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THE LATIN AND ROMANCE WEAK PERFECT
G. BONFANTE
PRINCETON UNIVERSITY
[In the perfect of the Latin first and fourth conjugations, the 'long' paradigm in
-ai -avisti, -!~I -zilisti, etc. is posterior in formation to the 'short' paradigm in
-i -4st;, -~i (-i) -tsti, etc. The latter represents an old inherited Indo-European
perfect paradigm; it was the normal form in Vulgar Latin, and is continued in the
'weak' preterites of the Romance languages.]
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202 G. BONFANTE
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THE LATIN AND ROMANCE WEAK PERFECT 203
uistd, etc., and the same is true for the 3d plural cantkrun
cantdu~runt. Terence, for example, has 8 'long' forms, all at t
verse,10 as contrasted with 67 'short' forms;" in Cicero12 and
long forms are comparatively rare."a The same is true for th
forms of verbs like nfut, -pljul, fljuL, njui, -su;i, quiui, -olju
which have in the 2d person the forms ndsti (Plautus Cu. 423
(ex-plestei twice, CIL 4.1846, Pompeii), flEsti (Ov. Epist. 5.43;
P.32 P.), -sisti (Plautus, Miles 1072), quiesti, suisti, cristi (c
(cf. crisca), -suistZ -suistis, -olisti, -masti -mastis, -nist~ -nistis, se
3.480 ff. In this group belong also spruit, leui, seui, strdui, f
to the vicissitudes of transmission, no second-person forms ar
but other short forms are attested.14 For the third person plu
n5runt, -marunt, -sujrunt, flirunt, -plirunt, quijrunt, nerunt
greater frequency of long forms in certain prose texts is to b
material in Neue-Wagener 3.466 ff. The stem of ire was of course origin
ii comes probably from *iy-ai, cf. Indo-Aryan iy-dy-a (Sommer, Han
penetration of -tz- in this verb is late and rare; Plautus has only one
(the usual form is ii; see Engelbrecht, WSt. 6.240 ff. [1884]); Cicero, C
Livy never have iui.
10 Probably for metrical reasons (-u-); as pointed out by Engelbrecht
ence's use of the longer forms of the perfect only at the end of the verse,
forms elsewhere, indicates the currency of the latter in the sermo urbanus
See also Meyer-Liibke, ZRPh. 9.247.
11 These and the following indications also include the 'short' forms of th
the perfect system; but the facts are even clearer, on the whole, for the th
perfect studied here (and especially for the two second persons). Thus,
audisti 14 times and audiuisti once (doubtful moreover); audistis 74 ti
once (also doubtful); see Burger, REL 4.118 (1926). The reason why c
etc. are less frequent IN OUR TEXTS than cantdsti, cantasse, etc. is given
119 (see below, ?5).
12 That the 'short' forms were the usual ones is attested for their tim
11, Goetz-Sch6ll2 241), Cicero (Orat. 47, 147) and Quintilian (1.6.16); see So
563; Burger, REL 4.212 ff. (1926); Etudes 112.
13 Livy, who is by no means a 'vulgar' writer, has (according to our
-arunt, 134 -dugrunt, 88 -dugre (E. B. Lease, AJP 24.415 (1903]). The form
tively more frequent in the fourth (56 -drunt, 43 -dugrunt, 11 -duare) an
-drunt, 7 -dugrunt, 5 -dukre) decades than in the first (37 -drunt, 39 -du
This corresponds to the very literary and artificial character of the first
confirmed by the figures for -gre (a purely literary form) as opposed to
and vulgar form, which has passed into Romance (cf. Lease, 409 if.); the
ages are for -ire: 1st decade 54.7% (77.2% in Book 3), 4th decade 13.5%
5th decade 10.1% (3.3% in Book 41).
Lucretius has only one occurrence of -dugrunt (6.3), otherwise always -d
F. Muller (Mnemosyne 56.354 [1928]) correctly considers indicative of
colloquial character of Lucretius' style: 'Porro formae, quales sunt inrit
1.70, disturbdt 6.587, luculenter demonstrant Lucretium hac in re ues
sermonis cotidiani quam artissime haerere.'
14 Cf. Neue-Wagener 3.480 ff.; Sommer, Handbuch3 564; Burger, Ct
below; on the Romance forms of crfui, moul, see Meyer-Liibke and Cas
295 (?191), and Burger, ftudes 107 f., 111, 117. On laui, fdui, cdui see P
Neue-Wagener 3.478 f.); Burger, Etudes 107 ff.; Sommer, Handbuch3 562.
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204 G. BONFANTE
the present
between the tense (4' .ads
3d singular Lat ant)
present an
tion of the Romance AND LATIN form
should be considered analogical inst
(or preserved) by analogy.
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THE LATIN AND ROMANCE WEAK PERFECT 205
forms in the 3d person are limited exclusively to the first and fou
types.
The 1st person plural also has in some cases the shorter form, although the
syntactical interpretation of the tense is sometimes doubtful, owing to possible
confusion with the first plural present; we find namus (Ennius Sc. 160); inar-
ramus (Ter. Andria 365); sufmus (Lucr. 1.60, 310; 4.367), intrdmus (?) (Verg.
Aen. 5.57); narrdmus, mutdmus, flemus, consumnus17 (Propertius 1.7.5; 2.7.2;
15.3, 9); audimus (CIL 3.30 [65 A.D.], cf. audiuimus [63; Cic. Att. 8.11d.3;
9.15.16 (M)]; De Orat. 93 [a part of the mss.]; Aurel. Ad Front. 31.5N; see TLL
s.v. audi3, col. 1262, 11.25 ff.); more material in Neue-Wagener 3.449, 494.18
For the 1st person singular, the material is scarcer, and is exclusively limited,
as for the 3d, to the first and fourth conjugation types (no *-plet, *nbi, *-plit,
*net, or the like is to be found). AudTi is attested by Servius ad Aen. 1.451;
probd4,
signa(u)i calc~i
of an are attested in
inscription by Greek
Probus, GL 4.160.14
characters ff. and
of 160 A.D.182.11; the aayv
(CIL 3.959) is not=
quite sure (see W6lfflin, ALLG 9.140 [1894-5]; Sommer, Krit. Erlaiut. 165 f.).
For the fourth conjugation we have older examples: petf (Seneca, Med. 248;
Herc. Oet. 1848; Statius, Theb. 1.62); sepell (Persius 3.97); then audi Memnonem
(CIL 3.31 [71-2 A.D.], 33 [79 A.D.], 34 [80 A.D.], 36 [84 A.D.], 35 [82 A.D.], 44
[134 A.D.], 49 [170 A.D.], 50 [195 A.D.?] 51 [196 A.D.], 57, 59, 64 [audi et egi; cf.
audiui Memnonem 32 (72 A.D.), 42 (127 A.D.)], 54, 58, 60, 61 and CIL 4.1852
[a Pompeian graffito]; and see TLL s.v. audi5, col. 1262, 11.4 ff.), also Pliny,
Epist. 6.21.2; quaess! (5.6842, assured by the meter); desi (5.4656, also assured
by the meter).'9 See also Neue-Wagener 3.434 f.20
3. RELATIVE AGE OF 'LONG' AND 'SHORT' PARADIGMS. The problem now is:
which of the two paradigms is older, cantadu cantduistf or cantdi cantisti? Most
scholars regard the latter type as deriving by phonetic development, syncope, or
analogy from the former; we suggest, however, that the 'short' paradigm is older
than the 'long', as it represents the addition to the verb stem (= root + thematic
vowel) of an inherited Indo-European set of endings characterized by -st- in the
2d singular and plural but not in the other persons; whereas the -ui perfect is an
isolated phenomenon and has no parallel outside of Latin. Using as a base the
observations of Petersen (LANG. 9.28-9 [1933]), Meillet some years ago reached
17 No *flPuimus is attested, so that the real conjugation of the perfect of fle5 is flmu flesti
(twice, flJuisti once, Lygd. 6.40) flauit flimus *fljstis flirunt (Verg., Ovid., Val. Fl., Statius;
also fljuere). Likewise, we find suemus, consuemus, but no *(con)sujuimus. See TLL s.v.
flee; Neue-Wagener 3.480. Consequently, Meillet's skepticism (BSL 27.234.6 [1927]) about
the antiquity of nimus seems excessive.
18 On nomus, enarramus, etc., see also Engelbrecht, WSt. 6.224 ff.; on inimus, abimus,
perimus (?) ibid. 235, 240; on it ibid. 239 (and TLL s.v. ed); on peri ibid. 243.
19 The inscriptions have occurrences of the type posi (beside posiui), perfect of pwnd; of
these, two are old: posit, CIL 1.1780; poseit 1781 (both from Rome). Plautus has imposisse
(Most. 434); Vergil has deposisse (Catal. 10.16, assured by the meter); see Sommer, Hand-
buch' 573.
0 For pasi, des7, quaesi, etc. (posit, desit, quaesit, etc.) Burger (Etudes 126 ff.) considers,
chiefly on the basis of the Romance forms (It. ppsi, ppse [OIt. also puosi, puose], etc.; chitsi,
chifse, etc.), that the accent was on the penult.
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206 G. BONFANTE
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THE LATIN AND ROMANCE WEAK PERFECT 207
26 The Latin 3d plural ending -runt is compared by Burger (REL 4.213 [1926]
with Skt. -ran (cf. also Sommer, Handbuch3 578); it could also, of course, be ex
sigmatic form: *amd-s-ont, *-pl.-s-ont, although this would present the dis
separating it from the corresponding Hittite and Tocharian forms, which h
-unt can easily be explained, like the -an of Vedic -ran, as an imitation of t
present and future (and aorist).
27 The -a of the 1st singular has been either preserved or rebuilt by the a
fluence of all the other Latin perfects in -4. For early Latin, the type cantd
phonetic difficulty; and for later Latin, its existence is proven by the testimon
28 There is, consequently, a radical difference on this point between Burg
mine; for Burger considers -plisti to be a Latin creation = 2d sg. -plis + perfec
(!) as in dixti, iduisti (Jtudes 115; cf. also 105), whereas I consider the elemen
ending to be Indo-European, and compare it with the Hittite and Tocharian end
also contain -st-.
29 See the material in Neue-Wagener 3.480. For compleS, we have always -plisti(s) and
-plgssent, never -pljuistis or -plguissent (see TLL s.v. complea). Likewise, I know example
of cristi (cf. cern3), d'testi (cf. deleS), (con-)quijsti, (con-)suisti (con-)suistis, (ad-)suistis,
but none of *crguisti, *djljuisti, *quijuisti, *-sujuisti *-sujuistis (Plautus Cist. 87 can be
read consuisti, cf. Bauer 44, ?36a).
30 One of the Tocharian A preterite paradigms (III) has -w- in the 1st person, but not in
the others; it also has -st- in the 2d singular (no examples of the 2d plural are attested;
SSS 331, 375): thus ydm-, 1st sg. ydmwd, 2d sg. ydmast, 3d pl. ydmdr, etc. In the middle we
have 1st sg. yamwe, 3d sg. ydmte; since e in Toch. A always represents an IE diphthong (ai, ei,
oi), ydmwe exactly corresponds to a Latin perfect like -plfu, sjui, fliui, etc., where -I repre-
sents IE -ai, the ending of the 1st person perfect middle (Indo-Aryan cakr-e, OCS vEde, cf.
OLat. inscr. fecei, petiei, posiuei 132 B.c., Faliscan peparai; see Sommer, Handbuch3 574).
The 'reduplicated' Tocharian preterite (probably an old IE perfect) also has the element
-w (-wd) in the 1st sg., but not in the others, cf. ?a~mdwda() (caus. of stdm-), etc., but 2d sg
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208 G. BONFANTE
gagmedst, kaklast (cf. kdl-), garadst (caus. of tsar), SSS 371; this type of preterite with redupli-
cation can be compared even more directly with the Vedic perfects like paprdu, jajfidu. In
Tocharian B, no forms of the 1st person are known; see S. L6vi and A. Meillet, MSL 18.2
(1914).
In Armenian, inversely, -w is preserved in the 3d sg. but not in the 1st sg. (middle):
cnay 'I am born', cnaw 'he is born'; caneay 'I have known', caneaw 'he has known', etc.
(see REA 10.183 f. [1930]; Esq. arm6n.2 124.).
I do not know at what Hittite facts Meillet is hinting in the last passage cited; probably
at forms like the preterites kwenun, paun, uhun, tahun, spanthun etc. (1st sg.). IE *u is
represented by u in Hittite (Sturtevant, Comp. Hitt. Gramm. 96) and IE w became u after
a consonant at the end of a word; now, in all the Hittite forms except paun, -u is the ending
of consonant stems. The -n of course represents the IE 1st singular ending *-m, and is a
posterior addition. Cf. Benv6niste, Festschrift Hirt 2.230. (Other explanations, which
do not convince me, may be found in Sturtevant, Comp. Hitt. Gramm. 254, with note 75.)
3" Burger (Etudes 121 ff.) also claims to find remainders of the old paradigm noui nosta
(with -y- in the first and third singular only) in Ital. sfppi sapesti s ppe; tenni tenesti tnne;
fbbi avesti Qbbe (on the model of which were formed also dissi dicesti disse and similar 'strong'
perfect paradigms). (To sapisti [= Ital. sapesti] and sapisset [= Ital. sapesse], add also
resipisti [Plautus, Miles 345]; cf. Neue-Wagener 3.245 ff.) If Burger is right, the use of the
perfect stem derived from the forms with -y- in the Ital. 3d pl. tdcquero, 'bbero, sippero,
t.nnero, etc., about which he says nothing, is due to its accent, cf. f.cero = ftcerunt, because
of the
Vbbi, opposition
fbbero ftci, f~cimus,
: avesti, aveste; ftcerunt
Italian also has veddimo,: ftcisti,
sgppimo, ftcistis (Ital.which
%bbimo, etc., f.ci,may
f.cero
faceste; : facesti,
be old,
as dissimo, lssimo,
32 For other ff.cero).
phenomena common to Latin and Indo-Aryan (and most of them to Iran-
ian too), cf. Bonfante, I dialetti indo-europei 164 f. (Naples, 1931).
33 The analogy of the paradigm naui nasti nauit can perhaps explain why the 1st and 3d
sg. forms cantauI cantauit are much more frequent than the other forms with -y- (cantduisti
cantduimus cantauistis cantdaurunt); they dominate almost without competition in our
Latin texts, and cantauit has perhaps even partly passed into Romance (cantdut, in Italian,
Spanish, and Portuguese). (I owe this remark and a slight change in the text in part to
a suggestion of Professor Sturtevant during the discussion of this paper at the meeting
of the Linguistic Society in December, 1940.)
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THE LATIN AND ROMANCE WEAK PERFECT 209
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210 G. BONFANTE
For the fundamental sources concerning the weak perfect in the various
Romance languages, and its paradigms, cf. fn. 2 above. On Rhaeto-Romance,
cf. also Th. Gartner, Handbuch der Riitoromanischen Spr. 251; Meyer-Liibke
Rom. Gramm. 2.?268; ZRPh. 9.234.
The double -mm- of Ital. cantammo, udimmo is an Italian innovation whic
18 In the redaction of this article I owe a great debt of gratitude to my friend Dr. Rober
A. Hall Jr. of Brown University. It is a pleasure for me to thank him here most heartily.
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THE LATIN AND ROMANCE WEAK PERFECT 211
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