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, ,

" ", , , ,
, .
, , ,
.
, , ,
-, , ()
.

Nouns are divided and non-distinguished words, for example, coma "variety of seal",
and "river", moo "boat", Incomplete mainly word-forms, delimited complex, suffixed words.
Previously, nouns ended in n, , apparently for the reason that their naming function was
formed by the language category in ancient times on the basis of animistic perception of the
world. Joining the roots of words, being an attribute, n, denoted the concrete form of the
being of something or someone, meaning that the soul (master) of the given object exists in
this or that way.

,
, .
, ,
, - - , ,
- .

Nouns act in different forms, in singular and plural, in the dual number of the
committative. The use of the plural is not obligatory, since if it is clear from the message that
we are talking not about one thing but about something or about a lot of things, then use the
singular, that is, the basic form of the noun.

- -
-~~~, ~~~. , (), ()
(), (), - ( ,
).

The plural suffix in the East Sakhalin and North Sakhalin dialects is kun ~ yun ~ gong
~ hoon, in the Amur ku ~ yy ~ gu ~ hu. For example, tyira (A), chharsh (Sun), "tree" tiyrku
(A), chharshun (VS), in north-Sakhalin tiqun (Amur base, plural Sakhalin suffix).
The plural index in the Nivkh language is a complex suffix. The element k and its allomorphs
, r, are carriers of multiplicity and compatibility. The vowel element y differentiates the set.
Component n expresses attribitiveness, connectivity. Unification, abstraction of the notion of
a set (the destruction of the dual number is already there) can cause the disappearance of the
vowel and thereby lead to the fact that the total multiplicity exponent remains -k.
.
, , .
.
, . ,
( )
, -.

The plural index in the Nivkh language is a complex suffix. The element k and its
allomorphs , r, are carriers of multiplicity and compatibility. The vowel element y
differentiates the set. Component n expresses attribitiveness, connectivity. Unification,
abstraction of the notion of a set (the destruction of the dual number is already there) can
cause the disappearance of the vowel and thereby lead to the fact that the total multiplicity
exponent remains -k.

,
, , . .
. .
. ,
,
,
. , ,
, , , ~~
- .

Concerning grammatical cases, opinions diverge, they reveal four, then eight, then ten,
or even more. L. I Shternberg noted the possibility of lack of nivkhi cases. Surely his
statement is correct. The cases only began to loom. It seems that the word relations in the
sentence are expressed not by case and case suffixes, but by postpositions of nominal or
verbic origin, some of which are reduced to case suffixes. An interesting phenomenon is that
not only names, but also verbs and circumstances, can attach postpositions of relations, as, for
example, Osmund ~ esmud ~ smod "loves" in the form of the osmur-kirsh gerund with love

,
,
: (-),
(-), .

The expression of possessiveness is not denoted, and if the possessor is designated by


a possessive pronoun, then according to the rules of incorporation, it merges with the object
of possession: thuyrus "master of fire" (master fire), thuyrkins "devil of fire" (fire-devil), "my
house".

,
. ,
, , . .
- . - .
(- ).

Nouns in the call sign function as an absolute form, which can be considered a
nominative case. They have several functions, they can be subject, direct addition, definition.
Neither "man killed". Neither yving nor yung-khunt "Man of man killed." Neither yung-daf.
"Human dwelling." Chhyvan nivdy. "" The bear is also a man "(-the exponent of the
predicate).

, ,
-~~~. , - .
, , . - -w .
, .
.

The subject of a non-obvious action, known only by hearsay, is indicated by the


suffixes -kan ~ gan ~ yang ~ khan. Khevin itt, Mogungan khek-huvur ist. "Kevin said, Migun
fox killed, said." Tu-thulf Muzhunkhan is peace-loving lagyinuvur yttn. "This winter, the
Muzgun to our village will come to visit, they say." This form almost completely fell out of
the Amur dialect.

,
-, , w .

- -~-~-, -~-.
w .

-~-~-~-, -~-~-, ,

.

A direct addition is usually not indicated, only with a causative one gets the accusative
suffix -ah, for example, neither the Muzguns wigg "I sent the Muzguna."

The dative-directive suffix -thoh ~ -pox ~ -dreat, -px ~ -th. Muzgun Palrokh wint "The
Muzgun went to the forest".

The instrumental suffix -kis ~ -ys ~ -gys ~ -khis, -kir ~ -yyr ~ -chir, for example, khyhis
"with an ax".

-~-~. h. .
, --
: h . - , ?
? -, -. -~, -~-, : ,
, (
).

The local suffix is uyn ~ -in ~ in. Wars are crazy. "In the village he lives." In Sakhalin
this case is not present, but -n- occurs as a component of the suffix of the case of the names of
space: hunh "there." Locally initial suffix, answering the question "where?" And "whence?"
-x, -oh. There are also forms -yhe ~ yge, -he-ha, for example: tavuh, tyvukh "from home", "to
dwelling" (the direction is concretized in the sentence to the predicate).

-, -. . .

-, -, -, -:
, -! , !.

Comparative suffix -ac, -yk. Tangs kangak ed. "A deer is faster than a dog."

The invocational form is formed with the suffixes -a, -yi, -o, -jo: akana "elder brother", you-
nivyo! "Oh, this man!".


.
,
. .

In the case of irregular use of the plural, a regular morphological designation of


compatibility is striking. The combination of the conjugate members of the sentence occurs
through the use of dual, multiple, and single indicators. This designation resembles the
Ostyak language.

(
) -~-~-~-, -~-~-~-.
-. . .
. h, . , ,

The dual number of the committative (when it comes to two subjects or additions) has
the exponents -k ~ -ye ~ -he ~ -he, -kin ~ -in ~ -gin ~ -khin. Neither tuhokha tuhke pykhyn-
khimdi. "I gave a knife and an ax to my elder brother." Ershkin Irshgin Mundghun. "His
father and mother died." Phytkhin pkhmakhin hupt, yinta. "His old man and the old woman
sat down, ate,"

-~-~-~-, -~-~-~-
,-~ ~-~- ,
.
? ?
The plural number of the committative -a ~ -yy ~ -th ~ -ho, -con ~ -yon ~ -gon ~ -hon,
-kunu ~ yunu ~ -gun ~ -hun express that the homogeneous conjugate terms of the sentence
consist of several components. Nafat phymkhun pkhytkhundoh viylo? "Now to my fathers
and mothers to go?"


-h. h, h h h h, h h.
.

In the case of more than two individuals or objects, the -hara indicator is used.
Tyvghgang vamgugu menm humta, hemar ninin hara hemanyah nin hara, hat hundyuu.
"Entering his wife's house alone were one old man and one old woman."


.
---- . -----
. -- . , -- .

Individual elements of the comitative group can have different suffixes and the
connecting indicator turns them into one common member of the sentence. Neither phytkhin-
phymkkhin-hu-milk-nganht vivunt. "I'm my father-mother-killer-hell-go-go." Pudyo kho-o-
bo-nivh see. "Bows, arrows-took-man went."


, ,
.

These examples also show incorporation within the comitative group, as well as the
fact that different components as one member of a sentence can serve as definitions.

, ,
, ,
, -.


,
, -.

De verbal participles express certain modes of action, moods, and also temporary,
objective and causal circumstances under which the action expressed by the verb-predicate is
carried out.
Some very participial forms transmit very close to each other values, but in these cases, some
of them contribute to the semantic allocation of the verbal participle, while others - the verb-
predicate.


, : -, -, - (),
-, -~- (). -
, - .

. - (, ), - 1-
, -
(), -~- () 2- 3- , :
- () ' , , ';
() ' , ' (' , ').

Completed verbal participle characterizes the action on the part of its complete
completeness, is formed with the help of indicators: -that, -rer, -non (C), -tet, -rel
~ -ret (A). In the Sakhalin dialect, the indicator-this characterizes the
completeness of the action in the past tense, and -non in the future. In the Amur
dialect, the indices of the verbal participles are not differentiated temporally.
Indicators -tet (C, A), -non are used for the 1st person singular and all persons
plural, and the exponent -reer (C), -poer ~ -rot (A) - for the 2nd and 3rd Persons
of the singular, for example: yehurran ind-dyor yaznt (sa) 'His sister, preparing
food, he called'; Chhaskymnon muyndra (Sa) 'I'll teach you, and then I'll die'
('Teaching you, I'll die').

I -
(), -~- (): h- h () ' ,
'.

The gerunded, completed instantaneous I is framed by the suffix -bah-be (C), -ba ~ -by (A):
h-yz yuhbe phhkant (Sa) 'This killer whipped like a spurt, and sprays flew'.

II -
(). - : , '-'
, , () ' ( )
, , ,
'

-~ (), - (): '


w, w, () ' , . -,
, '.

The gerundive completed instantaneous II is formed with the help of the suffix -ge
(A). It has an expressive and emotional coloring: Er oge, 'otr-t'onr tuhkir hvra, tor
hevre, torah hevre (Aw) 'To him (the bear - the murderer of husband and child) as descended,
so immediately the bear's head smashed, And she cut, she cried and chopped '
The gerundive is long formed by the exponent -fke ~ (C), -ke (A): Yat os'r wint,
wifke, yyyyy yat Barr (C) 'His tiger rose, went. She walked, when it was dark, his tiger
stopped '.

- (, ), - ():

'] ! () ' , ,
( )'.

The gerundive conditional is formed with the suffix -at (A, C), -aa (A): Chi virk
n'escahugaura] ngyaya! (Ca) 'You only, if you do not despise me, then take me (as wife)'.

-
- (), - ():- -' () '
, '.

The gentile participle comparatively-preferred has complex suffixes -indarahay (C), -Ibarah
(A): Cho-maiinbara-chai als-p'eder urd (Ch) 'What is the best way to harvest fish? ".


,
-~- (), - (), - (), - ()
-~- (), - ().
--~-- (), -- (), : -,h-
, ' ' () ' , ,
', ' , -, , '' () '
, , , ' (
-), ' , '1 () '
( ), '.

The non-participle of an unrealized intention is the basis of the verb in the form of the
inclination of intention and obligation, on which the indicators of the gerunds -aa ~ -yy (C),
-an (A), -fke (C), -ke (A) ~ -gar (C), -ap (A). The latter indicator is usually attached to the
truncated forms of the suffix -in-~ -in- (C), -no- (A), for example: Ihi-nyyy, hy-rak iptn, t'a
n'ihve (Ca) 'Her when to kill Already wanted, that woman said, do not kill me, 'Ch'ykynan
tyv-yr, tea-Kavur, raynyke, am'tzd'ra (Av)' Your elder brother also went into the dwelling,
warmed the tea, but did not have time to drink (As the bear-killer burst into the dwelling),
Phic''er prschynyar, t'aftrard1 (St) 'Himself would come to you (come along), but did not.'

I
-- (), -~- (, ), - (). ' w,
() ' , '.

The gentile ceding I is formed with the help of one of the variants of the suffix -kisk-gisk-
(G), -kirk-girk (G, Ax), -gin (A). N'i phiro wigisk, klade yahzud (Sn) 'I go to the forest
though I walk, I do not know fear'.
II
- ().
-: ' -' ' () ' ,
, , '.

The gerundive concessive II is formed with the help of the complex suffix -aainapa (CA).
Logical stress the verb in this form gerunds falls on the verb-predicate: N'i malyf-p'iaynapy
n'ahzuhitlo (Ca) 'although I live close, but I certainly do not know. "

III - ~ - ()
-~- (). ,
, -: ' ?
() ', , ?', ' ? () ', ,
, ?'

The gracious participle conceded III is made up with the suffix -four ~ -voor (C) or -furo ~
-vura (C). With the first form, the logical stress falls on the verb formed by the gerund, at the
second - on the verb-predicate: N'i lervur Khyylo? (Ch) 'I, when competing, can I win?', N'i
laervuru khyylu? (Ch) 'I can compete, can I win, or what?'

-
-~- (), - (): - w, ()
' , '.

The adverbial part of the circumstantial-temporal has as an indicator the suffix -aa ~ -na (C),
-an (A): Nyv palro a-anht wiy, sik pyskspykznt (Ca) 'People hunt in the forest when
they walked, all disappeared'

-

- (): ' - () ' , '.

Deeptipatory circumspection-temporal respected by the suffix-ful (C): Ch'in prshyful


nin-dod (Sn) 'When you came, they helped us'.

- ~ - (),
- (): w -, ' () ' ,
'.

The gerundive simultaneous parallel has the exponent -ifo-ivo (C), -vo (A): Pirk wifo-ha-
hura, in'ra (Ca) 'Sam will go and at this time you will kill the beast, eat'.
(). h'
w ' () ' ,
'.

The gerundive of holistic action has a date indicator (C). Hytarot'i wigavrndata k'yr mint
(Sa) 'We can not even get to the middle of the road, how we'll die of starvation'.

- (),
,
-- (), -- (): - ' ' () ' ()
, '.

The gerundive of the goal is formalized by the suffix -photo (CA), which joins the
basis of the verb in the form of the inclination of intention and obligation, expressed by the
suffix -in- (C), -y- (A): Mu-aainiphto-ch'aa i'himd (Ch) ' To (I) made a boat, he gave me
money. "


- (), - (), - (), : '-' ' () '
', - ' () '
, ( )'

The gentile cause is formed from the stem of the verb by means of the suffixes -fefe
(C), -la (C), -yaygnyr (C), for example: P'eulac-k'ufte puskita (Ca) 'For the murder of their
child, Irshn-nrylyakh sikraft'i pamuta (Sa) 'Because they were seen, all without exception
were petrified (stones were)'


. ,
:
, -, -.

The meaning of the cause is also expressed by the causative.


The enumerated forms and indicators of moods and gerunds do not exhaust the wealth of the
morphological means of the Nivkh verb. So, some of the moods and gerunds can be
expressed in three stylistic forms: neutral, affirmative-reinforcing, emotionally-colored.


, :

Expressive emotional coloring of statements is expressed not only by these forms, but
also by special suffixes:
-~- (, ) , !
() ', !';

- '! () '
' (, ), ! () '!' (
);

- (), - () , -, ,
w ' () ' (), ,
', ' ' () ' '.

-ra ~ -ra (C, A) with the meaning of the statement and the exclamation - yayka,
kyrayra! (Ca) 'Oh, hungry!';

-with the meaning of condemnation - Pai n'siruva! (Al) "It's vain to deceive me" (in
vain, do not deceive me), Tychtva! (Al) 'You play around!' (In the sense of "Do not indulge");

(Sa), -go (A) with the meaning of surprise, satisfaction - yeho-a, ont, lovrvayuh
n'raivygo (Ca) 'How I felt (woke up), fell ill, under my arms, I felt like a' 'Indra (Ca)' is full of
enough. '

- - ' () ',
!', '-', '-' ' () ' , , ,
';

- , ! ' ()
'! ', ' () ' () ';

- , -'---- (),
-'---' () '! ()';

-, - ,

';! () ', !', h! () ', !'.

o the verb in the nominal form suffixes are added:


-T with the meaning of pleasure - Tu-Ni pot'urde (C) 'Oh, this man is beautiful!', Phi ch'o-
hud'e, k'eh-nrshyd'd fudd '(A)' About how He caught fish himself, saw a fox, told me;

-a with the meaning of reinforced underscore, irony - Ytyta! Taurd'a (Al) 'Ow! Very
long delayed, 'Laukhir vurdd'a (Av)' Skiing well (like) walks';

-o with the meaning of regret, sorrow-Ya-n'an'-yfkun-barq-avr-nrshyyodo (Ch), I-


nin'fku-bark-uvr-nrshynyd'o (Aw) 'Oh! His bones at least see (find) ';
-y, -y with the meaning of the expression of a pleasant or unpleasant sensation, emotion -
Rsh pot'urda ;! (C) 'Oh, a woman is a good face!', Hoday! (C) 'Oh, it's cold!'.


, .

, :

/ ' '', '', h '',


'',

Some categories of adverbs in the Nivkh language are distinguished on the basis of
their function in the sentence, but not in the form.
The adverb of time covers a diverse group of words denoting:
A / different moments of the day t'at 'morning', muyf 'day', mugyhyty 'noon', parf 'evening',

/ '',
'', ( '', ' -'),
' '' '', '',
' ', ' ' ',

B) the temporal sequence of the preceding days, namr 'yesterday', namrank 'the day
before yesterday', (namr 'yesterday', ank - the component with meaning 'before something'),
namrank t'ayank 'the day after tomorrow' and the upcoming days 'tomorrow' Kru 'the day
after tomorrow', yahra 'on the fourth day', t'ai yahru 'on the fifth day',

/ , ' () '', '


() ' ', () '-', () ' '
( , ), ^ () ' ' ( , :
), ~ () '-', () ' ', ()
' ( ), () '' ( ,
) .

In / moments and times associated with the historical prescription of k'i (C) 'first', k'ic nui
(C) 'from the very beginning', taurlafk (C) 'a long time ago', tiankiqk (C) 'very long ago '(But
not so long ago as the taurlafk), ty'ank' (C) 'a very long time' (but not so long ago as:
tinankyfk), taefk-taifk (C) 'a long time ago', tafk (C) 'not very Long ago, tafqa (C) recently
(but not so long ago as tafk), tafkjayo (C) 'recently' (but not so long ago as tafqa), and others.

-, -
. .
With the help of suffixes -aa, -yayo, the recent moment of time approaches the
speaker by the time of speech. They are also found in the dialects of the place.

: , (), () '', () '', ()


() ' ' ( ), ()
'' ( , ), () '' (
), () '' ( , , ), (), ' ()
'', () '' . ,
() ' ' h' () ' '
, , : - (h'-)
() ' () ()', . '-'.
'' '' .

The adverbs of measure and degree: mahn, magin (C), we are very (very), bald (A)
very, les (C) a lot of LESLES (C) 'very much' (mostly in terms of production), C) 'much' (in
relation to money, items), rage (A) 'a lot' (in relation to living beings), eroal (CA) 'a lot' (in
respect of cargo, firewood, flour), nel (C), nen (C) 'a little', torus (CA) 'a little', etc. It is
noteworthy that the foundations of the signs' names of the small (C) 'be in large numbers' and
the' cacum '(C)' be small 'are incorporated by transitional Verbs, as, for example: Ya chho
malo- (has'ku-) junt (C) 'He fishes A lot (little) got (killed) ', cf. Umint 'it-kill'. Incorporated
and the adverb N'en' 'a little', etc.

: , ' '' () '',


'', ' (), ' () '', ' () '', () '',
() '' .

Adverbs of the mode of action: afta, aftft'ing ayft'ikis '(C)' on purpose ', urunan' in
defiance ', n'rshaks (C), n'rshaklyks (A)' at once ', p'yid'ar (Av)' at once ', The planet (C)'
suddenly ', the rand (A)' accidentally 'and others.

, ,
,
-
-, -, - (), -, - (). ,
, , , ,
, ,
. ,
.
,
, , , : w
(), ' () ' ' ( ).
.
Qualitative adverbs can be distinguished only by function, but not in form, since it
coincides with verbal forms formed from simple and causative qualitative foundations by
means of personal-narrative indicators -m, -n, -p (C), -t, - P (A). The function in this case
dominates the form, which apparently takes place for the same reason as the absence of
adjectives, ordinal numbers, participles, since the object and its sign were conceived of as an
inherent and indivisible unity. The quality of the action is also expressed as a sign of a
constant, prolonged or temporary. A qualitative attribute as a constant property of its bearer is
conveyed by a complex foundation formed from the basis of the significant verb and the
qualitative basis, the attribute of which is affirmed, as, for example: Ya wiurunt (Sa), If
viurd (A) 'He walks well' (always walks well) . In this case, there is no question of singling
out the adverb "well" in Nivkh.

(-)
- (), - (), : h '
, h () ' ,
, ', hh, '
h... h () ' ,
... - '. , ,
, , , ,
-, -.

A qualitative attribute as a long-term property is expressed with the help of the non-
derivative basis (yp-) or the derivative of the basis of the exhaustive mode of action of
urapar- (C), ur-yy- (A), for example: havukhe tukto-elagun parf kus't lerarar pyskshsuta,
"Since then, until now, children, in the evening they go out to play, they did not disappear,
they lived so well", handhahay, ch'elgun urarn hkunvindyounda ... nawat ur't hunvdjun (St)
'If only you do so, your children will live very well. .. now they lived very well. " The forms
of urt, urharn, urart probably do not mean "good", but "in good condition", besides the two
last word forms have fusional indices of face and time -n, -t.


, : (, ) w () '
'. ,
-
: ... () ' ,
(. . ) ... - '.

The qualitative sign as a temporary characteristic of the process is expressed by a


causative basis, for example: Namrnin Urat (Urgt, Urgt) wyndzhun (C) 'Yesterday we went
well'. In the given case, the word form yrt determines the quality of the action, but in the
sentence below it acts as a predicate adverbial participle-sentence sentence: La toer po urd ...
Tolu urt prshydjun (St) 'The wind has died down, the sea is good (i.e., calm) It was ... The sea
was good-we came. "


-, -, -~-.
: ... ': h ' ' () '... ,
: [] '.

Word forms with the meaning of the definition of the quality of the action are formed
even from the basics of urghu-, url-, urlar- ~ urlag-. In the role of an adverb, the full form of
the name of the sign can also act: ... Umgu vigur yan'mid: hyrd urd 'view' (Av) '... He sent his
wife, watched her: [she] went a little well'.

'
. , ,
.
.

The dialects of the place have an amazingly clear system of designation of directions
and directions in space. The word forms that form this system are represented by all locative
cases. Therefore, it is possible to refer this system to adverbs only conditionally.


: h- (, ), -() ' '
: h'- (), '- (), h- (), - () '
', h-~h~ () ho- (), ha- () ' ', h- (), - ()
' '. .
,
, .

Allied words of a relative type are formed from the foundations of semi-auxiliary and
auxiliary verbs: ha- (C, A), on (C) 'so do' and from the bases of pronominal verbs: hymt'u-
(C), tymt'u- (C) , Hymra- (C), tymra- (C) 'do this', ho- ~ ho ~ (A) hoo- (A), ha- () 'do
that', hyp- (), typ- ( W) 'do this'. From the listed bases are formed causative. Those and
others are formalized by indicators of gerunds, as a result of which allied words are formed,
serving as a means of linking the previous sentence with the subsequent one.

, , , ,
:

Allied words express temporary, causal, objective, consistent, conditional


relationships:
- h , h ' () ' - (
) , ( ) ', ' .
h -' ' () ' . ( -
) ';- : ', : ' . h '
w ()'' : .
( )';

- temporary - , h ' () 'Snow fell just a little (covering


the ground), then (after the snow fell out) came', ' . Hafke mug-n'ih
oss't (Sa) 'And he slept night and day. Then (after he had done so for a long time) he got up: -
causal: Ian', and ipt: N'an yaimdra. Halah chh'a wigynyndra (Sa) '' His wife said: "I also
understand. Therefore, I will send you (let me leave) ";

- : ' , ' -, wi'. h


() ' , ,
. , ' ( -
, );

- Target: ' , ' -, wi'. Hayilakert chher


hhhyf oyoygynndra (Sa) 'If you come, you'll be bored again about the comrades, you will
want to leave. In order not to be so, the bear will kill you "(says the bear-woman Nivkhu,
who became her husband);

- : w, ' - , ',
h ', '' () ' , ,
, . (. . ) ,
';

- consecutive: Ekraro wir, n'a chha-arror tegra, irvr n'gra, harrnan n'ihr,
n'in'ya (Sa) 'Stand aside, allow me to go down with water for water, to cook, to eat. Then
already (ie, after I have done all this), I killed, eat ';

- : '-'. h --; h}, '


() ' . ( )
. ( , ), ' (
).

- Conditional: Nina tus'-p'igna. Hanon tuzu nin-dal-ain; H}, ' ()


'We put here. Then (after we put us here), build our house here. Then (if so, as I said will do),
I will live for a long time '(says Nivkham woman - the spirit of the sea).