The Evolution of Sexual Assault Narratives in Modern American Society

By Megan Roy

February 10, 2017

Ms. Barnhart Period 6
 Humanities 1

The Evolution of Sexual Assault Narratives in Modern American Society

Stories are everywhere, whether told, assumed, observed, or heard, and these narratives often

reflect the deeper societal issues that reveal the tensions of the times in which they are told. Societal

issues in America have changed as the decades have gone by, and in the modern media-driven

evolution, are grounded not in just arts, literature, and film, but even more prevalently in television. The

steady advancements of technology and the rising influx of power the media has over its viewers has

resulted in a desensitized society. The viewers are susceptible to then fix their convictions solely on what

the media portrays--as an adaptation to reflect societys underlying narratives. With television

popularity on the rise, headlines on the news focused on issues that were ubiquitous within society.

Television programs of the 70s commenced an evolution in the media. More popularly televised and

focused upon were movements like the Sexual Revolution and the Civil Rights Movement, as the medias

effort to illustrate to the public the pervasiveness of each issue. Subsequent social issues emerged as

byproducts of these movements, and television media then began to focus highly upon embedding

these emerging narratives, especially one significant issue, sexual assault. For the past fifty years, sexual

assault, among a plethora of other issues in society, has been glamorized by the media. The medias

initial fostering of rape culture evolved to one which was normalized, changing just as the awareness of

society surrounding the issue heightened.

In the early 1970s, efforts for providing services to all victims of sexual assault heightened.

Specifically, the first rape crisis center was founded in Washington D.C. in 1972, serving several

purposes. The ultimate goals of these centers included raising the public awareness of sexual assault

prevalence, changing the power related to gender roles, and inspiring the public to take assault more

seriously (Initial Invitation Letter). Founded upon the idea that sexual assault results from the societys

attitudes, coupled with its failure to equalize the role of males and females, such foundations

highlighted the necessity of involvement in any form to prevent future attacks (Meyer). Forming these
 Humanities 2

rape crisis centers to promote services to victims worked to combat assault, and began to play a more

established role in society. The activists from this rape crisis center in DC then moved to establish The

Feminist Alliance Against Rape (FAAR). Formed in 1974 as another effort to raise the public awareness

surrounding the targeted violence against women via sexual assault and rape--and the culture that this

violence created--the FAAR advocated for equality. Providing anti-rape projects for victims was one

notable endeavor, as they viewed rape as a potential threat to feminist control, and hoped to form a

united front to insure that the interest of rape works for us [women] rather than against us (Initial

Invitation Letter). The FAAR focused predominantly on the sexual subjugation of women, for the reason

that one in six women are victims of completed or attempted rape in their lifetime (Victims of Sexual

Violence: Statistics). These 1970s statistics therefore marked the initial attempts of society to depict

rape and assault as a real issue for women. Viewers, however, became desensitized to the content

portrayed by these on-screen narratives, and so too did their actions.

The medias portrayal of assault mirrored that of societys ever-present and changing narratives.

As the popularity of the media flourished, namely with television, the number of viewers also increased,

leading to their distorted perceptions of the content they viewed. This phenomenon can be best

explained by the Cultivation Theory, which was developed in 1976 by professors Larry Gross of

University of Southern California and George Gerbner of University of California Berkeley. The theory

states that heavy consumption of television content fosters a distorted, media-influenced perception of

reality, essentially explaining the idea that as humans became increasingly engrossed in television, their

notions change, forcing them to assume that what happened on the small screen reflected the larger

screen of assault and violence in society (Eastin and Kahlor). By reinforcing societys underlying

narratives, this theory served to begin an increased rape myth acceptance and inadvertent perpetuation

of assault over the years.

 Humanities 3

Television began to introduce more taboo topics--like sexual assault--in the 1980s. Shows began

to [feature] brutal stranger attacks that were accompanied by extreme violence, and women became

bit players in stories that were ostensibly about their violation (Rosenburg). As societal views

heightened, namely in regard to violence against women, so too did that of the medias portrayal of

such violence. Women were victimized in several programs because in society, they truly were the

victims. As seen in the show The Facts of Life, fifteen-year-old Natalie is sexually assaulted in an episode

which aired in 1981. This sitcom created an association with sexual assault which provided, though not

meant for comedic effect, an awkward connection with comedy and the subject of assault. Natalies

assault on The Facts of Life, demonstrates the medias initial use of assault for entertainment purposes.

These fabricated portrayals of assault, then desensitized its audience, in part, supporting the Cultivation

Theory, which was intended to study television as a macro-level purveyor of cultural norms (Eastin

and Kahlor). As this macro-level purveyor of such views within society, the medias portrayal of sexual

assault follows as its micro-level purveyor, as it directly follows societys narrative. It is merely a

portrayal of the larger screen of society, yet on a much smaller screen--the television.

Just as the medias, coupled with societys, awareness continued heightening surrounding sexual

assault, so too did legislative awareness. The 90s and early 2000s were the catalysts of the first

concerted efforts of the legislative forces enacted to combat sexual violence, essentially fueling the

medias portrayal of the violence as an epitome of its efforts. Across the country, these laws [increased]

penalties for criminals, and the definition of rape was expanded (Blume). More definitive policies

were created, intending to demonstrate societys changing views. Crimes, namely sexual and violent

crimes, were taken sincerely. It was not until the mid-90s, however, that legislation took a leap through

enacting the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) in 1994, spearheaded by Senator Joe Biden. The

VAWA targeted strengthening nationwide services to assist victimized women. Through strengthening

penalties for repeat sex offenders and increasing their sentencing, the idea of societal non-tolerance for
 Humanities 4

sexual violence was discernable. The effectiveness of VAWAs legislation appears evident, as between

1993 and 2010, the rate of intimate partner violence declined 67% (Factsheet: The Violence Against

Women Act). Survivors of partner violence, therefore, began to seek help--at least more so than in

previous years. With societys attitude shifting to address sexual assault, television medias concerted

on-screen efforts in the 1990s also appeared evident in its cessation of manipulating the plot to hide

sexual assault amongst the stronger narratives.

Moving to represent reality, the small screen of the 90s moved in a new direction--one which

promoted truth behind these narratives around sexual assault culture, in a sense catching up to the

policies, like VAWA, to portray assault as a prominent issue. Disregarding entertainment purposes

almost wholly, televised depictions of sexual assault began to reveal consent as a primary role in these

attacks. Throughout the 80s and 90s rape myth acceptance, or what University of Dsseldorf doctoral

efines as stereotypes held by the general public towards the

candidate Berenike Waubert de Puiseau d

act of rape and the involved parties, was rising (Waubert de Puiseau). This acceptance was perpetuated

overtime as television portrayed sexual assault in an artificial and disrespectful way. While some shows

challenged rape myths, others manipulated them to provide entertainment for its audience, convening

two societal narratives, and essentially, two genres to be exposed to.

With an increase in crime dramas, yet most popularly CBS and NBCs airing of Crime Scene

Investigation (CSI) and Law and Order: Special Victims Unit (SVU) in the early 2000s, audiences were

subjected to these two franchises depiction of sexual assault in society. The first take was this

perpetuation of rape myth acceptance, which evolved as a result of CSIs glamorized portrayal on the

matter of sexual assault. As a crime drama that graphically [depicted] brutal and violent episodes of

sexual assault, viewers may be desensitized to this form of violence, viewers were inherently exposed

to more explicit and violent content (Hust et al.). Viewers also began to accept this false portrayal as

reality, not only furthering the rape myth acceptance, but also proving Cultivation Theorys applicability.
 Humanities 5

Such acceptance of these myths increased for reasons involving gender, location, consent, and

perpetrator conviction. In regard to the male and female portrayal by the CSI franchise, female victims

are almost always portrayed as susceptible or vulnerable, whereas male victims are portrayed as

completely innocent (Hust et al.). This misrepresentation of gender roles on television promotes the

myth that women are asking for it or deserve being attacked. Viewers, therefore, fail to recognize that it

is never the victim's fault and similarly that rape only happens under certain circumstances. By also

inadvertently disregarding the notion that assault can happen to anyone at any time, the franchise also

promotes a decreased intention to seek consent, which unintentionally encourages audiences to

adhere to these actions (Hust et al.). While the franchise does not encourage assault necessarily, it

contributes to forming a negative culture surrounding rape acceptance. This formed culture leads the

audience to also believe that perpetrators of this violence, will not be punished. In the programs failure

to expose to the consequences associated with assault, viewers are left with this gray area. This minor

omission encourages negative sexual assault behaviors, with criminals often [goes] unpunished,

demonstrating how the CSI franchise generally works against reality to reinforce rape myths. If the plot

line is portraying violence as justified (or at least not showing punishments), it increases the effects

that media violence has in stimulating aggression (Huessman). By seemingly rewarding the perpetrator

and not exhibiting a conviction, CSIs narratives portrayed assault in a poor manner, essentially working

against reality, and reinforcing the rape myths in televised media.

In contrast, NBCs SVU reveals the authentic nature of sexual assault, as viewing the program is

associated with decreased rape myth acceptance (Hust et al.). The components exposed in the CSI

franchise oppose those of the SVU franchise, likely for the reason that SVU solely deals with cases

involving sexual violence. Not only was consent depicted as a major factor in SVU assault cases, but by

victimizing both average women and prostitutes, the franchise also promoted the idea that it is the

issue of consent that defines sexual assault, not the character of the victim (Hust et al.). These factors
 Humanities 6

lowered the rape myth acceptance that she deserved it or that she was raped because of how she

dressed. As proven through a study completed by Washington State University (WSU) in 2015, exposure

to this franchise is associated with an increased intention to refuse unwanted sexual activity and to

adhere to decisions related to sexual contact, as the audience recognizes that those who sexually

assault someone, suffer the consequences (Hust et al.). These narratives depicted within the SVU

franchise contribute to lowering rape myth. Sexual assault essentially became embedded in society, as it

became normalized for being exposed on television. After society was exposed to two different

franchises--SVU and CSI--it was left with two options: to believe the rape myths, or to challenge the rape

myths. With SVU increasingly focusing on more real life scenarios, the franchise works to promote

sexual assault culture in a positive manner. The contrasting narratives provided by two different

franchises, however, result in an overall confusion among viewers in regard to their perspectives on

sexual assault-- as they are left to interpret what to believe.

Only ten or so years following the medias first heightened realization that sexual assault should

be portrayed in a more realistic way, were additional television shows released to reflect such

realizations. Strengthening this recognition were policies and laws implemented by the government

between the more recent years of 2010 and 2016, like the reauthorization of the third VAWA, among

others (White House Council on Women and Girls). In 2013 specifically, President Barack Obamas action

in signing this document implemented new ideas to combat the ongoing societal issue pertaining to

sexual assault. By newly allocating funds for multidisciplinary sexual assault teams, this renewed act

provided funding for sexual assault nurse examiners (SANEs), as well as funding for specialized

training for law enforcement officers and prosecutors (White House Council on Women and Girls). In

providing several new forms of outreach, victims can not only cope with their attacks, but also can work

with survivors, as efforts to increase the rate of prosecutions for perpetrators. The SANEs, being trained

specifically to collect and examine forensic evidence after assault, will also promote this increased
 Humanities 7

prosecution rate, in the exams providing extensive information necessary to identify an attacker (White

House Council on Women and Girls). These attackers, through the newly encouraged efforts of training

those involved in the legal system, will be brought to justice. Aside from VAWA being resubmitted, the

Obama Administration also doubled the funding set aside for the VAWA Sexual Assault Services Program

(SASP). The SASP, instead of focusing on just violence against women, focused on sexual

assault--working to create a more definitive and modern definition of rape, as well as a national

best-practices protocol for conducting sexual assault forensic examinations (White House Council on

Women and Girls). Such forms of outreach provided by the government indicate societys changing

attitudes regarding sexual assault. Manifested as a result of these legislative efforts in combating

assault, the narratives in television media began focusing more on the victim.

Rather than glamorizing the rape myths associated with assault, efforts in televised media have

recently worked to disprove such myths. This intolerance for the previously misrepresented sexual

assault culture has appeared evident in 21st century medias narratives. Centering the sexual assault

aspect around the victim, the program House of Cards (HOC), released by Netflix in 2013, has especially

demonstrated its intolerance. It has made rape survivors experiences and perspectives central to their

storytelling and worldviews, and has depicted the decisions victims need to consider making after an

attack occurs (Rosenburg). In advocating for victims rights to seek help, television media portrays its

increased interest in those who are survivors. Instead of victims prior depiction of being a disgrace to

society, they became well-respected figures. By focusing less on the assault itself, televised medias

narratives became more concentrated upon how womens lives have been inflected by their rapes,

often years into the future, as compared to years prior, when rape culture was perpetuated

(Rosenburg). Specifically, character Claire Underwood in HOC chooses to identify herself in public as a

rape survivor, after seeing her attacker for the first time after the incident. Becoming an advocate for

reforming how the military handles rape accusations, and through addressing her past, Claire
 Humanities 8

demonstrates her willingness to stand up for assault, while also raising an awareness of others around

her that assault simply cannot go disregarded (Rosenburg). The television screens more recently and

into 2017, have worked to confront the matter in a new way--through humanizing sexual assault. This

more human aspect is especially evident throughout ABCs program Scandal, which was released in

2012. The protagonist, Mellie, was revealed as being raped by her father-in-law. Upon her initial

introduction in the show, Mellie was cold and detached, and was not well-loved, by many viewers of

the program (Ives). At the moment of this revelation, Mellies reasoning behind her often cold

personality was evident in reflecting her traumatizing past. Through focusing more upon the victim and

the long-term effects associated with assault, television media today mimics real life scenarios ever

present within society. In both Claires public confrontation of the attack and Mellies revelation of her

past, again, televised media is mimicking what is happening to our society on a [...] screen, in its

efforts to refine the human aspect of such attacks (Dockterman). The victim, as seen in such programs,

simply transformed from being manipulated as an entertainment component of television media, to one

that was humanized, and to one that central to the issue.

Legislative efforts are inclined to continue paving this path toward the eventual elimination of

sexual assault. With societys continuation of campaigning for the hopeful end of this targeted violence

against women, televised medias narratives will continue to reflect such violence. From the

unintentional beginning of perpetuating false narratives around sexual assault and sexual assault culture

of the 70s, to the heightened acceptance of rape myths of the 90s, to the recognition of the victims

reality of the late 2000s, and to the hopeful future of redefining sexual assault culture, societys

narratives are everchanging. In recounting these narratives, eventually, viewers will be exposed to a

victim-centered world, where sexual assault is no longer an act of violence, and to one that is

victim-centered.
 Humanities 9

Works Cited

Blume, Thomas W. Social Perspectives on Violence. Michigan Family Review, Michigan Publishing, Apr.

1996,

quod.lib.umich.edu/m/mfr/4919087.0002.102/--social-perspectives-on-violence?rgn=main;view

Dockterman, Eliana. There's a Reason There's So Much Rape on Your Favorite TV Shows. Time, 10 Apr.

2014, time.com/50328/theres-a-reason-theres-so-much-rape-on-your-favorite-tv-shows/.

Eastin, Matthew and LeeAnn Kahlor. Television's Role in the Culture of Violence Toward Women: A

Study of Television Viewing and the Cultivation of Rape Myth Acceptance in the United States.

Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, vol. 55, no. 2, 2011, pp. 215-231,

www.researchgate.net/publication/233443101_Television's_Role_in_the_Culture_of_Violence_

Toward_Women_A_Study_of_Television_Viewing_and_the_Cultivation_of_Rape_Myth_Accept

ance_in_the_United_States.

Factsheet: The Violence Against Women Act. The Office on Violence Against Women, The White

House, www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/docs/vawa_factsheet.pdf.

Huesmann, Rowell. The Impact of Electronic Media Violence: Scientific Theory and Research. Journal

of Adolescent Health, www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2704015/.

Hust, Stacey and Emily Marett, Ming Lei, Chunbo Ren and Weina Ran. Law & Order, CSI, and NCIS: The

Association Between Exposure to Crime Drama Franchises, Rape Myth Acceptance, and Sexual

Consent Negotiation Among College Students. Journal of Health Communications, special issue

of International Perspectives, vol. 20, no. 12, 2015, pp. 1369-81,

www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10810730.2015.1018615.
 Humanities 10

Initial Invitation Letter. 1974 FAAR Invitation to Grassroots Organizers, 30 Jan. 1974,

www.faar-aegis.org/Intro_74/intro_74.html.

Ives, Kristine. Handle on Scandal, How a TV Show Deals with Sexual Assault. Colorado Coalition Against

Sexual Assault, 29 Nov. 2013,

www.ccasa.org/handle-on-scandal-how-a-tv-show-deals-with-sexual-assault/.

Meyer, Janet. History of Sexual Assault and Prevention Efforts. History of SAPE,

www.ncdsv.org/images/History_of_SAPE_Long_Version_2000.pdf.

Rosenburg, Alyssa. From Washington to Westeros, How Rape Plays out on TV. The Washington Post, 4

Apr. 2014,

www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/from-washington-to-westeros-how-rape-plays-out-on-tv/2

014/04/04/b19fcfea-baae-11e3-96ae-f2c36d2b1245_story.html?utm_term=.0bc9aeb0a0ef.

Victims of Sexual Violence: Statistics. RAINN, Rape, Abuse and Incest National Network, 2016,

www.rainn.org/statistics/victims-sexual-violence.

Waubert de Puiseau, Berenike . EAPL Student Society - Everything you want to know about Forensic

Psychology. Max Plank Institute for Research on Collective Goods, 22 Aug. 2014,

www.eaplstudent.com/component/content/article/171-fact-sheet-rape-myths.

White House Council on Women and Girls. Rape and Sexual Assault: A Renewed Call to Action. January

2014, www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/docs/sexual_assault_report_1-21-14.pdf.