (see also Muchiki, Proper Names, 23334).
31
Cf. ( lip, edge, border), attested as ( Gen. 41:3, 17). appears
with ( Exod. 2:3), ( Deut. 2:36), ( Gen. 22:17), the bronze sea (1 Kgs 7:23;
cf. in v. 31). For , cf. Akkadian p in p nri the mouth of a river (AHw 2:874),
, the mouth of the Nile in Herodotus, Hist. ii 154, 155.
Israelit-Groll related to Egyptian p-jtrw, the Nile. She believes that in
Isaiahs time jtrw was a general designation for waters, rivers and arms of the Nile.
Isaiah knew that if one referred to the Nile one had to add the definite article p. Cf.
the analysis of isaiah 19 215
S. Israelit-Groll, The Egyptian Background to Isaiah 19.18 in: M. Lubetski et al. (eds),
Boundaries of the Ancient Near Eastern World: A Tribute to Cyrus H. Gordon (JSOT.
S, 273), Sheffield 1998, 3003. However, of the almost 50 verses containing , Isa.
19:7 would be the only one where the assumed Egyptian definite article appears.
is the general (only?) designation for the Nile in the Bible, with or without the defi-
nite article. It is noteworthy that when loaned into Hebrew, Egyptian proper names
and geographical names originally containing definite articles (p or t) were always
written in contracted form ( / p-t-rsj). Cf. Muchiki, Proper Names, entries p
and t.
32
Herz, Isaiah 19, 7, 497. Cf. Isa. 51:20; Ezek. 31:15; Amos 8:13; Jon. 4:8.
33
A. Guillaume, A Note on Isaiah xix. 7, JThS 14 (1963), 382.
34
Cf. in Ps. 133:2, where may specify , a func-
tion that beside may also possess. Note also Isa. 23:4:
.
35
Cf. Akk. bt mrei. Chiltons a place where they sow (Isaiah Targum, 38) is
imprecise.
36
Akkadian zru means both seed and sown land (CDA 446; cf. also Isa. 23:3).
37
Cf. Lw, Pflanzennamen, 2.233.
216 chapter five
38
Penna, 184; Wildberger, 701.
For the form of , cf. KS 254e; GKC 86i; BL 62d.
39
40
Note the fishermen in 19:8 and in 19:10.
41
Cf. Isa. 24:6 with in 1QIsaa instead of , as in MT. However, as a
derivate of can be defended in this context (see E.Y. Kutscher, Language and
Linguistic Background of the Isaiah Scroll (1 Q Isaa), Leiden 1974, 23435).
the analysis of isaiah 19 217
weavers will grow pale. This latter variant is adopted here with some
hesitation.
10 r-r . Connecting it to , to drink, Jerome (inrigua eius)
treats as a technical term referring to Egypts irrigation system.
He considered the parallel a phonetic variant of , dam. The
Syr. reformulates the verse as wntmkkwn kl dbdyn kr lmty dnp, all
those preparing beer as drink for someone will be humiliated.
is not translated directly, but it is echoed in lmty, which is a transla-
tion for both and ( see below).
Others take their lead from LXX ( ) and Targ. Isa. (cf.
) , and consider a derivate of , to weave, relating
v. 10 to v. 9.42 This would require reading or
, appar-
ently a qal part. fem. pl. Since the fem. form is incompatible with the
masc. part. , Eitan believed was an Egyptian word (cf.
Coptic tit, weaver).43 However, v. 10a obviously introduces a new
idea, addressing a group of Egypts society different from the one
addressed in v. 9.
most likely derives from and means her pillars. The
related verb is also used with , a synonym of in Job 4:19.
In v. 13, the leaders of Egypt are called , the cornerstones
of her tribes. , another synonym of , is also used figuratively of
people (cf. Ps. 11:3?). forms a parallelism with , those
working for wages (see below), providing a description of the entire
Egyptian society, from top to bottom (cf. 19:15).
s-s . LXX () and Syr. (kr) read , some kind of
intoxicating drink. Vulg. and Targ. Isa. recall Egypts famous water-
engineering skills.44
appears further only in Prov. 11:18 with the meaning wage,
reward. It may thus be identical with the more frequent . For
the syntagmatic construction , one may note Prov. 11:18: the
wicked works for false earnings () , but the one who
sows righteousness (works for) a true reward (). is com-
parable to in Isa. 19:10. Prov. 11:18 may use elliptically,
42
HALOT; I. Eitan, An Egyptian Loanword in Is 19, JQR 15 (19241925), 41920;
Wildberger, 702. appears in Lev. 13:48ff, designating some kind of textile.
43
KHw 333; Eitan, Egyptian Loanword, 419.
44
Cf. qui faciebant lacunas, those building pools (?) and , those build-
ing dams (cf. I, and in DTTM 993 and DJPA 378).
218 chapter five
45
, or rather would have to follow in that case. Exceptions
are few and of a different character (cf. WO 14.3.1b).
46
Driver, Problems, 40. Cf. Targ. Isa. rendering and the
Syr. h kym dmlkyn lprwn, the wise men who advise the pharaoh [a stupid counsel].
47
Wildberger, 702.
48
I.e. the wise men (of the pharaoh) and the counsellors of the pharaoh. For
, cf. ( Prov. 9:3), ( Ezek. 6:11),
, ( Ps. 132:3), ( Ps. 26:8). Cf. Ibn Ezra, 89.
49
Significant examples are: ( 1 Sam. 9:21), ( 1
Chron. 9:13). Cf. also , the wisest of her princesses (Judg. 5:29) and
see further GKC 133h; Dillmann, 174; WO 14.3.3b.
the analysis of isaiah 19 219
50
Cf. H.-P. Sthli, , THAT 1.751.
51
L. Ruppert, , ThWAT 3.75051; R. Bergmeier, Zum Ausdruck in
Ps. 1:1, Hi 10:3, 21:6 und 22:18, ZAW 79 (1967), 229. However, cf. the more cautious
view of J. Worrell, : Counsel or Council at Qumran?, VT 20 (1970), 6974.
52
In Ps. 1:1 stands for, plan, advise (contra Bergmeier, , 229
32).
53
Ruth 4:4; Job 11:6; Isa. 41:22, 23, 26 (cf. Eccl. 8:7; 10:14; Isa. 40:21).
54
See ( Judg. 20:2) and ( 1 Sam. 14:38). Cf. Zech. 10:4.
220 chapter five
55
H. Donner, Israel unter den Vlkern: Die Stellung der klassischen Propheten des
8. Jahrhunderts zur Aussenpolitik der Knige von Israel und Juda (VT.S, 11), Leiden
1964, 7273.
56
B. Ockinga, r wznb kipph wagmn in Jes 9,13 und 19,15, BN 10 (1979), 31.
57
Exod. 6:14, 25; Num. 1:2, 16; 4:2; Isa. 7:8, 9; Mic. 3:1. Cf.
(Isa. 1:6).
58
Isa. 9:14, a text generally considered a gloss, interprets as referring to
elders and dignitaries and the prophet respectively.
59
Israelit-Groll, Egyptian Background, 301.
60
Ockinga, r wznb, 3233. Cf. WS 1:263.
the analysis of isaiah 19 221
61
A different etymology is, however, also possible. Cf. Akkadian agammu, marsh,
swamp (Sumerian loanword [a g a m ]), Jewish Palestinian and Babylonian Aramaic
, and Syriac gm with the same meaning.
62
For an uncertain Akkadian cognate, see kup, reed thicket (?) (CDA 168).
63
Cf. Akkadian kippatu, tendril, twining stem (CDA 159). Cf. Job 8:16 (also using
instead of ;cf. Job 14:79; 18:16; Ps. 52:810; Ezek. 17:810; Hos. 14:57).
64
GKC 80h, 95d; cf. Duhm, 144. Note also in Num. 11:20 and in Ezek.
36:5. 1QIsaa has and several other manuscripts .
65
, ring, circle is used to translate in LXX (cf. Job 22:14; Isa. 40:22).
66
Cf. A. Penna, La Volgata e il manoscritto 1QIsa, Bib 38 (1957), 383; VL 45657.
In his Isaiah-commentary Jerome writes: . . . festivitate in hebraico legitur agga, quod
interpretari potest et festivitas, unde et Aggeus in festivum vertitur et timor . . .
67
yh gh was translated as to go around, to take refuge, or to encircle (cf. KAI).
222 chapter five
68
Driver, Textual Problems, 46.
69
GKC 143b assumes refers to Egypt, but is not likely the subject of
( every one that mentions it [Judah] to it [Egypt], it [Egypt!] is afraid . . .).
70
Cf. Wildberger, 728: jedesmal wenn einer es vor ihnen erwhnt. does
not have such a temporal sense (certainly not without ). Cf. also Gray, 332; Knig,
203; Ehrlich, 72; Procksch, 250; Kaiser, 85. Grays argument relies on in Isa.
2:14, but there it means all of that which.
71
Cf. ( in six manuscripts), , , . Though
these examples represent isolated readings, they may support or confute reading or
in case of / .
72
Gesenius, 629. A. Baruq, Lontopolis, DBS 15.368 mentions 15 manuscripts.
the analysis of isaiah 19 223
73
Cf. Tg. Isa.: , the city of Beth Shemesh, which
is destined to be destroyed ( / ;) Codex Sinaiticus: ; b. Men. 110a;
Pesikta De-Rab Kahana 7:5; Pesikta Rabbati 17:4. The five cities are identified in the
Pesiktas as Alexandria, Memphis, Tachpanes, and .
is said to be Heliopolis and is identified as , which is the Hebrew
name for Ostracine, a place in the north-eastern Delta. This identification actually
supports the reading ( and not ), which is a literal translation of
(, earthenware, potsherd; cf. Jer. 19:2 and LXX Judg. 1:35). The identification
of the city with Ostracine may have been known to Jerome, for when commenting on
Isa. 19:18, he proposed civitas ostracinen as an alternative translation to civitas solis.
See also note 101 below.
74
Dillmann, 177; Penna, 18990; A. Feuillet, Un sommet religieux de lAncien
Testament: Loracle dIsae xix (vv. 1625) sur la conversion de lEgypte, in: tudes
dexgse et de thologie biblique. Ancien Testament, Paris 1975, 266; Fohrer, 1.213;
Clements, 171; B. Wodecki, The Heights of Religious Universalism in Is xix: 1625,
in: K.D. Schunk et al. (eds), Lasset uns Brcken bauen, Frankfurt 1998, 173.
75
Cf. Gray, 334; Fischer, 144; Kissane, 219.
76
A. van Hoonacker, Deux passages obscurs dans le chap. 19 dIsae (vv. 11.18),
RBn 36 (1924), 303.
224 chapter five
77
Cf. S.H. Steckoll, The Qumran Sect in Relation to the Temple of Leontopolis,
RdQ 6 (1967), 5569, esp. 62, 6768; R. Hayward, The Jewish Temple at Leontopo-
lis: A Reconsideration, in: G. Vermes, J. Neusner (eds), Essays in Honour of Yigael
Yadin (= JJS 33 [1982]), 44142; see also J.E. Taylor, A Second Temple in Egypt: The
Evidence for the Zadokite Temple of Onias, JSJ 29 (1998), 31114. The connection
between Qumran and Leontopolis is rejected by M. Delcor, Le temple dOnias en
gypte, RB 75 (1968), 19699; R. de Vaux, Post-Scriptum to Matthias Delcor, Le
temple dOnias en gypte, RB 75 (1968), 188203, RB 75 (1968), 2045.
78
Rowley has also argued for the identification of the Teacher of Righteousness
with Onias III (The Zadokite Fragments and the Dead Sea Scrolls, Oxford 1952, 67),
but his theory was questioned by others.
79
Steckoll, Temple, 6768.
80
The Jewish apologete from Egypt, Artapanus, cited by Eusebius, attributed the
building of the temple at Leontopolis to Syrians, who arrived with the family of Jacob
in Egypt (Eusebius, Prep. Ev. ix 23). The city of the sanctuary in CD 12:12 in the
mysterious land of Damascus may refer to Leontopolis. Egyptian Jewish papyri men-
tion Syrian villages (like Arsinoe) in Egypt (cf. A. Kasher, The Jews of Hellenistic and
Roman Egypt: The Struggle for Equal Rights, Tbingen 1985, 14446).
81
Cf. also my note on in Isa. 19:20 and in Isa. 20:6, two readings, which
reveal the Egyptian connections and attitude of the author of 1QIsaa.
the analysis of isaiah 19 225
82
Gesenius, 635; Marti, 157; A. van der Kooij, Die Alten Textzeugen des Jesajabuches:
Ein Beitrag zur Textgeschichte des Alten Testaments (OBO, 35), Gttingen 1981, 55.
83
Gray, 335; Van Hoonacker, 111; Idem, Deux passages, 3036; I.L. Seeligmann,
The Septuagint Version of Isaiah: A Discussion of Its Problems (MVEOL, 9), Leiden
1948, 68; W. Vogels, Lgypte mon peupleLuniversalisme dIs 19, 1625, Bib. 57
(1976), 5023; Kaiser, 88; Feuillet, Sommet, 266; J.F.A. Sawyer, Blessed Be My Peo-
ple, Egypt (Isaiah 19.25): The Context and Meaning of a Remarkable Passage, in: J.D.
Martin et al. (eds), A Word in Season: Essays in Honour of William McKane (JSOT.S,
42), Sheffield 1986, 62; A. Deissler, Der Volk und Land berschreitende Gottesbund
der Endzeit nach Jes 19,1625, in: F. Hahn et al. (eds), ZionOrt der Begegnung: Fest-
schrift fr Laurentius Klein zur Vollendung des 65. Lebensjahres, Bodenheim 1993, 15.
84
Delcor, Temple, 201.
85
Van der Kooij, Textzeugen, 55.
86
L. Monsengwo-Pasinya, Isae XIX 1625 et universalisme dans la LXX, in: J.A.
Emerton (ed.), Congress Volume: Salamanca 1983 (VT.S, 36), Leiden 1985, 201.
226 chapter five
name of the city.87 Disregarding the textual variants for the Greek ver-
sion, the problem is that one would expect here a transliterated
as well, which was also part of the name of the city. The name of the
city is not , but , as clear from the formulation
.88
It is not only curious that has not survived in any manu-
script or other ancient translations, but even is not a
uniformly attested variant of the LXX manuscripts. Ziegler gives the
variants (ms. 301), but even more important is Codex Sinaiti-
cus reading . The double (conflated) reading is here
clearly distinguishable, but the provenance of is unclear. Detailed
studies on transcriptions in LXX revealed that misspellings in trans-
literations are very common. As Burkitt put it, of all the corruptions
in LXX none is commoner than the misreading of transliterations.89
This evidence should advise more vigilance when reconstructing the
Hebrew Vorlage of a geographical name attested in LXX.
Ephrem working with the Syriac version and Eusebius commenting
on the Greek of Isa. 19:18 arrived at the retroversion ( not ),
corresponding to in Greek. Burkitt regarded to be a mis-
spelling for , (city of ) mercy.90 Vaccari argued that was
a corrupted form of .91
In my view, could be the earlier Greek reading, which presup-
poses either or in the Hebrew original. may stand for
both and . The Greek text presupposes two further changes com-
pared to the Hebrew: the substitution of with , and the interchange
of the root consonants /, both of which are common spelling errors,92
87
A. van der Kooij, The Old-Greek of Isaiah 19:1625: Translation and Interpreta-
tion, in: C.E. Cox (ed.), VI Congress of the International Organisation for Septuagint
and Cognate Studies: Jerusalem 1986 (SBL.SCS, 23), Atlanta, GA 1987, 137.
88
Cf. the Greek names Leontopolis, Heliopolis, etc.
89
F.C. Burkitt, On Isaiah xix 18., JTS 1 (1900), 569. See especially F. Wutz, Die
Transkriptionen von der Septuaginta bis zu Hieronymus, Stuttgart 1933.
90
Burkitt, Isaiah xix 18, 569. See also T.K. Cheyne, Heres, the city of, EB 2.2018;
Fischer, 144; Baruq, Lontopolis, 15.36869.
91
A. Vaccari, . Isa. 19, 18, Bib. 2 (1921), 35356; also Wutz, Tran-
skriptionen, 43, 17778. The idea that might have been a corrupted form of
was noted long ago by Qimchi (mentioned by Procksch, 251).
92
In the book of Isaiah, there are about twenty cases where and were substituted
(Vaccari, , 35455; see further also Wutz, Transkritpionen, 19396, 37093; F.
Delitzsch, Die Lese- und Schreibfehler im Alten Testament, Berlin 1920, 1056).
the analysis of isaiah 19 227
93
E.g., in Isa. 16:7 was transliterated as (the was taken to be a
, ) . In Jer. 31:31, 36 (MT 48:31, 36) is transcribed as .
For the interchange of root consonants, see ( ) in Judg. 2:9,
which appears as in Josh. 19:50 (, also in the Greek text after
MT Josh. 21:42) and 24:30 (v. 31 in LXX ).
94
Cf. Cheyne, Heres, 2.2018; Burkitt, Isaiah xix 18, 569. Cf. LXX Mic. 7:20. Gese-
nius, 625, ascribes the form to Origenes. Its formal similarity with might
explain its wider popularity.
95
Van der Kooij, Textzeugen, 28788.
96
F. Field, Origenis Hexaplorum que supersunt sive veterum interpretum graecorum
in totum Vetus Testamentum fragmenta, vol. 2, 1875, 463. See further Ibn Ezra, Qim-
chi (in Slotki, 91); Alexander, 35859; Knig, 2034; Fischer, 144; Motyer, 168.
97
Cf. altars (Judg. 6:25; 1 Kgs 18:30; 19:10, 14), idols (Exod. 23:24), houses (Prov.
14:1), cities (2 Sam. 11:25; 2 Kgs 3:25; 1 Chron. 20:1; Prov. 11:11; Isa. 14:17; Ezek.
36:35; Mic. 5:10), city walls (Jer. 50:15; Ezek. 26:4, 12; 30:4).
98
Barthlemy, 149; De Waard, 88.
228 chapter five
99
Gray, 336; Dillmann, 17778; Oswalt, 378; Barthlemy, 149.
100
Cheyne, 120; Barthlemy, 150.
101
Even Sym. remains a question, since his (cf. Josh 15:10 LXX) is
different from , the usual way to translate the Egyptian in LXX. The
connection with Heliopolis seems to appear for the first time in Jeromes commentary
on Dan. 11:14, where he shows an awareness of both readings, ( Heliopolis) and
( they shall fall to ruin, for both temple and city shall be afterwards destroyed ).
Cf. S.A. McKinion, Isaiah 139 (The Ancient Christian Commentary on the Scripture:
Old Testament, 10), Leicester 2004, 144. The Isaiah commentary of Cyril of Alexan-
dria locates Onias temple to Rhinocolura, near Wadi-el-Arish.
the analysis of isaiah 19 229
complicated. The real salvation for Egypt comes only after v. 21, that
is after Yhwh turns to Egypt.
To conclude, the reading goes back to a very old tradition.
Indeed, as the note below will hopefully make it clear, this was most
likely the more ancient variant for Isa. 19:18. The reason for correct-
ing to might have been to remove a negative reference in
a context considered to be a positive prophecy about Egypts conver-
sion to Yhwh102 and to substitute the hapax legomenon with the
relatively well-known . At the same time, it cannot be excluded
that the development > was a copyists error, but one that
appeared very early in the history of the Isaianic text.
d-d
. Discussions of Isa. 19:18 concentrate on .
is almost unanimously rendered as one of them will be
called. The problem with this translation is that the other four cities
mentioned in this passage are left out of consideration. Why is only
the name of one city mentioned and the four others left anonymous?
Although commentators assign little significance to this phrase, it
holds, in my view, the key to the interpretation of v. 18.
Translating as one of them will be called is only one
option, and it even seems to be the wrong one. The meaning of ,
to be told to someone, to be called is clear.103 But occurrences of
/ with the preposition must be distinguished from
occurrences without , as the meaning varies according to the syn-
tagmatic construction.
102
Cf. Motyer, 168 n. 2 and see the exegesis.
103
Num. 23:23; Josh. 2:2; Ps. 87:5 (not of Zion); Isa. 4:3; 32:5; 61:6; 62:4; Jer. 4:11;
Hos. 2:1; Zeph. 3:16. Cf. the semantically similar niphal imperf. in Gen. 2:23;
21:12; Prov. 16:21; Isa. 1:26; 32:5; 35:8; 62:4, 12; etc.
230 chapter five
in Deut. 28:55 means anyone of them, i.e. the fellows of a certain Isra-
elite. In Ezek. 46:17, means anyone of his servants. As
for cases with a determined meaning, in some texts /
refers to one specific person from a group, like , one
of the servants of David (2 Sam. 1:15), or , one
of the (sons of the) prophets (2 Kgs 9:1).104
104
There are many examples where + are found without the preposition
and which follow the same pattern as the one outlined here, i.e. the meaning is either
anyone of , or one of (Gen. 2:21; 3:22; etc.). Note also that the preposition can
be substituted by a constructive relationship: ( Gen. 26:10) is the same as
* .
105
The preposition is included in Syr Isa. 19:18: wh d mnhyn hrs ttqr, and one of
them will be called hrs. Similar is also Targ. Isa.: , one of them.
106
/ can have a similar sense as above without the preposition ( Exod.
36:30; Judg. 8:18; 2 Kgs 15:20). In a few cases should be translated differently
(cf. 1 Kgs 3:25; Eccl. 4:11; 7:27; Isa. 27:12; Zech. 11:17).
107
Dillmann, 177, and Procksch, 250, refer to Bredekamp, who thought could
have a partitive meaning, each one. They reject his suggestion arguing that five cities
cannot bear a single name. However, if the name is not geographical but symbolic
the analysis of isaiah 19 231
21 f-f
. A preposition is expected after :
*( cf. Josh. 22:27; Isa. 43:23). The case with in v. 23 is
different and cannot be taken as a parallel example.112 It is highly prob-
able that is an Aramaism here, corresponding to Hebrew ,
which is used in similar contexts.113
(city of destruction / ruin), this counter-argument loses its force (cf. Isa. 48:2, where
different persons are called by one symbolic name). Gray gave a short but unsatisfac-
tory assessment of the translation each one of them, rejecting it with the motivation
that in cases where one seems to have such a meaning . . . the distributive idea is sug-
gested by repetition, or by a distributive preposition, or by the context (Gray, 334).
The repetitive use of / forms a different group which I did not include to
support my arguments. Cases with distributive preposition ( )are likewise a differ-
ent case, as seen above. The subjective nature of Grays third argument, the context,
makes any explanation possible. Van Hoonacker, Deux passages, 306, also follows
the translation each one of them, though not entering into details.
108
Cf. the Vulg.; the Syr.; Targ. Isa.; Gesenius, 656; Dillmann, 178; Oswalt, 373.
109
Duhm, 146; Marti, 157; Gray, 340; Kissane, 214; Kaiser, 86; Wildberger, 729.
110
So Wildberger, 729; Wodecki, Heights, 176.
111
Cf. Hayward, Jewish Temple, 44041. Cf. also textual note 18 c-c above.
112
Contra Alexander, 362; Dillmann, 179.
113
Exod. 10:25; Num. 15:3, 8; Josh. 22:23; 1 Kgs 12:27; 2 Kgs 5:17; 10:24; Jer. 33:18
(cf. Gesenius, 656; Ehrlich, 72). See the Aramaic bdn hm qrb, they are preparing a
sacrifice (DNWSI 811), or the syntactically and lexically even closer Egyptian Aramaic
text mnh h wlbwnh wlwh l bdw bgwr zk, meal-offering, incense and sacrifice they
do not offer in that temple (DNWSI 811), or wqn twr nz mqlw l ytbd tmh, sheep,
oxen, goats will not be offered as burnt offering there (DNWSI 815). LXX probably
understood the text this way ( ; Van der Kooij, Old-Greek, 143).
232 chapter five
22 g-g
. Several versions render the noun
instead of the inf.114 1QIsaa has a niphal 3rd pers. pl. instead of
the qal inf. . LXX paraphrases (*
). However, other examples indicate that the text found in MT
is more reliable, both in terms of syntax and meaning. The we-qatal
verbal form is followed here by two infinitives. The second infinitive
( )is constructed in semantic antithesis to the first, as in similar
examples in Gen. 8:7 ( ) and Joel 2:26 (
;cf. 1 Kgs 20:37; Jer. 12:17). is not the verbal companion to
the inf. , i.e. it is not the smiting that will bring healing.115
114
The LXX , the Vulg. plaga, the Syr. mh wt, and Targ. Isa. .
115
Contra Wildberger, 727: schlagen mit heilendem Schlag, and 743: es ist ein
Schlagen, das weh tut und zugleich zur Heilung fhrt; similarly also Kaiser, 86.
116
Ibn Ezra, 91; A. Schenker, Jesaja 19,1625: die Endzeit Israels rekapituliert
seine Ursprnge, in: A. Schenker (ed.), Studien zu Propheten und Religionsgeschichte
(SBAB, 36), Stuttgart 2003, 89; Sweeney, 270.
117
In Job 36:11, which is sometimes compared to Isa. 19:25 (Gesenius, 65657),
appears without an object and in relation to God. Nevertheless, in the phrase
the verb does not seem to have the sense to serve (Yhwh),
but it is synonymous to , to listen; to obey. This comes close to the usual sense
of intransitive , namely to work (cf. H. Ringgren, , ThWAT 5.988), to per-
form (cf. Num. 4:26). The sense of Job 36:11 is that if they listen to what was told
and perform what was requested, they will complete their days in prosperity. has
nothing to do with serving God in a cultic sense, or with Isa. 19:23.
the analysis of isaiah 19 233
(someone) and not to serve with. A third argument that makes the
translation to serve Yhwh together unlikely is that is not in itself
a cultic term. One has to disagree with Wildberger that the meaning
of would have undergone an evolution from a transitive general
to an intransitive cultic meaning.118 The cultic aspect needs to be made
explicit. Especially in a context in which the world power, Assyria, is
mentioned, the author would certainly be expected to include clearer
indications of any possible cultic connotation. Indeed, had this verse
not appeared in the context of a salvation prophecy, hardly anyone
would strive to show that referred to the cultic
service of Yhwh. The analysis below will argue that the context can
also be interpreted in a different manner.
Hayes and Irvine make use of a different translation for ,
understanding in terms of to work together rather than to wor-
ship (in a cultic sense).119 Although can mean to work, is
not generally used in such a context. definitely cannot mean to
co-operate, to trade, a meaning that they propose for its occurrence
in v. 23.
118
Wildberger, 744. The noun that Wildberger uses as a paradigm, assuming
that its sense evolved to designate the service of Yhwh, is not an appropriate analogy.
( like )does not mean the service of Yhwh alone (cf. Gen. 29:27; 30:26;
Exod. 1:14). It simply means service, the nature of which is clarified by the context.
119
Hayes & Irvine, 266.
120
Duhm, 147; Procksch, 254; Clements, 172. Cf. in the LXX.
121
Alexander, 365; Sawyer, Blessed, 61; Deissler, Gottesbund, 8.
122
Cf. Gen. 13:6 (masc. ;)Isa. 18:2 ( . . . ;)37:11, 12; 66:8; Ezek. 21:24.
123
Procksch, 254. Cf. Gen. 27:41; Deut. 33:1.
234 chapter five
j-j
. LXX translates my people which is
in Egypt and in Assyria.124 was dismissed by the Greek text.
The Syr. and Targ. Isa. agree with LXX in that they also see this verse
as a promise addressing Israel in the diaspora and not the nations.
5.2.1 Verses 14
1a The Egypt-pronouncement
1b Look! Yhwh is riding on a swift cloud
1c and comes to Egypt.
1d And the idols of Egypt will tremble in front of him,
1e and the heart of Egypt will melt in its inside.
2a And I shall stir up Egypt against Egypt
2b and they will fight,
2c each against his brother, and each against his neighbour,
2d city against city, kingdom against kingdom.
3a And the spirit of Egypt will be broken in its inside,
3b and its plan I shall destroy.
3c And they will inquire by the idols, and by the ittm-spirits,
3d and by the b-spirits, and by the yiddn-spirits.
4a And I shall deliver Egypt into the hand of a tough master,
4b and a powerful king will rule over them,
4c utterance of the lord Yhwh of hosts.
This prophecy chiefly concerned with Egypt differs from Isa. 18 in its
form as well as its content. The name appears not less than 26
times in Isa. 19 (once as ).125 Though it cannot be excluded that in
19:115, alludes to all of Egypt, the two cities mentioned, Tanis
( in 19:11, 13) and Memphis ( in 19:13), are located in the Delta.
In 19:1, God steps off his throne and is on the move.126 The cloud,
serving as Yhwhs chariot (cf. Ps. 18:1011; 68:5;127 104:3) is not
124
means in Assyria not among the Assyrians, as Van der Kooij
translates (Van der Kooij, Old-Greek, 151; see Brenton; cf. Tob. 14:4 [S]; Hos. 8:13;
9:3; Amos 3:9). See on the other hand in Isa. 19:24.
125
The dispersion of in the first (vv. 115) and second (vv. 1625) half of
the chapter is balanced. As a comparison, the name of Moab appears 16 times in Isa.
1516 and 34 times in Jer. 48.
126
Judg. 5; 2 Sam. 22:716; Ps. 68:78; Isa. 30:2728; Mic. 1:24; Hab. 3:314.
127
For cf. Gen. 41:43; 1 Kgs 22:35. is probably a phonetic variant of
Ugaritic rpt, cloud. Based on Judg. 5:4 and Isa. 40:3, Green argued that interpreting
in Ps. 68:5 as desert would also make sense (A.R.W. Green, The Storm-God
the analysis of isaiah 19 235
standing still as in Isa. 18:4 but moving swiftly (), towards Egypt.
Exegetes often point to the Canaanite origin of the imagery in v. 1.
One of the frequent titles of Baal is the rider of the clouds (rkb rpt).128
It should however be noted that, in Ugaritic, rkb rpt is a title for Baal,
often used parallel with his other names, unlike in the Bible, where
riding on a cloud is a theophany element, appearing with other poetical
pictures, like stepping on the mountain hills, riding on the winds, etc.129
From a strategical and military point of view Egypt was located on
favourable territory, being guarded by sea and desert from all pow-
ers of the East and these natural barriers may have given the country
an enhanced feeling of security (cf. Nah. 3:8). Nevertheless, Isa. 19:1b
proclaims that the God of Israel arrives on the clouds and enters the
land without obstacles. Egypts decline begins not by outside interven-
tion of an Asiatic country, but from within as a result of the confusion
caused in the divine and human world by Yhwh. Recalling the time
during the ten plagues when Yhwh brought judgment on all the gods
of Egypt (Exod. 12:12), Egypts gods again tremble in front of him.
The name given the gods of Egypt reflects their feebleness: ,
the noughts, the vanities. , also appearing in Isa. 2:8, 18, 20
(31:7) and 10:11,130 is a theologically loaded term presenting foreign
gods as powerless, falling short of every characteristic of a real divinity.
According to Ps. 96:5 (| 1 Chron. 16:26), there is a clear discrepancy
between of Israel, who is in the heaven, and man-made and
hand-made , who cannot help and are not worthy of their name.131
Like their gods, Egypts inhabitants will lose their courage when
Yhwh arrives in Egypt. Their heart melts ( )in fear, their courage
in the Ancient Near East [BJS, 8], Winona Lake, IN 2003, 240, n. 91). However, the
pl. of appears only in geographical constructions like ( Jer. 52:8);
( Num. 22:1).
128
rkb rpt appears 16 times in the Ugaritic texts. On this title for Baal, cf. N. Wyatt,
The Titles of the Ugaritic Storm-God, UF 24 (1992), 420.
129
This imagery is also attested elsewhere in the Near East. Cf. Enuma Elish iv
5051; K. Tallqvist, Akkadische Gtterepitheta (StOr, 7), Helsinki 1938, 175; M. Wein-
feld, Rider of the Clouds and Gatherer of the Clouds , JANES 5 (1973), 42225. In
the Ugaritic context, rkb rpt apparently refers to Baal as the god of natural phenom-
ena, particularly the master of the rainy season (M.C.A. Korpel, A Rift in the Clouds:
Ugaritic and Hebrew Descriptions of the Divine, Mnster 1990, 598). This aspect is
important for Isa. 19:57.
130
Cf. Lev. 19:4; 26:1; 1 Chron. 16:26 (| Ps. 96:5); Ps. 97:7; Ezek. 30:13; Hab. 2:18.
Ezek. 30:13 was inspired by Isa. 19. In Isa. 10:10, means vanity. When used in
connection with gods, appears always in plural.
131
Contrast Isa. 36:1920 and 37:12 with Isa. 10:11, two apparently related texts
with and interchanged.
236 chapter five
132
The verb also has this sense in Deut. 1:28; 20:8; Josh. 2:11; 5:1; 7:5; 2 Sam.
17:10; Ps. 22:15; Isa. 13:7; Ezek. 21:12; Nah. 2:11.
133
Nimrud Prism iv 44. Cf. C.J. Gadd, Inscribed Prisms of Sargon II from Nim-
rud, Iraq 16 (1954), 19192. The same inscription states that the Cypriots hearts
palpitated, fright fell upon them (iv 35). Cf. also FHN 1.9:30.
134
LXX interpreted as the Hebrew term for Egyptian nomes. For adminis-
trative divisions, Hebrew has ( 1 Kgs 4:13), ( Neh. 3:9), ( frequent, only
in late texts). may allude to areas with a king as leader.
135
Cf. Judg. 7:22; 9:23; 1 Sam. 14:20; 2 Kgs 3:23; 2 Chron. 15:6; Ezek. 38:21; Hag.
2:21; Zech. 14:13. See also Mt. 10:21; 12:25; 24:7.
136
Cf. W.H. Hallo, Akkadian Apocalypses, IEJ 16 (1966), 23142; R. Borger, Gott
Marduk und Gott-Knig ulgi als Propheten: Zwei prophetische Texte, BibOr 28
(1971), 324; T. Longman III, Fictional Akkadian Autobiography: A Generic and Com-
parative Study, Winona Lake, IN 1991, 16778. In Babylon, these compositions show
significant similarities with omen-literature (A.K. Grayson, W.G. Lambert, Akkadian
Prophecies, JCS 18 [1964], 7). Some of these predictive texts were recovered from
omen text archives, probably belonging to libraries of magicians (cf. H. Hunger, S.A.
Kaufman, A New Akkadian Prophecy Text, JAOS 95 [1975], 371, 373). This kind of
predictive literature is also known in Egypt. Cf. N. Shupak, Egyptian Prophecy and
Biblical Prophecy: Did the Phenomenon of Prophecy in the Biblical Sense, Exist in
Ancient Egypt?, JEOL 31 (19891990), 541. Egyptian scholars (hartib) and scribes
(a.ba.me) were present at the Assyrian court in the 7th century (SAA 7 1 rev. i 12ii 7),
explaining why there is such a close relationship between these literary types.
137
This text is variously dated between the 14th (Von Soden) and the early 7th cen-
the analysis of isaiah 19 237
tury (P.F. Gssmann Oesa, Das Era-Epos, Wrtzburg 1955, 89; cf. L. Cagni, Lepopea
di Erra [SS, 34], Roma 1969, 3745, esp. 44). Citations from this poem have been
found on wall inscriptions of Sargon II and Merodach-baladan II, testifying to its
popularity (S. Dalley, Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, The Flood, Gilgamesh, and
Others, Oxford 1989, 282).
138
tmtim probably alludes to mt tmti, the Sea-land, in the south.
139
The Akkadian text is constructed as a list of accusatives and nominatives (subarta
subartu aura auru [. . .] mtu mta etc.).
140
Text B 1516 (Grayson & Lambert, Prophecies, 1617). Cf. also ln. 26: kuss
kuss idarris, one throne will overthrow the other.
141
Cf. Grayson & Lambert, Prophecies, 1216; Longman, Autobiography, 15263,
24042.
142
Cf. Borger, Gott Marduk, 513, 1620; Longman, Autobiography, 13242,
23335; COS 1.149; and Text D of Grayson & Lambert, Prophecies, 22. The Marduk
prophecy possibly derives from the time of Nebuchadnezzar I (11251104; Borger,
Gott Marduk, 2122; Longman, Autobiography, 13839).
238 chapter five
143
See W. Schenkel, Sonst-Jetzt: Variationen eines literarischen Formelelements,
WO (1984), 5161; W. Westendorf, Einst-Jetzt-Einst: Oder: Die Rckkehr zum Uhr-
sprung, WO 17 (1986), 58; A. Blasius, B.U. Schipper, Apokalyptik und gypten?
Erkenntnisse und Perspektiven, A, 28694.
144
See Borger, Gott Marduk, 1415, 2021; Longman, Autobiography, 14246,
23637; and Text C in Grayson & Lambert, Prophecies, 1920.
145
E. Leichty, The Omen Series umma Izbu, Locust Valley 1970, 39.
146
This text is set in the 4th Dynasty, but scholars assume it was written between
19901960 bc. The single complete version dates from the 18th Dyn.
147
For / , cf. Ps. 20:5; 33:11; Prov. 19:21. For / , cf. Isa. 40:13. Cf.
also S. Tengstrm, , ThWAT 7.39798.
148
Compare Isa. 19:11; Jer. 18:18; 49:7 with 1 Kgs 12:8; Ezek. 7:26.
the analysis of isaiah 19 239
149
Kkosy, Orakel, 4.6006; J.F. Borghouts, Witchcraft, Magic, and Divination in
Ancient Egypt, CANE 3.177585; J.D. Currid, Ancient Egypt and the Old Testament,
Grand Rapids, MI 1997, 21928; Herodotus, Hist. ii 83.
150
L. Kkosy, Az kori Egyiptom trtnete s kultrja, Budapest 1998, 202.
151
Kkosy, Orakel, 4.603.
152
Currid, Ancient Egypt, 222.
153
Cf. 1 Sam. 28:5. The Hittite King Murshili requests dream information from
the storm-god by means of an oracle, prophecy, or incubation oracle (COS 1.60A rev.
4144).
154
According to The Admonitions of Ipuwer, the chaotic situation will lead Egyp-
tians to look for god, but the hot-tempered man says: If I knew where god is, then
I would serve him. In the description of a deep political crisis in Isa. 8, Yhwh is
said to have hidden his face from the house of Jacob (8:17). The prophet and his
sons, whose names have symbolic significance, are left as the only signs regarding the
divine will (8:18). Yet instead of looking at the signs, the people inquire of the dead
( ) on behalf of the living (8:19).
240 chapter five
155
Cf. in 1 Sam. 25:3; 2 Sam. 3:39; see Ezek. 21:36 ( ;) 30:11
( ;) 31:11 ( ;) Dan. 8:23 ( ;) etc. The theme is not typically
Isaianic, but it appears frequently in Isaiah in connection with Assyria, Babylon and
Media (5:2630; 8:7; 10:34; 13:11, 1718; 28:2; 30:27).
the analysis of isaiah 19 241
156
According to the Marduk prophecy (i 18ff ), akkan and Nisaba were forced to
leave and go to heaven after Marduk had cut off the nindab offering.
157
Grayson & Lambert, Prophecies, 1214; Longman, Autobiography, 24041. See
also the Marduk Prophecy iii 5-20 (Longman, Autobiography, 235).
158
Cf. Text B 2223 describing the arrival of Erra in the land, i.e. pestilence, famine,
and starvation (Grayson & Lambert, Prophecies, 1718).
159
Cf. in the Admonitions of Ipuwer (COS 1.42:11.111.6).
160
On the Famine Stele, god Khnum, the guardian of the caves of Elephantine,
which the Egyptians held to be the source of the Nile (cf. 5.2), is described as follows:
It is he who governs barley, [emmer], fowl and fish and all one lives on (COS 1.53:10).
242 chapter five
For cosmic catastrophe as the result of divinities leaving their dwelling places, see J.F.
Quack, Ein neuer prophetischer Text aus Tebtynis, A, 262.
161
The close parallel between Isa. 19:5 ( ) and Job
14:11 ( ) is striking. But the expressions and
are commonly used in reference to water (Isa. 42:15; 44:27; Jer. 50:38; 51:36; Nah. 1:4),
and there is nothing peculiar in this expression that would suggest that Isa. 19:5 cites
Job 14:11 (contra W. Werner, Studien zur alttestamentlichen Vorstellung vom Plan
Jahwes [BZAW, 173], Berlin 1986, 48).
162
Currid, Ancient Egypt, 24045.
163
Cf. the more detailed descriptions of Tyre and Egypt in Ezek. 2532, testifying to
a thorough knowledge of these countries. See also S. Ahituv, Egypt that Isaiah Knew,
in: I. Shirun-Grumach (ed.), Jerusalem Studies in Egyptology (AT, 40), Wiesbaden
1998, 37.
164
D. Bonneau, Nilgott, L 4.48687; Currid, Ancient Egypt, 24243.
165
B.B. Williams, Nile, Geography, ABD 4.1115.
166
Bonneau, Nilgott, 4.486.
167
FHN 1.26:9. See further Currid, Ancient Egypt, 243.
168
The Nile is low when Thutmosis III dies (Currid, Ancient Egypt, 244).
the analysis of isaiah 19 243
covered and does not shine for the people to see, no one can live when
the clouds cover (the sun) (cf. Isa. 19:1).
The river of Egypt is empty, one can cross the water on foot. One will
seek water for the ships to sail on. Its course has become a riverbank, a
riverbank will be water (?) (. . .) Perished indeed are those good things,
those fish ponds (where there were) those who clean fish, overflowing
with fish and fowl. All good things have passed away. The land is bur-
dened with misfortune because of those looking (?) for food, Asiatics
roaming the land. Foes have arisen in the east, Asiatics have descended
into Egypt (. . .) The land has perished, laws are destined for it, deprived
of produce, lacking in crops (. . .) (COS 1.45).169
When the Assyrian king boasts to have conquered Egypt, he maintains
that he dried up all the water channels of Egypt with his foot (
;Isa. 37:25 | 2 Kgs 19:24).170 In his prophecy on Egypt, possibly
alluding to Isa. 19 (cf. 5.3.1), Ezekiel combines the defeat of Egypt by
Nebuchadnezzar with the desiccation of the Nile (Ezek. 30:1012):
I shall put an end to the wealth ( ;cf. Ezek. 29:19) of Egypt through
King Nebuchadrezzar of Babylon. He together with his army, the most
ruthless of the nations () , will be brought to ravage the land
(. . .) I shall turn the river channels ( )into dry ground, and I shall
deliver the land into the hands of evil men (). I shall lay waste the
land and everything in it by the hands of strangers ().
In a prophecy directed against Babylon, likewise famous for its water
ways, Jer. 50:3537 connects the judgment on the Chaldaeans and its
princes (), wise men (), diviners (), warriors (), etc. with
the drying up of its waters (Jer. 50:38).171 Ps. 72; Isa. 15:19; 24:412;
33:78; Jer. 4:2329; 12:4; 23:10, and Hos. 4:3 give further evidence
how Israel believed that political order was reflected in and reinforced
by tributes from natural order. These examples may suffice to show
that chaos among the divinities, social disorder, foreign rule and natu-
ral disaster were seen as being interrelated.
169
See also H. Marlow, The Lament over the River NileIsaiah xix 510 in its
Wider Context, VT 57 (2007), 22942. On such events during the Ptolemaic era, see
L. Koenen, Die Apologie des Tpfers an Knig Amenophis oder das Tpferorakel,
A, 13987, esp. 144 [P2 2, 7; P3 13, 1819], 147 [P2 4347; P3 7279], 17279; Quack,
Ein neuer prophetischer Text aus Tebtynis, A, 25373, esp. 25657.
170
Contrast this with Deut. 11:10.
171
Note the wordplay in / . Cf. also Jer. 51:36
244 chapter five
172
Most commentators consider to refer to the Nile. This opinion is based on
the parallelism between and ( cf. Isa. 11:15). However, it is more likely that the
prophecy enumerates all water supplies of Egypt, including its sea(s) (the Delta lakes,
the Fayyum, the Yam Suph, etc.).
173
The verbs appear together in Job 14:11; Isa. 42:15; 44:27; Jer. 51:36;
Hos. 13:15; Nah. 1:4; cf. Jer. 50:38; Zech. 11:17 (read ).
174
For this terminology, cf. Isa. 2:9, 11, 17; 5:15; 7:20; 9:13, 15, 16; etc.
the analysis of isaiah 19 245
175
It should be noted, however, that the Egyptian sr is composed of two syllables
(cf. the Egyptian personal name p sr, transcribed into Akkadian as Pa-i-ia-ra), and is
reconstructed as *sayyaraw or *seyaro. I am indebted to Dr. Jaap van Dijk, for calling
my attention to this issue. For Egyptian sr as Frst, Herrscher, see WS 4.188. Cf.
also G.P.F. van den Boorn, The Duties of the Vizier: Civil Administration in the Early
New Kingdom, London 1988, 80, 20912.
176
WS 4.18990; Shupak, Egyptian Prophecy, 25.
177
Shupak, Egyptian Prophecy, 2528.
246 chapter five
178
The eastern origin of Neferti is made explicit in the Egyptian text: one belonging
to Bastet . . . a child of the Heliopolitan nome (COS 1.45).
179
Shupak, Egyptian Prophecy, 25 n. 46; Muchiki, Proper Names, 245.
appears in connection with foretelling the future. In Gen. 41:48, and
are expected to reveal the pharaohs dream. In contrast to Joseph, the Hebrew
prophet, they cannot decipher the significance of the dream-oracle (41:24).
appear as opponents of the prophet Moses (cf. Exod. 7:11 with , wise men and
, magicians; 7:22; 8:3, 14, 15; 9:11). Cf. also the Chaldaean in Dan.
1:20; 2:2, 10, 27; 4:4, 6; 5:11.
180
The Eloquent Peasant (COS 1.43); The Admonitions of Ipuwer (COS 1.42); The
Complaints of Khakheperre-Sonb (COS 1.44). Like Neferti, Khakheperre-sonb also
appears as a Heliopolitan priest (COS 1.42: recto 1; but he is called an wb-priest, as
also noted by Shupak, Egyptian Prophecy, 25). According to The Famine Stele (COS
1.53), on a similar occasion when the Nile failed to arrive in time for seven consecu-
tive years, King Djoser inquired after the causes by consulting the chief lector-priest
Imhotep (!).
181
Shupak, Egyptian Prophecy, 26. Cf. also The Instructions of Merikare (COS
1.35:69). For the connection between sages and prophecy, refer to Hos. 14:10 (cf.
Khakheperre-sonbs complaint in COS 1.44: verso 34).
182
For the rhetoric of the passage, cf. Isa. 47:1213; Jer. 8:8; 48:14; 49:7.
183
Shupaks translation in COS 1.45:26 suggests that an inability to foretell future
is mentioned in ln. 26 of Nefertis prophecy. However, the line I cannot foretell (sr)
what has not yet come, should be rendered I shall never foretell what is not to come
(so correctly Shupak, Egyptian Prophecy, 27).
the analysis of isaiah 19 247
cf. Hos. 14:10). In Isa. 19:11,13, the sages appear as foolish (), silly
( niphal), deceived ( niphal), misleading the people.
The rhetorical question addressed to Egypts wise men fits well into
Egyptian traditions, in particular the one associating prophecy with
high-ranking officials ( )and wise man (). makes
a great deal of sense in an Egyptian context. The family background of
an Egyptian sage holds the secret to his personality. The provenance of
sages is usually mentioned when their literary work is being presented.
in Isa. 19:11 can be translated in three ways. (1) First, may
mean ancient. An Egyptian prose narrative which deals with proph-
ecy, Papyrus Westcar, specifically refers to the ancient King Kheops
and the magicians. Hardedef, one of the sons of pharaoh Kheops,
appears in the Chester Beatty Papyrus IV as one of the eight famous
ancient sages, who foretold the future (cf. ).184 Following
this interpretation, v. 11 questions the boasting of Egypts sages who
claim to derive from eloquent families of ancient heritage. (2) Second,
may also be rendered as former (kings), the possible historical
significance of which I shall explore in 5.3.3. (3) Third, can also
have a geographical connotation, referring to the eastern Delta. The
advisors of Zoan present themselves as descendants of eastern kings.
Neferti, the famous sage, also originated from the east, from the Helio-
politan nome, as mentioned in his prophecy.185
Zoan ()186 is one of the Egyptian cities frequently mentioned in
the Old Testament (Num. 13:22; Ezek. 30:14). It is the city from where
the exodus originated (Ps. 78:12, 43),187 and to which Israel sent mes-
sengers (Isa. 30:4). It was a relatively young city, the capital of the 19th
184
Shupak, Egyptian Prophecy, 78. A similar tradition appears in Assyria where
the scholars of the royal court were seen as the successors of the mythical antediluvian
sages, the apkallu (M.J. de Jong, Isaiah among the Ancient Near Eastern Prophets: A
Comparative Study of the Earliest Stages of the Isaiah Tradition and the Neo-Assyrian
Prophecies [VT.S, 116], Leiden 2007, 317). The relation between and
is illuminated further by one of Assurbanipals texts, SAA 10 174:79:
Assur, in a dream, called the grandfather (Sennacherib) of the king, my lord (Assur-
banipal ), a sage (apkallu). The king, lord of kings (Assurbanipal), is an offspring of a
sage and Adapa (= the ancestor of all sages): you have surpassed the wisdom of the
Abyss and all scholarship.
185
The sages origin is also mentioned in The Eloquent Peasant (COS 1.43 r1).
186
Greek , Egyptian D nt, Assyrian Snu, today San el-Hagar. Cf. Num.
13:22. Zoan was formerly erroneously identified with Avaris and Pi-Ramesse. Cf.
W. Wycichl, gyptische Ortsnamen in der Bibel, ZS 76 (1940), 9193; M. Romer,
Tanis, L 6.19495.
187
, Egyptian sht D nt, the place where the sea was split (Ps. 78:13)?
248 chapter five
188
Romer, Tanis, 6.196. According to K.A. Kitchen, The Third Intermediate Period,
London 21986, 129, Shoshenq II, Osorkon II, Takeloth II and Shoshenq III were bur-
ied in Tanis, and there are major building works by Osorkon II, Takeloth II, Shoshenq
III and V.
189
Cf. Assur prism lns. 111 (A. Fuchs, Die Annalen des Jahres 711 v. Chr. nach
Prismenfragmenten aus Ninive und Assur [SAAS, 8], Helsinki 1998). Osorkon IVs
predecessor, Shoshenq V, was probably the king to whom the rebellious Philistine
Hanunu had fled. It was likely Shoshenq V or Osorkon IV who brought gifts to
Tiglath-pileser III as mentioned on three fragmentary Summary Inscriptions of the
Assyrian king (SI 8:2021; SI 9: rev. 2325; SI 13:12). Cf. H. Tadmor, The Inscrip-
tions of Tiglath-pileser III, King of Assyria, Jerusalem 1994; Kitchen, Period, 37274.
190
R.G. Morkot, The Black Pharaohs: Egypts Nubian Rulers, London 2000, 232,
274, 28485.
191
Egyptian Mn-nfr, Assyrian Mimpi or Mempi. In Hos. 9:6, the name of the city is
written as . For cf. Jer. 2:16; 44:1; 46:14, 19; Ezek. 30:13, 16.
192
The seat of Necho I was Sais (cf. Assurbanipals Prism A ii 1618).
193
Akkadian H ikuptah (EA 84:37; 139:8), Ugaritic H kpt (KTU 1.17 v 21).
the analysis of isaiah 19 249
The term may remind one of the sages and wisdom literature
for which Egypt was famous (1 Kgs 4:30). But as noted above, in Egypt
Egyptian wisdom sometimes implies a prophetic capability. Biblical
probably refers to prediction in Num. 24:14; Isa. 45:21; Jer. 38:15.
certainly has a political undertone as well, as in 2 Kgs 18:20; 2
Sam. 15:22; 16:23.
In Judg. 20:2 and 1 Sam. 14:38 is used for the chiefs of Isra-
els tribes.194 The term mentioned in Isa. 19:13 is of particular
interest. The Targ. Isa. understood this as a reference to the Egyptian
nomes, or administrative divisions, but both and may hint
at the Lybian-type structure of Egypts ruling society and its nomadic
background.
V. 14 reveals that Yhwh mingled ( )the spirit of perversion and
twisting in Egypt ( ; cf. 1 Kgs 22:1923; Isa. 28:7; 29:910).
is used in connection with drinking (Prov. 9:5; Isa. 5:22), a con-
text that fits the images of staggering and confusion in our proph-
ecy. The verb from which derives means to pervert, to
twist, likewise appearing in the context of wisdom (Prov. 12:8).
hiphil is semantically close to . The prophet reproaches the lead-
ers for leading Egypt astray (19:13, 14). They make Egypt stagger as a
drunken man (Job 12:25; Isa. 28:7), twisting its paths. A similar charge
is brought against Manasseh (2 Kgs 21:9 | 2 Chron. 33:9), leaders in
general (Isa. 3:12; 9:15; Jer. 50:6), or prophetic advisors (Jer. 23:13, 32;
Mic. 3:5).
V. 15 emphasises once again the failure of Egypt to undertake any-
thing. may be simply translated as to do anything.
does not refer to specific jobs that Egypt would not be able to
do, but it is probably a synonym of .195
refers to the leaders and to those being led (Deut. 28:13, 44;
Isa. 9:13). The parallelism of with suggests that
the two expressions refer to similar things. Eventually may des-
ignate the stalk as opposed to the leafage. If has anything to
194
Note also in Isa. 19:10 and in Isa. 31:9. Cf. in Gal 2:9. The
assumption of A. Niccacci, Isaiah xviiixx from an Egyptological Perspective, VT
48 (1998), 218, that alluded to the symbolic name of Memphis (Noph),
mht-twj, balance of the two lands, is not convincing.
195
Cf. and in 2 Sam. 16:20; 17:6; Isa. 5:19. For in the sense of ,
see J. Fichtner, Jahwes Plan in der Botschaft des Jesaja, in: Idem, Gottes Weisheit:
Gesammelte Studien zum Alten Testament, Stuttgart 1965, 29.
250 chapter five
196
Although the word appears in connection with sacrifices (Exod. 29:24;
Lev. 7:30), is void of ritual connotations in Isa. 19:16. The object of is not an
offering, but the hand of Yhwh (cf. 2 Kgs 5:11; Job 31:21; Isa. 10:32; 11:14; 13:2; Zech.
2:13). does not mean the waving of hands like with an offering, but simply
waving or lifting up (see Auvray, 191, in contrast to Fohrer, 1.229; Wildberger, 732;
Deissler, Gottesbund, 14).
197
See especially in 5:25; 9:11, 16, 20; 10:4; 14:26, 27; 23:11. For the parallel
sense of and , cf. Isa. 11:15 and Exod. 14:16, 21, 26, 27, or Isa. 10:32; 13:2 and
Josh. 8:19; Isa. 23:11. See further 5.3.2.
198
Cf. in Gen. 47:20. See H.H. Schmid, , THAT 1.58.
199
Cf. Deut. 29:28; 2 Kgs 17:23; 25:21; 2 Chron. 7:20; Ps. 137:4; Isa. 14:1, 2; Jer.
12:14; 16:15; 23:8; 27:10, 11; 52:27; Ezek. 34:13, 27; 36:17, 24; 37:14, 21; 39:26, 28;
Amos 7:11, 17; 9:15; Jon. 4:2; Zech. 2:16; 9:16. The most frequent idea is the exile of
Israel from its homeland () , in which the metaphor of uprooting recalls
the agricultural connotations of .
200
The distinction between homeland and foreign country is common in the
Ancient Near East. Cf. G. Steiner, Der Gegensatz eigenes Land, Ausland, Fremd-
land, Feindland in den Vorstellungen des Alten Orients, in: H.J. Nissen, J. Renger
(eds), Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn: Politische und kulturelle Wechselbeziehun-
the analysis of isaiah 19 251
5.2.5 Verse 18
18 On that day there will be five cities in the land of Egypt speaking the
language of Canaan and swearing to Yhwh of hosts. City of destruction
will be called each one of them.
Isa. 19:18 is generally regarded to be a salvation oracle on Egypt.
As mentioned in note 18 c-c above, it is for this reason that most
scholars uphold the reading instead of . As far as
this translation has become questionable from textual and semantic
points of view (cf. notes 18 c-c and d-d), it remains to be clarified how
, city of destruction fits its context.
Is v. 18 a salvation prophecy? If Isa. 19:18 is regarded (as it often is)
as an independent addition to 19:117 and 19:1925 (cf. 5.3.1), then
this latter can hardly determine the primary sense of v. 18.
Isa. 19:18 mentions five Egyptian cities which speak Canaanite and
swear to Yhwh of hosts. Is five a real or a symbolic number? Some
commentators have argued for the literal sense of the five cities. So
Hitzig, and following him Fohrer, believe that Jer. 43:13 and 44:1 pro-
vide the key for Isa. 19:18. Jer. 44:1 mentions four locations with Jew-
ish (i.e. Canaanite-speaking) inhabitants, namely Migdol, Tahpanhes,
Memphis and the land of Pathros. Jer. 43:13 adds to this list
as one of the places in Egypt destined for destruction, which Hitzig,
Fohrer and other authors understood as a reference to Heliopolis.202
However, Jer. 43:13 is a prediction, while Jer. 44:1 describes historical
gen im Alten Vorderasien vom 4. bis 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. (BBVO, 1/2), Berlin 1982,
63364.
201
Note the Victory Stele of Piye: It is your valor that gives strength of arm; one is
frightened when your name is called to mind (FHN 1.9:15).
202
Fohrer, 1.230. Pesikta De-Rab Kahana 7:5 and Pesikta Rabbati 17:4 identified the
five cities as No (Alexandria!), Nof (Memphis), Tachpanes (Chupianas), ()
and .
252 chapter five
203
Cf. the Vulg.; Aq.; Sym. ( the pillars of the house of the Sun)
is paired in MT with , just as is paralleled by . For
, cf. also in 2 Kgs 16:2021.
204
The possibility that specifically alludes to the military colony at
Elephantine is questionable, given the fact that there were more Jewish settlements in
Upper Egypt than Elephantine.
205
V. Tcherikover, Hellenistic Civilization and the Jews, Peabody, MA 1999 (repr.
from 1959), 28486.
206
Kissane, 21819. Cf. Feuillet, Sommet, 26466; N.K. Gottwald, All the King-
doms of the Earth: Israelite Prophecy and International Relations in the Ancient Near
East, New York 1964, 226; Vogels, gypte, 503; S. Erlandsson, The Burden of Baby-
lon: A Study of Isaiah 13:214:23 (CBOT, 4), Lund 1970, 78; Sawyer, Blessed, 5960;
Berges, 16768; Wodecki, Heights, 18889.
207
Joseph chooses five of his eleven brothers to appear before the pharaoh on behalf
of his family (Gen. 47:2).
208
A handful (five people) can chase a hundred (Lev. 26:8). See also Judg. 18:2, 7,
14, 17; 2 Kgs 1:9.
the analysis of isaiah 19 253
209
Num. 31:8; Josh. 10:5; 13:3; Judg. 3:3; 1 Sam. 6:16.
210
For exaggerated numbers of Egyptian cities, note Herodotus, Hist. ii 177; Diodo-
rus i 31; Theocritus xvii 8284.
211
Note the five titles of the Egyptian pharaoh (cf. U. Kaplony, Knigstitulatur,
L 3.64161). The reign of the ideal king will last 55 years in the Potters Oracle P2
3940; P3 6364 (Koenen, Die Apologie des Tpfers an Knig Amenophis oder das
Tpferorakel, A, 14647, n. 51, 52, 63, 82). Esarhaddon mentions that he wounded
the Kushite king five times with his arrow (IAKA 57:9; 65:40).
212
Cf. Duhm, 14445; Marti, 156; Gray, 337; Von Orelli, 79; Procksch, 252; Fohrer,
1.230; Kaiser, 86; Schoors, 121; Clements, 171; Sawyer, Blessed, 60; Hffken, 158;
Blenkinsopp, 318.
213
Motyer, 168.
214
Cf. also Penna, 188; Vogels, gypte, 496; W. Gro, Israel und die Vlker: Die
Krise der YHWH-Volk-Konzepts im Jesajabuch, in: E. Zenger (ed.), Der Neue Bund
im Alten: Studien zur Bundestheologie der beiden Testamente (QD 146), Herder, 1993,
254 chapter five
The fact that Egyptians (not Judeans in Egypt) will turn to Yhwh also
seems evident in the closing verses (compare them in LXX and the
Targ.).
The name Canaan is used variously in the Bible, a full discussion
of which is neither possible nor necessary at this time. The geographi-
cal Canaan could include the whole region of the Mediterranean coast
(Philistia, Phoenicia), but it can also refer to the territories of Judah
and Israel on the left side of the Jordan. In view of in
19:17, it is probable that the language of Canaan is to be identified
here with the language of Judah. Although this name for Hebrew is
unique,215 it may be explained in relation to the Egyptian element in
this prophecy: this is how Egyptians referred to the language spoken
by Judeans.216 The language of Canaan is not Aramaic, which was the
common language in the Near East and not specific to Canaan.
This verse which is usually understood as a salvation prophecy con-
cerning Egypt reveals how problematic this categorisation can be. In
antiquity language is one of the important elements by which ethnicity
and foreignness are defined (Gen. 10:5, 20, 31).217 According to Hero-
dotus, the Egyptians (as many other nations, indeed) called everyone
speaking a foreign language barbarian.218 Therefore, it is important
to pay particular attention to Isa. 19:18 noting that Egypt (from its
point of view) will speak a barbaric language. There is nothing in Isa.
159 n. 14; J. Kraovec, Healing of Egypt Through Judgment and the Creation of a
Universal Chosen People (Isaiah 19:1625), in: I. Shirun-Grumach (ed.), Jerusalem
Studies in Egyptology (AT, 40), Wiesbaden 1998, 299.
215
For , cf. 2 Kgs 18:26 (2 Chron. 32:18); Neh. 13:24; Est. 8:9.
216
Cf. Marti, 156. On the Israel stele of Merneptah, Canaan is mentioned with
Lidya (Anatolia), Hatti (North-Syria), Ashkelon, Gezer, Yenoam (south of the Gali-
lean Sea), Hurru (Syria) (cf. COS 2.6). p knn designates the territory of the later land
of Judah (cf. J.K. Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt: The Evidence for the Authenticity of the
Exodus Tradition, Oxford 1996, 2729). The name used in Isa. 19:18 from the
viewpoint of a foreign nation can be compared to as an ethnic identifier in Exod.
3:18; 5:3; 7:16; 9:1, 13; 10:3.
217
For language as ethnic identifier in Assyria, see C. Zaccagnini, The Enemy in
the Neo-Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: The Ethnographic Description, in: H.J. Nissen,
J. Renger (eds), Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn: Politische und kulturelle Wech-
selbeziehungen im Alten Vorderasien vom 4. bis 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. (BBVO, 1/2),
Berlin 1982, 41415.
218
Hist. ii 158. For The Story of Sinuhe as an example of how ethnicity and language
played a role in Egyptian life, see K.L. Sparks, Ethnicity and Identity in Ancient Israel:
Prolegomena to the Study of Ethnic Sentiments and Their Expression in the Hebrew
Bible, Winona Lake, IN 1998, 7879; cf. also W. Weinberg, Language Consciousness
in the Old Testament, ZAW 92 (1980), 185204.
the analysis of isaiah 19 255
19:18 which would suggest that Egypt opts for Canaanite language on
its own free will. This is rather a language imposed on the Egyptians
by an overlord. This verse reminds one of similar threats uttered to
Israel if they disobey Yhwh. In such event, they will have to listen
to (and speak) a language they do not understand, namely that of an
occupying force whose vassal the nation will become.219 The adoption
of the Canaanite language should therefore be seen as a political neces-
sity after Yhwh, the Canaanite-speaking overlord, has conquered and
subdued the country (cf. 19:1). That is, in contrast to how this passage
is usually interpreted, I believe that from Egypts point of view the
adoption of the foreign Canaanite language by Egyptians has negative
rather than positive connotations. It is not a development that Egypt
itself has long been looking for. This conquest of Egypt is presented as
an analogy to the conquest of Canaan by Israel (cf. 5.3.2). The lan-
guage of Canaan may have even evoked this past.
The political overtone mentioned above becomes particularly
emphatic when oaths are sworn to Yhwh in Canaanite. Although
some scholars pay little attention to this phenomenon,220 two differ-
ent prepositions can be used in connection with niphal, with
different connotations. means that the oath is made by (the
life of ) a particular person or concept.221 The preposition indicates
the person to whom the oath is addressed.222 Again, this aspect of Isa.
19:18 is also understood as part of a salvation oracle, in which the
swearing of oaths implies that the Egyptians are converted to Yhwh.
However, it is not until 19:20b21 that the text begins to describe the
favour that Yhwh grants to Egypt by making himself known to them.223
The self-revelation of Yhwh is essential to religion (cf. Exod. 3 and 6),
so that one may speak of Egypts adoption of the cult of Yhwh only
after he has made himself known to Egypt (19:21). If one can speak of
a turning point in Isa. 19:1625, it comes no earlier than v. 20b, with
Yhwhs change of attitude concerning Egypt. For the moment, swear-
ing to Yhwh only means that Egypt has become subdued as his vassal,
219
Cf. Deut. 28:49; Jer. 5:15; Pss 81:6; 114:1; Isa. 28:11; 33:19.
220
E.g., Deissler, Gottesbund, 15; Berges, 168.
221
E.g., , he swore by (the life of ) God, i.e. uttered ( Jer.
12:16; cf. Gen. 21:23; 31:53; Lev. 19:12; Deut. 6:13; Isa. 45:23; 62:8).
222
E.g., , he swore to me, etc. (e.g., Gen. 21:23; 24:7, 9; 25:33; 26:3; Deut.
9:5; Josh. 9:19; Judg. 15:12; for an oath between God and men as in Isa. 19:18, cf. 2
Chron. 15:14; Ps. 132:2; Zeph. 1:5).
223
Cf. Schenkers view of v. 21 as Achse und Wendepunkt (Jesaja 19, 6).
256 chapter five
224
Even though the term is not mentioned explicitly in these texts (cf.,
however, in Ezek. 17:13), the act of taking an oath was part of cov-
enant ( )ceremonies in general to which these texts refer. See in this respect Gen.
21:23; 31:53; Josh. 9:15, 18, 19, 20, and 5.3.3 below.
225
Cf. P. Machinist, Assyria and Its Image in First Isaiah, JAOS 103 (1983), 72526.
the analysis of isaiah 19 257
226
Cf. B. Pongratz-Leisten, Toponyme als Ausdruck assyrischen Herrschaftsans-
pruchs, in: B. Pongratz-Leisten et al. (eds), Ana sad Labnni l allik: Beitrge zu alto-
rientalischen und mittelmeerischen Kulturen (Festschrift fr W. Rllig) (AOAT, 247),
Neukirchen-Vluyn 1997, 32543; I. Ephal, Esarhaddon, Egypt, and Shubria: Politics
and Propaganda, JCS 57 (2005), 10910.
258 chapter five
as a symbol similar to the altar built near the Jordan in Josh. 22:10, 25,227
sacrifices are explicitly mentioned in v. 21.228 However, in a context
echoing motifs common in Assyrian royal inscriptions (cf. v. 18 above),
a foreign altar should probably be understood as a sign of submission
(cf. 2 Kgs 16:1014): the altar of Yhwh in Egypt was the symbol of
Egypts submission to Yhwh after Egypt became Yhwhs territory.
The altar gifts represent the tributes brought to the vassal overlord.
When Esarhaddon conquered Egypt and established the rule of the
god Assur there, Assyrian authority was symbolised in various ways.
He installed new heads of the nomes and cities and changed the names
of several cities. One of its inscriptions (IAKA 65:4853) states that
I established regular offerings (sattukku) and cultic offerings (gin) for
Assur and the great gods, my lords, forever. I imposed upon them trib-
ute and obligation of my lordship, every year continually. I let a stele
(nar) be made with my name, and the praise of the heroism of my
lord, Assur, my mighty deeds (that I accomplished when I was) walking
in reliance upon Assur, my lord, and the victorious achievements of my
hands I let be written on it. I let (it) be erected to the wonderment of all
the enemies forever after.
This is close to what we read in Isa. 19, where Yhwh takes on the role
of god Assur from the Assyrian texts, to whom offerings are made.
can have a cultic function in the Bible (cf. Exod. 23:24; Lev.
26:1), but does not mean a cultic pillar; the cultic connotation
is not inherent to the word itself.229 may also refer to a memo-
rial stone marking a grave (Gen. 35:20) or reminding onlookers of a
person or an event (2 Sam. 18:18; cf. 1 Sam. 15:2). The story of Gen.
31:4354 is particularly interesting for Isa. 19:19. This text recounts the
making of a covenant between Laban and Jacob. The and a heap
( )of stones set up at the border between the territories of Laban and
Jacob are the visible evidence of and witness ( )to a treaty restating
certain regulations agreed by Jacob and Laban (Gen. 31:5152).230 It
is most likely that the function of the in Isa. 19:19 is similar to
such a commemorative treaty-stele. It has cultic dimensions insofar
227
Cheyne, 121; Procksch, 252.
228
Feuillet, Sommet, 267; Penna, 190; Young, 2.37; Gro, Israel, 153.
229
See Dillmann, 178; Knig, 204; Penna, 190; Schoors, 123, over against Duhm,
145; Wildberger, 740; Kraovec, Healing, 299.
230
In Josh. 22, the altar built to affirm the religious connections of the Transjorda-
nian tribes is placed on the border between the tribes on the two sides of the Jordan.
the analysis of isaiah 19 259
231
For secondary literature, see I. Winter, Art in Empire: The Royal Image and the
Visual Dimensions of Assyrian Ideology, in: S. Parpola, R.M. Whiting (eds), Assyria
1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus
Project Helsinki, September 711, 1995, Helsinki 1997, 35981; S. Parpola, Assyrias
Expansion in the 8th and 7th Centuries and Its Long-Term Repercussions in the
West, in: W.G. Dever, S. Gitin (eds), Symbiosis, Symbolism, and the Power of the
Past: Canaan, Ancient Israel, and Their Neighbors, from the Late Bronze Age through
Roman Palaestina, Winona Lake, IN 2003, 1001.
260 chapter five
232
H. Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur in der Sargonidenzeit (FRLANT, 129), Gt-
tingen 1982, 33144, enumerates several examples of treaty ceremonies celebrated by
Assyria and its vassals in which there were festal meals and offers brought to the
Assyrian gods as a sign of submission.
233
Cf. Van Hoonacker, Deux passages, 302. Van Hoonackers view that the altar
and the stele refer to the same object is, however, unconvincing.
234
Prism A i 6062; Prism B i 6162; Prism C i 1315; cf. Isa. 10:13. It is not likely
that Isa. 19:20 would allude to the temple of the Jewish colony of Elephantine, as sug-
gested by B. Porten, Settlement of Jews at Elephantine and the Arameans at Syene, in:
O. Lipschits, M. Oeming (eds), Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period,
Winona Lake, IN 2006, 461.
235
For a discussion, cf. Monsengwo-Pasinya, Isae XIX 1625, 19495. See Gen.
9:13; Josh. 24:27. See also Isa. 8:2 and 55:4.
the analysis of isaiah 19 261
among its ruined cities, Egypt will request the help of Yhwh, its new
overlord.236
The conjunction in v. 20b is not temporal,237 but explicative, illu-
minating how the stele will function as a witness. Reminding the reader
of Egypts oppression, (19:115), Yhwh shall heed the cry ( )of its
vassals suffering oppression (), and he will send them a saviour.238
God will plead their cause and he will save them. The language adopted
here alludes to narratives from Israels early history (5.3.2).239
Yhwh will fulfil the commitments of a vassals overlord in lend-
ing support to Egypt. The coming will bring salvation from the
oppressor of Isa. 19:4. The emergence of a saviour in time of need is
an extensively wide-spread theme in Near Eastern literature but is also
evidenced throughout the Bible (cf. 5.3.2).
means to quarrel, to dispute; to strive, to fight (but not to
wage war). Among its many occurrences in Hebrew, is related
to conflicts between nations only in a few texts: Judg. 11:25 (cf.
Ps. 35:1); 12:2, and perhaps 1 Sam. 15:5. In these cases, desig-
nates the dispute (negotiation) preceding a battle. This is most clear in
Judg. 11:25 and 12:2, where is used in connection with a debate
concerning the ownership of Ammonite territories (Judg. 11:13). In
1 Sam. 15:5, marks the dispute taking place between Sauls army
and the Amalekites preceding the military conflict described in the
following verses. It is probably this sense of which is used in
Isa. 19:20. In this case, Yhwh is the one leading the dispute (cf.
1 Sam. 24:16; Ps. 18:44; Isa. 63:1).
Egypts cry for help was motivated by fear, in response to which
Yhwh will reveal himself to Egypt, who will get to know him. The
relatively rare form of the niphal of is being used in connection
with a foreign nation.240 Most often, nations recognise Yhwh only as
236
Philistia was delivered from a plague in a similar way (1 Sam. 56).
237
Despite the arguments of Gray, 340; Wildberger, 727; Van der Kooij, Old-
Greek, 139.
238
The human character of the deliverer ( )is emphasised in LXX as
. is probably avoided because this was only used in connection
with God in Isaiah (Van der Kooij, Old-Greek, 141).
239
The suggestion that 19:1920 concerns Jews in Egypt oppressed by Egyptians
and ultimately delivered from them is unconvincing. There is no reference to Jews in
these verses, and their presence is only indirectly inferred as part of an explanation
for the Canaanite language and the five cities of v. 18.
240
Cf. Exod. 6:3; 1 Kgs 18:36; Ps. 76:2; Ezek. 20:5, 9; 35:11; 38:23.
262 chapter five
their judge,241 but Egypt will, in this case, get to know Yhwh as a
deliverer (contrast Exod. 5:2). Yhwh will reveal himself to Egypt as he
has previously done only to his own people.242 The parallel experience
of Egypt and Israel is particularly interesting. Egypts history bears all
the hallmarks of the history of Gods people. The way is paved here to
becoming an ( cf. v. 25).
The recognition of Yhwh as God by the Egyptians in v. 21 results
in preparing offerings ( ) and fulfilling vows (
). This activity resembles the reaction of Jonahs travel compan-
ions after recognising the power of Yhwh and being delivered from
the sea (Jon. 1:16). The vows indicate that Egypt not only expresses its
thankfulness to Yhwh for its deliverance, but commits itself to him
in the future.243
The precise role of Isa. 19:22 is disputed. This verse mentions the
smiting and healing of Egypt, its turning to God, who listens to its
prayers. What is meant by smiting the Egyptians and healing them?
Undergoing a process of punishment in the form of being smitten
by Yhwh and healing in the form of restoration to well-being is a
prominent theme in prophetic books as well as in the exodus nar-
ratives.244 The disobedient Judah is often told to be sick. According to
Isa. 6:10, seeing, hearing, turning to Yhwh (), and grasping the
prophetic word would bring healing ( )to Gods people.245 may
refer to some kind of plague as a form of punishment (1 Sam. 25:38;
2 Chron. 13:20), to illness (2 Sam. 12:15; 2 Chron. 21:18), but it can
signify military defeat as well. This last option makes the most sense
in Isa. 19:22.246
A significant number of scholars understand the events of 19:22
as temporally following those previously described. Yhwh will smite
241
Ezek. 28:22; 30:8; 32:15; 33:29; 39:6; see also Exod. 7:5; 14:4, 18.
242
1 Kgs 20:13, 28; 2 Chron. 33:13; Isa. 45:3; 49:23; 60:16; Ezek. 16:62; 20:42, 44. Cf.
also Monsengwo-Pasinya, Isai xix 1625, 198; Goldingay, 120.
243
H. Tita, Gelbde als Bekenntnis: Eine Studie zu den Gelbden im Alten Testa-
ment (OBO, 181), Freiburg 2001, 204. For in the Latter Prophets, cf. Jon. 1:16;
Jer. 44:25; Nah. 2:1; Mal. 1:14.
244
Cf. Jer. 3:22; 30:17; 51:89; Hos. 5:13; 6:1; 7:1; 11:3:14:4. See Z. Kustr, Durch
seine Wunden sind wir geheilt: Eine Untersuchung zur Metaphorik von Israels Krankheit
und Heilung im Jesajabuch (BWANT, 154), Stuttgart 2002.
245
See Deut. 32:39; 1 Kgs 8:3334; Isa. 9:12; 30:26; 57:1719; Jer. 30:17; 33:6; Lam.
2:13; Hos. 5:13; 7:1; 11:3; 14:5; cf. also Jer. 3:22; Hos. 6:1.
246
Deut. 1:42; Judg. 20:35; 1 Sam. 4:3; 2 Chron. 13:15; 14:11; Ps. 89:24. For in
the sense of restoration, cf. Jer. 30:17; 33:6; 51:89; Hos. 5:13; 6:1; 7:1.
the analysis of isaiah 19 263
5.2.7 Verse 23
23 On that day there will be a highway from Egypt to Assyria, and Assyria
will go to Egypt and Egypt will go to Assyria, and Egypt will serve
Assyria.
On the day when Egypt is healed, there will be a highway ()251
between Egypt and Assyria (the latter is mentioned here for the first
time). As a matter of fact there has always been a highway from
Egypt to Assyria (Gen. 25:18). Why then is this pronouncement so
remarkable?
While some exegetes relate the -motif to texts mentioning
the return of Israel from the exile,252 Isa. 19:23 is not a text about
the diaspora. What is common to all contexts is that alludes
to the end of chaos, symbolised either by the desert, a place without
roads (Ps. 104:4, 40; Job 12:24; Isa. 35:78), through which the dis-
persed Jews will return, or war and mutual hostility. When there is
war, travelling is unsafe, the roads become empty (Judg. 5:6; Isa. 33:8).
Assyria and Egypt have been opposing powers for a long time, but a
247
Wade, 131; cf. Kissane, 22021; Hffken, 159; Wodecki, Heights, 184.
248
Motyer, 169; cf. Z. Kustr, Ein Gottesvolkoder mehrere Vlker Gottes? Ein
Konzept aus der Peripherie der biblischen Eschatologie in: E. Noort, W. Wischmeyer,
Europa, Minderheiten und die Globalisierung: Theologische berlegungen zu der sich
erweiternden Welt, Groningen 2006, 29.
249
Clements argues that punishment after conversion is inadequate and seems to
represent the work of an expansive editor, who felt that the Egyptians should not be
let off without punishment (Clements, 172). The problem with his reading is that the
editor should have already noted the punishment of the Egyptians mentioned in the
preceding verses.
250
Cf. Gesenius, 656; Cheyne, 121.
251
D.A. Dorsey, The Roads and Highways of Ancient Israel, Baltimore 1989, 228.
252
E.g., Blenkinsopp, 319. is indeed frequently used in this sense (Isa. 11:16
[cf. in Isa. 51:10]; 40:3; 49:1112; 62:10).
264 chapter five
peace-treaty between these powers will turn the world into a safer
place. A similar motif is used on the Dream Stele of the 7th century
Kushite king, Tanutamani:
(And from that time on) the southerners have been sailing northwards,
the northerners southwards, to the place where his Majesty is (i.e. Mem-
phis), with every good thing of South-land and every kind of provision
of North-land (. . .) (FHN 1.29:4142)
Motyer calls attention to the fact that vv. 1625 inverts ideas from
vv. 115.253 Instead of chaos (vv. 115) the order is restored, instead
of cruel kings (v. 4) a just saviour arrives, social disorder (vv. 23) is
replaced by prosperity. The restored route between Egypt and Assyria
may be considered the reversal of the chaos scene of 19:115.
While is most often translated as Egypt
and Assyria will serve Yhwh (see note), this widespread agreement
is regrettably based on theological and literary critical premises and
not sound linguistic arguments. Three crucial points make this reading
highly unlikely: is not intransitive, always means to serve
someone and is not a religious term which could refer to the
service of Yhwh without any further clarification. One would expect
a clear formulation in order to avoid misunderstanding, especially
in a context where the world power Assyria is mentioned. While the
context of v. 23 is argued to cast doubt on the translation Egypt will
serve Assyria, it is strange that none of the ancient versions follow the
above-proposed translation (LXX; Syr.; Vulg., Targ. Isa.). After all, is
the representation of a new world under Assyrian control (cf. 5.3.3)
difficult to reconcile with the promised salvation of Egypt in the previ-
ous verses?
A particularly interesting text, 2 Kgs 13:45, contains many terms
and themes familiar from Isa. 19:1923 (cf. 5.3.2). After Jehoahaz,
king of Israel, prays to Yhwh ( )to deliver his country from Ara-
maean oppressors (), Yhwh heeds his prayer and sends ()
Israel a deliverer, a ( cf. Isa. 19:20). This can historically
be identified as a foreign king, the Assyrian Adad-nirari III, who was
the overlord of the Israelite Jehoahaz, since Jehu, the latters father
253
Motyer, 167.
the analysis of isaiah 19 265
254
I. Wilson, In That Day: From Text to Sermon on Isaiah 19:2325, Int. 21
(1967), 82; Gro, Israel, 157.
255
Isa. 14:12; 49:23; 60:3, 10, 16; 66:12.
256
Kilian, 125.
257
Cf. also Gen. 18:18; 22:1718; 28:14.
258
The niphal form of should better be rendered in the reciprocal sense and
not as a passive, as usually done, which corresponds to the pual. Cf. K. Berge, Die
Zeit des Jahwisten: Ein Beitrag zur Datierung jahwistischer Vtertexte (BZAW, 186),
the analysis of isaiah 19 267
The great nation ( ) that Abraham will become does not only
refer to the increased number of his descendants, but also to political
significance (cf. Deut. 4:7, 38; 9:1; Jer. 6:22; 50:9, 41), a point made
even more explicit by use of the expression , and I shall
make you famous. This agrees with Isa. 19:24 when it mentions Israel
as the third member of the most powerful nations on earth. However,
this power will not be misused at anybodys expense. The verse refers
to peaceful cohabitation, as was Abrahams sojourn in Canaan. Bless-
ing is nation-friendly and not militant.259
What does it mean to be(come) a blessing? It is assumed that Israel
will become the beneficiary,260 the source,261 or the channel262 of bless-
ing, through which blessing is poured out on nations. These interpreta-
tions are unlikely, however. While becoming a blessing is a rarely-
used expression in the Bible, Zech. 8:13 suggests that )(
is the antonym of )(, to become a curse. This second
phrase is used more frequently, and its analysis may help us elucidate
the meaning of the first.263 As the texts suggest, becoming a curse
(individually or collectively) does not mean that an individual or a
community becomes a source of a curse, nor that others would curse
the respective individual or group. Becoming a curse means that a per-
son or group will be mentioned in cursing formulas, songs, proverbs,
or oaths as an individual or a community with an undesirable fate.264
The person who has become a will be sung of, as in a prophets
song.265 The names of those who become a curse are mentioned in
Berlin 1990, 50; Cs. Balogh, Mit grt Isten brahmnak? Megjegyzsek 1Mz 12,3b
rtelmezshez, Reformtus Szemle 102 (2009), 16585.
259
This intertextual hint at the blessing of Abraham is perhaps the reason why the
name Israel rather than Judah is used here (cf. v. 16). The promise to Abraham was
realised in the empire of David, with its borders reaching from Assyria on the Euphra-
tes to the Nile of Egypt, with Moab, Ammon, Edom, Philistia, and Aram as its vassal
kingdoms. Cf. Gen. 15:18; 2 Sam. 8:3; 1 Kgs 4:21; 1 Chron. 18:3; 2 Chron. 9:26.
260
in the LXX means blessed, but not blessing as does the Hebrew
( also in Gen. 12:2; Van der Kooij, Old-Greek, 149).
261
Deissler, Gottesbund, 11, 18.
262
Gro, Israel, 156; Wildberger, 745.
263
Cf. Num. 5:21, 27; 2 Kgs 22:19; Jer. 24:9; 25:18; 26:6; 29:18; 42:18; 44:8, 12, 22;
49:13. The verb is occasionally interchanged with .
264
Cf. K.N. Grneberg, Abraham, Blessing and the Nations: A Philological and Exe-
getical Study of Genesis 12:3 in its Narrative Context (BZAW, 332), Berlin 2003, 170.
265
Num. 24:20, 21; Isa. 14:4; Joel 2:17; Hab. 2:6; see also Ps. 44:15; 69:12.
268 chapter five
curse formulas,266 as Jer. 29:22 shows: And from them (the two false
prophets) will take a curse ( . . . )all the exiles of Judah in
Babylon: May Yhwh make you like Zedekiah and Ahab, whom the
king of Babylon has roasted in fire.
Conversely, becoming a blessing ( ) means that an indi-
vidual (Gen. 12:2) or a nation (Isa. 19:24) is mentioned in a blessing
formula as people with a desirable fate, as exemplified in Gen. 48:20
(cf. Ruth 4:1112): So he (Jacob) blessed ( )them (the sons of
Joseph) that day, saying: By you Israel will bless each other (
),267 saying, God make you as Ephraim and as Manasseh (. . .).
Accordingly, in Isa. 19:24, when blessing each other, the people from
different nations will utter the formula: may dn (=Yhwh?) make you
like Israel!268 This is indeed the fulfilment of a promise specific to
Israel.
In the famous blessing formula of Isa. 19:25, Egypt is called , my
people, a term usually reserved for Israel.269 During Israels sojourn
in Egypt, God distinguished his people by treating them with love
and care (cf. Exod. 8:21, 22, 23). In the future, Egypt will also become
the people of Yhwh. Being the people of someone implies a strong
(family) relationship (1 Sam. 5:10; 15:30). As 1 Sam. 26:19 makes it
clear, the unity of worship (cf. Isa. 19:1922) means the unity of the
nation.
Assyria is blessed as , the work of my hands, an expres-
sion attested in the Bible in connection with Israel.270 Similarly to
, means ownership. Yhwh made Assyria, it is the work of
his hands, it belongs to him. In Assyrian texts, the king often appears
as the work (creation) of the hands of Assur (bint qtu), Mulissu,
or Istar, a motif particularly favoured in the texts of Assurbanipal.
Assurbanipals coronation hymn celebrates his enthronisation with
the words: Assur is king, indeed Assur is king! Assurbanipal is the
representative of Assur, the creation of his hands (SAA 3 11).271 While
266
Cf. Sodom/Gomorrah in Isa. 1:9, 10; 3:9; Jer. 23:14; Lam. 4:6.
267
Reading niphal, not piel. Cf. Berge, Zeit, 4950; Balogh, Mit grt, 170.
268
Cf. H. Gunkel, Genesis, Gttingen 1966, 164; Gro, Israel, 156. This interpre-
tation questions Berges opinion that Assur und gypten haben als eigenstndige
Jhwh-Vlker nicht nur Anteil an der , sie sind selbst ein Segen inmitten der
Welt (169).
269
Israel is first called in Exod. 3:7. Cf. Exod. 5:1; 7:4; Isa. 1:3; 3:15; etc.
270
Cf. Isa. 29:23 (= ;)60:21; 64:7.
271
Cf. Assurbanipals Prism A vii 9596.
the analysis of isaiah 19 269
5.2.9 Conclusion
In Isa. 19, a pronouncement of judgment against Egypt is gradually
transformed into a prophecy of salvation. The exegetical analysis con-
cluded that the turning point in this text appears in 19:20b21 and not
in v. 16 or 18, as it is usually presupposed. The judgment on Egypt is
272
This is how Assurbanipal is addressed in many oracles of Mulissu and Istar of
Arbela (Mulissu was the wife of Assur, a manifestation of Istar [of Arbela], with whom
she is often united), as seen for instance in PPANE 94:5; 94: rev. 2 (= SAA 9 9:5; 9:
rev. 2). In his prayer to the Lady of Arbela, Assurbanipal says: O Lady of Arbela! I
am Assurbanipal, king of Assyria, creation of your hands, whom Assur, the father
who made you, desired and whom he called by name . . . (PPANE 101:2931 [= Prism
B v 2931]).
273
Exod. 34:9; Deut. 4:20; 9:26; Ps. 28:9; 33:12; 74:12; Joel 2:17; Zech. 2:16.
274
Ps. 82:8 may reflect a similar view if is vocalised as a hiphil .
275
Duhm, 147, assumed that this text made Assyria and Egypt Kinder zweiter Ord-
nung. Cf. also Procksch, 254; Fischer, 146.
276
Deut. 9:26, 29; 1 Kgs 8:51; Ps. 28:9; 78:62, 71; 94:5, 14; 106:40; Isa. 47:6.
270 chapter five
presented in the form of a Yhwh theophany (v. 1), which will nega-
tively affect the divine (vv. 23), natural (vv. 57) and social world
of the land of the Nile (vv. 24, 810). The leaders and wise men on
which society relies are described in a way that resembles the Egyptian
perception of the upper stratum of society (v. 11). As v. 4 makes clear,
beyond the divine dimension of Yhwhs arrival to Egypt, there is also
a historical human element at which the prophecy hints in recounting
the supposed arrival of the unnamed tough master and powerful king.
The fulfilment of this ominous prophecy is alluded to in Isa. 19:18,
which mentions five ruined cities, each one of those called .
Vv. 1820 strongly resemble Assyrian literature. Swearing allegiance,
speaking a foreign language, renaming the cities, establishing an altar
and stele for a foreign god in the land of Egypt reflect the view that
Egypt has become a subdued vassal of Yhwh. The turning point in
the prophecy appears at v. 20b when Yhwh changes his mind with
regard to Egypt and the name of Yhwh is revealed to the Egyptians.
By submitting to Yhwh, the Egyptians will share the benefits of being
the vassal of Yhwh. The experience of Egypt (vv. 20b22) is similar
to that of Israel in the days of Moses. When Egypt is adopted into
the family of God, to which Assyria, its human master (cf. in
v. 23) and staff in Gods hands (Isa. 10:5), as well as Israel also belong,
peace will be restored on earth, which will share the blessing of the
one God.
277
R.D. Weis, A Definition of the Genre ma in the Hebrew Bible (Ph.D. diss.),
Claremont, CA 1986; Idem, Oracle, ABD 5.2829. Cf. also M.H. Floyd, The
(Maa) as a Type of Prophetic Book, JBL 121 (2002), 40122; cf. also Sweeney in
his Isaiah-commentary.
the analysis of isaiah 19 271
278
For the criticism of Weis, see also B. Jones, Howling over Moab: Irony and Rhet-
oric in Isaiah 1516 (SBL.DS, 157), Atlanta, GA 1996, 6574; M. Boda, Freeing the
Burden of Prophecy: Ma and the Legitimacy of Prophecy in Zech 914, Bib. 87
(2006), 34750.
279
and Yhwh are connected in Jer. 23:3340 and and El are related in
the Deir Alla-text. Ezek. 12:1016 is also a Yhwh-speech, and not a prophetic expo-
sition (contra Weis, ma, 14748). Similarly, in 2 Kgs 9:2526 is the
alternative to , a Yhwh-speech.
280
In contrast to, e.g., Weis, ma, 229.
281
Delitzsch, 240; Ridderbos, 13738, 143; Young, 2.48; Oswalt, 27475; Hayes &
Irvine, 263; Motyer, 167.
282
For the former, see Gray, 318; Procksch, 244; Wildberger, 7034; Schoors, 118.
For the latter, see Watts, 255.
272 chapter five
Egyptians; vv. 510 describe the desiccation of the Nile and its con-
sequence; vv. 1115 present Egypts leaders as incapable of dealing
with the chaotic situation. Loretz considered these three sections of
different origin, brought together by a final author living in Egypt.283
More often, however, it has been argued that vv. 510 are secondary
interpolations between 19:14 and 1115.284 The concern of vv. 510
for nature and economy rather than politics is assumed to support
this opinion.
It is indeed remarkable that the otherwise frequently-occurring
does not appear in vv. 510 (though cf. in v. 6b). Never-
theless, the reference to typically Egyptian realia (e.g. the Nile) may
explain why the name is missing in 19:510. Second, the imag-
ery of Yhwh as riding on a cloud and arriving in Egypt (19:1) already
introduces a divinity of nature, ruling over rain and drought (cf. Ps.
104). The effects of his coming are portrayed in vv. 510.285 Third, theo-
phanies are often coupled with massive changes in nature.286 Fourth,
given that v. 1 describes Yhwhs arrival in Egypt as a source of con-
fusion among the Egyptian gods, the drying up of the Nile (Hapy),
whose inundation is regarded as a divine gift of Nun, Amon, or Aton,
may symbolise a further aspect of this conflict among the divinities.
Sixth, as remarked in 5.2.2, the installation of a harsh ruler is often
paralleled by decay in the natural habitat. In Egyptian religion, the
person of the king (pharaoh) is strongly connected to welfare in the
land and the inundation of the Nile. This belongs to the basic Egyptian
concept of mt, social order and justice, but the notion is not typically
Egyptian (cf. Ps. 72; SAA 3 11). Seventh, Isa. 19:10, by mentioning the
ordinary men (wage workers) and the leaders (pillars) of Egypt, forms
an excellent bridge between vv. 510 and 1115, which deal with these
leaders in more detail.
283
O. Loretz, Der Ugaritische Topos bl rkb und die Sprache Kanaans in Jes 19:1
25, UF 19 (1987), 11011.
284
T.K. Cheyne, The Nineteenth Chapter of Isaiah, ZAW 13 (1893), 127; Marti,
155; Vermeylen, 1.322; Wildberger, 703; Clements, 168; Hffken, 143.
285
Yhwhs drying out the rivers and seas seems like a historicised version of Baals
fight with Yam / Naharu in Ugarit. Baal (Seth) was particularly well-known in the
eastern Delta.
286
Judg. 5:45; 2 Sam. 22:716; Ps. 68:78; Mic. 1; Hab. 3.
the analysis of isaiah 19 273
287
Hffken, 143. On the coherence of 19:510, see W. Werner, Studien zur alt-
testamentlichen Vorstellung vom Plan Jahwes (BZAW, 173), Berlin 1986, 4041, 4849;
Sweeney, 269.
288
Duhm, 141, Loretz, Ugaritische Topos, 105, and Hffken, 143, are suspicious
about the change of speaker in these verses.
289
Cf. Isa. 1:24; 3:1; 10:16, 33.
290
For instance, Procksch, 248; Wildberger, 72425; Clements, 169; Schoors, 120.
291
Loretz, Ugaritische Topos, 109, believes that 19:12b, 14b15 is prose.
274 chapter five
292
Exegetes distinguish two (19:1617, 1825; Kilian, 123; Sweeney, 27071; Kus-
tr, Ein Gottesvolk, 27), three (19:1617, 1822, 2325; Procksch, 249; Schoors, 121),
or five paragraphs (according to ; Fohrer, 1.211; Kaiser, 86; Hffken, 146;
Blenkinsopp, 318). Some argue that one author composed 19:1625, but elaborated it
in five steps (Duhm, 144; Wildberger, 730; Feuillet, Sommet, 262; Vogels, gypte,
497; Berges, 165).
293
Kaiser, 86; Kilian, 122.
294
J.W. Olley, Hear the Word of Yahweh: The Structure of the Book of Isaiah
in 1QIsaa, VT 43 (1993), 32; O.H. Steck, Die erste Jesajarolle von Qumran (1QIsaa)
(SBS, 173), Stuttgart 1998.
the analysis of isaiah 19 275
295
In his detailed analysis of temporal transitions in prophetic texts, De Vries
acknowledged that the verses mentioned above show remarkable similarities in struc-
ture and function with the classical prophecies, but he failed to take advantage of
this observation (S.J. De Vries, From Old Revelation to New: A Tradition-Historical
and Redaction-Critical Study of Temporal Transitions in Prophetic Prediction, Grand
Rapids, MI 1995, 1089).
296
P.A. Munch, The Expression bayym hh: Is It an Eschatological Terminus
Technicus? Oslo 1936. Cf. A. Lefvre, Lexpression en ce jour-l dans le livre dIsae,
in: Mlanges bibliques rdigs en lhonneur dAndr Robert, Paris 1957, 17479. One
has to disagree with De Vries, Old Revelation, 17, that can be considered
integral to the text only when it does not appear at the beginning of a verse. The loca-
tion of can be a matter of syntax.
276 chapter five
297
E.g., Judg. 20:15, 21, 26, 35, 46 (5x); 1 Sam. 6:15, 16 (2x); 1 Sam. 14:23, 24, 31
(3x); 2 Sam. 18:7, 8 (2x); 19:3, 4 (3x).
298
Contra Wildberger, 730, and Clements, 170.
299
Contra Sweeney, 270. His distinction between singular forms in 19:16-17 and
plural forms in 19:1825 is problematic. Cf. ( v. 18), ( v. 19), ( v. 23),
( v. 24), ( v. 25). For the interchange of sg. and pl., see also vv. 115.
the analysis of isaiah 19 277
300
Vogels, gypte, 513, deciphered a chiastic structure in 19:1625: (a) curse (vv.
1617) (b) peace (v. 18) (c) covenantal promise (vv. 1921a) (c) covenantal promise
(vv. 21b22) (b) peace (v. 23) (a) blessing (vv. 2425). But his scheme is often prob-
lematic, especially at 19:18 and 22.
278 chapter five
301
See also L. Boadt, Ezekiels Oracles against Egypt: A Literary and Philological
Study of Ezekiel 2932 (BibOr, 37), Rome 1980, 174. Note also in the context of Eze-
kiels Egypt-related prophecies the expressions in Ezek. 29:6, alluding
to Isa. 36:6 and in Ezek. 30:3, which appears only once more in Isa. 2:12
( is never used in Ezekiel).
the analysis of isaiah 19 279
The similarities between the two texts suggest that the author of Ezek.
30:119 was familiar with Isa. 19:115, perhaps even 19:122.302 Ezek.
29:1315(16) also contains a prophecy of salvation for Egypt, although
this is different from the salvation prophecy closing Isa. 19 and more
strongly resembles Jer. 46:26b (missing from Jeremiah in LXX).
Isaiah 19:115
One of the recurring motifs in 19:115 is in 19:3, 11 (cf. v. 17) and
its verbal form in 19:11, 12 (cf. v. 17). While and appear
302
The selective citation of judgment passages can be one reason why the prophe-
cies deemed to be positive about Egypt in Isa. 19:1625 were left out in Ezekiel.
303
Kissane, 210; Erlandsson, Burden, 76; G.R. Hamborg, Reasons for Judgement
in the Oracles against the Nations of the Prophet Isaiah, VT 31 (1981), 148; Sweeney,
271.
304
Kilian, 12223; Werner, Plan Jahwes, 52. Cf. also P.E. Dion, Dieu universel et
peuple lu: luniversalisme religieux en Isral depuis les origines jusqua la veille des
luttes maccabennes (Lectio Divina, 83), Paris 1975, 108, on 19:1617.
280 chapter five
outside the FNPs, we find them at key places in Isa. 1323.305 Fichtner
distinguishes between a plan of Yhwh against his people (5:19; 30:1)
and a plan against other nations (7:5; 8:910; 10:515; 14:2427; 19;
23).306 It is important to observe, however, that the plan of Yhwh con-
stitutes a divine intention prevailing over human endeavours. Whether
this appears in relation to Israel or a foreign nation is less important.
The plan of Yhwh is a counter-plan against human undertaking. As
far as these human plans have concretemostly politicalobjectives
in view, the plan of Yhwh is also related to his concrete historical
manifestation in the near future. It refers to an occasional rather than
a well-fixed, century-long determined, consistent and unchangeable
divine project.307
This motif also appears in the Assyrian inscriptions. When Assur-
banipal discloses the plans of his Egyptian enemies, he writes: they
(the three leaders of Egypt) talked false speech, and discussed profit-
less counsels (milik l kuri imlik) among themselves [. . .].308 The
contrast between the intentions of Egypt and Yhwh in Isa. 19:3, 11,
12 might be the theologised version of a historical conflict, similar to
the clash between Egypt and Assurbanipal.
As for the context of the -motif in the FNPs of Isa. 1323, one
should note close formal similarities, such as the use of rhetorical
questions in Isa. 14:27; 19:12 and 23:89:
Isa. 14:27 For Yhwh of hosts has plannedwho will annul it?
His hand is stretched outwho will turn it back?
Isa. 19:12 Where then are your wise men? Let them inform you and
let you know what Yhwh of hosts has planned for Egypt!
Isa. 23:89 Who has made this plan concerning Tyre? [. . .]
Yhwh of hosts has planned this [. . .]
305
appears in 14:26; 16:3 (cf. 5:19; 8:10; 11:2; 25:1; 28:29; 29:15; 30:1; 36:5),
in 14:24, 26, 27; 23:8, 9 (cf. 1:26; 3:3; 7:5; 8:10; 9:5; 32:78). Note also the synonyms
, , . Werners suggestion that all plan of Yhwh texts (Jer. 49:20; 50:45;
etc.) imply a common origin is unconvincing (see his comments on, e.g., Isa. 5:19, or
30:15 in Werner, Plan Jahwes, 20, 9293).
306
Fichtner, Jahwes Plan, 37.
307
Cf. G. Fohrer, Wandlungen des Jesajas, in: Ibid., Studien zu alttestamentlichen
Texten und Themen (19661972) (BZAW, 155), Berlin 1981, 1112. However, Isa.
37:26 and 46:1011 presuppose a more enhanced view of the plan.
308
Fragment 82-5-22,10 (BIWA, 2627); Prism E iv 2980. Cf. also below.
the analysis of isaiah 19 281
In 3.1, it was argued that the connection between the prophecies con-
cerning Egypt (Isa. 19) and Tyre (Isa. 23) was more evident before
Isa. 2122 was inserted into its present context. The ties between the
two countries were particularly strong throughout history. They were
allied against Assyria during the rebellion of 701, as well as during the
reigns of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal. The stele of Esarhaddon from
Zenjirli (IAKA 65) pictures the crown prince of Kush and Egypt,
Ushanhuru, and Baal, king of Tyre, kneeling before the colossal fig-
ure of Esarhaddon, who holds the two small-sized monarchs on ropes
(Figure 2).309 Isa. 23:5 seemingly connects the destruction of Tyre with
Egypt. This pair of prophecies in Isa. 19 and 23 is paralleled by a simi-
lar Tyre-Egypt-structure in Ezek. 2632.
The presumption that Isa. 19:115 warns against allying with Egypt
is not positively confirmed by the prophecy. However, even in other
prophecies, this background is rarely mentioned explicitly, since it
would have been apparent to the community reading or hearing those
texts.310 The intertextual relationship between Isa. 19:115 and 2:22
3:7, 12, which probably also addresses the theme of political support
from Egypt, might point to this function of Isa. 19:115.311 If this latter
is assumed to derive from the 8th century bc, this explanation would
make the most sense.
However, it is also possible that Isa. 19:115 addresses the theme
of Egypt from a different angle. The text may sound like a theological
treatise dealing with Egypts role in the unfolding plan of Yhwh con-
cerning all the worlds nations, especially if v. 12 is seen as integral to
the text. From this point of view, the text may reflect on attempts to
subdue Egypt by one of the Assyrian monarchs without any particular
309
Cf. also AOB 144 Tafel LXIII. For the identification of the kneeling Kushite fig-
ure with Ushanhuru, see D. Kahn, Taharqa, King of Kush and the Assyrians, JSSEA
31 (2004), 116.
310
While Egypt offered support for the Judaean kings against Babylon, most proph-
ecies of Jeremiah and Ezekiel against Egypt fail to mention this fact in their prophe-
cies. Cf. Jer. 46:112, 1323; Ezek. 29:16a, 9b12, 1720. Egypt as a false source of
hope is mentioned in Jer. 46:2526a; Ezek. 29:6b9a, 16.
311
Isa. 2:22 questions the attitude of the people of Yhwh in relying on man ()
instead of God. That is exactly the point made in Isaiahs early anti-Egyptian prophe-
cies (31:3). in 3:1 (glossed by: ) recalls
Israels reliance ( )on Egypt (Isa. 10:20; 30:12; 31:1). It is therefore tempting to
relate the two pericopes not only with regard to their common vocabulary, but also
in terms of their rhetorical intention.
282 chapter five
Isaiah 19:1625
In connection with Isa. 19:1626, we need to discuss two important
theological questions. First, as I noted above, part of 19:1625 seems
to be constructed in reference to Israels past. Second, the type of uni-
versalism that appears in 19:1625 is particularly intriguing, and will
be further investigated.
Where do the theologically significant expressions found in 19:16
25 occur in the Old Testament in a similar context?312 The word
in 19:16 refers to the fear that Israel instils in foreigners and is used in
a similar manner in Judg. 8:12, in the war of Gideon against Zebah and
Zalmunna, in 1 Sam. 14:15, in the war between Jonathan (Saul ) and
the Philistines. The verb in Isa. 19:16 is found in a similar con-
text in Exod. 15:16; Deut. 2:25; 11:25; 1 Chron. 14:17; 2 Chron. 14:13;
17:10; 20:29; Est. 8:17; 9:2; Ps. 105:38; Jer. 33:9; Mic. 7:17. These texts
emphasise that the nations fear of Israel is caused by Yhwh. Deut.
2:25 is particularly interesting in connecting the fear of all nations
under the sky with the report they hear about Israel as in Isa. 19:17
() .313
The hand raised against the enemy ( + ( )Isa. 19:17) appears in
Isa. 10:32 (Assur/Yhwh against Jerusalem); 11:15 (Yhwh against the
Euphrates); Zech. 2:13 (against the nations). However, in Isa. 19:16
17 the motif of the raised hand is connected with the plan of Yhwh
() . The same connection of the two elements appears in Isa.
14:2627 as and as well as in Isa. 23:89,
11. The notion of the stretched outhand ( + )is frequent in the
Egypt stories (Exod. 7:5, 19; 8:1, 2, 13; 9:22; 10:12, 21, 22; 14:16, 21,
312
Concordance-like comparison of the vocabulary of 19:1625 is only meaningful
if the parallel occurrences involve a similar context.
313
For other expressions of fear, cf. Exod. 1:12; 14:25; 15:1416; Deut. 28:10; Josh.
2:911; 5:1; 9:24; 2 Kgs 7:6; Neh. 6:16; Ps. 48:56.
284 chapter five
26, 27; cf. Josh. 8:19),314 but also a recurrent theme in Jeremiah, Ezekiel
and Zephaniah.315
As noted in 5.2.5, may have been chosen because it
reminded the reader of the Judaean history, the conquest and the set-
tlement of the land. Canaan appears rarely after the book of Judges.
When it does, it refers either to Israels past (Ezek. 16:3; Hos. 12:8)
or to the Phoenicians on the seacoast (Isa. 23:8, 11; Obad. 20; Zeph.
2:5).
The need to make an offering (Isa. 19:19) was the primary reason
for which the Israelites in Egypt asked permission from the pharaoh
to leave for the desert (Exod. 5:3; 8:2526). Sacrifices performed by
foreigners are described in 1 Sam. 6; 2 Kgs 5:17; Jon. 1:16. As for the
function of the altar and the stele as a sign and witness, Isa. 19:20a can
be compared to Josh. 22, with its altar built near the Jordan as a wit-
ness to the faith of the Transjordanian tribes (22:27, 28, 34).
Nowhere is the literary parallel to Israels history as strong as in Isa.
19:20b21.316 The cry for help by Egypt ( )echoes Israels cry ()
when suffering under its Egyptian oppressors in Exod. 2:23. Both
and appear together in Exod. 3:9 (cf. Isa. 19:20), where Moses (cf.
in Isa. 19:20), is told: The cry ( )of the Israelites has come
to me. I have also seen how the Egyptians oppress ( )them. The
verb appears in Exod. 3:8 and in 3:10 (cf. Judg. 6:14). The
cry of suffering under oppression and the call for a deliverer (judge/
king) is particularly favoured by Deuteronomy and related literature.317
I already mentioned above the interesting case of 2 Kgs 13:45, where
Jehoahaz, king of Israel, is delivered from Aramaean oppressors ()
byan Assyrian .
The revelation of Yhwh to Egypt recalls Exod. 3 and 5:2. The idea of
serving Yhwh in Isa. 19:21 is also close to the promise and sign ()
given to Moses in Exod. 3:12.
314
For , cf. Exod. 6:6; Deut. 4:34; 5:15; 7:19; 9:29; 11:2; 26:8; 1 Kgs 8:42; 2
Kgs 17:36; Ps. 136:12. is used in, e.g., Exod. 3:20; 9:15; (24:11).
315
Against his people: Isa. 5:25; 9:11, 16, 20; 31:3; Jer. 6:12; 15:6; Ezek. 6:14; 14:9,
13; 16:27; Zeph. 1:4. Against other nations: Isa. 10:4; 14:26, 27; 23:11; Jer. 51:25; Ezek.
25:7, 13, 16; 30:25; 35:3; Zeph. 2:13.
316
See also Vogels, gypte, 5058.
317
Note Deut. 26:7 ( / ;)Judg. 2:18 ( / / ;)4:3 ( / ;)6:7, 9
( / / ;)10:12 ( / / ;)Ps. 106:4244 ( / / ).
appears again in a Deuteronomistic context in 1 Sam. 10:18; 2 Kgs 13:22, or otherwise
in Amos 6:14. Cf. also Ps. 42:10; 43:2; 44:25.
the analysis of isaiah 19 285
318
PPANE 71 ii 37; cf. PPANE 79 i 1718.
319
Vogels, gypte, 496.
286 chapter five
as such. This means that Isa. 19:1625 is more closely related to Isa.
910, than to 11:1112:6.
To conclude, the theological investigation of Isa. 19:1625 has led
thus far to two significant conclusions. First, Isa. 19:1625 makes use
of expressions and words that remind the reader of Israel-related texts.
By this presentation of the future of Egypt, the author underlines that
Egypt will get to know Yhwh in the same way as Israel did. Second,
making use of the analogy of the past in order to present the future
is a characteristic of several pericopes in Isaiah, one of which is Isa.
19:1625.
The second problem is the universalistic perspective of this prophecy.
Universalism in the Bible is often related to the exilic and post-exilic
periods. For this reason, Isa. 19:1625 is frequently dated to the Per-
sian or Hellenistic era. Parallel texts frequently mentioned include Isa.
66:1821; Jon. 1:16; 34; Zech. 14:20; Mal. 1:11.320 It must be empha-
sised from the start that, while the Babylonian captivity facilitated the
development of universalistic ideas (cf. Isa. 4055),321 the idea of the
supremacy of Yhwh over all other gods and nations originated in an
earlier period. To avoid unhelpful generalisations, we should consider
more closely the type of universalism expounded in 19:1625. I am not
so interested in universalism in the sense of Yhwhs universal rule, but
in the direct relationship between foreigners and Yhwh. The texts to
be investigated can be subdivided into three groups.322
(a) Foreigners acknowledging Yhwhs awesomeness. On different
occasions, we find foreigners implicitly or explicitly acknowledging
Yhwh:323 the Egyptians (Exod. 8:19; 9:20, 27; 10:7), the foreign travel
mates of Jonah (Jon. 1:16), Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. 2:47; 3:2833), Dar-
ius (Dan. 6:2427). These texts mostly deal with specific individuals or
groups, rather than entire nations. A close parallel to Isa. 19 appears
in 1 Sam. 56, a story proclaiming the superiority of Yhwh above the
god Dagan. Essentially the same is suggested by Zeph. 2:11, which
mentions nations bowing down before Yhwh each in its own place
() . The cause for this reverence of Yhwh is,
320
Feuillet, Sommet, 27477; Schoors, 12021; Berges, 167.
321
A. Gelston, The Universalism of Second Isaiah, JTS 43 (1992), 37798.
322
I exclude Exod. 18 from these passages. Jethros previous relationship with
Yhwh is not clarified by the text (neither rejected nor presupposed).
323
On the general topic of foreign worshippers of national deities, cf. D.I. Block,
The Gods of the Nations: Studies in Ancient Near Eastern National Theology, Grand
Rapids, MI 22000, 7172.
the analysis of isaiah 19 287
324
Ps. 82 is recognised as one of the oldest psalms. Note, however, 82:8, which pres-
ents Yhwh (?) as the uppermost judge of the entire world (reminiscent of the Canaan-
ite Elyon). Kraus notes that der Universalismus in der Theologie der Psalmen nicht
das Sptprodukt eines religisen Entwicklungsprozesses innerhalb der Geschichte
Israels, sondern vielmehr ein im Typos der Verehrung des hchsten Gottes bereits
vorgegebenes Element der kanaanischen Welt ist (H.J. Kraus, Psalmen [BKAT, 15],
Neukirchen-Vluyn 51978, 97). Amos 9:7 is another striking example, which refers to
concrete nations, whose history is governed by Yhwh. This text parallels the exodus
(!) of Israel with the exodus of other nations. For the pre-exilic origin of Amos 9:7, see
A.S. van der Woude, Amos-Obadja-Jona (T&T), Kampen 1993, 1034.
325
Contra Feuillet, Sommet, 275.
288 chapter five
(cf. Jon. 1:9; 4:1011), not through covenant.326 It is the same concept
as the one underlying the book of Job.
(c) In order to get to know Yhwh, one has to go to Israel. The cases
of Rahab (Josh. 2:913) and Ruth (Ruth 1:16) are also mentioned in
connection with Isa. 19:1625. However, these texts can be considered
universalist only insofar as Israel is the centre of the universe. The sto-
ries of Rahab and Ruth convince the reader that experiencing the ben-
efits of worshipping Yhwh is only realised by leaving former national
and religious identities behind and joining the people of Yhwh. This
is also the idea reflected in the story of Naaman (2 Kgs 5:15, 17), and
more importantly in the Israel-centred texts concerned with foreign
nations (Isa. 66:2023; Jer. 12:1417; Zech. 2:1516; 14; etc.). Zeph.
3:910, which is closest to Isa. 19:1625, may also be seen as part of
this group. According to v. 9 Yhwh will gather the foreign nations
for judgment, he will change the lips of the nations into pure lips
( ) so that they may call on the name of Yhwh
( ) and serve him with one accord (
). Isa. 19:1625 may have been the source of Zeph. 3:9, as Zeph.
3:10 is also clearly built on Isa. 18:7 (cf. 2.4.4; 4.3.1). A notable dif-
ference between the two texts is, however, that according to Zeph.
3:10, the other nations will worship Yhwh in Jerusalem and not in
their homeland, unlike in Isa. 19:1625.
Therefore, the above mentioned texts hardly represent complete
parallels for the ideas raised in Isa. 19:1625, and they are unlikely to
have played a role in the formation of this text. Isa. 19:1625 is not
merely about the fear of Yhwh characterising foreigners but the par-
ticular experience of Egypt with Israels God, who will be revealed to
Egypt as he was revealed to Israel. Egypt will honour Yhwh, not Elo-
him; not the creator of the world, but Yhwh, who had smitten them,
and healed them. They will not worship him in Jerusalem, but in their
own land. Despite claims to the contrary, this type of universalism has
no parallels in the texts mentioned above.
In my view, it is an essential point that Isa. 19:1625 does not present
an eschatological scene in which nations stand in front of the throne
of Yhwh but a scene set on historical soil, with actions that may have
326
I doubt that Jon. 34 would have had any influence on Isa. 19:25 in describing
Assyria as the creation of my hands, as Feuillet assumes. As argued, this literary topic
connects Isa. 19:25 to Assyrian theological conventions, where the king appears as
the creation of Assurs or Istars hands. This does not allude to a creation story, but it
expresses strong relationship with the divinity.
the analysis of isaiah 19 289
327
This is most obvious in Ps. 72:8, which describes the empire of the Israelite king
as reaching from one sea to the other, a motif similar to the one appearing in texts
impregnated by Assyrian royal ideology which present the empires boundaries as
bordered by the Upper Sea and the Lower Sea (cf. 3.4).
328
Shalmaneser III writes: when Assur, the great lord, chose me in his steadfast
heart and with his holy eyes, and named me for the shepherdship of Assyria, he put
in my grasp a strong weapon, which fells the insubordinate [. . .]. (RIMA A.0.102.2 i
12). The same god he maintains placed in my hands the sword, scepter, (and) staff
appropriate for (rule over) the people, and that Assur and Ninurta placed firmly
in my hands all lands (and) mountains (RIMA A.0.102.5 ii 12; cf. also A.0.102.9
1517). Essentially the same is assumed by Esarhaddon according to his Zenjirli Stele
(IAKA 65:3037).
290 chapter five
While one could argue that, in Isa. 19:19, Egypt serves Yhwh
directly by presenting him offerings (eschatological explanation),
there is another more convincing historical reading of this text: Egypt
serves Yhwh in an indirect way by subjecting itself to Gods appointed
human king and by presenting offerings on the altars prepared by the
Assyrians, for instance (vv. 19, 21). As the ultimate over lord of the
Assyrian ruler, Yhwh regards these offerings as actually presented to
him. Although serving Assyria does not appear explicitly in a posi-
tive sense elsewhere in Isaiah, this is certainly neither foreign to nor
incompatible with the theology of this book. When Isaiah strongly
and repeatedly rejects attempts to rebel against Assyria, he implicitly
acknowledges the supremacy of this empire. Judahs commitment to
paying tribute as a faithful vassal coincides with Yhwhs present pur-
pose ( )for the world: all nations should serve Assyria. Moreover,
as I noted above, this idea is clearly present in other prophetic books
as well. Jer. 25 and 27 consider the actual plan of God to entail the sub-
ordination of all nations to Nebuchadnezzar, while rebelling against
Babylon is no lesser offence than rebellion against Israels God. This
explanation has the advantage that it makes sense of Isa. 19:23 and
of a world under Assyrian supremacy without forcefully assigning a
meaning to v. 23 which is not supported philologically.
To conclude, the Hebrew Bible version of Isa. 19:1625 has some
very particularthough not uniqueviews on the relationship
between Yhwh and the foreign nations that must be carefully consid-
ered in order to avoid hasty conclusions unwarranted by the text of
the prophecy. The manner in which vv. 1625 describe the relation-
ship between Egypt and Yhwh, as well as the fact that they allude to
episodes in human history (vv. 20, 23) in which human agents act as
Yhwhs instruments suggest that Isa. 19:1625 is most closely related
to the universalism of the royal psalms and those sections of the Bible
which present a foreign ruler as the means by which Yhwh exercises
his dominion (2 Kgs 13:45; Isa. 45:1; Jer. 27; etc.).
329
Erlandsson, Burden, 271.
330
E.g. parallel ideas with Isaianic passages (Kaiser, 83; Kilian, 120) or lack of an
Isaianic style (Dillmann, 17071; Loretz, Ugaritische Topos, 103).
331
D.B. Redford, Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient Times, Princeton, NJ 1992,
335; J.D. Currid, Ancient Egypt and the Old Testament, Grand Rapids, MI 1997, 239;
Sweeney, 271; Blenkinsopp, 314.
332
A. Kuhrt, The Ancient Near East. c. 3000330 bc, vol. 2, London 1995, 62627;
Kkosy, Egyiptom, 170; J. Taylor, The Third Intermediate Period (1069664 bc), in:
292 chapter five
In the north, Tanis and Memphis become the centres of the 21st
Dynasty, but the gradual deterioration of the relations with Thebes
contribute to the further fragmentation of Egypt, including the Delta
region, between the pharaohs of 23rd and the 22nd Dynasties ruling
in parallel.333 By the end of the 8th century, a further 24th Dynasty of
Libyan origin was claiming royal titulature in Lower Egypt (Sais). By
the time the Kushite Piye arrived in Memphis around 728, the country
was divided among more than a dozen kings, princes and Mashwash
chiefs (a Libyan tribe).334
It has been argued though that this political situation should not be
characterised as chaotic or anarchic. The 22nd24th Dynasties were of
Libyan origin. To a certain extent, they had assimilated and adopted
Egyptian culture, but the Libyans clearly retained a significant mea-
sure of authentic tradition. Their names were Libyan, even after sev-
eral generations. Libyan statues and funerary objects preserved large
lists of genealogies, atypical for Egyptian pharaohs and characteristic
of non-literate societies of nomadic or semi-nomadic origin.335 The
boasts by the pharaohs counsellors concerning their descent from
historic royal families in Isa. 19:11 can also be understood against this
background.336
This internal situation proves to be particularly fragile whenas a
third important factor in shaping the history of Egyptthe Nubian
kings of Napata, the city founded once by Egyptians as the seat of
their administration in Kush, invade and take over the entire Egypt.337
I. Shaw (ed.), The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, Oxford 2000, 339. Cf. also F.
Goma, Die Libyschen Frstentmer des Deltas, vom Tod Osorkons II. bis zur Wieder-
vereinigung gyptens durch Psametik I (BTAVO, B6), Wiesbaden 1974.
333
Manetho calls the 22nd Dynasty Bubastite because it originated with Bubastis,
while the 23rd Dynasty is called Tanite, since it derived from Tanis, though seated in
Leontopolis (Tell-Moqdam) (K.A. Kitchen, The Third Intermediate Period, London
2
1986, 12830).
334
Cf. Piyes Victory Stele (FHN 1.9); see also R.G. Morkot, The Black Pharaohs:
Egypts Nubian Rulers, London 2000, 19195.
335
Taylor, Third Intermediate Period, 34041.
336
Note, however, prism fragment Bu 9159, 218 (col. a ln. 6), which also men-
tions the descendants of his [Taharkas] fathers house, sons of former kings (zr bt
abu mr arr mahrte). H.-U. Onasch, Die assyrischen Eroberungen gyptens, Bd.
1 (AT, 27), Wiesbaden 1994, 20.
337
See, e.g., K.-H. Priese, Der Beginn der kuschitischen Herrschaft in gypten,
ZS 98 (1970), 1632; D. OConnor, Ancient Nubia: Egypts Rival in Africa, Pennsyl-
vania, MA 1993; L. Trk, The Kingdom of Kush: Handbook of the NapatanMeroitic
Civilisation (HdO, 1/31), Leiden 1997; Morkot, Black Pharaohs; K. Jansen-Winkeln,
the analysis of isaiah 19 293
The Great Triumphal Stele (or Victory Stele) of Piye (747717), the
first pharaoh of the 25th Dynasty, gives a detailed account of the
political history of Egypt around 728 bc.338 According to this text,
the rulers in the small kingdoms of Egypt acknowledged the supremacy
of the Kushite Piye mostly voluntarily. Memphis, which was the seat
of one of the most powerful kings of the Delta, Tefnakht of the 24th
Saite Dynasty, refused to do so and was taken by force, although the
rebellious prince managed to flee. While Piye returned to Napata after
this incident, his brother and successor, Shabaka, chose Memphis, the
balance of the two lands, as the seat of his large Egypto-Kushite
Kingdom.
Indeed, the sphere pictured in Isa. 19:2 complies well with the situa-
tion in Egypt in the late 8th century. However, the following elements
need serious consideration before driving presuppositions further
than v. 2 actually permits. First, it is far from certain that Isa. 19:115
is a post-eventum prophecy.339 If it is read as a predictive text (I shall
stir up Egypt against Egypt . . .), then the 8th century historical situ-
ation may have served in the best case as an inspiring terminus post
quem. Second, as mentioned in the exegesis, the civil war setting is so
common in ancient literature that it cannot be tied to one particular
moment in Egypts history. What we can at most say is that Isaiah
seems to have favoured this motif (cf. Isa. 3), and the fact that it is a
literary topos does not exclude the possibility of it having some his-
torical reality, as indeed the texts mentioned in this connection often
go back to real historical situations. Third, the scenario in 19:2 was not
just typical for the period before the campaign of Piye in 728, but it
reappeared on different occasions. The conflicts between the princes of
Lower Egypt with Taharka and Tanutamani, the last two Kushite pha-
raohs of the 7th century, are particularly important. Nevertheless, the
use of expression in a domestic Egyptian context is
striking. Unless it belongs to stereotypical phraseology, it may point to
an era of relative independence for and conflict between the Egyptian
nomes (), which was the case before 664 bc, when Psametik I,
Alara und Taharka: zur Geschichte des nubischen Knigshauses, Or. 72 (2003),
14158.
338
Cf. N. Grimal, La stle triomphale de Pi(nkh)y au Muse du Caire (JE 48862 et
47086 47089): tudes sur la propagande royale gyptienne (MIFAO, 105), Caire 1981;
R.H. Pierce, Great Triumphal Stela of Piye, Year 21 (FHN 1.9); M. Lichtheim, The
Victory Stela of King Piye (Piankhy) (COS 2.7).
339
Contrast Hayes & Irvine, 260 (ex eventu); Procksch, 246 (pre-eventum).
294 chapter five
340
For Piye, cf. Hayes & Irvine, 260; Niccacci, Isaiah xviiixx, 218. For Shabaka,
cf. Currid, Ancient Egypt, 240. For Sargon II, cf. Procksch, 246; A. Feuillet, tudes
chronologique des oracles quon peut dater, in: Idem, tudes dexgse et de thologie
biblique: Ancien Testament, Paris 1975, 51. For Nebuchadnezzar, cf. Vermeylen, 1.321.
For Cambyses, cf. Dillmann, 17071. For other Persian rulers, cf. Kilian, 121.
341
Kissane, 215; Penna, 184; Young, 2.16; Oswalt, 368.
342
Cf. C.J. Chimko, Foreign Pharaohs: Self-Legitimization and Indigenous Reac-
tion in Art and Literature, JSSEA 30 (2003), 2328.
343
The term is particularly suited to the Assyrian king, Esarhaddon, who is
called lord rather than king on his ascension treaty tablet fragments from Nineveh.
the analysis of isaiah 19 295
Cf. S. Parpola, Neo-Assyrian Treaties from the Royal Archives of Nineveh, JCS 39
(1987), 17074. Though note in Isa. 26:13; Jer. 27:4.
344
Tiglath-pileser III established a bt kri, custom office, at the border of Egypt
SI 4:14 (ITP, 14041); SI 9: rev. 16 (ITP, 18889). On bt kri, see M. Elat, The Eco-
nomic Relations of the Neo-Assyrian Empire with Egypt, JAOS 98 (1978), 2627; J.N.
Postgate, Taxation and Conscription in the Assyrian Empire, Rome 1974, 39091. An
Egyptian king (Shoshenq V?; so Kitchen, Period, 37274) is probably mentioned as a
tribute bearer of Tiglath-pileser in SI 8:20-21; SI 9: rev. 2325; SI 13:1-2. Cf. ITP,
178; N. Naaman, R. Zadok, Sargon IIs Deportations to Israel and Philistia (716708
B.C.), JCS 40 (1988), 43. It is unclear whether Nimrud letter ND 2765 mentioning
Egyptian horse tribute to the Assyrians should be dated to Tiglath-pilesers or Sargons
reign. Sargons texts also clearly refer to threat to Egypt. His activities in relation to a
kru (identical with the bt kri above; cf. ISK, 88) at the border are well-known (Khor-
sabad Annals 1718). He receives tribute from Osorkon IV, king of Egypt (ilkanni
ar mt Musri), in 716 (Assur prism 111), and from Piru (Pharaoh?), king of Egypt
(Piru ar mt Musri), in 715 (Khorsabad Annals 12325, Great Display Inscription
2527, etc.). For the texts, cf. A. Fuchs, Die Inschriften Sargons II. aus Khorsabad,
Gttingen 1994; Idem, Die Annalen des Jahres 711 v. Chr. nach Prismenfragmenten
aus Ninive und Assur (SAAS, 8), Helsinki 1998. Sennacheribs battle with Egypt was
already discussed in 4.3.3.
345
For the details, see A. Spalinger, Esarhaddon and Egypt: An Analysis of the First
Invasion of Egypt, Or. 43 (1974), 295326; Onasch, Eroberungen.
296 chapter five
346
Kitchen, Period, 129, 137, 153, 396.
347
Hayes & Irvine, 26364. Cf. Nimrud Prism (D) iv 4249.
the analysis of isaiah 19 297
348
Cf. Procksch, 254; Fohrer, 1.229 (for Isa. 19:1822); Wildberger, 730.
349
Isa. 19:1625 is dated to the 7th century by Gottwald, Kingdoms, 22428
(between 660609); R. Nelson, Realpolitik in Judah (687609 bce), in: W.H. Hallo
et al. (eds), Scripture in Context II: More Essays on the Comparative Method, Winona
298 chapter five
Lake, IN 1983, 185 (era of Josiah, 627622); Sweeney, 270, 272 (era of Manasseh
[687642]).
350
IAKA 64:25 (e.g., Sais became Kr-bl-mtti); Onasch, Eroberungen, 1.3037,
9495; BIWA, 211 (Assurbanipals Prims E iii 1617).
the analysis of isaiah 19 299
351
Cf. Spalinger, First Invasion, 325. Later texts of Assurbanipal concerning the
anti-Assyrian uprising of Egyptian kings mention the good deeds (tbtu) of Esarhad-
don and Assurbanipal towards the Egyptians (BIWA, 211).
352
For the list, cf. Prism A i 90109 and Prism C ii 8792.
353
The list of participating kings appears on Assurbanipals Prism C ii 3767.
Prisms E, A, and LET 2933 only mention the involvement of 22 kings giving no
further details. The list of Assurbanipals Prism C is similar to Prism B of Esarhad-
don from Nineveh, which also mentions 12 kings of the sea-shore (arrni a kidi
tmtim), among others Manasseh, king of Judah, and 10 Cypriote kings in connec-
tion with the kings building operations at Kar-Esarhaddon, on the Phoenician coast
(IAKA 27:5476). Jewish soldiers appear in the Egyptian army of Psametik I (?) in
a war against Kush and in the army of Cambyses, when he invades Egypt (cf. Letter
of Aristeas 13).
354
Prism C ii 85100; Prism B i 8795; Prism A i 90116.
355
Fragment 82522,10 (BIWA, 2627); Prism E iv 2980. Prism A i 118ii 6; C
ii 105130; LET 37-69. Cf. SAA 4 88; Onasch, Eroberungen, 1.151.
300 chapter five
356
According to Prism A i 130 and ii 57, all 20 kings of Egypt were taken to
Nineveh. Prism C iii 69 mentions only Necho and Sarru-lu-dari, while Prism B ii 36
refers solely to Sarru-lu-dari being taken to Nineveh. While Prism A is generally con-
sidered late and less reliable, we have some evidence that Assurbanipals actions were
directed against several rebellious kings. Paqruru is mentioned several times as one of
the rebels. Moreover, the Assyrian texts assign the throne of Athribis later to Nechos
son, Nab-zi-banni. Earlier Bukunranipi occupied the same position (Prism C ii
85109; A i 9095), so that he must have been removed from the throne. The rebel-
lious cities punished by Assurbanipal also include Mendes, whose king, Puyama is
likewise not named whith Necho, Sarru-lu-dari and Paqruru.
357
Prism C ii 130iii 5; Prism A i 134ii 4. Prism B i 95 refers to Tanis (Snu),
which might be a scribal error for Pelusium (Snu) (cf. BIWA, 214).
358
In the Egyptian tradition the ruler of Athribis was the hereditary prince of Egypt
(Spalinger, First Invasion, 320).
the analysis of isaiah 19 301
The son of Necho, the crown prince Psametik (I), bears an Assyr-
ian name (Nab-zi-banni) as an expression of his subordination
to Assyria. The Egyptian kings appointed by Assyria are constantly
referred to as servants (urdu) of Assyria. The cities occupied by Esar-
haddon are given Assyrian names in expression of their status. As
argued, this Assyrian practice may underlie the renaming of the five
Egyptian cities as cities of ruins in Isa. 19:18.
Whether the five cities are symbolic or whether 19:18 refers to five
historical cities will remain a riddle. Let it be noted, however, that
the kings of five cities were implicated more than others in the rebel-
lion against Assurbanipal, and they were severely punished thereafter:
Isanti of Paqruru, Sais of Necho, Mendes of Puyama, Pelusium of
Sarru-lu-dari, and possibly Athribis of Bukunranipi, who was replaced
by Psametik I.
Judaeans were well-informed about the political developments not
only as neighbours but even as eyewitnesses.359 As seen above, Judaean
contingents joined the Assyrian forces in their activities in Africa.
However, if Isa. 19:1625 refers to Egypt serving Assyria, how can we
interpret the liberation of Egypt in Isa. 19:20b21? Does it refer to an
Egyptian prince, who will throw off the Assyrian yoke and drive away
the Assyrians? According to Assurbanipals Prism A ii 114, sometime
after Psametik I (Piamilki) (664610) consolidated his force in Egypt,
he allied with King Gyges of Lydia and threw off the Assyrian yoke.
Nevertheless it is difficult to combine this event with Isa. 19:2325.
Another alternative which fits v. 23 (2425) much better is to assume
that Isa. 19:2021 deals with the liberation of Egypt from Kushite
and not Assyrian supremacy. The could refer to Necho I or
Psametik I who drove away Taharka and his successor, Tanutamani,
with Assyrian (and Judaean) support. It is also possible that
can also refer to the Assyrian king himself. It is true that Isa. 19:4
speaks negatively about the Assyrian occupation of Egypt. However,
since vv. 1625 were composed on a different occasion, it is possible
that vv. 1625 reinterpret vv. 115 in a new way. It is particularly
striking that Isa. 19:1625 is strongly related to the Assyrian ideology
on the issue of the legitimacy of Assyrian domination of Egypt. Yet
the same cuneiform texts also present the kings Esarhaddon and
359
Isa. 37:25, composed in the post-Sennacherib era, also refers to the capture of
Egypt and alludes to the desiccation of Egypts rivers () .
302 chapter five
360
The final of Isa. 23, which parallels Isa. 19 in many respects, refers to
the restoration of Tyre after 70 years. This motif also appears in Esarhaddons texts
in his description of the restoration of Babylon (IAKA 11 Episode 10). It should be
noted in passing that Isa. 23:18 with its seemingly anti-Deuteronomian echo (cf. Deut.
23:19), is just as striking as Isa. 19:19s apparent pro- stance that some likewise
consider anti-Deuteronomistic.
the analysis of isaiah 19 303
texts, the approach of the Assyrian king also causes hearts to palpitate
and people to melt in fear. The portrayal of Egypt as a land losing
its mind when confronted by Yhwh (vv. 3, 11, 13) reminds one of
the effects of the appearance of the glory (namrru) and awesome-
ness (melamm) of Assur which, according to Assurbanipals Prism B
i 8082, caused Taharka to become frenzied (illika mahhtta).
The reference to the plan against Yhwh is reminiscent of the
Assyrian descriptions of rebellion of subordinated kings. In this sense
( his plans I shall destroy; v. 3) can be compared to the
account concerning the planned evil (ikpud lemuttu) and profit-
less counsel (milik l kuri) of Egypts leaders against Assurbanipal
(Prism E. Stck 11 110). The related gesture of the raised hand over
the nations (v. 17) was already noted as a recurring motif in Assyr-
ian literature (cf. 3.4). Isa. 10:32 connects this act explicitly with the
Assyrian king.
The harsh lord and powerful king (v. 4) reminds one of the impres-
sion made by a salmu-stele, most likely familiar to the audience, which
represented the Assyrian king as an authoritative and powerful ruler.
The desiccation of the Nile (vv. 57) reappears in Isa. 37:25 in a
speech cited from the Assyrian monarch. The Judaean author is
obviously a master of Assyrian rhetoric. It is not only the expression
, which is of particular interest here, but also the fact that
this speech is specifically related to the post-Sennacherib era (Isa. 37:
3738), i.e., the age of the Egyptian campaigns of Esarhaddon and
Assurbanipal.
A long list of motifs typical to Assyrian stele literature appears in
vv. 1822: the change of city names into Assyrian names; comparison
of destroyed cities to ruined hills (cf. here , city of ruins);
the swearing of allegiance to the overlord; the establishment of an altar
to Yhwh on which offerings and tributes are presented ( ,
v. 21); the erection of the stele ( )in the border zone and its
dedication to Yhwh; the offering of support against enemies by the
benevolent overlord. These are clear indications that the author of
these verses was familiar with the literary customs and royal ideology
of Assyrian royal inscriptions.
As for Isa. 19 in the context of the -edition, the chaos caused
by Yhwh among Egypts gods can be compared to Isa. 2:18 (
; cf. 2:8, 20). The inability of the Egyptian leaders to endure
the day of their visitation (19:1114) is similar to Isa. 2:1112, 17.
304 chapter five
5.5 Conclusion
NAKED TRUTH:
THE ANALYSIS OF ISAIAH 20
The introductory phrase of Isa. 20:16 ties the events it narrates, a sym-
bolic act of Isaiah concerning Egypt and Kush, to a concrete historical
period, the capture of Ashdod by the commander of Sargon II in 711
bc. Although the focus on Egypt and Kush relates this text to Isa. 19,
its location among the FNPs remains unusual in several respects. First,
Isa. 20:16 is a narrative about Isaiah in the 3rd person. Second, Isa. 20
is separated from the preceding prophecy by a new heading, though not
one of the -type as in Isa. 19:1 or 21:1. Third, Isa. 19 ends with
a pronouncement of salvation concerning Egypt. Consequently, the
renewed proclamation of judgment against Egypt and Kush in Isa. 20
would seem to necessitate re-evaluation.
Despite the short and relatively well-preserved text, several issues
in this passage need clarification. First, one should note the cumber-
some structure of the introductory sentence, which presents the fol-
lowing verse as the words of Yhwh spoken through Isaiah. However,
the present form of vv. 2 and 3, which use the 3rd person to refer to
Isaiah, raise questions concerning their logical connection to v. 1. Sec-
ond, the original relationship between the symbolic act of Isaiah and
the fall of Ashdod is subject to debate. Because v. 1 mentions the city
Ashdod and v. 6 speaks about the inhabitant of this coastland, many
scholars believe that the symbolic action of the prophet was originally
intended as a warning to the Philistines and that its connection with
Egyptians and Kushites is a secondary development. Third, it is unclear
whether the three years in v. 3 constitute the interval during which
Isaiah has been walking naked and barefoot or are part of the symbol-
ism itself. Fourth, the retrospective narrative form of the text dealing
with Isaiah presupposes temporal distance from the narrated events.
Consideration therefore needs to be given to the extent to which the
literary form of Isa. 20 as a later-constructed narrative influenced the
meaning of eventually postulated earlier Isaianic oral utterance and
symbolic act.
306 chapter six
1 In the year when the tartanb came to Ashdod (abeing sent by Sargon
2 the king of Assyriaa) and he attacked it and took it, at that time
Yhwh spoke throughc dIsaiah, son of Amosd. He said: Go, and
loose the sackcloth from your loins and take off the shoes from
3 your feet. And he did so, walking naked and barefoot. And Yhwh
said: Just as my servant, Isaiah, has walked naked and barefoot efor
three years (or: three years is)e as a sign and portent concerning
4 Egypt and Kush, so shall the king of Assyria lead off the captives of
Egypt and the exiles of Kush, young and old, naked and barefoot,
5 fwith the buttocks and the genitalia of Egypt uncoveredf. And they
will be dismayed and ashamed of Kush, gtheir expectationg, and of
6 Egypt, their pride. And the inhabitant of this coastland will say on
that day: Look, this has happened to our expectation where hwe
had fledh for help to be delivered from the king of Assyria. How
then shall we escape? .
1
For the > change before the , see E.Y. Kutscher, Language and Linguistic Back-
ground of the Isaiah Scroll (1 Q Isaa), Leiden 1974, 122, 49697.
the analysis of isaiah 20 307
2
The word is probably of Hurrian origin. See P.V. Mankowski, Akkadian Loan-
words in Biblical Hebrew (HSS, 47), Winona Lake, IN 2000, 151.
3
R. Mattila, The Kings Magnates: A Study of the Highest Officials of the Neo-
Assyrian Empire (SAAS, 11), Helsinki 1999, 11011.
4
Ehrlich, 73; Procksch, 257; Watts, 264; Hffken, 161; Barthlemy, 151.
308 chapter six
5
Cf. further examples of the interchange of and in Jer. 50:1: and
, however Jer. 49:34 (cf. 47:1) has and .
6
See Jer. 25:1 and 2; Jer. 46:1 and 2; Hag. 1:1 and 3. This broader view is likely
the explanation for Hag. 2:1012, where is used in the same manner as the
earlier . For instead of the expected , see other examples in Jer. 11:1;
21:1; Zech. 1:1. In some texts, the later addition of an introduction either resulted in
a double heading or an introduction that had little to do with the immediately fol-
lowing passage to which it was attached (Jer. 27:1[2]; 32:1[6]; 34:8[12]; Obad. 1; Zech.
1:7; 7:1; cf. also Hos. 1:2). Note also Josh. 10:12 ( followed by an
imperative addressed to and ).
7
See also Kennicott nr. 150 as well as 2 Kgs 19:2; 20:1; 2 Chron. 26:22; 32:20, 32.
8
Note, however, Codex Vaticanus and the Lucianic recension, which also mention
the prophet.
9
is absent in Jer. 1:1. As part of a superscription is attested in Jer. 25:2;
45:1; 46:1, 13; 47:1; 49:34; 50:1; 51:59, remarkably concentrated in the headings of the
collection of FNPs, and Jer. 45:1, which is the only heading where a translation of
appears in LXX (= Jer. 51:31). This is striking in view of countless other superscrip-
tions in Jer. where the name Jeremiah is used without the qualifier . Cf. Ezek. 1:3;
Hos. 1:1; Joel 1:1; Amos 1:1; Obad. 1:1; Jon. 1:1; Mic. 1:1; Nah. 1:1; Zeph. 1:1; Mal. 1:1,
missing . appears in Hab. 1:1; 3:1; Hag. 1:1, 3; Zech. 1:1, 7.
10
Cf. also Alexander, 368; Delitzsch, 242; Oswalt, 382.
the analysis of isaiah 20 309
widely held opinion is that Isaiah performed the symbolic act for three
years, arguing that logically belongs to what precedes the
expression.11 For a comprehensive analysis, see the exegesis.
4 f-f
. Procksch considered an
Aramaism,12 but I adopt the often proposed revocalisation to
(qal part. pass.).13 is often regarded as a gloss.14 Wildberger
considered the entire phrase a later addition, but his arguments are
hardly convincing. Note that all other descriptions of the exiles in v. 4
appear in pairs: | , | , | . The
syntactic pair of is .15
Scholars who try to make sense of in its present loca-
tion arrive at the translation (with buttocks uncovered) to the shame
of Egypt. This shows the influence of LXX:
, having exposed the shame of Egypt.
generally stands for , but also for .16 However, the Greek is
rather imprecise.17 The constr. state of appears in Gen. 9:22, 23;
Lev. 18:7; 1 Sam. 20:30; Ezek. 23:29. While may be ren-
dered as the nakedness of Egypt, the phrase to [an implicit ]the
nakedness of Egyptmakes no sense.
It seems more likely to me that is related to both and
through an implicit . refers to the buttocks of Egypt, while
to the front, the genitalia from which the covering has been stripped
off.18 and form the pair of words that is so characteristic for
the other expressions in the list of Isa. 20:4. Accordingly, I render Isa.
20:4 as: with the buttocks and genitalia of Egypt uncovered.
5 g-g .
appears once more in Zech. 9:5, in a sentence similar
to Isa. 20:5. 1QIsaa reads in Isa. 20:5, i.e. their trust (not so,
however, in v. 6, where 1QIsaa follows MT). It has been argued (cf. the
11
See, e.g., Duhm, 148; Knig, 208; Schoors, 124; Wildberger, 748; etc.
12
Procksch, 258. Delitzsch also kept the vocalisation (Delitzsch, 243).
13
GKC 87g, 89d; Gray, 348; Wildberger, 748; Blenkinsopp, 321; etc.
14
Procksch, 255; Fohrer, 1.216; Kaiser, 92; Clements, 175; Schoors, 125.
15
Note also the grammatical parallelism of constr. state endings in and
on the one hand, and and on the other.
16
Isa. 47:3; Ezek. 16:36; 22:10; 23:10, 18, 29; stands for in Nah. 3:5.
17
LXX probably omitted as it also has either or ( cf. in 2 Sam.
10:4, which is however close to at least in form).
18
For in reference to genitalia (and not nakedness in general), see Gen. 9:22,
23; Exod. 28:42; Lev. 18:6; Isa. 47:2; Lam. 1:8; Ezek. 16:8; etc.
310 chapter six
Isa. 20:12 provides the historical coordinates for a symbolic act and
one of Isaiahs prophecies. The formula followed by a detailed
description is common in historical works and superscriptions, appear-
ing twice more in the book of Isaiah as well (Isa. 6:1 and 14:28).19
The campaign of Sargons commander against Ashdod is well-
documented in extra-biblical sources (see 6.3.3). As the leader of the
army the ( tartn) appears beside other high-ranking royal mag-
nates (ngir kalli, palace herald, masennu, administrator, sartinnu,
chief judge, rab q, chief cupbearer, rab a ri, chief eunuch,
etc.). The tartn owned vast provinces in the Assyrian Empire,20 and
19
E.g., Gen. 7:11; 1 Kgs 15:28, 33; 16:8; 2 Kgs 12:2, 7; 17:6; Dan. 10:1; Hag. 1:1.
The Assyrian system of dating that includes mention of an eponymous official was
unknown in Judah. However, Judaean authors did, in fact, date according to impor-
tant events of one particular year in a manner reminiscent of the Eponym Chronicles.
See further Z.J. Kapera, Biblical Reflections of the Struggle for Philistia at the End of
the Eight Century B.C. Part II: Analysis of the Chapter xx of the Book of Isaiah, FO
12 (19811984), 27980.
20
For instance, Belu-lu-balat, the tartn of Samsi-adad V, is the governor of
Tabitu, Harran, Huzirina, Duru, Qipani, Zallu, and Balihu. Samsi-ilu, the tartn of
the analysis of isaiah 20 311
Salmaneser IV, is the ruler of Hatti, Guti and all Namri (cf. Isa. 10:8). See Mattila,
Magnates, 114.
21
Cf. 2 Kgs 16:56; 1 Chron. 21:2730. See further A. Niccacci, Isaiah xviiixx
from an Egyptological Perspective, VT 48 (1998), 224 n. 17.
22
Cf. Slotki, 93; Oswalt, 385; Blenkinsopp, 323.
23
Wildberger, 757; Hayes & Irvine, 271. Bronner suggested that Isa. 20 actually
consisted of two different symbolic actions, one performed by a prophet walking in
sackcloth, related to the replacement of Azuri in 713, and another one by removing
the sackcloth, related to the events in 711 (L. Bronner, Rethinking Isaiah 20, OTWSA
2223 [19791980], 36).
24
Duhm, 148; Gray, 34546; Ehrlich, 73; Ridderbos, 147; Hayes & Irvine, 271;
Kaiser, 93; Schoors, 124; Watts, 264; Hffken, 140.
25
Isa. 15:3; 22:12; 32:11; Jer. 4:8; 6:26; Ezek. 7:18; Joel 1:8, 13; Amos 8:10.
312 chapter six
26
Elijah, the prophet, is called in 2 Kgs 1:8, which probably cor-
responds to , one with a hairy robe (cf. Gen. 25:25). His ,
robe (1 Kgs 19:13, 19; 2 Kgs 2:8, 1314) may denote any type of robe, including
those worn by prominent people. It is rather the , hairy robe, which seems
to have been typical for the prophets (Zech. 13:4). Extra-biblical texts make no dis-
tinction between a type of prophetic garment and the dressing of other persons (cf.
PPANE 54, 55, 56, 58, 59).
27
For a short analysis of Isa. 22, see 3.2.8 above.
28
For the first, see Gen. 2:25; Job 1:21; Eccl. 5:15; Hos. 2:3, for the second, 1 Sam.
19:24 (?); Job 22:6; 24:7, 10; Isa. 58:7.
29
For ( Isa. 20:2) as a synonym of ( Isa. 32:11), see Isa. 11:5.
the analysis of isaiah 20 313
30
Knig, 210.
31
E.g., Jer. 13:111 (note the temporal distance in 13:6); Ezek. 4:117 (Ezekiel has
to prepare and eat his food while being bound and unable to move [4:89]). Jer. 18:1
10 reveals the theological message of a symbolic act to the prophet which he would
retell later to an audience. Jer. 19 contains the report of the prophets personal experi-
ence, yet 19:14 presents it as an accomplished mission. Jeremiahs unmarried state is
a message that becomes theologically significant to the prophet (Jer. 16:19) and to
those reading the narrative in the future. The symbol is not physically performed but
formulated in writing. Some accounts of symbolic action function similarly to the
prophetic descriptions of visions (e.g., Amos 7).
32
E.g., 1 Kgs 14:18; 15:29; 2 Kgs 9:7; 10:10; 14:25; 17:13; Jer. 7:25; 25:4; 26:5; 35:15;
Zech. 1:6; Amos 3:7. See also J. Blenkinsopp, The Prophetic Biography of Isaiah, in:
E. Blum (ed.), Mincha. Festgabe fr Rolf Rendtorff zum 75. Geburtstag, Neukirchen-
Vluyn 2000, 19.
314 chapter six
33
Duhm, 148; Gray, 342; Ridderbos, 147; Fohrer, 1.255; H. Donner, Israel unter den
Vlkern: Die Stellung der klassischen Propheten des 8. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. zur Aussen-
politik der Knige von Israel und Juda (VTS, 11), Leiden 1964, 114; Clements, 173.
the analysis of isaiah 20 315
that the three years in Isa. 20:3 refers similarly to the fulfilment of the
message related to the symbolic action. In this case, may be
considered a parenthetic reference or a gloss to v. 3b (cf. Isa. 7:8b).34
It may allude to a very near future and not necessarily to 36 months
(cf. Jer. 28:3).35
Another feature that brings Isa. 20 close to the Isaianic tradition is
the function of signs. Walking naked and barefoot is called a sign and
portent ( ) with regard to Egypt and Kush. Isaiah with his
sons bearing symbolic names functioned as ( 8:18) for
a generation unwilling to listen. During the reign of King Ahaz, signs
( )also played an important role in transmitting the divine mes-
sage (Isa. 7:11, 14). In Isa. 37:30, the events of three years similarly
function as a sign ( )for Hezekiah. As a sign ( )referring to the
redemption of the city from the Assyrian king, the shadow went back
ten steps on the dial (?) of Ahaz ( ; Isa. 38:8). Unlike his
predecessor, Hezekiah asks for a sign ( )to rely on during his ill-
ness (38:22). Isa. 38:7 gives the theological background to in these
narratives: Yhwh shall carry out what he has promised.
Isa. 20:4 explains the sign act. Here it becomes obvious that the
nakedness of the prophet symbolises the nakedness of the Egyptian and
Kushite captives led away by the Assyrian king. The sentence
emphasises that the Assyrians will take away the exiles
totally naked, a practice confirmed by iconographic evidence.36
implies that the prophet envisages not only the deportation of
prisoners of war but the inhabitants of the land of Egypt and Kush.37
Hebrew appearing in v. 6 means shore, coastland (Isa. 23:6;
66:19; Jer. 25:22), but also isle (Jer. 47:4; Ezek. 27:6). Most exegetes
understand v. 6 as announcing judgment against the Ashdodites, sup-
posedly underlying the term . This interpretation implies
that an earlier and still unfulfilled prophecy of Isaiah regarding the
34
Wildberger, 283, and Clements, 85, argue that the sixty-five years in Isa. 7:8 may
hint at the era of Esarhaddon or Assurbanipal in the 7th century.
35
Duhm, 148, suggests that Isa. 20 remained unfulfilled, which was for him a major
reason to consider the prediction authentic.
36
Cf. AOB 128 (Tafel lvii) portrays captives taken away by Salmaneser V, totally
naked apparently with their heads shaved, as also alluded at in Isa. 7:20.
37
Cf. Gen. 19:4; Exod. 10:9; Deut. 28:50; Josh. 6:21; Judg. 7:11.
316 chapter six
38
Procksch, 258; Donner, Israel, 115; Kaiser, 95; Clements, 17374; Schoors, 125;
Sweeney, 266.
39
Likewise, Isa. 20 cannot be interpreted as a prophecy about capturing Egypt
before Ashdod (contra Gray, 342; Kaiser, 95).
40
Burney argues that referred specifically to the Philistine ruler
Yamani, whose name is mentioned in relation to the revolt of Ashdod in Assyrian
inscriptions. He understood Yamani as a gentilicum, alluding to the isle of Cyprus
(C.F. Burney, The Interpretation of Isa, xx 6, JTS 13 [1912], 423). The Cypriot ori-
gin of Yamani is, however, uncertain (cf. 6.3.3). The plural , which is logically
identified with , throws further doubts on his proposal. Seitz, 144, believed
that refers here to the peoples of the coastland, as in Isa. 41:5; 42:4, representing
the nations at the limits of the known world. The difficulty with Seitzs suggestion
is that appears in sg. and not in the pl. that one would expect if the term
denoted nations far off. Of all recorded occurrences, appears in sg. only in Isa.
23:2, 6 (Phoenician coast); Jer. 25:22 (isle of Cyprus or eventually Crete); 47:4 (isle of
Crete). Further evidence against Seitzs proposal is provided by the definite article
and the demonstrative pronoun .
the analysis of isaiah 20 317
41
Salmaneser III refers to the 12 kings on the shore of the sea (12 arrnu a
iddi tmti) (RIMA 3 A.0.102.6 iii 28; A.0.102.8:17, 33, 38; A.0.102.10 ii 19, iii 23,
19), which also included King Jehu of Israel. In A.0.102.14:6061, the kings of Hatti
are mentioned separately as arrnu a mt Hatti u aht tmti, the kings of the land
of Hatti (Syro-Palestine) and the seashore. Other texts, such as A.0.102.14:88 (cf.
A.0.102.16:7879, 152153), imply that mt H atti and ah t tmti refer to the same
territory. Esarhaddons Nineveh Prism includes Manasseh, king of Judah, among the
12 kings on the bank of the sea, 12 arrnu a kisdi tmti (IAKA 27 Episode 21:63).
This gives sufficient evidence to assume that Judah is the addressee of Isa. 20:6.
42
For and , cf. also Jer. 8:9; 17:18; 48:1, 20. For in Isaianic context,
cf. Isa. 1:29; 30:5, and for , see Isa. 7:8; 8:9: 30:31; 31:4, 9.
43
A striking parallel to this rhetorical question is found in the annals of Assurbani-
pal dealing with the rebellion of Egyptian kings, Necho, Sharru-lu-dari, and Paqruru.
318 chapter six
They are quoted as saying: If Taharka has been driven out of Egypt, how then can we
stay? (BIWA, 213; ANET, 215).
44
F. Huber, Jahwe, Juda und die anderen Vlker beim Propheten Jesaja (BZAW,
137), Berlin 1976, 107 n. 92.
45
For v. 1, cf. Wildberger, 750. For v. 2, see Duhm, 14849; Marti, 160; Schmidt,
85; Fohrer, 1.234; Kaiser, 9394; Vermeylen, 1.325.
the analysis of isaiah 20 319
In all cases the introductory sentences mention the date, the events,
the persons and the places involved, including the success or failure
of the action taken. These similarities make it highly unlikely that Isa.
20:12 would be an edited secondary version of an earlier text.47
Exegetes occasionally treat either v. 5 or v. 6 as superfluous. They
argue that the message of one verse duplicates the other, so that v. 5
is regarded as commentary on v. 6, or vice versa.48 This duplication is,
however, artificial, as the emphasis of the two verses is clearly differ-
ent. According to 20.5, after Kush and Egypt have been taken away
naked and barefoot, those relying upon them will feel shame due to
the vanquishing of their hope. Isa. 20:6 develops this idea further by
46
Barthel also argues for the secondary origin of Isa. 7:1b in relation to the rest of the
story, but the motivation supporting his view is quite meagre (historisch erluternde
Bearbeitung). Cf. J. Barthel, Prophetenwort und Geschichte: Die Jesajaberlieferung in
Jes 68 und 2831 (FAT, 19), Tbingen 1997, 13234, 155.
47
For the relationship with Isa. 7 and 3639, see also Blenkinsopp, Biography,
1624. Blenkinsopp argues for the Deuteronomistic origin of the historical formula
as well as the narratives. See further discussion below.
48
For Isa. 20:5 as secondary, cf. Marti, 160; Fohrer, 1.234; Kaiser, 96; Huber, Jahwe,
107; Clements, 17475; on Isa. 20:6, see Wildberger, 750.
320 chapter six
49
Kaiser, 9596; Wildberger, 751.
50
S. Mowinckel, Die Komposition des Jesajabuches. Kap. 139, AcOr 11 (1933),
278; Fohrer, 1.177; Clements, 47; B.M. Zapff, Schriftgelehrte ProphetieJes 13 und die
Komposition des Jesajabuches: Ein Beitrag zur Erforschung der Redaktionsgeschichte des
Jesajabuches (FzB, 74), Wrzburg 1995, 28699.
51
Duhm, 1213.
52
Berges, 14145. Cf. also P. Hffken, Jesaja: Der Stand der theologischen Diskus-
sion, Darmstadt 2004, 123; Beuken, 19, 2324, 4041.
53
Cf. also Sweeney, 267, 272.
the analysis of isaiah 20 321
54
Cf. Kilian, 127.
322 chapter six
55
Cf. 6.3.2. This does not imply, however, that 16:15; 17:78; 19:1625 should
be traced back to exactly the same period. The role Assyria plays in 16:4 is clearly dif-
ferent from its role in 19:1625. Common to this 7th century edition is mainly the
form of the compositions (judgment followed by salvation) and the positive attitude
towards foreign nations, Egyptians and Moabites.
56
Bosshard-Nepustil argues that Isa. 20 was not only relocated to but actually com-
posed for its present context. He points to various lexical connections between Isa.
20 and Isa. 139 (E. Bosshard-Nepustil, Rezeptionen von Jesaia 139 im Zwlfproph-
etenbuch [OBO, 154], Freiburg 1997, 12025). However, Bosshard-Nepustils list of
vocabulary consists of randomly selected and often irrelevant words, which fail to
provide convincing support for his thesis.
the analysis of isaiah 20 323
57
Wildberger, who aims to restore an Isaianic core in Isa. 20, is only interested in
the original function of Isaiahs symbolic act (760), as are most other exegetes of this
text.
58
Blenkinsopp, Biography, 18.
59
Blenkinsopp, Biography, 19.
324 chapter six
60
Blenkinsopp, Biography, 21. It seems that by assuming a temporal distance
between the inclusion of these narratives into 2 Kgs and Isa. Blenkinsopp wishes to
uphold his view that Isa. 3639 derive from 2 Kgs 1820, and not directly from the
prophetic legends, although his view on this point is not clearly stated.
61
Blenkinsopp, Biography, 21.
62
Blenkinsopp, Biography, 25.
63
Blenkinsopp appears to interchange these terms without assigning them any dif-
ference in meaning (see, e.g., Biography, 24).
64
The absence of writing prophets elsewhere in 2 Kgs (the problem which is dis-
cussed to some extent by Blenkinsopp) also strengthens the opinion that 2 Kgs is not
the original context for which the Isaiah narratives were written.
the analysis of isaiah 20 325
is most clear in the case of Isa. 20, which is not mentioned at all in the
Deuteronomistic history (2 Kgs). Given the focus and interest of these
prophetic stories, as well as the positive presentation of the proph-
ets as servants of Yhwh, one would probably not miss the point in
regarding these authors as prophets or circles closely related to them.65
Finally, one would also readily agree with Blenkinsopp that these nar-
ratives were written by someone who was indeed familiar with the
prophecies of Isaiah. Yet that would again plead for the book of Isaiah
(rather than 2 Kgs) as the original context of these prophetic stories.
In this respect, the comparison of the Isaiah-stories with similar pro-
phetic accounts in the book of Jeremiah (rather than 2 Kgs) would
provide a more adequate context to evaluate their function.66
To conclude, terming Isa. 20 as a Deuteronomistic-prophetic account
would mean that this text was written in the theological milieu char-
acteristic to the intellectual history of Judah from the second half of
the 7th century (and onwards), the period to which the emergence of
the Deuteronomistic movement is usually dated. Nevertheless, since
Blenkinsopps hypothesis, which assigns a function of neutralisation
of previous judgment speeches to these prophetic narratives, proves
to be problematic in the context of the book of Isaiah, it still remains
to be seen what role Isa. 20 could have played around this period.
However, in defining the message and function of this text the clari-
fication of some historical questions plays a significant role. There-
fore, before taking position with regard to the possible function of this
narrative, the following section will look at Isa. 20 from a historical
viewpoint first.
65
Of course, one could still term this group and their language as Deuterono-
mistic. However, the usefulness of this is to me a question insofar as the only form
of history-writing from Judah from around this period is Deuteronomistic, i.e. we
have no other material which could be used as reference when analysing a text like
the superscription in Isa. 20:12. One could also argue that the appearance of dating
formulas akin to Isa. 20:12 in 12 Kgs (cf. 1 Kgs 14:25; 15:17; 20:1; 22:29; 2 Kgs 6:24;
12:18; 17:3, 5; 18:9, 13; 24:10) testifies to its widespread use in historical accounts
rather than to its Deuteronomistic character in particular. The fact that Isa. 20:12 has
preserved a unique reference to a concrete historical event suggests that the author of
this narrative had access to various sources, perhaps even royal annals.
66
While Blenkinsopp considers the Isaianic picture of Ahaz in Isa. 7:117 delib-
erately contrasting 2 Kgs 16 (Biography, 18), it is still more convincing to regard
Isa. 7 as the negative counterpart to Isa. 3637, and evaluate their relationship in an
inner-Isaianic setting (see P.R. Ackroyd, Isaiah 3639: Structure and Function, in:
Ibid, Studies in the Religious Tradition of the Old Testament, London 1987, 10520).
The practice of enhancing royal chronicles from prophetic sources (rather than the
reverse) is referred to in 2 Chr 20:34.
326 chapter six
67
The Nimrud Inscription labels him the subduer of Judah between 720 and early
716. Sargon met the Egyptian Shilkanni in 716 and Piru in 715. Two more appear-
ances are known in 713711, during the Ashdod-campaign.
68
The precise beginning of Hezekiahs reign is still subject to dispute. The view that
his rule should be counted from 715/714 (cf. J. Bright, A History of Israel, London
1972, 261; E.R. Thiele, The Mysterious Numbers of the Hebrew Kings, Grand Rapids,
MI 2000, 17376) has proven to be unconvincing. Cf. A.K. Jenkins, Hezekiahs Four-
teenth Year: A New Interpretation of 2 Kings xviii 13xix 37, VT 26 (1976), 28498;
G. Galil, The Chronology of the Kings of Israel and Judah (SHCANE, 9), Leiden 1996,
99101; N. Naaman, The Historical Background to the Conquest of Samaria (720 bc),
Bib. 71 (1990), 20625; B. Becking, The Fall of Samaria: An Historical and Archaeo-
logical Study (SHANE, 2), Leiden 1992; J. Goldberg, Two Assyrian Campaigns against
Hezekiah and Later Eighth Century Biblical Chronology, Bib. 80 (1999), 377. We have
no convincing evidence for a co-regency of Ahaz and Hezekiah.
69
Cf. Becking, Fall, 54. Sennacherib, a prominent Assyrian functionary, appears
as the expeditor of a letter describing the receipt of tribute from Azuri of Ashdod,
the king who rebelled a few years before the deportation of Ashdod in 711. Cf. H.
Tadmor, The Campaigns of Sargon II of Assur: A Chronological-Historical Study,
JCS 12 (1958), 79 n. 211. As crown prince, Nebuchadnezzar was also the leading his
fathers army.
70
See, e.g., B. Childs, Isaiah and the Assyrian Crisis (SBT, 3), London 1967; F. Gon-
alves, Lexpdition de Sennachrib en Palestine dans la littrature hbraque ancienne
(PIOL, 34), Louvain-la-Neuve 1986; C. Seitz, Zions Final Destiny: The Development of
the Book of Isaiah, Minneapolis, MN 1991; W.R. Gallagher, Sennacheribs Campaign
to Judah: New Studies (SHCANE, 18), Leiden 1999.
the analysis of isaiah 20 327
71
Cf. A. Fuchs, Die Annalen des Jahres 711 v. Chr. nach Prismenfragmenten aus
Ninive und Assur (SAAS, 8), Helsinki 1998, 4446, 7374; ISK, 13235, 326, 21922,
308, 34849; COS 2.118A; COS 2.118E; COS 2.118F.
72
Note that other Gath or Gittaim (Gimtu) and Ashdod-Yam (possibly Ekron)
also fell during this Assyrian campaign, but we are only informed of their falls by the
stone slabs of Sargon. Similarly, the capture of Lachish in 701 was not mentioned on
328 chapter six
Sennacheribs prism describing his defeat of Judah. Yet, the conquest of Lachish is a
prominent episode on the wall-decorations of the king.
73
In the Khorsabad Annals 246, he is called Yadna instead of Yamani, the name
used in all other inscriptions. There is some dispute whether this would refer to
Yamanis ethnic origin (i.e. the Greek or the Cypriot; cf. Tadmor, Campaigns, 80
n. 217). Cf. ky (= ; 1 Sam 21:11), son of Padi (COS 2.42), the ruler of Ekron
in the 7th century. Note biblical , , etc.
74
Nineveh Prism fragments Sm 2022, II and K 1668+ IV (Fuchs, Annalen, 4446,
7274). The citation corresponds to lns 2533 of K 1668+ IV.
75
For dating this event in agreement with the Annals of Sargon to 711 instead of
above-argued 712, see Fuchs, ISK, 381. In the Assyrian Eponym Chronicles, the entry
for the year 712 is ina mti, in the land. This does not refer to the position of King
Sargon alone but, according to the conventions of the Chronicles, to the position of
the army. Cf. A. Millard, The Eponyms of the Assyrian Empire: 910612 b.c. (SAAS,
2), Helsinki 1994, 5.
76
Cf. also the Annals of Sargon for the year 715 (5.3.3).
77
On this episode and Shabatakas title, ar mt Meluhha, king of Meluhha (cf.
Piru ar mt Musri, Piru, king of Egypt, as the title of Shabaka), see the Tang-i Var
inscription mentioned in 4.3.3.
the analysis of isaiah 20 329
711, Sargon was indeed present on the battlefield, even if he was also
engaged in the siege of other cities in the area (cf. Isa 37:8).
Isa. 20 provides accurate detail about the capture of Ashdod. The
author was not only aware of the name of the king (this is the only
place where Sargons name is stated), but he also knew that the cam-
paign was coordinated by a commander. Similarly, Isa. 7 or 3639
also include details about the political situation in the 8th century.
Like these texts, Isa. 20 may be based on a prophetic narrative or bio-
graphic material written not long after the events, or else other reliable
sources (such as royal archives material) must have been available to
the author.
In spite of the reliable historical account in Isa. 20 and given the
fact that some temporal distance separates this text from the narrated
events (cf. ) , the primary concern of the narrative should
be considered theological. Together with Isa. 7 and 3639, Isa. 20 was
also written as a 3rd person account. Unlike 1st person narratives
(Isa. 6; 8; 18:4; 21:6; 22:14, 15; 30:8; 31:4), these texts are not directly
derived from the prophet but from those responsible for the preserva-
tion of the Isaianic prophetic material. By means of a narrative, Isa.
20 instructs a later audience on how to interpret the prophets words
and deeds, or how to adapt his earlier messages to new historical cir-
cumstances. The indicated literary and logical irregularities in this pas-
sage can be reasonably explained by the temporal gap between the
composition of the existing text and the events of 711. For later read-
ing communities, these irregularities were subordinated to the overall
message of the text regarding Isaiah and his actions. For these readers,
it was less important how walking naked or the three-year period was
to be understood. Everything belonged to the (remote) past. It is not
the details of the symbolic action itself that should be the exegetes
focus, but the symbol and the message it was intended to communi-
cate. Years ago, the prophet Isaiah foretold how all those relying on
Egypt would be put to shame. This message was still valid during the
lifetime of the author of Isa. 20 and remained valid as long as succes-
sive generations failed to revise their misconceptions and repair blun-
ders in foreign politics.
Given that Isa. 20 addresses the attitude of Judah towards Egypt,
there are three periods in the Judaean history in which the message
of this prophecy would be especially pertinent. The first involves the
preparations for war with Assyria at the instigation of Egypt in the
330 chapter six
years preceding 701. In this pre-701 context, Isa. 20 may have warned
against relying on a power that has recently proved to be so unfaithful
to its allies.78 However, the close connections of Isa. 20 with Isa. 7 and
3639, written in the post-Isaianic era (cf. Isa. 7:8; 37:38), mean that
701 is probably a date too close to 711.
The second option is to place Isa. 20 in the 7th century, in the context
of the anti-Egyptian wars of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal (5.3.3).
During this period, Isa. 20 may have testified to the authenticity of
Isaianic tradition and the fulfilment of earlier Egypt-related prophecies
(Isa. 30; 31).79 However, this dating has at least two crucial problems.
First, it presupposes a date similar to the one proposed above for Isa.
19:1623(2425), which is much more positive about Egypt. Second,
the ultimate concern of the prophecy for the salvation of the seacoast,
i.e. Judah, (Isa. 20:6) is difficult to explain in relation to this era.
A third and most likely option is to place the composition of Isa.
20 in the final years of the kingdom of Judah. After Assyria retreated
from Egypt around 650, it took a relatively short time for Egypt to
consolidate its power in Canaan (2 Kgs 24:7).80 King Josiah was killed
by Necho II (2 Kgs 23) probably because he became anti-Egyptian
in his later years. The heir of his ideology, his son, Jehoahaz, was set
on the throne by the ( 2 Kgs 23:30) and also removed by
Necho. The Egyptian pharaoh made Jehoiakim, another son of Josiah,
his vassal on the throne of Judah. Except for the three years (604601)
of nominal servitude under the yoke of Nebuchadnezzar, Jehoiakim
always remained loyal to his Egyptian overlord, and always counted
on his support against Babylon. The same was essentially the case with
78
Cf. Clements, 174.
79
Sweeney dated the editorial inclusion of Isa. 20 after 19:25 to the Josianic era, and
argued that the judgment on Egypt was motivated by the fact that Egypt, as a faithful
Assyrian ally during these years, presented the most formidable obstacle to Josiahs
plans for reestablishing the Davidic empire (273). However, it would be strange,
under such circumstances, for a contemporary of Josiah to claim that Assyria would
deport Egypt, on whom Judah relied, in the absence of political backing. Sweeneys
other suggestion, ascribing the text to opponents to Manassehs policy of cooperation
with Assyria and Egypt (275), fails to explain the antagonism between Assyria and
Egypt in Isa. 20.
80
D.B. Redford, Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient Times, Princeton, NJ 1992;
G. Ahlstrm, The History of Ancient Palestine, Minneapolis, MN 1994, 763; B.U.
Schipper, Israel und gypten in der Knigszeit: Die kulturellen Kontakte von Salomo
bis zum Fall Jerusalems (OBO, 170), Freiburg 1999, 230.
the analysis of isaiah 20 331
Jehoiachin (598), his son, and especially Zedekiah (598587), the last
king of Judah, installed by Nebuchadnezzar.81
According to Lachish ostracon 3:1416, dated to Zedekiahs time,
Konyahu, son of Elnatan, the commander of the army ()
was sent to Egypt.82 Though the context does not clarify his mission,
it certainly reflects on the political commitments of Judah, as illus-
trated by the prophetic criticism of Jeremiah (2:18, 3637; 27; 37:510)
and Ezekiel (16:26; 17; 23:1921, 27). However, Pharaoh Psametik II
(595589) died before having any chance to fulfil his promises to his
allies. In 587586, Jerusalem was burned down, and Zedekiah sent
into exile.
Isa. 20 can be dated to the era of these three final kings, as a chal-
lenge to the pro-Egyptian and anti-Babylonian policy of Judaean
leaders. The history of the late pre-exilic period closely parallels the
era of Isaiah. Indirect evidence suggests that the critical message of
the prophets of the 8th century played an important role in forming
the visions of prominent political and religious figures belonging to the
last pre-exilic generation. According to Jer. 26:1819, the prophecies
of Micah of Moresheth addressed to King Hezekiah were supposed to
urge Jehoiakim to repent after hearing the harsh words of the prophet,
as his forefather had done. It cannot be excluded that the parallels
between the stories of Ahaz and Hezekiah in Isa. 7 and 3639 were to
provide a royal model for one of Judahs last kings.83 In the same man-
ner, Isa. 20 was supposed to serve as a warning to those kings.84
To conclude, while Isa. 20 may go back to real historical events and
records important details of the Assyrian campaign against Ashdod in
711, the ultimate concern of the narrative is the people of Judah in the
years between 605587, the era of anti-Babylonian alliances.
81
Several ostraca from the fortress of Arad (notably 1, 2, 4, 7, 8, 10, 11, 14, 17) refer
to Cypriots (soldiers) posted there under the command of the Judaean Eliashib. These
were probably mercenaries hired by Egypt and sent to guard the southern borders of
Judah, its vassal, against the Edomites. These texts come from either Jehoiakims or
Zedekiahs period.
82
According to Jer. 26:22, an individual called Elnathan, son of Achbor, is said to
have gone to Egypt at the command of Jehoiakim.
83
For the intertextual relationship between Isa. 7 and 3639, cf. Ackroyd, Isaiah
3639, 10520.
84
If the relationship between Isa. 20 and the Deuteronomistic circles discussed
above at 6.3.2 is taken into further account, one may also mention here the anti-
Egyptian stance of this group (Deut. 17:16; Jer 4344), which coincides with the focus
of Isa. 20.
332 chapter six
85
Cf. K.L. Younger, Ancient Conquest Accounts: A Study of Ancient Near Eastern
and Biblical History Writing (JSOT.S, 98), Sheffield 1990.
86
For in connection with Egypt, see Ezek. 29:19; 30:4; 32:12; etc.
the analysis of isaiah 20 333
6.5 Conclusion
Isa. 20 refers to a symbolic act of the prophet connected with the fall of
Ashdod in 711. This symbolic act was supposed to reveal how after the
fall of Ashdod, Egypt and Kush will also be deported. Implicitly this
was threatening news for those inhabitants of Judah who expected their
salvation from Egypt. Ultimately, it is Judah with whom the prophecy
is concerned and which is tacitly addressed in 20:6 as .
The integrity of Isa. 20 need not be questioned, neither is there any
support to assume that this text is a rewritten (updated) version of a
previous one. The fact that the text includes retrospective accounts of
some temporally distant events explains some irregularities that were
formerly regarded as signs of literary unevenness.
From a contextual point of view, Isa. 20 is part of the on
Egypt. Although it was originally an independent text, it was placed
in its current position by the editors of Isa. 1323 for a specific reason.
The sequence of salvation on Egypt in Isa. 19 followed by judgment
in Isa. 20 is not unique in Isa. 1323, as this editorial technique and
conception are also present in Isa. 1516 and 17. The concern of the
editors is the day of Yhwh, mentioned in the introduction to the
revised collection of Isa. 1323. Two significant motifs that Isa. 20
exposes, the fruitlessness of Judahs reliance on human agents and the
downfall of Judahs earthly glory, are prominent themes in the day of
Yhwh texts (cf. Isa. 2:621; 13).
The views concerning Egypt ascribed to Isaiah in the narrative is
consistent with other Isaianic texts. The historical information pro-
vided by Isa. 20:1 can be confirmed by non-biblical traditions related
to 711 bc. However, the events of 711 are not the most important
context in explaining the function of this narrative. Since Isa. 20 acts
as a warning against alliances with Egypt, it can be related to the anti-
Babylonian movements of the late pre-exilic period. Jer. 26:1819 sug-
gest that prophecies from the 8th century often gained a new life and
a new sense during this era.
CHAPTER SEVEN
CONCLUSION
Like most prophecies of Isa. 1323, the Egypt and Kush-related peri-
copes were composed in several stages, exhibiting the effects of a com-
plex redactional history. The history of composition of the individual
pericopes can only be understood in the greater context of the forma-
tion of the book of Isaiah, in particular chapters 139.
discussing literary unity, the prosaic vv. 12, 1415 might be considered
secondary interpolations.
With regard to the unity of vv. 1625, the repeated use of the
formula is not a sufficient argument for distinguishing
various stages in the literary development of this pericope (5.3.1).
Vv. 1625 contain linearly developed ideas and hardly any contradic-
tions. It appears that the prophecy was written by someone living at
the historical moment described in v. 23, from which he looked back
to the past for a basis on which to foresee both doom and salvation
(vv. 1622) and to make corresponding predictions (vv. 2425). Eventu-
ally, vv. 2425 may be regarded as later expansions of the earlier text,
vv. 1623.
There can be little doubt concerning the literary integrity of Isa.
20. The awkward structure of 20:12 need not hint to a more origi-
nal version of Isa. 20, which would have only contained part of these
introductory verses. Scholars who consider part of vv. 12 as second-
ary pay insufficient attention to the fact that the irregular structure
of vv. 12 has significant parallels in the Bible and apparently reflects
literary conventions different from those of modern readers (6.1 n. 2
c; 6.3.1). Furthermore, the assumption that vv. 12 must be partially
secondary is based on unwarranted premises concerning the meaning
and function of the symbolic act of the prophet Isaiah (namely that this
was supposed to serve as a warning against Philistia or Judah before
the campaign of Sargon II in 711 and not after it, as stated in v. 1)
and the unsustainable conviction that would refer to the
Philistines. Both views have been contested in this study.
There is even less support for excluding either v. 5 or v. 6 from any
pre-existing Isaianic text. Some problems regarding the interpretation
of Isa. 20 can be ascribed to the fact that this text is not contemporary
with the events it narrates but derives from a later period (cf. 6.3.3).
To put it bluntly, Isa. 20 is a unified pericope dealing with the relation-
ship between Judah (not Philistia) and Egypt in the aftermath of (not
before) the actual fall of Ashdod in 711.
editorial principles can be discerned not only for the present arrange-
ment of the various collections of FNPs in the prophetic books but
also with regard to the organisation of utterances addressed to specific
nations. Multiple prophecies addressed to one specific nation tend to
be collected into thematic text blocks (cf., e.g., Jer. 48; 5051; Ezek.
2628; 2932; cf. Chapter 2).
Given the several concepts according to which the FNPs were col-
lected and arranged, it can be concluded that they were composed
over a longer period and subsequently revised, enlarged and redefined
according to new criteria imposed by later editors. This is particularly
well illustrated by the two versions of Jeremiah in LXX and MT.
Evidence derived from biblical collections substantiates the view
that the FNPs were not compiled at a late stage in the redactional his-
tory of the prophetic books, but early collections were expanded and
reorganised on different occasions. The formation of book-level collec-
tions of FNPs cannot be dissociated from the development of the books
themselves. The general principles governing the composition of the
FNPs can also be found in the prophecies related to Israel, while the
FNPs also have numerous connections with the prophecies addressed
to Judah. This means that the nations are important only insofar as
they appear in relation to Israel. The language, themes, motifs and
expressions appearing in the FNPs are strikingly book specific. Yet, at
the same time, certain themes and concepts reach beyond the borders
imposed by individual books, presupposing that, at some stage, the
editors in the background were working simultaneously on the legacy
of several prophets.
The analysis of the larger literary context of Isa. 1820, the FNPs
in 1323, has led to the conclusion that the -superscription is
the most important editorial guideline structuring the collection. In
general, introduces texts dealing with one specific nation. All
other individual prophecies must be subordinated to this heading
(14:2427; 17:1214; 18:17). That does not mean, however, that the
-superscriptions all derive from the same period. Three distinc-
tive types of -headings can be discerned (cf. 3.1): (a) a geograph-
ical name is attached to ( 13:1; 15:1; 17:1; 19:1; 23:1); (b) some
superscriptions refer cryptically to the addressee (21:1, 11, 13; 22:1);
(c) a distinctive type of superscription is attested in 14:28. These three
types of superscriptions suggest that there are at least three differ-
ent concepts at work in the composition of Isa. 1323. The text of
Isa. 2122, with its specifically formed -headings, was inserted in its
present position as an already existing independent collection. This
conclusion 339
also explains how Isa. 23 came to be separated from Isa. 19, to which
it was originally more closely related. Moreover, the previous coher-
ence of Isa. 2122 clarifies why there are now two Babylon-related
prophecies in Isa. 1323, why we find a prophecy against Jerusalem
among the FNPs, and, quite strangely, why some oracles are addressed
to specific individuals from Jerusalem.1
The is usually associated with a composition of several origi-
nally independent prophecies and not just a single prophecy.2 This
observation is most important for Isa. 18 and 20. Isa. 18 has often
been considered a unity in itself. With the exception of a few scholars,
most have analysed it as a distinctive passage inside the FNPs of Isaiah,
whether or not connected to the word in 17:1214 (cf. 1.2; 4.3.1).
However, the originally independent oracles in Isa. 1323 are gener-
ally related to a -collection. Therefore, Isa. 18 must be considered
another example of this phenomenon.
In general, collections contain important thematic links
between subordinated passages, as well as connections based on catch-
words.3 Isa. 17:1 is introduced as . However, Damascus is
mentioned in the book of Isaiah only in relation to Israel (the Aram-
Israel alliance) and the planned attack against Judah during the reign
of Ahaz (Isa. 78; cf. 4.3.1). In this sense, the role of Damascus in
Isa. 17 is marginal or partial, and the prophecy is rather concerned
with the Kingdom of Israel. Whatever was the original concern of
17:1214, this text should now be read in its present position as part of
and therefore related to the Aram-Israel alliance (cf. Isa.
8:910). The prophecy in 18:17 underwent a similar reinterpretation
when connected to Isa. 17. When taken independently of its context,
Isa. 18 is a prophecy addressing the Kushite Empire of the 8th cen-
tury. In its present literary setting, however, it functions as a prophecy
against Israel, i.e. Samaria.4
1
If Isa. 2122 is removed from the FNPs, we are left with six -collections. It is
striking that Isa. 2833 also contains six collections (Isa. 28,1; 29,1, 15; 30:1; 31:1;
33:1). These two collections of prophecies are reminiscent of the posited earlier form
of Amos, containing five prophecies against the nations and five parallel visions at the
end of the book (cf. 2.4.1).
2
Exceptions are Isa. 14:28; 21:1, 11.
3
Cf. in Isa. 13 (3.2.1) or in Isa. 22 (3.2.8).
4
Compare this with the function of Isa. 20, which was originally a text addressing
Judah. Nevertheless, this purpose is modified in its present context where Isa. 20 can
be read as a text concerned primarily with the future of Egypt.
340 chapter seven
5
Duhm and Kaiser, in opposition to Mowinckel, Fohrer and Vermeylen.
conclusion 341
6
Although this does not presuppose that the salvation enhancements have all been
written by these editors. As I noted, the role of Assyria in Isa. 19:23 is obviously dif-
ferent from the imagery of the vanished oppressor in 16:15. Consequently, the two
texts definitely derive from different periods.
344 chapter seven
7
I am uncertain about 16:1314, which seems to have been composed still later (cf.
3.2.3). Note the relationship with 21:1617 (3.2.7). For a contrasting opinion, see
P.R. Raabe, Why Prophetic Oracles Against the Nations, in: A.B. Beck et al. (eds),
Fortunate the Eyes that See: Essays in Honor of David Noel Freedman in Celebration
of His Seventieth Birthday, Grand Rapids, MI 1995, 245; I doubt that Isa. 16:1314 or
21:1617 could be considered prophecies of (limited) salvation.
conclusion 345
considering this text an oracle of war. In fact, the second part of this
prophecy, vv. 1625, cannot be a war oracle. This is also true for Isa.
20 in its present narrative form. Nevertheless, as I suggested above, the
political significance of Isa. 20 should not be underestimated. The text
of Isa. 1820 provides no evidence that it could in any way be related
to an eventual identity crisis in the Judaism of the post-exilic era.8
The presumed positive stance of Isa. 18:7 and 19:1625 towards
foreign nations is another often-discussed feature. Yet, unfortunately,
scholars are reluctant to make the necessary distinctions between the
different types of attitudes concerning foreign nations that these texts
convey. Although many scholars relate Isa. 18:7 to Deutero-Isaiah,
especially 45:14 (occasionally even assuming that 18:7 would rely on
Deutero-Isaiah), closer analysis suggests that making Jerusalem instead
of Yhwh the main beneficiary of the tributes of foreign nations, essen-
tially distinguishes Isa. 18:7 from 45:14, and indeed from Deutero-
Isaiahs view on the relationship between Israel and other nations.
Isa. 18:7 is closer to religious poetry (cf. Ps. 68:30) and royal oracles.
On the other hand, the human or divine king as the central figure of
the pre-exilic Zion-theology is reinterpreted in Isa. 45:14 as a refer-
ence to Zion, in full accordance with the theology of Deutero-Isaiah
(cf. 4.3.1).
As for the universalism of 19:1625, this text is often connected with
passages assumed to derive from the late Persian or Hellenistic periods,
such as Isa. 66:1821; Jon. 1:16; 34; Zech. 14:20; Mal. 1:11. The validity
of this view must be questioned, for 19:1625 differs from these pas-
sages in major ways. Isa. 19 exposes a different type of universalism.
The revelation of the name of Yhwh to the Egyptians distinguishes Isa.
19 from Jon. 1 and other related texts, in which the foreigners experi-
ence of Yhwh is restricted to the fearful appearance of Israels God.
The Jerusalem-centred worldview of Isa. 66:1821 or Zech. 14:20 is an
essential difference between these texts and Isa. 19:1625. The inclu-
sive monotheism behind Jon. 34 and Mal. 1:11 is also absent from
Isa. 19:1625 (5.3.2). Isa. 19:1625 does not presuppose an eschato-
logical scene in which foreign nations stand in front of the throne of
Yhwh (contrast Zeph. 3:89). Instead, the text is thoroughly rooted
8
Contra Ch. Fischer, Die Fremdvlkersprchebei Amos und Jesaja (BBB, 136), Ber-
lin 2002, who wished to treat FNPs in Amos 12 and Isa. 1316 as products of post-
exilic authors searching for identity.
346 chapter seven
9
In opposition to Hayes & Irvine with regard to Isa. 1323, or Gallagher with
regard to Isa. 2122.
conclusion 347
addresses Hezekiah, who adopted the scarab beetle as his royal sym-
bol, a symbol well-known to archaeologists from the seal impressions
of this Judaean king. The (four) winged beetle also appears on the
lmlk-jar handles from the period of 705701 bc (4.3.3).
A closer look at 19:115 suggests that this text derives from between
716 and 671 bc. When scholars date these verses to the Isaianic era,
they mostly rely on the conflict scene in v. 2, which describes the antag-
onism among the nomes of Egypt. However, the language adopted
here in the prophecy is stereotypical (cf. 5.2.1; 5.3.3). Neither is the
imagery of the harsh lord specific enough to be identified with a con-
crete historical figure, even if the possibility that the author did have a
historical figure in his mind cannot be excluded. Attention was called
to the fact that Isa. 19:115 may be a predictive description of Egypts
near future. This would question the identification of the statements of
the prophecy with the actual historical facts. At the same time, the use
of the term in connection with the nomes of Egypt, presup-
posing kings as leaders, points to the Assyrian era, when the nomes
were indeed subjected to the supervision of kings with a more or less
limited power. As for the harsh ruler ( ) and the power-
ful king () , it is unlikely that a Judaean prophet would have
referred to the Kushites who would probably not be known to him
as a significant military power before they conquered Egypt. In later
times, however, the Kushite pharaohs proved to be Egypt-friendly rul-
ers. Consequently, the imagery in Isa. 19:4 alludes rather to Assyr-
ian kings.10 The principle role of the advisors from the eastern region
of the Delta (19:11, 13; cf. 5.2.3) would suggest that the enemy is
expected from the east rather than from the south. Isa. 19:13 mentions
one pharaoh probably ruling from Memphis, with counsellors from
Zoan. This information fits well the era of Shabaka, the Kushite king
who moved his throne to Memphis in 716. Since the deliverance of
Egypt into the hands of a harsh lord is predicted as a new experience
for the Egyptians, it is likely that the prophecy predates 671, when
Esarhaddon, king of Assyria invaded Egypt.
Isa. 19:1623 is not a prediction, but it describes actual historical
events, which the author interpreted in a theological way. Isa. 19:23 is
10
Although this image of the king would also suit with Babylonian or Perso-Median
rulers, other considerations have led to the conclusion that Isa. 19:115 must be earlier
than the Babylonian era (cf. 5.3.1; 5.3.3).
348 chapter seven
a key verse in this respect. Contrary to the most often followed inter-
pretation of this verse, which considers v. 23 to be an expression of the
common worship of Yhwh by Assur and Egypt, I argued that it alludes
to a world in which Egypt is subservient to Assur. The translation to
serve Yhwh is not supported by the present form of the Hebrew text
(cf. 5.1 n. 23 hh; 5.2.7). Egypts experience with Assyria is viewed
in this passage through the looking glass of an author who regards
Assyria as the tool in the hand of Yhwh. As such, whatever Assyria
brings about in Egypt is actually triggered by Yhwh. In this way, the
oath by Egypt sworn to serve Assyria can be understood as Egypts
commitment to Yhwh. Egyptian offerings to Assyrian gods in expres-
sion of their vassal status can be regarded as offerings to Assyrias chief
overlord, Yhwh (5.3.3). If we look at the historical circumstances
from this point of view, the theological message of the Judaean author
seems to assume a date during the early years of Assurbanipal for
19:1623. According to v. 20 (cf. 5.2.6; 5.3.3), this Assyrian king was
regarded as a liberator sent by Yhwh, a view that complies with his-
torical texts reporting on the Assyrian invasion of Egypt. In this way,
it becomes clear how a Judaean author could have had such detailed
insight into the history of Egypt. During the days of Manasseh, Judah
assisted the Assyrians by providing a Judaean contingent to help free
the Egyptians from Kushite rule. It is not surprising that this Egypt-
experience of Judah has left its marks on the pages of the Bible.
Isa. 20 complies with the known facts concerning the fall of Ashdod
in 711 bc, and presents historical information that is unique in the
Bible. This may suggest that the author of Isa. 20 based his narrative
on a reliable source. Nevertheless, the narrative in its present form
derives from a later period, written under circumstances similar to
711. It addresses a different audience, most probably one of the last
kings of Judah, who was pursuing a dangerous pro-Egyptian policy
under the imminent threat of a Babylonian invasion (6.3.3).
7.4 Isaiah 1820 and the Royal Stele of Yhwh (Isaiah 1323)
The Assyrian term for stele is nar or salmu. The latter refers spe-
cifically to a stone monument containing an iconographic representa-
tion of the Assyrian king. This image of the king is often referred to as
salam arrtya, my royal image, or salam bltya, my lordly image
(5.2.6). Such steles were usually set up in important cities or border
regions and were used to mark the extent of the Assyrian Empire.11
Beyond this, however, a stele is far more than a border stone or an
instrument of political propaganda. In her study on Mesopotamian
steles, Zainab Bahrani argues that the salmu is not a portrait of the
king in the modern sense, not his natural replica. The salmu (which
may contain both image and text) is a representation of the person
of the king. She compares the function of the salmu to that of the ar
phi, the substitute of the king, who was supposed to take the place
of the king on days in which omens predicted a dangerous fate for the
Assyrian monarch. By means of a certain ritual, this person, the sub-
stitute king, who during the ritual ceremony is referred to as salmu, is
transformed into the real king.12 The stele representing the king also
functions as a substitute of the Assyrian ruler, taking his place in his
absence.13
The stele which the Assyrian king erected in Egypt commemorat-
ing the heroic deeds and victorious actions of the god Assur and his
servant is presented in Isa. 1323 as a stele of Yhwh, because he and
not Assur is the ultimate divine overlord for the Assyrian ruler. The
king of Assyria is like a tool in his hand (Isa. 10:5). The basalt steles
11
A stele could have been used for different purposes and could have, accordingly,
contained texts of various lengths. CAD n, 36466 gives the following definitions for
nar: stone monument inscribed with laws and regulations (e.g. Hammurapis stele);
boundary stone; memorial monument set up by a king, which is mostly (though not
always) accompanied by reliefs (cf. the Mesha stele or Salmaneser IIIs Black Obelisk).
It is frequently noted that after the conquest of a country, a stele is constructed, and
the achievements of the Assyrian king are written on it.
12
Z. Bahrani, The Graven Image: Representation in Babylon and Assyria, Philadel-
phia, PA 2003, 12930.
13
Bahrani argues that an integral part of all substitution rituals was the act of nam-
ing. The image was first fashioned and then given a specific persons name in order
to function as a valid substitute for the person in question. (. . .) The name was so
consequential because Babylonian theological thought held the basic doctrine that the
naming of a thing was tantamount to its existence and that a thing did not exist unless
it was named. (. . .) The removal of the name from the image could also invalidate that
image as an immortalization of the represented. (Graven Image, 179). Compare this
with the stele of Esarhaddon, referred to as nar itir umya, a stele with my name
written on it (IAKA 65:50) and the biblical [ . . .] in Isa. 19:19.
352 chapter seven
(Isa. 6:3)
BIBLIOGRAPHY
2. Other Works
Ackroyd, P.R., Isaiah ixii: Presentation of a Prophet, in: J.A. Emerton et al. (eds),
Congress Volume (VT.S, 29), Leiden 1978, 1648
, Isaiah 3639: Structure and Function, in: Ibid., Studies in the Religious Tradi-
tion of the Old Testament, London 1987, 10520
Ahituv, S., Canaanite Toponyms in Ancient Egyptian Documents, Jerusalem 1987
, Egypt that Isaiah Knew, in: I. Shirun-Grumach (ed.), Jerusalem Studies in Egyp-
tology (AT, 40), Wiesbaden 1998, 37
Ahlstrm, G.W., The History of Ancient Palestine, Minneapolis, MN 1994
Alonso Corral, M., Ezekiels Oracles against Tyre: Historical Reality and Motivations
(BiOr, 46), Rome 2002
Auld, A.G., Poetry, Prophecy, Hermeneutic: Recent Studies in Isaiah, SJTh 33 (1980),
56781
Backersten, O., Isaiahs Political Message: An Appraisal of His Alleged Social Critique
(FAT, 2.29), Tbingen 2008
Bahrani, Z., The Graven Image: Representation in Babylon and Assyria, Philadelphia,
PA 2003
Balkely, J.A., Hardin, J.W., Southwestern Judah in the Late Eighth Century b.c.e.,
BASOR 326 (2002), 1164
Balogh, Cs., Oude en nieuwe profetie: De rol van de profetische traditie in de volk-
enprofetien, in: G. Kwakkel (ed.), Wonderlijk gewoon: Profeten en profetie in het
Oude Testament, Barneveld 2003, 1137
, He Filled Zion with Justice and Righteousness: The Composition of Isaiah 33,
Bib. 89 (2008), 477504
, Blind People, Blind God: The Composition of Isaiah 29,1524, ZAW 121
(2009), 4869
, Mit grt Isten brahmnak? Megjegyzsek 1Mz 12,3b rtelmezshez,
Reformtus Szemle 102 (2009), 265285
, Ks fldje s ksitk az szvetsgben, Reformtus Szemle 103 (2010), 577
604
Barr, J., Comparative Philology and the Text of the Old Testament, Oxford 1968
Barth, H., Die Jesaja-Worte in der Josiazeit: Israel und Assur als Thema einer produktiven
Neuinterpretation der Jesajaberlieferung (WMANT, 48), Neukirchen-Vluyn 1977
Barth, J., Etymologische Studien, Leipzig 1893
bibliography 355
Barthel, J., Prophetenwort und Geschichte: Die Jesajaberlieferung in Jes 68 und 2831
(FAT, 19), Tbingen 1997
Barton, J., Amoss Oracles against the Nations: A Study of Amos 1.32.5 (SOTS.MS, 6),
Cambridge 1980
, What Is a Book? Modern Exegesis and the Literary Conventions of Ancient
Israel, in: J.C. De Moor (ed.), Intertextuality in Ugarit and Israel (OTS, 40), Leiden
1998, 114
Baruq, A., Lontopolis, in: L. Pirot (ed.), Dictionnaire de la Bible: Supplments, Paris
1965, 35972
Baumann, E., Zwei Bemerkungen, ZAW 21 (1901), 26670
Becker, J., Isaiasder Prophet und sein Buch (SBS, 30), Stuttgart 1968
Becker, U., Jesajavon der Botschaft zum Buch (FRLANT, 178), Gttingen 1997
, Jesajaforschung (Jes 139), ThR 64 (1999), 137, 11752
Becking, B., The Fall of Samaria: An Historical and Archaeological Study (SHANE, 2),
Leiden 1992
Beentjes, P.C., Oracles against the Nations: A Central Issue in the Latter Prophets ,
Bijdr. 50 (1989), 2039
Begg, C.T., Babylon in the Book of Isaiah, in: J. Vermeylen (ed.), The Book of Isaiah
Le livre dIsae: Les oracles et leurs relectures, unit et complexit de louvrage (BETL,
81), Leuven 1989, 121125
Bell, R., A Commentary on the Quran (JSSt.M, 14), vols 12, Manchester 1991
Ben Zvi, E., History and Prophetic Texts, in: M.P. Graham et al. (eds), History and
Interpretation: Essays in Honour of John H. Hayes (JSOT.S, 173), Sheffield 1993,
10620
Bentzen, A., The Ritual Background of Amos i 2ii 16, in: P.A.H. de Boer (ed.),
Oudtestamentische Studin, vol. 8, Leiden 1950, 8599
Berge, K., Die Zeit des Jahwisten: Ein Beitrag zur Datierung jahwistischer Vtertexte
(BZAW, 186), Berlin 1990
Berges, U., Die Armen im Buch Jesaja: Ein Beitrag zur Literaturgeschichte des AT,
Bib. 80 (1999), 15377
Bergmeier, R., Zum Ausdruck in Ps 1:1, Hi 10:3, 21:6 und 22:18, ZAW 79
(1967), 22932
Berlin, A., Zephaniahs Oracles against the Nations and an Israelite Cultural Myth,
in: A.B. Beck et al. (eds), Fortunate the Eyes That See: Essays in Honor of David
Noel Freedman in Celebration of His Seventieth Birthday, Grand Rapids, MI 1995,
17584
Beuken, W.A.M., Jesaja 33 als Spiegeltext im Jesajabuch, EThL 67 (1991), 535
, A Song of Gratitude and a Song of Malicious Delight: Is Their Consonance
Unseemly, in: F.-L. Hossfeld et al. (eds), Das Manna fllt auch heute noch: Beitrge
zur Geschichte und Theologie des Alten, Ersten Testaments: Festschrift fr Erich
Zenger (HBS, 44), Freiburg 2004, 11529
Bierbrier, M.L., Genealogy and Chronology of the Late New Kingdom (c. 1300664
B.C.), London 1975
Blasius, A., Schipper, B.U., Apokalyptik und gypten: Eine kritische Analyse der rel-
evanten Texte aus dem griechisch-rmischen gypten (OLA, 107), Leuven 2002
Blenkinsopp, J., Ezekiel (Interpretation), Louisville, KY 1990
, A History of Prophecy in Israel, Louisville, KY 21992
, The Prophetic Biography of Isaiah, in: E. Blum (ed.), Mincha: Festgabe fr Rolf
Rendtorff zum 75. Geburtstag, Neukirchen-Vluyn 2000, 1326
Block, D.I., The Gods of the Nations: Studies in Ancient Near Eastern National Theol-
ogy, Grand Rapids, MI 2000
Boadt, L., Ezekiels Oracles against Egypt: A Literary and Philological Study of Ezekiel
2932 (BibOr, 37), Rome 1980
356 bibliography
, A Bulla of Hezekiah, King of Judah, in: P.H. Williams, T. Hiebert (eds), Realia
Dei: Essays in Archaeology and Biblical Interpretation in Honor of Edward F. Camp-
bell, Jr. at His Retirement, Atlanta, GA 1999, 6166
Currid, J.D., Ancient Egypt and the Old Testament, Grand Rapids, MI 1997
Dalley, S., Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, The Flood, Gilgamesh, and Others,
Oxford 1989
, Recent Evidence from Assyrian Sources for Judaean History from Uzziah to
Manasseh, JSOT 28 (2004), 387401
Dalley, S., Postgate, J.N., The Tablets from Fort-Shalmaneser (CTN, 3), London 1984
Dalman, G., Arbeit und Sitte in Palstina, Bd. 8, Gtersloh 19282001
Dandamayev, M., Assyrian Traditions during Achaemenid Times, in: S. Parpola,
R.M. Whiting (eds), Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary Symposium
of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project Helsinki, September 711, 1995, Helsinki
1997, 4148
Davies, G.I., The Destiny of the Nations in the Book of Isaiah, in: J. Vermeylen (ed.),
The Book of IsaiahLe livre dIsae: Les oracles et leurs relectures, unit et complexit
de louvrage (BEThL, 81), Leuven 1989, 93120
Day, J., The Problem of So, king of Egypt in 2 Kings xvii 4, VT 42 (1992), 289301
Deissler, A., Der Volk und Land berschreitende Gottesbund der Endzeit nach Jes
19,1625, in: F. Hahn et al. (eds), ZionOrt der Begegnung: Festschrift fr Lauren-
tius Klein zur Vollendung des 65. Lebensjahres (BBB, 90), Bodenheim 1993, 718
Dekker, J., Zions Rock-Solid Foundations: AnExegeticalStudyof the Zion Text in Isaiah
28:16 (OTS, 54), Leiden 2007
Delcor, M., Le temple dOnias en gypte: Rexamen dun vieux problme, RB 75
(1968), 188203
Delitzsch, F., Die Lese- und Schreibfehler im Alten Testament, Berlin 1920
Deutsch, R., Lasting Impressions: New Bullae Reveal Egyptian-Style Emblems on
Judahs Royal Seals, BArR 28.4 (2002), 4251, 60, 62
De Vries, S.J., From Old Revelation to New: A Tradition-Historical Approach and
Redaction-Critical Study of Temporal Transitions in Prophetic Prediction, Grand
Rapids, MI 1995
Dhorme, ., Le dsert de la mer (Isae, xxi), in: Idem, Recueil douard Dhorme:
tudes bibliques et orientales, Paris 1951, 3014
Dietrich, W., Jesaja und die Politik, Mnchen 1976
Dion, P.E., Dieu universel et peuple lu: luniversalisme religieux en Isral depuis les
origines jusqua la veille des luttes maccabennes (LD, 83), Paris 1975
Dijk, H. van, Ezekiels Prophecy on Tyre (Ez. 26, 128,19): A New Approach (BiOr,
20), Rome 1968
Dijkstra, M., Ezechil I (T&T), Kampen 1986
, Ezechil II (T&T), Kampen 1989
Donner, H., Israel unter den Vlkern: Die Stellung der klassischen Propheten des 8.
Jahrhunderts v. Chr. zur Aussenpolitik der Knige von Israel und Juda (VTS, 11),
Leiden 1964
Dorsey, D.A., The Roads and Highways of Ancient Israel, Baltimore 1989
Driver, G.R., Linguistic and Textual Problems: Isaiah IXXXIX, JThS 38 (1937), 3650
, Difficult Words in the Hebrew Prophets, in: H.H. Rowley (ed.), Studies in Old
Testament Prophecy Presented to Professor Theodore H. Robinson by the Society for
Old Testament Study on His Sixty-Fifth Birthday, Edinburgh 1950, 5272
, Isaiah IXXXIX: Textual and Linguistic Problems, JSS 13 (1968), 3657
, Ugaritic and Hebrew Words, Ugaritica 6 (1969), 18184
Driver, S.R., Ir-Ha-Heres, DB 2.47981
Ebach, J., Rterswrden, U., Unterweltsbeschwrung im Alten Testament, UF 9
(1977), 5770; 12 (1980), 20520
358 bibliography
Garca Martnez, F., Tigchelaar, E.J.C., The Dead Sea Scrolls: Study Edition, vols 12,
Leiden 1997
Gardiner, A.H., Ancient Egyptian Onomastica, vols 12, London 1947
Gehman, H.S., The Burden of the Prophets, JQR 31 (194041), 10721
Gelston, A., The Universalism of Second Isaiah, JTS 43 (1992), 37798
Gemser, B., Beber hajjardn: in Jordans Borderland, VT 2 (1952), 34955
Gerstenbeger, E., The Woe-Oracles of the Prophets, JBL 81 (1962), 24963
Geyer, J.B., Mythology and Lament: Studies in the Oracles about the Nations, Hants 2004
, Another Look at the Oracles about the Nations in the Hebrew Bible: A Response
to A. C. Hagedorn, VT 59 (2009) 8087
Goldberg, J., Two Assyrian Campaigns against Hezekiah and Later Eighth Century
Biblical Chronology, Bib. 80 (1999), 36090
Goldenberg, D.M., The Curse of Ham: Race and Slavery in Early Judaism, Christianity,
and Islam, Princeton, NJ 2003
Goldstein, J.A., The Metamorphosis of Isaiah 13:214:27, in: R.A. Argall (ed.), For
a Later Generation: The Transformation of Tradition in Israel, Early Judaism and
Early Christianity, Harrisburg, PA 2000, 7888
Goma, F., Die lybischen Frstentmer des Deltas, vom Tod Osorkons II. bis zur Wie-
dervereinigung gyptens durch Psametik I (BTAVO, B6), Wiesbaden 1974
Gonalves, F., Lexpdition de Sennachrib en Palestine dans la littrature hbraque
ancienne (PIOL, 34), Louvain-la-Neuve 1986
Gordon, C.H. et al. (eds), Eblaitica: Essays on the Ebla Archives and Eblaite Language,
vol. 1, Winona Lake, IN 1987
Grg, M., Zur Identitt des Pischon (Gen. 2,11), in: Idem, AegyptiacaBiblica: Noti-
zen und Beitrge zu den Beziehungen zwischen gypten und Israel (AT, 11), Wies-
baden 1991, 1315
, Die Beziehungen zwischen dem alten Israel und gypten: Von den Anfngen bis
zum Exil (EdF, 290), Darmstadt 1997
Gosse, B., Isae 13,114,23 dans la tradition littraire du livre dIsae et dans la tradi-
tion des oracles contre les nations (OBO, 78), Freiburg 1988
, Le recueil doracles contra les nations du livre dAmos et lhistoire deut-
ronomique, VT 38 (1988), 2240
, La place primitive de recueil dOracles contre les Nations dans le livre de
Jrmie, BN 74 (1994), 2830
Gssmann Oesa, P.F., Das Era-Epos, Wrtzburg 1955
Gottwald, N.K., All the Kingdoms of the Earth: Israelite Prophecy and International
Relations in the Ancient Near East, New York 1964
Graeve, M.-C. de, The Ships of the Ancient Near East (c. 2000500 B.C.), Leuven 1981
Grayson, A.K., Lambert, W.G., Akkadian Prophecies, JCS 18 (1964), 730
Green, A.R.W., The Storm-God in the Ancient Near East (BJS, 8), Winona Lake, IN 2003
Greenberg, M., Ezekiel 2137 (AncB, 22A), New York, NY 1997
Greenfield, J.C., Scripture and Inscription: The Literary Rhetorical Element in Some
Early Phoenician Inscriptions, in: S.M. Paul (ed.), Al Kanfei Yonah: Collected Stud-
ies of Jonas C. Greenfield on Semitic Philology, Leiden 2001, 70419
Gressmann, H., Der Messias, Gttingen 1929
Grimal, N., La stle triomphale de Pi(nkh)y au Muse du Caire (JE 48862 et 47086
47089): tudes sur la propagande royale gyptienne (MIFAO, 105), Caire 1981
, A History of Ancient Egypt (tr. byI. Shaw), Oxford 1992
Grimme, H., Ein bersehenes Orakel gegen Assur (Isaias 13), ThQ 85 (1903), 111
Gro, W., Israel und die Vlker: Die Krise der YHWH-Volk-Konzepts im Jesajabuch,
in: E. Zenger (ed.), Der Neue Bund im Alten: Studien zur Bundestheologie der beiden
Testamente (QD, 146), Freiburg 1993, 14767
Grneberg, K.N., Abraham, Blessing and the Nations: A Philological and Exegetical
Study of Genesis 12:3 in its Narrative Context (BZAW, 332), Berlin 2003
360 bibliography
, Egypts Role in the Events of 701 bc in Jerusalem, in: A.G. Vaughn, A.E. Kille-
brew (eds), Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology: The First Temple Period (SBL.SS,
18), Atlanta, GA 2002, 21934
Hoffner, H.A., Second Millennium Antecedents to the Hebrew b, JBL 86 (1967),
385401
Hommel, F., Ethnologie und Geographie des Alten Orients, Mnich 1926
Honigmann, E., Nil, Pauly-Wissowa 17/1.55666
Hoonacker, A. van, Deux passages obscurs dans le chap. 19 dIsae (vv. 11.18), RBn
36 (1924), 297306
Hgenhaven, J., Gott und Volk bei Jesaja: Eine Untersuchung zur biblischen Theologie,
Leiden: Brill, 1988
, The Oracles against the Nations in the Book of Isaiah: Their Possible Value for
the Study of the History of Jordan, in: Studies in the History and Archaeology of
Jordan VII: Jordan by the Millenia, Amman 2001, 35357
Hyland Lavik, M., A People Tall and Smooth-Skinned: The Rhetoric of Isaiah 18
(VT.S, 112), Leiden 2007
Huber, F., Jahwe, Juda und die anderen Vlker beim Propheten Jesaja (BZAW, 137),
Berlin 1976
Hunger, H., Kaufman, S.A., A New Akkadian Prophecy Text, JAOS 95 (1975), 37175
Huwyler, B., Jeremia und die Vlker: Untersuchungen zu den Vlkersprchen in Jer-
emia 4649 (FAT, 20), Tbingen 1997
Irvine, S.A., Isaiah, Ahaz, and the Syro-Ephraimitic Crisis (SBL.DS, 123), Atlanta, GA
1990
Israelit-Groll, S., The Egyptian Background to Isaiah 19.18, in: M. Lubetski et al.
(eds), Boundaries of the Ancient Near Eastern World: A Tribute to Cyrus H. Gordon
(JSOT.S, 273), Sheffield 1998, 3003
Jansen-Winkeln, K., Alara und Taharka: zur Geschichte des nubischen Knigshauses,
Or. 72 (2003), 14158
Janzen, W., Mourning Cry and Woe Oracle (BZAW, 125), Berlin 1972
Jenkins, A.K., Hezekiahs Fourteenth Year: A New Interpretation of 2 Kings xviii
13xix 37, VT 26 (1976), 28498
, The Hand Stretched Out over All the Nations: A Study of the Presentation of the
Isaiah Tradition in Is. 1323 (Ph.D. diss., Claremont Graduate School), London 1985
, The Development of the Isaiah Tradition in Isaiah 1323, in: J. Vermeylen (ed.),
The Book of IsaiahLe livre dIsae: Les oracles et leurs relectures, unit et complexit
de louvrage (BEThL, 81), Leuven 1989, 23751
Jeppesen, K., The ma bbel in Isaiah 1314, PIBA 9 (1985), 6380
Jeremias, J., Vlkersprche und Visionsberichte im Amosbuch, in: V. Fritz (ed.),
Prophet un Prophetenbuch: Festschrift fr Otto Kaiser zum 65. Geburtstag (BZAW,
185), Berlin 1989, 8297
, Der Prophet Amos (ATD, 24/2), Gttingen 1995
Jirku, A., Die fnf Stdte bei Jes. 19, 18 und die fnf Tore des Jahu-Tempels zu Ele-
phantine, OLZ 6 (1912), 24748
Jones, B., Howling over Moab: Irony and Rhetoric in Isaiah 1516 (SBL.DS, 157),
Scholars, GA 1996
Jong, M.J. de, Isaiah among the Ancient Near Eastern Prophets: A Comparative Study
of the Earliest Stages of the Isaiah Tradition and the Neo-Assyrian Prophecies (VT.S
116), Leiden 2007
Kahn, D., The Inscription of Sargon II at Tang-i Var and the Chronology of Dynasty
25, Or. 70 (2001), 118
, Taharqa, King of Kush and the Assyrians, JSSEA 31 (2004), 10928
Kaiser, O., Der Gott des Alten Testaments: Theologie des Alten Testaments. Teil 3: Jahwes
Gerechtigkeit, Gttingen 2003
Kkosy, L., Orakel, Ld 4.6006
, Az kori Egyiptom trtnete s kultrja, Budapest 1998
362 bibliography
Kapera, Z.J., Biblical Reflections of the Struggle for Philistia at the End of the Eight
Century B.C. Part II: Analysis of the Chapter xx of the Book of Isaiah, FO 12
(198184), 27793
Kasher, A., The Jews of Hellenistic and Roman Egypt: The Struggle for Equal Rights,
Tbingen 1985
Katzenstein, H.J., Before the pharaoh conquered Gaza (Jeremiah xlvii 1), VT 33
(1983), 24951
Kee, M.S., The Heavenly Council and its Type-scene, JSOT 31 (2007), 25974
Keel, O., Uehlinger, C., Gods, Goddesses and Images of God in Ancient Israel, Min-
neapolis, MN 1992
Keown, G.L. et al. (eds), Jeremiah 2652 (WBC, 27), Waco, TX 1995
Kilian, R., Jesaja 139 (EdF, 200), Darmstadt 1983
Kitchen, K.A., Late-Egyptian Chronology and the Hebrew Monarchy: Critical Studies
on Old Testament Chronology, I, JANES 5 (1973), 22533
, Egypt, the Levant and Assyria in 701 BC, in: M. Grg (ed.), Fontes atque pontes:
Eine Festgabe fr Hellmut Brunner (AT, 5), Wiesbaden 1983, 24353
, The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt (1100650 B.C.), Warminster 21986
, The Reliability of the Old Testament, Grand Rapids, MI 2003
, Egyptian Interventions in the Levant in Iron Age II, in: W.G. Dever, S. Gitin
(eds), Symbiosis, Symbolism, and the Power of the Past: Canaan, Ancient Israel, and
Their Neighbors, from the Late Bronze Age through Roman Palaestina, Winona Lake,
IN 2003, 11332
Klein, M.L., The Fragment Targums of the Pentateuch According to Their Extant
Sources: Texts, Indices and Introductory Essays, vols 12, Rome 1980
Klengel, H., Das Land Kusch in den Keilschrifttexten von Amarna, in: E. Endesfelder
(ed.), gypten und Kusch (SGKAO, 13), Berlin 1977, 22732
Knauf, E.A., Kedar, ABD 4.910
Koenen, L., Die Apologie des Tpfers an Knig Amenophis oder das Tpferorakel,
in: A. Blasius, B.U. Schipper (eds), Apokalyptik und gypten: Eine kritische Analyse
der relevanten Texte aus dem griechisch-rmischen gypten, Leuven 2002, 13987
Kckert, M. et al., Das Problem des historischen Jesaja, in: I. Fischer et al. (eds),
Prophetie in Israel (ATM, 11), Berlin 2001, 10536
Khler, L., Bz = fortschwemmen, ThZ 6 (1950), 31617
Kooij, A. van der, The Old-Greek of Isaiah 19:1625: Translation and Interpretation,
in: C.E. Cox (ed.), VI Congress of the International Organisation for Septuagint and
Cognate Studies: Jerusalem 1986 (SBLS.CS, 23), Atlanta, GA 1987, 12766
, Die Alten Textzeugen des Jesajabuches: Ein Beitrag zur Textgeschichte des Alten
Testaments (OBO, 35), Gttingen 1981
, The Oracle of Tyre: The Septuagint Version of Isaiah 23 as Version and Vision
(VT.S, 71) Leiden 1998
Korpel, M.C.A., A Rift in the Clouds: Ugaritic and Hebrew Descriptions of the Divine,
Mnster 1990
Kszeghy, M., Hybris und Prophetie: Erwgungen zum Hintergrund von Jesaja xiv
1215, VT 44 (1994), 54954
Kraovec, J., Healing of Egypt Through Judgment and the Creation of a Universal
Chosen People (Isaiah 19:1625), in: I. Shirun-Grumach (ed.), Jerusalem Studies in
Egyptology (AT, 40), Wiesbaden 1998, 295305
Kratz, R.G., Das Neue in der Prophetie des Alten Testaments, in: I. Fischer et al.
(eds), Prophetie in Israel (ATM, 11), Mnster 2001, 122
, Israel in the Book of Isaiah, JSOT 31 (2006), 10328
Kraus, H.-J., hy als prophetische Leichenklage ber das eigene Volk im 8. Jahrhun-
dert, ZAW 85 (1973), 1546
, Psalmen (BKAT, 15), Neukirchen-Vluyn 51978
bibliography 363
Mazar, A., Archaeology and the Land of the Bible: 10.000586 B.C.E., New York 1992
McKinion, S.A., Isaiah 139 (The Ancient Christian Commentary on the Scripture:
Old Testament, 10), Leicester 2004
Meier, S.A., The Messenger in the Ancient Semitic World (HSM, 45), Atlanta, GA 1988
Millard, A., The Eponyms of the Assyrian Empire: 910612 B.C. (SAAS, 2), Helsinki
1994
Monsengwo-Pasinya, L., Isae XIX 1625 et universalisme dans la LXX, in: J.A. Emer-
ton (ed.), Congress Volume: Salamanca 1983 (VT.S, 36), Leiden 1985, 192207
Morkot, R.G., The Black Pharaohs: Egypts Nubian Rulers, London 2000
Mowinckel, S., Die Komposition des Jesajabuches: Kap. 139, AcOr 11 (1933), 26792
, Drive and/or Ride in O.T., VT 12 (1962), 27899
, The Spirit and the Word: Prophecy and Tradition in Ancient Israel, Minneapolis,
MN 2002
Muchiki, Y., Egyptian Proper Names and Loanwords in North-West Semitic (SBL.DS,
173), Atlanta 1999
Mller, W.W., Altsdarabische Beitrge zum Hebrischen Lexikon, ZAW 75 (1963),
30416
Munch, P.A., The Expression bajjm hh: Is It an Eschatological Terminus Technicus?
Oslo 1936
Naaman, N., The Brook of Egypt and Assyrian Policy on the Border of Egypt, TA
6 (1979), 6890
, The Historical Background to the Conquest of Samaria (720 BC), Bib. 71
(1990), 20625
, The Kingdom of Judah under Josiah, TA 18 (1991), 371
, Sargon II and the Rebellion of the Cypriot Kings against Shilta of Tyre, in:
Ancient Israel and Its Neighbors: Interaction and Counteraction, Winona Lake, IN
2005, 11828
Naaman, N., Zadok, R., Sargon IIs Deportations to Israel and Philistea (716708
B.C.), JCS 40 (1988), 3646
Nelson, R., Realpolitik in Judah (687609 B.C.E.), in: W.H. Hallo et al. (eds), Scrip-
ture in Context II: More Essays on the Comparative Method, Winona Lake, IN 1983,
17789
Niccacci, A., Isaiah xviiixx from an Egyptological Perspective, VT 48 (1998), 214
38
Nielsen, K., There is Hope for a Tree: The Tree as Metaphor in Isaiah (JSOT.S, 65),
Sheffield 1989
Nissinen, M., References to Prophecy in Neo-Assyrian Sources (SAAS, 7), Helsinki
1998
, Das kritische Potential in der altorientalischen Prophetie, in: M. Kckert, M.
Nissinen (eds), Propheten in Mari, Assyrien und Israel (FRLANT, 201), Gttingen
2003, 133
, Prophets and Prophecy in the Ancient Near East (WAW, 12), Atlanta, GA 2003
Ockinga, B.G., r wznb kipph wagmn in Jes 9,13 und 19,15, BN 10 (1979),
3134
OConnor, D., The Locations of Yam and Kush and Their Historical Implications,
JARCE 23 (1986), 2750
, Mero, OEANE 3.47274
, Ancient Nubia: Egypts Rival in Africa, Philadelphia, PA 1993
Olley, J.W., Hear the Word of Yahweh: The Structure of the Book of Isaiah in
1QIsaa, VT 43 (1993), 1949
Olyan, S.M., Was the King of Babylon Buried Before His Corpse Was Exposed?
Some Thoughts on Isa 14,19, ZAW 118 (2006), 42326
Onasch, C., Kush in der Sicht von gyptern und Griechen, in: E. Endesfelder (ed.),
gypten und Kusch (SGKAO, 13), Berlin 1977, 33136
Onasch, H.-U., Die assyrischen Eroberungen gyptens, Bd. 12 (AT, 27), Wiesbaden
1994
bibliography 365
Pankhurst, R., The Ethiopian Borderlands: Essays in Ancient History from Ancient
Times to the End of the 18th Century, Lawrenceville, NJ 1997
Parpola, S., Neo-Assyrian Treaties from the Royal Archives of Nineveh, JCS 39
(1987), 17074
, Assyrias Expansion in the 8th and 7th Centuries and Its Long-Term Repercus-
sions in the West, in: W.G. Dever, S. Gitin (eds), Symbiosis, Symbolism, and the
Power of the Past: Canaan, Ancient Israel, and Their Neighbors, from the Late Bronze
Age through Roman Palaestina, Winona Lake, IN 2003, 99111
Parpola, A., Parpola, S., On the Relationship of the Sumerian Toponym meluhha and
Sanskrit mleccha, StOr 45 (1975), 20538
Paul, S.M., Amos (Hermeneia), Minneapolis, MN 1991
Peels, H.G.L., Gods Throne in Elam: The Historical Background and Literary Context
of Jeremiah 49:3439, in: J.C. de Moor, H.F. van Rooij (eds), Past, Present, Future:
The Deuteronomistic History and the Prophets (OTS, 44), Leiden 2000, 21629
, Drinken zlt gij! Plaats en betekenis van de volkenprofetien in Jeremia
4651, ThRef 44 (2001), 20520
Penna, A. La Volgata e il manoscritto 1QIsa, Bib. 38 (1957), 38195
Perlitt, L., Die Propheten Nahum, Habakuk, Zephaniah (ATD, 25/1), Gttingen 2004
Pfeifer, G., gypten im Alten Testament (BNB, 8), Mnchen 1995
Pinker, A., NinevehAn Isle is She, ZAW 116 (2004), 4025
Pitard, W., Arameans, in: A. Hoerth et al. (eds), Peoples of the Old Testament World,
Grand Rapids, MI 2000, 20730
Pohlmann, K.-F., Das Buch des Propheten Hesekiel (Ezekiel) (ATD, 22/1), Gttingen
1996
Pongratz-Leisten, B., Toponyme als Ausdruck assyrischen Herrschaftsanspruchs, in:
B. Pongratz-Leisten et al. (eds), Ana sad Labnni l allik: Beitrge zu altorien-
talischen und mittelmeerischen Kulturen (Festschrift fr W. Rllig) (AOAT, 247),
Neukirchen-Vluyn 1997, 32543
Porten, B., Settlement of Jews at Elephantine and the Arameans at Syene, in:
O. Lipschits, M. Oeming (eds), Judah and the Judeans in the Neo-Babylonian Period,
Winona Lake, IN 2006, 45170
Porten, B., Yardeni, A., Textbook of Aramaic Documents from Ancient Egypt: Litera-
ture, Accounts, Lists, vols 13, Winona Lake, IN 1993
Posener, G., Princes et pays dAsie et de Nubie: Textes hiratiques sur des figurines
denvotement du Moyen Empire, Bruxelles 1940
, Lor de Pount, in: E. Endesfelder (ed.), gypten und Kusch (SGKAO, 13), Berlin
1977, 33742
Postgate, J.N., Taxation and Conscription in the Assyrian Empire (StP.SM, 3), Rome
1974
Potts, D., The Road to Meluhha, JNES 41 (1982), 27988
Premstaller, V., Fremdvlkersprche des Ezechielbuches (FzB, 104), Wrzburg 2005
Priese, K.-H., Der Beginn der kuschitischen Herrschaft in gypten, ZS 98 (1970),
1632
Quack, J.F., Zur Frage des Meeres in gyptischen Texten, OLZ 97 (2002), 45363
, Ein neuer prophetischer Text aus Tebtynis (Papyrus Carlsberg 399 + Papyrus
Psi Inv. D. 17 + Papyrus Tebtunis Tait 13 Vs.) (Tafel IXXVI), in: A. Blasius,
B.U. Schipper (eds), Apokalyptik und gypten: Eine kritische Analyse der relevanten
Texte aus dem griechisch-rmischen gypten, Leuven 2002, 25374
Raabe, P.R., Why Prophetic Oracles Against the Nations, in: A.B. Beck et al. (eds),
Fortunate the Eyes that See: Essays in Honor of David Noel Freedman in Celebration
of His Seventieth Birthday, Grand Rapids, MI 1995, 23657
Reade, J., Sargons Campaigns of 720, 716, and 715 B.C.: Evidence from the Sculp-
tures, JNES 35 (1976), 95104
Redford, D.B., Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient Times, Princeton, NJ 1992
, A Note on the Chronology of Dynasty 25 and the Inscription of Sargon II at
Tang-i Var, Or. 68 (1999), 5860
366 bibliography
Rendsburg, G.A., Linguistic Variation and the Foreign Factor in the Hebrew Bible,
IOS 15 (1995), 17790
Rendtorff, R., Zur Komposition des Buches Jesaja, VT 34 (1984), 295320
Reventlow, H.G., Das Amt des Propheten bei Amos, Gttingen 1962
Ringgren, H., , ThWAT 5.5962
Roberts, J.J.M., Egypt, Assyria, Isaiah, and the Ashdod Affair: An Alternative Pro-
posal, in: A.G. Vaughn, A.E. Killebrew (eds), Jerusalem in Bible and Archaeology:
The First Temple Period (SBL.SS, 18), Atlanta, GA 2002, 13342
, Isaiahs Egyptian and Nubian Oracles, in: B.E. Kelle, M. Bishop Moore, Israels
Prophets and Israels Past: Essays on the Relationship of Prophetic Texts and Israelite
history in Honor of John H. Hayes, Edinburgh, 2006, 2019
Romer, M., Tanis, L 6.194209
Rooy, H.F. van, The nations in Isaiah: A synchronic survey, OTWSA 2223 (1979
1980), 21329
Rowley, H.H., The Zadokite Fragments and the Dead Sea Scrolls, Oxford 1952
Ruppert, L., , ThWAT 3.75051
Russell, J.M., The Writing on the Wall: Studies in the Architectural Context of Late
Assyrian Palace Inscriptions (MC, 9), Winona Lake, IN 1999
Rthy, A.E., Die Pflanze und ihre Teile im biblisch-hebrischen Sprachgebrauch, Bern
1942
Rudolph, W., Jesaja xvxvi, in: D.W. Thomas, W.D. McHardy (eds), Hebrew and
Semitic Studies Presented to Godfrey Rolles Driver, Oxford 1963, 13043
, Jeremia (HAT, 12), Tbingen 1968
Ryou, D.H., Zephaniahs Oracles against the Nations: A Synchronic and Diachronic
Study of Zephaniah 2:13:8 (BIS, 13), Leiden 1995
Sadler, R.S., Can a Cushite Change His Skin: An Examination of Race, Ethnicity, and
Othering in the Hebrew Bible (JSOT.S, 425), London 2005
Salonen, A., Die Fischerei im alten Mesopotamien nach sumerisch-akkadischen Quellen:
Eine lexikalische und kulturgeschichtliche Untersuchung (AASF), Helsinki 1970
, Die Wasserfahrzeuge in Babylonien nach umerisch-akkadischen Qellen (mit
besonderer Bercksichtigung der 4. Tafel der Serie har-ra=hubullu): Eine lexikalische
und kulturgeschichtliche Untersuchung (SOF 8/4), Helsingforsiae 1939
Sauneron, S., Yoyotte, J., Sur la politique palestinienne des rois sates, VT 2 (1952),
13136
Sawyer, J.F.A., Blessed Be My People, Egypt (Isaiah 19.25): The Context and Mean-
ing of a Remarkable Passage, in: J.D. Martin, P.R. Davies (eds), A Word in Season:
Essays in Honour of William McKane (JSOT.S, 42), Sheffield 1986, 5771
Schenkel, W., Sonst-Jetzt: Variationen eines literarischen Formelelements, WO
(1984), 5161
Schenker, A., Jesaja 19,1625: die Endzeit Israels rekapituliert seine Ursprnge, in:
Studien zu Propheten und Religionsgeschichte (SBA.AT, 36), Stuttgart 2003, 311
Schipper, B.U., Wer war S, Knig von gypten (2 Kn 17,4)?, BN 92 (1998),
7184
, Israel und gypten in der Knigszeit: Die kulturellen Kontakte von Salomo bis
zum Fall Jerusalems (OBO, 170), Freiburg 1999
Schmerl, C., Die Vlkerorakel in den Prophetenbchern des Alten Testaments, Wrz-
burg 1939
Schoors, A., Historical Information in Isaiah 139, in: J. van Ruiten, M. Vervenne
(eds), Studies in the Book of Isaiah: Festschrift Willem A. M. Beuken (BEThL, 132),
Leuven 1997, 7593
Schultz, R.L., How Many Isaiahs Were There and What Does It Matter? Prophetic
Inspiration in Recent Evangelical Scholarship, in: V. Bacote et al. (eds), Evangelicals
and Scripture: Tradition, Authority and Hermeneutics, Downers Grove, IL 2004,
15070
bibliography 367
Schwally, F., Die Reden des Buches Jeremia gegen die Heiden: XXV. XLVILI unter-
sucht, ZAW 8 (1888), 177216
Seeligmann, I.L., The Septuagint Version of Isaiah: A Discussion of Its Problems
(MVEOL, 9), Leiden 1948
Seitz, C., Zions Final Destiny: The Development of the Book of Isaiah Minneapolis,
MN 1991
Seybold, K., Der Prophet Jeremia: Leben und Werk, Stuttgart 1992
Sharp, C.J., Take Another Scroll and Write: A Study of the LXX and the MT of
Jeremiahs Oracles against Egypt and Babylon, VT 47 (1997), 487509
Shaw, I., Egypt and the Outside World, in: I. Shaw (ed.), The Oxford History of
Ancient Egypt, Oxford 2002, 31429
Shemesh, Y., Isaiah 31,5: The Lords Protecting Lameness, ZAW 115 (2003), 25660
Shipp, R.M., Of Dead Kings and Dirges: Myth and Meaning in Isaiah 14:4b21, Atlanta,
GA 2002
Shupak, N., Egyptian Prophecy and Biblical Prophecy: Did the Phenomenon of
Prophecy in the Biblical Sense, Exist in Ancient Egypt?, JEOL 31 (198990), 541
Simons, J., The Geographical and Topographical Texts of the Old Testament, Leiden
1959
Smothers, T.G., Isaiah 1516, in: J.W. Watts, P.R. House (eds), Forming Prophetic
Literature: Essays on Isaiah and the Twelve in Honor of John D.W. Watts (JSOT.S,
235), Sheffield 1996, 7084
Soggin, J.A., Zum wiederentdeckten altkanaanischen Monat , ZAW 77 (1965),
8386
, Nachtrag zu ZAW 77 (1965), S. 8386, ZAW 77 (1965), 326
Sommer, B.D., The Scroll of Isaiah as Jewish Scripture, Or, Why Jews Dont Read
Books, SBL Seminar Papers (1996), 22542
Spalinger, A., The Year 712 B.C. and Its Implications for Egyptian History, JARCE
10 (1973), 95101
, Esarhaddon and Egypt: An Analysis of the First Invasion of Egypt, Or. 43
(1974), 295326
, The Foreign Policy of Egypt Preceding the Assyrian Conquest, Cd 53 (1978),
2247
Sparks, K.L., Ethnicity and Identity in Ancient Israel: Prolegomena to the Study of Eth-
nic Sentiments and Their Expression in the Hebrew Bible, Winona Lake, IN 1998
Spieckermann, H., Juda unter Assur in der Sargonidenzeit (FRLANT, 129), Gttingen
1982
Spronk, K., Nahum (COT), Kampen 1999
Stansell, G., Isaiah 2833: Blest Be the Tie that Binds (Isaiah Together), in: R.F.
Melugin, M.A. Sweeney (eds), New Visions of Isaiah (JSOT.S, 214), Sheffield 1996,
68103
Sthli, H.-P., , THAT 2.2004
, , THAT 1.74853
Steck, O.H., Bereitete Heimkehr: Jesaja 35 als redaktionelle Brcke zwischen dem Ersten
und Zweiten Jesaja (SBS, 121), Stuttgart 1985
, Die erste Jesajarolle von Qumran (1QIsaa) (SBS, 173), Stuttgart 1998
Steckoll, S.H., The Qumran Sect in Relation to the Temple of Leontopolis, RdQ 21
(1967), 5569
Steiner, G., Der Gegensatz eigenes Land, Ausland, Fremdland, Feindland in den
Vorstellungen des Alten Orients, in: H.J. Nissen, J. Renger (eds), Mesopotamien und
seine Nachbarn: Politische und kulturelle Wechselbeziehungen im Alten Vorderasien
vom 4. bis 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. (BBVO 1/2), Berlin 1982, 63364
Steiner, M., I am Mesha, King of Moab, or: Economic Organisation in the Iron Age
II, in: Studies in the History and Archaeology of Jordan VII: Jordan by the Millennia,
Amman 2001, 32729
368 bibliography
Sweeney, M.A., The Book of Isaiah in Recent Research, CRBS 1 (1993), 14162
, Sargons Threat against Jerusalem in Isaiah 10.2732, Bib. 75 (1994), 45770
, Reevaluating Isaiah 139 in Recent Critical Research, CRBS 4 (1996), 79114
, The Twelve Prophets, vol. 2, Collegeville, MN 2000
, King Josiah of Judah: The Lost Messiah of Israel, Oxford 2001
Tadmor, H., The Campaigns of Sargon II of Assur: A Chronological-Historical Study,
JCS 12 (1958), 2240, 77110
Tallqvist, K., Akkadische Gtterepitheta (StOr, 7), Helsinki 1938
Tate, M.E., Psalms 51100 (WBC, 20), Dallas, TX 1990
, The Book of Isaiah in Recent Study, in: J.W. Watts, P.R. House (eds), Forming
Prophetic Literature: Essays on Isaiah and the Twelve in Honor of John D. W. Watts
(JSOT.S, 235), Sheffield 1996, 2256
Tawil, H., The Historicity of 2 Kings 19:24 (= Isaiah 37:25): The Problem of yer
msr, JNES 41 (1982), 195206
Taylor, J., The Third Intermediate Period (1069664 BC), in: I. Shaw (ed.), The
Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, Oxford 2000, 33068
Taylor, J.E., A Second Temple in Egypt: The Evidence for the Zadokite Temple of
Onias, JSJ 29 (1998), 297321
Tcherikover, V., Hellenistic Civilisation and the Jews, Philadelphia, PA 1959
Thacker, T.W, A Note on , JThS 34 (1933), 16365
Thiele, E.R., The Mysterious Numbers of the Hebrew Kings, Grand Rapids, MI 2000
Tita, H., Gelbde als Bekenntnis: Eine Studie zu den Gelbden im Alten Testament
(OBO, 181), Freiburg 2001
Torczyner, H., eine miverstandene hebrische Vokabel, MGWJ 33 (1889),
40112
, ,
MGWJ 76 (1932), 27384
Trk, L., The Kingdom of Kush: Handbook of the Napatan-Meroitic Civilisation
(HdO, 1/31), Leiden 1997
Tov, E., The Text-Critical Use of the Septuagint in Biblical Research (JBS, 8), Jerusalem
2
1997
Tropper, J., Seele oder Totengeist? Erwgungen zum Begriff etemmu in Atramha-
sis I 215.217, UF 19 (1987), 3018
, Spirit of the Dead, DDD 8069
Turkowski, L., Peasant Agriculture in the Judean Hills, PEQ 101 (1969), 10112
Uffenheimer, B., The Desert of the Sea Pronouncement (Isaiah 21:110), in: D.P.
Wright et al. (eds), Pomegranates and Golden Bells: Studies in Biblical, Jewish, and
Near Eastern Ritual, Law, and Literature in Honor of Jacob Milgrom, Winona Lake,
IN 1995, 67788
Ussishkin, D., Lachish, NEAEHL 3.897911
Vaccari, A., , Isa. 19, 18, Bib. 2 (1921), 35356
Vanderhooft, D.S., The Neo-Babylonian Empire and Babylon in the Latter Prophets
(HSM, 59), Atlanta, GA 1999
Vandersleyen, C., Ouadj our, wd wr: Un autre aspect de la valle du Nil, Bruxelles
1999
Vandier, J., Manuel darchologie gyptienne, t. 15, Paris 19581969
Vaux, R. de, Post-Scriptum to Delcor, M. Le temple dOnias en gypte. RB 75
(1968), 188203, RB 75 (1968), 2045
Vercoutter, J., Limage de noir dans lEgypte ancienne (ds origines la XXVe dyn.),
in: Africa in Antiquity: Meroitica 5 (1979), 3388
Vermeylen, J., Lunit du livre dIsae, in: J. Vermeylen (ed.), The Book of IsaiahLe
livre dIsae: Les oracles et leurs relectures, unit et complexit de louvrage (BEThL,
81), Leuven 1989, 1726
Vlaardingerbroek, J. Sefanja (COT), Kampen 1993
Vogels, W., LEgypte mon peupleLuniversalisme dIs 19, 1625, Bib. 57 (1976),
494514
bibliography 369
Wachsmann, S., Seagoing Ships and Seamanship in the Bronze Age Levant, London
1998
Waddell, W.G., Manetho (LCL, 350), Cambridge 1940
Wfler, M., Nicht-Assyrer neuassyrischer Darstellungen (AOAT, 26), Kevelaer 1975
Walsh, C.E., The Fruit of the Vine: Viticulture in Ancient Israel (HSM, 60), Winona
Lake, IN 2000
Wanke, G., und , ZAW 78 (1966), 21518
Ward, W.A., Tyre, OEANE 5.247250
Watts, J.D.W., Text and Redaction in Jeremiahs Oracles against the Nations, CBQ
54 (1992), 43247
Weinberg, W., Language Consciousness in the Old Testament, ZAW 92 (1980),
185204
Weinfeld, M., Rider of the Clouds and Gatherer of the Clouds , JANES 5 (1973),
42126
Weippert, M., The Balaam Text From Deir Alla and the Study of the Old Testament,
in: The Balaam Text from Deir Alla Re-evaluated: Proceedings of the International
Symposium held at Leiden 2124 August 1989, Leiden 1991, 15184
, Knig, frchte dich nicht! Assyrische Prophetie im 7. Jahrhundert v. Chr.,
Or. 71 (2002) 154
Weis, R.D., A Definition of the Genre ma in the Hebrew Bible (Ph.D. diss., Clare-
mont Graduate School ), Claremont, CA 1986
Werner, W., Studien zur alttestamentlichen Vorstellung vom Plan Yahwes (BZAW,
173), Berlin 1988
Westendorf, W., Einst-Jetzt-Einst: Oder: Die Rckkehr zum Uhrsprung, WO 17
(1986), 58
Williams, B.B., Nile, Geography, ABD 4.111216
Williams, J.G., The Alas-Oracles of the Eighth Century Prophets, HUCA 38 (1967),
7591
Williamson, H.G.M., The Book Called Isaiah: Deutero-Isaiahs Role in Composition
and Redaction, Oxford 1994
, Synchronic and Diachronic in Isaian Perspective, in: J.C. de Moor (ed.), Syn-
chronic or Diachronic? A Debate on Method in Old Testament Exegesis (OTS, 34),
Leiden 1995, 21126
, Hope under Judgement: The Prophets of the Eighth Century BCE, EQ 72
(2000), 291306
, In Search of a Pre-exilic Isaiah, in: J. Day (ed.), In Search of Pre-exilic Israel
(JSOT.S, 406), London 2004, 181206
Willis, J.T., Historical Issues in Isaiah 22,1525, Bib. 74 (1993), 6070
Wilson, I., In That Day: From Text to Sermon on Isaiah 19:2325, Int. 21 (1967),
6686
Wilson, J.V.K., The Nimrud Wine Lists: A Study of Men and Administration at the
Assyrian Capital in the Eighth Century B.C. (CTN, 1), London 1972
, A Return to the Problems of Behemoth and Leviathan, VT 25 (1975), 114
Wilson, R.R., An Interpretation of Ezekiels Dumbness, VT 22 (1972), 91104
Winckler, H., Alttestamentliche Untersuchungen, Leipzig 1892
Winter, I., Art in Empire: The Royal Image and the Visual Dimensions of Assyrian
Ideology, in: S. Parpola, R.M. Whiting (eds), Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th
Anniversary Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project Helsinki, Septem-
ber 711, 1995, Helsinki 1997, 35981
Wodecki, B., The Heights of Religious Universalism in Is xix:1625, in: K.D. Schunk
(ed.), Lasset uns Brcken bauen, Frankfurt 1998, 17191
Wolff, H.W., Dodekapropheton 2: Joel und Amos (BKAT, 14/2), Neukirchen-Vluyn
1969
Wong, G.C.I., Deliverance or Destruction? Isaiah x 3334 in the Final Form of Isaiah
xxi, VT 53 (2003), 54452
370 bibliography
Ackroyd, P.R. 7, 325, 331 192, 253, 263, 274, 291, 309, 311, 313,
Ahituv, S. 163, 242 319, 32325
Ahlstrm, G. 330 Block, D.I. 286
Alexander, J.A. 112, 113, 122, 123, 153, Boadt, L. 12, 56, 168, 278
155, 156, 227, 231, 233, 308 Bochart, S. 144
Alonso Corral, M. 56 Boda, M. 271
Auld, A.G. 2 Boer, P.A.H. de 152
Auvray, P. 250 Bogaert, P.-M. 21, 45, 49, 62
Bonneau, D. 242
Backersten, O. 4 Boorn, G.P.F. van den 245
Bahrani, Z. 351 Borger, R. 195, 236, 237, 238
Balkely, J.A. 198 Borghouts, J.F. 239
Balogh, Cs. 5, 7, 20, 21, 79, 88, 99, 115, Borowski, O. 159, 174
162, 163, 170, 192, 267, 268 Bosshard-Nepustil, E. 76, 78, 79, 80,
Barr, J. 156, 157 93, 103, 106, 116, 322
Barth, H. 10, 18, 84, 85, 93, 190 Bright, J. 99, 326
Barth, J. 157 Bronner, L. 311
Barthel, J. 13, 15, 18, 19, 188, 190, 319 Bunnens, G. 125
Barthlemy, D. 227, 228, 307 Burkitt, F.C. 226, 227
Barton, J. 11, 40, 46, 47, 48 Burney, C.F. 316
Baruq, A. 222, 226 Butzer, K.W. 164
Baumann, E. 156
Becker, J. 7 Cagni, L. 237
Becker, U. 2, 5, 9, 13, 15, 17, 18, 19, Cahill, J.M. 199
28, 31, 89, 90, 93, 291 Calderone, P.J. 212
Becking, B. 326 Calvin, J. 116
Beentjes, P.C. 45 Carr, D. 12
Begg, C.T. 78, 82 Carroll, R.P. 50, 52
Bell, R. 165 Casson, L. 166
Bentzen, A. 40 Cheyne, T.K. 29, 30, 143, 149, 150,
Ben Yehuda, E. 145 153, 154, 156, 167, 176, 226, 227, 228,
Ben Zvi, E. 5 258, 263, 272
Berge, K. 266, 268 Childs, B. 75, 326
Berges, U. 2, 11, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26, Chilton, B. 213, 214, 215
29, 30, 92, 93, 95, 98, 123, 178, 187, Chimko, C.J. 294
252, 255, 274, 286, 320 Christensen, D.L. 41, 42, 43
Bergmeier, R. 219 Clements, R.E. 25, 26, 28, 31, 76, 79,
Berlin, A. 64 80, 82, 84, 85, 86, 89, 90, 96, 101, 111,
Beuken, W.A.M. 5, 7, 21, 24, 84, 113, 116, 117, 128, 141, 150, 164, 167, 171,
167, 174, 184, 320 172, 176, 178, 183, 185, 188, 191, 192,
Bierbier, M.L. 195 223, 233, 253 263, 272, 273, 276, 309,
Blasius, A. 238 314, 315, 316, 319, 320, 330
Blenkinsopp, J. 28, 30, 49, 58, 60, 61, Clifford, R.J. 141
75, 80, 82, 84, 85, 91, 93, 96, 99, 105, Cobb, W.H. 103
110, 141, 150, 153, 155, 156, 157, 158, Cole, S.W. 175
160, 167, 171, 174, 176, 184, 186, 187, Conrad, E.W. 8
372 index of authors
Cross, F.M. 198 Feuillet, A. 29, 180, 223, 225, 252, 258,
Currid, J.D. 239, 242, 291, 294 274, 286, 287, 288, 294
Fichtner, J. 249, 280
Dalley, S. 117, 181, 196, 237 Field, F. 227
Dalman, G. 159, 174, 175 Fischer, A.A. 69, 71, 72, 106
Dandamayev, M. 137 Fischer, Ch. 26, 76, 79, 84, 99, 345
Davies, G.I. 12, 20 Fischer, G. 49
Day, J. 157 Fischer, J. 28, 29, 102, 141, 152, 156,
Deissler, A. 29, 225, 233, 250, 255, 267 174, 176, 223, 226, 227, 269
Dekker, J. 95 Floyd, M.H. 270, 340
Delcor, M. 224, 225 Fohrer, G. 18, 25, 28, 29, 30, 84, 87, 93,
Delitzsch, F. 28, 29, 72, 86, 112, 114, 97, 113, 116, 117, 120, 124, 128, 145,
120, 122, 124, 133, 145, 147, 149, 155, 149, 172, 175, 176, 178, 182, 223, 250,
159, 160, 172, 176, 271, 308, 309 251, 253, 274, 280, 297, 309, 315, 318,
Delitzsch, F(riedrich) 226 319, 320, 340
Deutsch, R. 198, 199 Fraenkel, S. 165
De Vries, S.J. 275 Frame, G. 135, 196
Dhorme, . 71 Franklin, N. 194
Dietrich, W. 4, 15, 18, 28, 174, 176, Fried, L.S. 169
192 Fuchs, A. 194, 195, 295, 327, 328
Dijk, H. van 56 Fuhs, H.F. 146
Dijkstra, M. 58, 60, 61
Dillmann, A. 112, 116, 118, 124, 144, Gadd, C.J. 236
150, 153, 154, 155, 164, 169, 172, 176, Galil, G. 93, 326
180, 192, 218, 223, 228, 230, 231, 258, Gallagher, W.R. 3, 71, 72, 84, 104, 105,
291, 294 106, 108, 113, 116, 123, 175, 197, 326,
Dion, P.E. 279 346
Donner, H. 3, 28, 31, 21920, 314, 316 Galling, K. 71, 103, 105, 108, 109, 110
Dorsey, D.A. 263 Garca Martnez, F. 154
Driver, G.R. 115, 143, 144, 153, 160, Gardiner, A.H. 165, 169
212, 218, 222 Gelston, A. 286
Duhm, B. 5, 9, 23, 28, 29, 55, 73, 75, Gemser, B. 145, 146
90, 111, 112, 114, 117, 118, 119, 128, Gerstenberger, E. 141
143, 153, 155, 156, 158, 167, 172, 175, Gesenius, W. 141, 147, 150, 151, 153,
176, 179, 190, 191, 231, 233, 253, 258, 155, 156, 157, 158, 164, 175, 176, 211,
269, 273, 274, 309, 311, 314, 315, 318, 213, 222, 225, 227, 231, 232, 263
320, 340 Geyer, J.B. 38, 43, 44
Goldberg, J. 326
Ebach, J. 210 Goldenberg, D.M. 143, 149, 152, 163,
Ehrlich, A.B. 85, 150, 222, 231, 306, 164
311 Goldingay, J. 85, 262
Eissfeldt, O. 21, 49, 79 Goldstein, J.A. 75, 78, 80, 88
Eitan, I. 143, 152, 156, 157, 217 Goma, F. 292
Elat, M. 295 Gonalves, F. 3, 326
Elmaleh, A. 156 Gordon, C.H. 160
Emerton, J.A. 115, 152, 153 Gosse, B. 46, 48, 49, 75, 82, 84, 89, 93,
Ephal, I. 110, 257 99, 101, 183
Erlandsson, S. 71, 75, 88, 104, 106, Gottlieb, C. 148, 155, 156, 157, 159,
252, 279, 291 160, 161
Gottwald, N.K. 252, 297
Faulkner, R.O. 165 Grg, M. 163
Fechter, F. 36, 37, 38, 56 Gssmann Oesa, P.F. 237
index of authors 373
Graeve, M.-C. de 166 Ibn Ezra, A. 71, 105, 141, 150, 152,
Gray, G.B. 28, 29, 80, 99, 108, 113, 116, 155, 213, 218, 227, 232
123, 141, 143, 147, 149, 153, 155, 164, Irvine, S.A. 3, 22, 28, 29, 75, 96, 105,
167, 172, 176, 178, 211, 222, 223, 225, 106, 149, 152, 164, 167, 176, 189, 192,
228, 231, 253, 261, 271, 309, 311, 316 233, 271, 293, 294, 296, 311, 346
Grayson, A.K. 236, 237, 238, 241 Israelit-Groll, S. 21415, 220
Green, A.R.W. 234
Greenberg, M. 61 Jansen-Winkeln, K. 292
Greenfield, J.C. 211 Janzen, W. 141, 161, 167, 168
Gressmann, H. 29, 42 Jenkins, A.K. 23, 26, 28, 73, 93, 96,
Grimal, N. 293 182, 326
Grimme, H. 80 Jeppesen, K. 75, 84, 91
Gro, W. 253, 258, 266, 267, 268 Jeremias, J. 46, 47, 48
Grneberg, K.N. 267 Jerome 158, 167, 172, 221, 223, 228
Guillaume, A. 215 Jones, B. 96, 97, 98, 99, 271
Gunkel, H. 42, 268 Jones, H.L. 144
Jong, M.J. de 3, 4, 6, 15, 16, 17, 18, 28,
Hagedorn, A.C. 41 31, 39, 41, 183, 190, 247
Hallo, W.H. 236
Hamborg, G.R. 97, 132, 279 Kahn, D. 195, 196, 281
Haran, M. 50, 52 Kaiser, O. 5, 9, 13, 20, 22, 28, 29, 30,
Hardin, J.W. 198 31, 49, 70, 75, 76, 81, 84, 85, 89, 91,
Hardmeier, Chr. 2, 13, 14 99, 106, 111, 112, 113, 114, 116, 121,
Hayes, J.H. 22, 28, 29, 35, 37, 40, 41, 122, 124, 128, 133, 143, 147, 149, 153,
42, 75, 96, 105, 106, 149, 152, 164, 156, 164, 174, 176, 177, 178, 183, 190,
167, 176, 189, 192, 233, 271, 293, 294, 191, 222, 225, 231, 232, 253, 274, 291,
296, 311, 346 309, 311, 316, 318, 319, 320, 340
Hayward, R. 224, 231 Kapera, Z.J. 310
Heimpel, W. 162 Kaplony, U. 253
Helck, W. 169, 189, 214 Karish, Judah ben 157
Hermisson, H.-J. 18, 186 Kasher, A. 224
Hertz, N. 213, 215 Katzenstein, H.J. 53
Hillers, D.R. 141 Kaufman, S.A. 236
Hitzig, F. 147, 148, 251 Kkosy, L. 211, 239, 291
Hoch, J.E. 159 Kee, M.S. 168
Hoffmann, H.W. 28, 192 Keel, O. 199
Hoffmann, Y. 37, 42, 43, 55 Kilian, R. 2, 5, 9, 13, 28, 29, 30, 31, 75,
Hoffmeier, J.K. 189, 191, 195, 196, 254 80, 91, 96, 97, 98, 106, 145, 174, 178,
Hoffner, H.A. 210 183, 266, 274, 279, 291, 294, 321
Holladay, W.L. 52, 53, 54 Kissane, E.J. 28, 29, 75, 78, 80, 144,
Hommel, F. 169 149, 153, 156, 158, 167, 175, 176, 187,
Hoonacker, A. van 153, 156, 169, 172, 223, 231, 252, 263, 279, 294
176, 223, 225, 231, 260 Kitchen, K.A. 189, 195, 196, 248, 292,
Hffken, P. 2, 24, 29, 30, 37, 38, 41, 42, 295, 296
44, 77, 101, 107, 172, 253, 263, 272, Klengel, H. 162
273, 274, 307, 311, 320 Knauf, E.A. 110
Hgenhaven, J. 4, 18, 98, 104 Knobel, A. 112, 113, 114, 117, 118,
Hyland Lavik, M. 159, 161, 172, 173, 124, 126, 149, 153, 180
175, 176, 192 Koenen, L. 243, 253
Huber, F. 4, 89, 318, 319 Kooij, A. van der 121, 123, 126, 225,
Hunger, H. 236 226, 227, 231, 234, 261, 267
Huwyler, B. 37, 38, 45, 49, 50 Korpel, M.C.A. 235
374 index of authors
Hosea Micah
1 5: 127 1 6: 114, 122, 149;
2 18: 276; 20: 276; 89: 312; 1015: 6
23: 276 2 14: 35
4 3: 243; 5: 157 3 5: 16; 12: 17
8 8: 209; 14: 101 4 814: 36; 1112: 36
9 6: 248 5 18: 36; 45: 36;
12 8: 284 5: 86; 14: 36;
13 3: 173 12: 212
14 10: 246, 247
Nahum
Joel 2 1: 76; 2: 105;
12 96 2:43:19: 43; 9: 150
2 1: 80; 2: 80; 6: 80; 3 8: 164, 235
10: 80; 1827: 36;
20: 36, 212 Habakkuk
3 48: 36 1 105; 14: 107;
4 13: 36; 2: 112; 211: 107; 2: 107;
7: 76; 917: 36; 511: 37; 11: 104;
index of biblical references 389
Haggai
1 1: 308; 3: 308
2 12: 307, 1: 308;
67: 82; 7: 128;
1012: 308;
2023: 36; 22: 36
INDEX OF NON-BIBLICAL REFERENCES
FHN Nabonid
1.9 154, 236, 251, Adad-guppi Stele i 4044 136
292, 293 Harran Stele i 3944 135
1.26 239, 242 Harran Stele iii 18 136
1.29 164, 264
Nebuchadnezzar
Gezer calendar 174 Etemenaki Cylinder 136
IAKA PPANE
8:27 295 1:1328 16
11 Ep. 10 127, 302 4 39
21:114 134 4:3243 39
24:23 295 5 39
27:5476 299 7:1119 39
27 Episode 21:63 317 9:2950 38
44:15 295 10:1720 39
57 164 17:1517 39
57:89 164, 253 17:3134
64:25 298 18:114 38
65 281, 295, 350, 19 39
351 19:618 39
65:3037 289 19:810 39
65:3034 135 19:1518 39
65:3738 164 20:1116 39
65:40 253 24:818 38
65:4853 258, 298 38:939 39
65:5053 259 38:2439 38
65:50 260 38:3239 39
76:611 162 5456 312
5859 312
KAI 6877 40
14:21 211 69 ii 57 187
191B 118 71 ii 37 285
202B:5 221 7883 40
214:18 160 79 i 1718 285
215:6 160 80:310 190
392 index of non-biblical references