CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Introduction

Insurgency has become a threat to global peace and security in the 21st century due to the fact

that it constitutes the highest contributor to humanitarian crises in the form of rise in human

casualties, internally displaced persons, refugee debacles, food insecurity and the spread of

various diseases (Imaseun, 2015). The Boko Haram insurgency has lately introduced a

terrorist dimension into the crime space in Nigeria. The trademarks of the Boko Haram are

wanton destruction of lives and property with reckless abandon, through bombings, abduction

and Slaughtering of human beings like rams, especially in Northern Nigeria (Anthony, 2014).

Thus, this chapter will preliminary investigate the various literature review; theoretical and

conceptual framework that have shown the impact of terrorism on children.

2.2 Conceptual Framework

2.2.1 Concept of Terrorism

Like so many concepts, the word terrorism has a simple dictionary meaning the systematic

use of violence to create a general climate of fear in a population and thereby to bring about a

particular political objective (Jenkins, n.d.). Terrorism is quite multi-faceted and laden with

ideology and interests. At its core there is one central idea, that the end justifies the means.

Every terrorist believes that the sacrifices made (of self and others) are justified by the goals

and expected out comes, whether they be secular or religious in nature (social policy report,

2015). However, terrorism is not senseless violence, because from the perspective of the

terrorist it always makes sense. It makes sense in a way that has never been captured well

than by the 19th century Russian novelist Fyodor Dostoyevsky when he put these words in

the mouth of a character in his book (Social policy report, 2015).

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The Brothers Karamazov: Imagine that you are creating a fabric of human destiny with the

object of making men happy in the end, giving them peace and rest at last, but that it was

essential and inevitable to torture to death only one tiny creature-that baby beating his breast

with its fist, for instance-and to found that edifice on its unavenged tears, would you consent

to be the architect on those conditions? (Dostoyevsky, 1952 p. 126 - 127).

Terrorism is the use of violence as a strategy to gain political objectives, and it may be

used by individuals or groups who usually have relatively little power otherwise. When used

in this way, terrorism has been called a weapon of the weak (Scott, 1985) and diplomacy

from below (Kumamoto, 1991). The power of terrorism is its ability to incite tremendous

fear and sense of vulnerability in people through acts of unpredictable, random violence, or

by levelling violence against societys critical institution, leader, and symbols. Terrorism

commonly interrupts business and life as usual by altering peoples freedom of movement,

their comfort in their surroundings, and their confidence that the full force of the state or

other social institutions can protect them. Terrorism thus creates a legitimacy crisis for the

state and destabilizes or disrupts existing governments. The state often has difficulty

confronting terrorism because the enemy is not always apparent, and thus may be

unresponsive to conventional social control mechanism (including police and military

repression and counter violence). Terrorism has tremendous potential so undermine the

invisible, unearned privilege that comes with living in the core, including the ability to live

without the threat of violence that is so common elsewhere in the world, and to go to work

every day, to shop, to travel, to vote, to simply open the daily mail, without fear of loss of life

and limb (Kumamoto, 1991). Terrorism depends upon the absolute willingness of the

perpetrator to act with violence against the innocent, and children (Social policy report,

2015). Whether the terrorist be a rebel or an agent of a government, he (or she) must have this

same willingness. Its worth noting that Col. Kurtz says nothing about the impact of this

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 assault on the children themselves. On the other hand, there are the provisions of the United

Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (ratified by all countries except the United

States and South Sudan-Somalia having rectified its status as the other last holdout in January

2015), which speak directly to the special obligations adults have to children in times of war

(Social report policy, 2015). Article 38 sets out the following standards for giving priority to

children in times and places of war and political violence: In accordance with their

obligations under international humanitarian law to protect the civilian population in armed

conflicts shall take all feasible measures to ensure the protection and care of children who

are affected by an armed conflict (United Nations, 1989). There is no need for an additional

ban on terrorism aimed at children, just a commitment to abide by what is already

theoretically in place. While many theologians and ethicists have embraced the concept of a

just war, this is not the case for terrorism. The term terrorist has such high negative emotional

valence that it is almost by definition unjust, certainly from the perspective of the victims.

Thus, as a label it becomes a tool in the hands of those with a self-interested political agenda.

A study on political terrorism examining over 100 definitions of terrorism found 22 separate

definitional elements-violence, force, fear, threat, and victim-target differentiation, among

others (Schmid and Jongman, 1988). One classic exploration (Hoffman, 1998) concluded that

the following elements are essential:

Clearly political in aims and motives,

Violent or containing the threat of violence,

Designed to have far-reaching psychological repercussions beyond the immediate victim or

target.

Command or conspiratorial cell structure (members wear no uniform or identifying insignia).

Perpetrated by a subnational group or non-state entity italics added).

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This latter criterion (and thus by extension the previous one) has been the subject of

substantial critique for limiting the term terrorism to non-state groups.

This criticism is because one of the most important aspects of any discussion of the meaning

of terrorism is the extent to which this term with such highly negative emotional valence is

applied solely to non-state actors. The alternative view also includes the actions of

governments-what is usually termed state terrorism.

Martin (2006) described state terrorism as terrorism committed by governments and

quasi-governmental agencies and personnel against perceived threats which can be directed

against both domestic and foreign targets. Chomsky and Herman (1979) defined state

terrorism as terrorism practiced by states (or governments) and their agents and allies. All

these analysts concluded that state terrorism accounts for most of the terrorist actions in the

world, and most of the deaths. Terrorism includes all actions (whether by nations, states,

insurgents or rebels) that use violence or the threat of violence against non-combatants (or

even combatants off the battlefield) to create fear and use that fear to manipulate people in

the service of political goals. This is what we mean by growing up in a world of terror. As we

shall see, this decision to adopt the broader definition (i.e., including state terrorism) is

particularly important. Because much of the research available concerning the impact of

terrorism on children and youth comes from situations in which state terrorism plays a

significant role historically (e.g., the United States, South Africa, Israel, Palestine, and

Northern Ireland).

Terrorism is frequently a weapon of the weak, it can also be used by government to

coerce their own resistant population to acquiesce to their will and to eliminate challenges to

state power. For example, the military in Argentina and Chile in the 1970s used kidnapping,

murder, and torture to purge these countries of leftist critics, thousands of whom remain

among the disappeared. Former president of Yugoslavia Slobodan Milosevic was charged

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in an international tribunal with sanctioning rape, murder, and kidnapping (among other

charges) as terrorist tactics in 1999 in an attempt to ethnically cleanse Kosovo of Albanians

by scaring them into leaving Kosovo or by killing them (Kenneth J and Davita S, 2005).

Terrorism like war is not an unusual, although the incidence of terrorist acts has

certainly been on the rise around the world. For example, terrorist bombings occurred in

Great Britain, Northern Ireland, the Middle East, and elsewhere fairly regularly throughout

the 1980s and 1990s. In the United States, such bombings showed a steady increase from

early 1980s through the 1990s (eitzen and zinn, 1997). What actions should be defined as

terrorism as is not always agreed on by everyone. Some even view terrorism as indistinct

from patriotism. The International Terrorism and Security Research (ITSR) allude to the

fact that terrorism is not new, and that even though the word has been used since the

beginning of recorded history it can be relatively hard to define. Terrorism according to the

ITSR has been described variously as both a tactic and strategy; a crime and a holy duty; a

justified reaction to oppression and an inexcusable abomination (Kenneth J and Davita S,

2005). The United States Department of Defence (USDD) defines terrorism as the

calculated use of unlawful violence or threat of unlawful violence to inculcate fear; intended

to coerce or to intimidate governments or societies in the pursuit of goals that are generally

political, religious, or ideological. Within this definition, there are three key elements

violence, fear, and intimidation and each element produce terror in its victims.

The FBI defines terrorism as the unlawful use of force and violence against persons

or property to intimidate or coerce a government, the civilian population, or any segment

thereof, in furtherance of political or social objectives." The U.S. Department of State

(USDS) defines terrorism as "premeditated politically motivated violence perpetrated against

non-combatant targets by sub-national groups or clandestine agents, usually intended to

5
 influence an audience. Outside the United States Government, there are greater variations in

what features of terrorism are emphasized in definitions.

The United Nations (1992) defines terrorism as; An anxiety-inspiring method of

repeated violent action, employed by semi-clandestine individual, group or state actors, for

idiosyncratic, criminal or political reasons, whereby in contrast to assassination the direct

targets of violence are not the main targets. The most commonly accepted academic

definition of terrorism starts with the U.N. definition quoted above. However, the British

Home Office (1974) defines terrorism as the use of violence for political ends, and includes

any use of violence for the purpose of putting the public, or any section of the public, in fear.

Terrorism is a political and criminal act that influences an audience beyond the

immediate victim, and that the strategy of terrorists is to commit acts of violence that draws

the attention of the local populace, the government, and the world to their cause. The

effectiveness of the terrorist act therefore lies not in the act itself, but in the publics or

governments reaction to the act. For example, the ITSR argues that in 1972 at the Munich

Olympics, the Black September Organization killed 11 Israelis to express their views on the

plight of the Palestinian refugees. The Israelis were the immediate victims but the true target

was the estimated 1 billion people watching the televised event. Similarly, in October 1983,

the ITSR argues that the Middle Eastern terrorists bombed the Marine Battalion Landing

Team Headquarters at Beirut International Airport. Their immediate victims were the 241

U.S. military personnel who were killed and over 100 others who were wounded. Their true

target was the American people and the U.S. Congress to withdraw the Marines from Beirut.

2.2.2 Overview of Terrorism

Terrorism, war, and disaster mental health overlap, terrorism presents unparalleled challenges

in regards to national preparedness and response capacity. There are many definitions of

terrorism. These definitions vary in their emphasis on terrorisms criminal or political

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meaning and its psychological, social, and economics intent. Nevertheless, there are three

salient features of terrorism. Terrorist act:

(1) Induce a societal atmosphere of extreme danger and insecurity.

(2) Inflict horrific personal harm and destruction, and

(3) Undermine the implicit social contract between citizens and states protective power. A

compressive child and adolescent mental health framework must include consideration of

these three features along a development continuum and across individual child, family,

school, community, and societal foci (Gurwitch, Pfefferbaum, Leftwich, 2002).

What is most troubling about terrorist acts is that they prey on basic evolutionary mechanism

of danger, its appraisal, emotional regulation, and considerations of protective intervention.

They are geared to induce an appraisal, of an extreme magnitude of danger with horrific

consequence and helplessness in the face of an unpredictable strike, with changing objects of

harm, instruments, of destruction, and location of attacks. The attacks can seem

indiscriminate, as well as selectively targeted. The viciousness and mutilating nature of

terrorist acts, along with the cries of distress and outbursts of grief, recruit just those

neurobiological structures, image, and sounds that are well designed to maintain

preoccupation with the danger of terrorism. Over the centuries, terrorism has often struck at

the basic core of the family. It strikes at the fundamental premise of a protective shield, with

parents worrying over child and family sanctuaries being targeted, such as mainstays like

Disneyland, and children worrying about parents begin targeted in their workplace or while

traveling (Scheiber 1991). In unprecedented fashion, weapons of mass destruction (WMDs)

place significant number of children at enormous risk of psychosocial morbidity for an

extended period and place extreme demands on caring adult in a variety of settings,

including, families, schools, shelters, primary care offices, and health care facilities (Pynoos,

Steinberg 1991).

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 Nevertheless, an act of terrorism creates an atmosphere of danger that involves

several layers of threat. The actualized threat has immediate medical, psychological,

environmental, and functional consequences for subgroups that are differently affected. It

signals to the wider population that it can really happen, and the serious nature of the

consequences overrules calculations about like hood. Terrorist attacks are often followed by

realistic threats of additional attacks. In this atmosphere of danger and ongoing threats, there

can be repeated false alarms. For example after September 11, 2001, a high school in lower

Manhattan had to evacuate repeatedly owing to bomb threats to a police station nearby.

The effects of natural disasters and isolated incidents of human made violence, studies of the

1993 world trade centre bombing, the 1995 Oklahoma city bombing, the 1998 American

embassy bombing in Nairobi, Kenya, and the September 11, 2001 attacks provide evidence

that children are not spared the emotional consequence of terrorism. Although it is premature

to draw major conclusion distinguishing the effects of terrorism from those of other forms of

trauma and disaster, studies have identified a number of factors associated with mass violence

that warrant attention. Mass violence can generate an envelope of fear that has an extensive

geographical reach. Among children, there can be temporary or more persistent separation

anxieties, even among older children and adolescent. The perception of ongoing and new

dangers can precipitate a host of incident specific new fears and avoidant behaviours. There

may be a concentrated impact of traumatic death among families within local community or

region, while, at the same time, the losses may directly affects families widely dispersed

across the nation and the world (Pfefferbaum, Sconzo, Flynn, Kearns, Doughty, Gurwitch,

2003). World trade centre bombing, on February 26 1993, international terrorists bombed the

world trade centre in New York City, killing six people and injuring and trapping thousand

inside the building.

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Harold S. Koplewiez et al (2002), compared the reactions of 22 children present in the

building at the time of the explosion to 27 children in a community convenience sample

whose exposure was limited to interpersonal relationships with those directly affected and

media coverage of the event. The directly exposed children were highly symptomatic: three

were considered likely to meet diagnostic criteria for posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). In

contrast, children in the comparison group had only mild symptoms. Parent of both group of

children at follow- up 9 month later, but the children themselves reported no significant

decrease in either. On august 7, 1998, a terrorist bombing destroyed the American embassy in

Nairobi, Kenya killing more than 200 individuals and injuring thousand.

Studies by Pfefferbaum et al (1999), assessed more than 500 indirectly exposed

children in a convenience sample of Nairobi school children 8 to 14 months after the incident.

This investigation explored issues not examined in the Oklahoma City studies, including

exposure to other traumatic events. Living in a community in which trauma is common, most

of the children in the sample had experienced other crimes or violence and the death, illness,

or injury of relatives, members of their household, or friends. A higher number of other

traumatic events, stronger posttraumatic stress reactions to other events, and stronger acute

reactions predicted bombing-related posttraumatic stress. Many children denied impaired

functioning, and, for many others.

More than 100,000 children have been abducted, tortured and sexually abused before

being recruited to fight in Africa's long-running civil wars in the past three years, a report

revealed. Teenage boys and girls forced to join militias are being subjected to psychological

torture so that they can be indoctrinated. The Democratic Republic of Congo has more than

30,000 child soldiers fighting in militias and acting as bodyguards for government army

commanders. Girls are also kidnapped and gang-raped by soldiers using them as

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 entertainment and rewards for bravery (Meera .S, 2004). Some cases of children serving in

war and effects on their psyche have been given below:

Militias and government troops in Sudan have also used children to fight their internal

conflicts. The coalition said children as young as 14 had been recruited into the government

militias of the Local Defence Forces, in Rwanda, even though the Rwandan government

denies using children as soldiers (Meera .S, 2004).

In Mozambique, Firinice, a 6 year old boy, was accosted by the bandidos at a river near his

home. He was forced to lead them to his home where he was made to set fire to his family

hut. His parents who were fleeing were killed and decapitated in front of him. All his older

siblings were killed. For many weeks he was virtually mute, unresponsive and emotionally

frozen, complying with whatever was expected from him (Meera .S, 2004).

Terrorism are man perpetrated acts of violence, that vary along a number of

dimensions such as the diversity of the war-related traumatic stressors, the zone of impact

(single site or multiple sites), frequency and duration of exposure (single or multiple events)

and their effects on family, social and community infrastructure as well as life sustaining

variables such as access to food, water, shelter, and protection from disease. The impact of

war-related stressors may occur as the direct result of physical and visual impact, media

exposure, or through the various forms of interpersonal experiences the wounding and killing

of loved ones, the brutal rape and torturing of innocent victims, malnutrition, starvation,

disease and emotional contagion, and social disruption and the loss of peer related

experiences, routinized family, school and community life. In some instances children may be

kidnapped and forced to participate as child warriors in violent acts under the threat of losing

their own lives (Ayesha, 2014).

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2.2.3 Overview of Internal Displacement.

Globally, studies found that as of the end of 2014, 38 million people around the world had

been forced to flee their homes by armed conflict and generalised violence, and were living in

displacement within the borders of their own country. This represents a 15 per cent increase

on 2013, and includes 11 million people who were newly displaced during the year, the

equivalent of 30,000 people a day. The majority of the increase since last year is the result of

the protracted crises in Iraq, South Sudan, Syria, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and

Nigeria. The five countries accounted for 60 per cent of new displacement worldwide, and in

all except Nigeria more than a million people fled their homes during the year (IDMC, 2015).

In sub-Saharan Africa, there were 11.4 million IDPs across 22 countries, with Sudan

accounting for at least 3.1 million, DRC 2.8 million, South Sudan 1.5 million, Somalia 1.1

million and Nigeria at least a million. Central Africa was again the region worst-affected by

new displacement, accounting for 70 per cent of the sub-Saharan total of 11.4 million. In

2014, there were people living in displacement for ten years or more in nearly 90 per cent of

the 60 countries and territories we monitored. This phenomenon of protracted displacement is

largely responsible for the high and ever-growing cumulative figures we publish each year

(IDMC, 2015).

However, in 2014, there were people living in internal displacement caused by

conflict and generalised violence in all regions monitored by IDMC (2015). As in previous

years, displacement around the world in 2014 varied in terms of its scale, causes, patterns,

protection issues, prospects for durable solutions and responses, reflecting the fact that people

flee their homes in diverse political and conflict contexts, and in countries with varying

capacity and will to assist their IDPs. This section describes some of these salient features by

region (IDMC, 2015).

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 Gender-based violence (GBV), forced recruitment, political violence and religious

intolerance are widespread in the region and continue to cause displacement. Unaccompanied

girls aged between 12 and 17 have fled to the US from the Northern Triangle and Mexico as a

result of rape, physical violence and the threat of human trafficking.20 Violence, insecurity

and endemic poverty had driven 21,500 young people from the Northern Triangle and 18,800

from Mexico as of the end of 2013, of whom around 23 per cent were girls with international

protection needs (IDMC, 2015).

Displacement in Colombia is still driven by the armed conflict, which continues

despite the ongoing peace process. There have been fewer hostilities between government

forces and FARC, and peace negotiators reached a partial agreement on drug trafficking in

2014, but violence and insecurity are still rife. Widespread abuses, including the recruitment

of minors, sexual violence, the deployment of anti-personnel mines, extortion and the

targeting of human rights defenders and land restitution advocates have forced many people

to the flee their homes. Forty-eight per cent of IDPs are aged between six and 26, and many

continue to live in areas still affected by the conflict (IDMC, 2015).

Responses to displacement vary significantly across the region from Colombia, where

the government and international agencies have been running programmes for many years, to

the Northern Triangle where responses are barely underway. Colombia made significant

progress at the judicial, legal and institutional level in 2014, implementing transitional justice

mechanisms, and policies on durable solutions and demobilisation, disarmament and

reintegration. Assistance programmes for IDPs also continued but had little impact,

particularly in terms of access to employment.46 Colombia is a pilot country for the

Transitional Solutions Initiative, a joint UNHCR, UNDP and World Bank project running in

17 communities, but it is too soon to assess results (IDMC, 2015).

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 Children and adolescents who are forcibly displaced represent almost half the worlds

internally displaced and refugee populations. Child refugees report harassment, sexual abuse,

and physical violence from local people and authorities Camps can be extremely unsafe

places; rape is not uncommon, being reported by both boys and girls in Darfur and Chad.

Children who are not accompanied by an adult carer are especially vulnerable. Some end up

living on the streets, whereas others are exploited and abused, having to resort to prostitution

or other forms of labour to survive. Children who are forcibly displaced have the challenge of

adjusting to adverse events in the past while forging important emotional, social, and

intellectual developmental trajectories in a new setting. Eisenbruch described how refugee

children go through the double disruption to developmental and cultural continuity, and

undergo dual processes of personal and cultural bereavement.

2.3 Empirical Studies

2.3.1 Terrorism and Children

Terrorism is the exertion of force threatening annihilation to project a sense of powerlessness

on the target population. Its use seems to be increasing, and it is defended as a legitimate

means to achieve a desired political objective. In many instances adolescent have assumed

the role of combatant and have thereby become the agents of intimidation and destruction

(Field, 1979).

The pathogenic element, apart from any physical injury, is the experience of psychic

trauma that results in helplessness in the face of intolerable danger, anxiety and arousal. The

susceptibility of any child to psychic trauma is a function of several factors, including

genetic. Constitutional and personality makeup; past life experience; age and state of mind,

and the content and intensity of the event. In those situation in which children have been held

hostage or exposed to a murderous assault, most will suffer the posttraumatic stress disorder.

The symptoms of this syndrome for children involve deleterious effects on cognition,

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emotions, interpersonal relations, behaviour and vegetative function. In addition, the

developmental phase of the child contributes to the specific constellation of findings. A

preschool child is likely to show regression, school-age children often present with somatic

complaints and traumatized adolescent commonly display acting-out behaviour (arroyo w.

eths, 1985)

The nature history of the posttraumatic stress disorder in children has not been fully

elucidated, but evidence is accumulating that the long term effects of terrorism can be

substantial. Children continue to show posttraumatic play and re-enactments, seen as

repetitive, unsatisfying activities organized around traumatic themes. Other persistent

symptoms including nightmare and night terrors, residual traumatic anxiety and memory

disturbance such as retained misperceptions of the event and omen formation. In contrast to

adults, children are apparently not subjected to amnesia or significant denial of the external

reality of a violent event. The prognosis for child victim of terrorism will, in a large measure,

depend on the family and community coping resources and the availability of psychiatric

treatment (Terr .Lc, 1983).

There are few studies of the long-term psychological effects of children being exposed to

traumatic situations.

Studies (Thabet and Vostanis, 1999) revealed that the 40% of children in the Gaza

strip who had been initially diagnosed with PTSD decreased to 10% one year later with the

onset of the peace process. Although a childs initial exposure to war-related trauma may

have been relatively circumscribed in time and space, there are a spectrum of secondary

stressors in the aftermath of war, which continue to impact on the child and his family (i.e.,

economicsocial disruption, separation from loved ones, malnutrition, and illness). Barath

(2002) surveyed a sample of school-age children in Sarajevo 4 years after the war and found

that most of the children continued to live in impoverished communities in which the

14
 compromised social infrastructure represented an ongoing stressor manifested by dangerous

and unhealthy conditions such as overcrowded conditions, unsafe playgrounds without access

to sports fields. The great majority of children felt unsafe in the streets, experienced school

problems, and were frequently ill. Nevertheless, the children were seen as using healthy

strategies in coping with the stressful events in their lives.

Macksoud and Aber (1996) reported 43% of Lebanese children continued to manifest

posttraumatic stress symptoms 10 years after exposure to war-related traumas. The biological

impact of war-related traumas is directly related to the intensity, duration, and the impact of

the stressors on bodily integrity, the stress response system and/or its interference with life

sustaining support systems. It is known that exposure to intense acute and chronic stressors

during the developmental years has enduring neurobiological effects vis-a-vis the stress

response and neurotransmitter systems with subsequent increased risk of anxiety and mood

disorders, aggressive dyscontrol problems, hypo immune dysfunction, medical morbidity,

structural changes in the CNS, and early death (DeBellis, Baum, et al., 1999; DeBellis,

Keshavan, et al., 1999; Heim, Meinschmidt, & Nemeroff, 2003 and McEwen, 1998).

UNICEF (1996) noted that many more children die from starvation, sickness, and

stress of flight than from the immediate effects of violence. In Africa it is reported that

children die 20 times more frequently from lack of medical services and starvation than

physical injuries from war.

2.3.2 Reactions of Children on Terrorism

It is impossible for children to go through upheavals of this kind without showing their effect

in difficult behaviour and in variations from normality. Infantile nature has certain means at

its disposal to deal with shocks, deprivations and upsets in life (Jon, 2003).

Outlet in speech is often delayed and after months had elapsed since the occurrence of

some gruesome devastating incident that has been witnessed by the child. Such incidents

15
include death of parents as well. The children who lost their fathers in air raids never

mentioned anything of their experience for many months. Their mothers were convinced that

they had forgotten all about it. Then after a year, two of them at least told the complete story

with no details left out. The child begins to talk about the incident when the feelings which

were aroused by it have been dealt with in some other manner children often imitate whatever

they see in their play, with toy houses being bombed by marbles. There was a lot of

excitement among the children while involved in such games. In case of a boy who for long

refused to accept his fathers death, it got reflected in his games. In his war games, the

inhabitants of the bombed houses were always saved in time. Since the denial was never

completely successful, the play had to be repeated incessantly, it became compulsive. Often

children clung on possessively to something that they managed to save at the time of

separation. Strange behaviour, sometimes destructive often related to regression (returning to

infantile modes of behaviour) is seen in slightly older children. Early education involves

socializing by gaining control over the selfish instincts. It had its own rewards which lost

their value on separation at this stage. They find no reason to be good, unselfish or clean.

There were many other associated effects such as bed wetting, thumb sucking, greed and

aggression. In some children, abnormal withdrawal from the world has been noted (Jon A.

Shaw, 2003).

Terrorism-related traumas vary enormously in their intensity, from exposure to brutal

death and witnessing of explosive-violent acts, to the derivative effects of war such as

displacement, relocation, sickness, loss of loved ones, and starvation. Among those children

exposed to war-related stressors for a longer period, it is generally estimated that the

prevalence of posttraumatic stress symptomatology varies from 10 to 90%, manifested by

anxiety disorders such as posttraumatic stress disorder and other psychiatric morbidities

including depression, disruptive behaviours, and somatic symptoms (Allwood, Bell-Dolan, &

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Husain, 2002; Goldstein,Wampler, &Wise, 1997; Hadi & Llabre, 1998; Thabet & Vostanis,

1999).

Also in some cases, a child exposed to a lot of death and destruction at an early age can have

a heart that can be scarred no further. They become indifferent to the sufferings of others. For

example, Fernando, 15 years of age, had participated in a number of attacks killing several

people, after he was captured by the guerrillas. After he was captured, he exhibited little

remorse or regret for killing people and expressed his wish to be a soldier. Posttraumatic

stress and other reactions are common in children directly exposed to terrorist incidents.

Koplewicz et al (2002) found that children who were trapped in the World Trade

Centre at the time of the 1993 bombing of the facility had significantly higher levels of

posttraumatic stress and disaster-related fear than children in a community comparison

sample. Children who reported the strongest symptoms initially were most likely to have

strong persisting symptoms. Of note, parents failed to recognize the level of distress in their

children, reporting a decrease in child posttraumatic stress and incident-related fear between

three and nine months while the children themselves reported no decrease.

More than one third of parents of preschool-aged children attending early childhood

centres, primarily near or within view of the World Trade Centre at the time of the September

11 attacks, reported that their children had personally witnessed at least part of the event

(DeVoe et al. 2006). Over one half reported new fears in their children, almost one fourth

reported increased aggression, and over 40% reported that their children experienced

difficulty going to sleep after the event (DeVoe et al. 2006). A study of children, aged 6 to 14

years, held hostage for three days in a school-based terrorist incident in Beslan, Russia, in

2004, revealed very high levels of posttraumatic stress symptoms three months after the

attack (Scrimin et al. 2006). Approximately three fourths of the children met the studys

17
 criteria for PTSD, and many experienced neuropsychological impairment in working memory

and sustained attention (Scrimin et al. 2006).

2.3.3 Emotional and Behavioural Hit of Terrorism on Children.

The views is that few children will be directly exposed to terrorism, but a larger proportion of

the child population will be indirectly exposed the impacts of terrorism on children.

Regarding predictor of chronic posttraumatic symptoms in children. Undermining of civil

society may be more of a threat to childrens mental health in the long term than the distant

trauma itself (Richard Williams, 2006). Those directly exposed to mass violence and

conventional terrorism experience a wide range of emotional and behaviour consequence,

such as clinical PTSD, posttraumatic stress symptoms that do not meet the criteria for PTSD,

other anxiety disorders. (Milbank Q, 2004). in view of the fact that prior trauma exposure is

a potent risk factor for psychopathology in response to a subsequent traumatic exposure, it

may be that the real consequences of terrorism in children is to create a basis for risk for

psychopathology in response to subsequent trauma exposure. Most psychotherapeutic

approaches use some form of cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT), and children have

cognitive abilities. It is clear, however, that some form of cognitive capacity is necessary for

developing post-traumatic psychopathology. Infants, for example, are protected from full

psychological exposure to terrorism by their cognitive immaturity; most adolescents, on the

other hand, are capable of apprehending the full horror of such events. Yet, infants will be

highly vulnerable to degradation of caregiver function as they are totally dependent on adult

care. After children form attachments to caregivers, they are highly sensitive to separation

and loss, particularly if frightened. Children gauge threats based on caregiver responses.

Since terrified parents are terrifying to children, parents can moderate or mediate the

propagation of terror as a vector for the spread of fear to children. Calm and functional

parents, teachers, and other adults can reassure children. In addition, it is not clear whether

18
 the same pharmacologic agents used for post-trauma syndromes in adults should be used in

children. A major gap in our knowledge is that there is virtually no research that has

examined the effectiveness of any intervention for children following large-scale disasters or

terrorism this should be a high priority (R Yehuda and S.E Hyman, 2005).

2.3.4 Boko Haram Terrorism On Education System In Nigeria.

The effect of Boko Haram terrorism on education cannot be overlooked owing to the fact that

it has caused destruction on educational facilities most especially in the North East. Olatoye,

(2010), the effect of Boko Haram on education can be summarised thus;

Poor Funding of Education: The ripple effects of Boko Haram insurgency has led to a

situation in which expenditure on education has increasingly dwindled over the years.

This is occasioned by the pressing need to allocate more funds to security, to the

detriment of other sectors of the economy, education inclusive.

Loss of Trained Personnel: Another fall-out from the ceaseless attacks on the

government institutions, including education, is the loss of trained teachers who are either

maimed, killed or prefer to give schools a wide berth as a result of the indiscriminate

attacks on them by Boko Haram operatives, who attack schools at random. Many

Nigerians have had to cross into Cameroon and Chad republic to escape the wrath of the

sect and enjoy relative peace (Okoli & Iortyer, 2014).

Poor academic Performance: Academic activities are disrupted intermittently as a result

of sporadic attacks on educational facilities. Government has had to shut down schools in

order to forestall sudden attacks on them by Boko Haram insurgents. The Boko Haram

attacks also culminate in poor students performance because learning is characterized by

threat in the school environment of the north, whereas it is an accomplished fact that

learning thrives mostly in an environment devoid of threat. Etebu & James (2011) asserts

that any society characterized by any form of violence will not be conducive for any

social interaction in form of teaching and learning. Similarly it has been noted that the

19
 threat of insecurity will constitute negative reinforcement due to the obvious fact that

teaching and learning cannot occur successfully in an environment characterized by threat

(Campbell, 2008).
Destruction of School Facilities: Bombing and shooting by Boko Haram insurgents

destroy school facilities which are grossly inadequate in the first instance due to poor

funding by government. This portends grave consequences for effective teaching and

learning which becomes hampered by inadequacy of educational facilities. Northern

Nigeria has suffered low enrolment rate especially at the primary education sector.

Ruquyyatu (2013) Northern Nigeria has suffered low enrolment rate especially at the

primary education sector. Ruquyyatu (2013) blamed this on the effect of long standing

effect of Islamic education as most parents are yet to embrace western education. To such

parents, western education is tied to the bible and it is an indirect way of changing their

religion. Secondly, the security situation in the Northern Nigeria also comes to play. The

constant threat posed by Boko Haram which started in 2009 and other extremists religious

sect like the Jamaatu Anbarul Mmuslimna FinBadilas Sudan, undermines efforts at

improving education in the region. These groups have carried out several attacks and

issued threats to schools in the North in some of these attacks, teachers were killed or

injured and structure razed.

2.3.5 Roles of Government towards Children

Government is considered the primary duty bearer with the responsibility for

protection of internally displaced persons. Such protection will be responsive, i.e. aiming to

prevent imminent or stop on-going violations, remedial, i.e. aiming to provide redress (e.g.

access to justice, reparation or rehabilitation) for past violations, or environment building, i.e.

aiming at creating the necessary legal and institutional framework, capacity and awareness

that is necessary to promote respect for human rights of internally displaced persons and

prevent future violations (federal republic of Nigeria, 2012). International human rights law

20
 imposes on government three major obligations with regards to ensuring the realisation of the

rights of internally displaced persons:

a) The obligation to respect the human rights of internally displaced persons, i.e. to refrain

from actively violating them;

b) The obligation to protect such rights, i.e. to intervene and take protective action on behalf

of the victims of internal displacement against threats by others or stemming from their

displaced situation;

c) The obligation to fulfil these rights, i.e. to provide goods and services necessary to allow

internally displaced persons to fully enjoy their rights; and to discharge these obligations

without discrimination.

Conceptual framework effect of Boko Haram Terrorism in Nigeria

Source: Samson E (2013). Rethinking counterinsurgency: A case study of Boko Haram

2.3.6 Right of Internal Displaced Children

21
According to Unicef, article 2 states that: All children have these rights, no matter who they

are, where they live, what their parents do, what language they speak, what their religion is,

whether they are a boy or girl, what their culture is, whether they have a disability, or whether

they are rich or poor. No child should be treated unfairly on any basis. Persons affected by

displacement situations experience a wide variety of needs in the short, medium and long

term. These include food, water, shelter and other essential items, security, physical and

psychological well-being, and assistance in restoring family links, health care, and education,

economic and social rehabilitation. People are especially vulnerable when they are displaced,

whatever the cause of the displacement. They are deprived, often brutally, of their ordinary

environment, and this directly threatens their ability to meet their most basic needs, especially

when families are torn apart or when relatives are killed or go missing (FGN, 2012).

Internally displaced children shall be entitled to the full enjoyment of their rights under the

Nigerian Constitution, statutes, and domesticated sub regional, regional and international

human rights and humanitarian instruments. Internally displaced children shall, in particular,

enjoy their rights under the Child Rights Act and similar laws enacted at the State and local

government levels. It has been observed that some children lose the only living parent or both

parents during communal conflicts and disasters. in this National Policy, the government

hereby asserts as follows:

a. That every child has the right to a name and he/she also has a right to be identified with the

community of his/her birth, where possible.

b. To ensure his/her proper upbringing, an internally displaced child that is orphaned could be

adopted by a family either from his/her ethnic group or otherwise, which means his/her status

could be decided by his/her new family. This shall be in compliance with all state and federal

legislation on adoption. In such a case:

22
 i. The new parents must ensure that he/she attains full educational development as their

biological children, that the child shall not be subjected to child abuse.
ii. That the child shall be fully integrated into the family and treated equally like other

biological children;
iii. That the child shall be entitled to honours such as traditional titles where he/she so

merits it, and shall not be discriminated against just because of his/her being an

internally displaced child;

iv. Under no circumstance shall the child be reminded that he/she is adopted from an

internal displacement camp;

v. That the adoption of the child is perpetual, not reversible and not renounceable, as an

alternative to adoption, a child could also be fostered and have access to all rights

such as education, inheritance, and traditional titles as are enshrined in Sharia or

Customary Law.
vi. It is the policy of the government not to discourage internally displaced children from

communicating in their native language or any other language of their choice.

vii. Under no circumstance shall an internally displaced child be used for street hawking,

forced labour or any other forms of child exploitation.

viii. Internally displaced children shall be entitled to good medical care and immunization

against diseases that may cause death, retard their growth or affect their general well-

being.
ix. Because of the peculiar status of internally displaced children, it is the policy of

government to ensure their full integration into the society. Internally displaced

children shall not be ascribed as belonging to any caste system, such as Osu,

Abiku, Ogbanje.
x. This National Policy shall ensure that internally displaced children (persons below the

age of 18) are protected against torture, sexual exploitation, drug abuse, as well as

early and forced marriage.

This National Policy shall ensure the protection of children in exceptionally difficult

circumstances. This means that a special regime shall be established for the protection of

children in such difficult circumstances which shall include but not limited to orphans,

23
 children with health challenges and children with disabilities (federal republic of Nigeria,

2012).

2.4 Theoretical Framework

In examining the various perspectives that have attempted to capture the causes of the Boko

Haram insurgency on children since the outset of the problem; we looked at general

theoretical frameworks that have been employed universally to explain similar terrorism. In

this regard, we made reference to foreign and local (Nigerian) sources. At the same time, we

paid critical attention to the diverse views provided by the broad spectrum of the Nigerian

society. In doing this, adequate consideration was given to all the shades of opinions

representative of the various divides of the Nigerian society. Generally, the historical-

descriptive method of inquiry was adopted in the study.

2.4.1 Human Needs/Socio-Economic Perspective

The socio-economic perspective of the Boko Haram challenge in Nigeria, essentially attempts

to de-emphasise the interpretation of this being a particularly Muslim or northern crisis

(Kukah, 2012). The perspective which blames social conditions for the violence is anchored

on the human needs theory of social conflicts. Its central thesis is that all humans have basic

needs which they seek to fulfil and failure caused by other individuals or groups to meet these

needs could lead to conflict (Rosati et al, 1990 cited in Faleti, p. 51). The theory is similar to

the frustration-aggression theory of violence, which posits that aggression is always a

consequence of frustration (Dougherty and Pfaltzgrate Jr, 1990: 266). According to the

theory, relative deprivation is a perceived disparity between value expectation and value

capabilities and that the lack of a need satisfaction defined as a gap between aspirations and

achievement generally relies on the psychological state of frustration and aggressive

attitudes emanating from it. Unlike the relational/vengeance theory, the perspective goes

beyond the trigger to focus on the underlying factor(s) that could have bred such groups. It

24
has its largest proponents from the intelligentsia, and is particularly viewed by some foreign

governments such those of the United States and Britain as explanations for the problem.

Nigerias socio-economic indexes seem to validate the assumption of human needs theory.

The Human Development Index Trend, for instance, ranked Nigeria 156 out of 186 in 2011.

The socio-economic factors being adduced as the root causes of violence in Nigeria include

unemployment, especially among the youth, poverty and a deteriorating standard of living,

especially in the north. But perhaps its relevance in the interpretation of the Boko Haram

problem is that while its proponents admit of endemic poverty and hopelessness generally in

Nigeria, they note its severity in the north. Hence for Professor Jean Herskovits of the State

University of New York, to whom it was clear in 2009 when the insurgency began that the

root cause of violence and anger in both the north and south of Nigeria is endemic poverty

and hopelessness, the government must address socio-economic deprivation, which is most

severe in the north (Herskovits, 2012).

Indeed the very high incident of poverty in Nigeria is generally seen as a northern

phenomenon. A study by Professor Charles Soludo, shows the three northern regions having

an average poverty incidence of 70.1% compared to 34.9% of the souths three. Ten states in

Nigeria with the highest incidence of poverty also are all northern states, whereas the ten

states with the lowest incidence of poverty are all southern states, (Lukman, n.d.). Thus,

70% of the people living in the north live below $1 per day, which is equivalent to N129 per

day, (ibid). The high conflict potential of the developing areas could indeed be a function of

frustration caused by economic deprivation, (Dougherty and Pfaltzgrate, Jr. 1990: 266).

Frustration-aggression tendencies often also manifest misplaced aggression. This trend has

featured in the series of violence inflicted upon the ordinary citizens of Nigeria, most of who

have no direct connection with political and economic elites whose mismanagement of the

countrys resources engender the unemployment, poverty and deprivation that breed

25
frustration and foster violence. As Dougherty and Pfaltzgrate Jr. have rightly noted, hostilities

in such instances, are directed toward someone or something not responsible for the original

frustration (ibid).

A more profound explanation of the norths socio-economic crisis lies in a perspective that

sees a nexus between its depilating patrimonial economic system, which dis-empowers

women, and the dysfunctional state system that places distribution above production

(Aregbesola, 2012). The governor of the south-western state of Osun, Rauf Aregbesola, a

Muslim, who is credited with the idea, argues that while the economic disempowerment of

women does not itself lead to violence, it means that about or less than one-third of the adult

males sustain that society; much of the population, especially the elite, have been socialized

into sustaining a lifestyle out of sync with economic productivity. He posits that the anomaly

has been encouraged for a long time by the dysfunctional (state) system, which places

distribution above production. Sustaining that lifestyle has increasingly become difficult,

especially with the north having lost control of the centralized power structure. This means

that the elites are no longer satisfied, not to talk of the crumbs that come to the masses. This,

he strongly contends, is largely responsible for northern unrest (Aregbesola, 2012).

Perhaps of further interest about this perspective is its politicization by the northern elite,

which tends to becloud the real issue. Rather than focus on its merit in relation to solving the

problem, it has become the basis for some elements among the northern elite to seek to

expand their frontiers of accumulation, which with a history of unconscionable criminal

appropriation to the detriment of the poor masses, offers no prospect for a better deal for the

latter. The idea of a direct link between the very uneven nature of distribution of resources

the 13 per cent derivatives going to oil producing states of the south and the rising level of

violence Boko Harams insurgency (Financial Times, January 27, 2012), as espoused by

CBN governor Lamido Sanusi, a scion of Northern establishment, clearly raises the resource

26
 distribution issue, which Aregbesola (op.cit) has identified as fostering the endemic poverty

of the north. It also agrees with the submission that competition for scarce resources may be

of greater importance in explaining political violence in the developing regions (Oberschal

1969; Nelson 1969). Chairman of Northern Governors Forum, (NGF) Aliyu Babangida has

also decried an unfavourable federation allocation structure in which the Northern states are

at great disadvantage amidst rising illiteracy, poverty, ignorance and general backwardness in

the region, (Daily trust, online, February 24, 2012). This perspective has encountered severe

criticisms recently, even from the north. Senate President David Mark argues that poverty and

unemployment no longer offer a cogent explanation for the insurgency as these adverse

socio-economic conditions are not exclusive to the north, (Peoples Daily, online, June 26,

2012). While socio-economic deprivation could be most severe in the north, except for the

north-east where it originated, no such violent group as Boko Haram is known to have sprung

up in states in the north-west and north-central. Hordes of beggars who line Katsina streets

reflect the poverty in that north-western state, yet it has neither bred nor harboured such a

violent group. Evidence pertaining to Latin America and Sub-Saharan African urban settings

similarly challenges the relevance of the theory of the revolution of rising expectation.

2.4.2 Socio Constructivist Theory

This study adopted the theory of Lev Vygotsky (1978) social constructivism theory. Vygotsky

theories stress the fundamental role of social interaction in cognitive development of a child.

Vygotsky believed that the role of the teacher in education is crucial. In developing children

abilities, teachers can guide them towards performing tasks which are just beyond their

current capacity. With such guidance, children can perform beyond their own ability within

certain limits. Vygotsky defined these limits as the zone of proximal development. Based on

the fact that learning and development in Borno State, should be collaborative activities

between the society and school. Vygotsky believed that, community plays a central role in the

27
process of making meaning to children cognitive development. The perceptual attention and

memory capacity of children are transformed by vital cognitive tools provided by culture,

such as history, traditions, language, religion and social context. For learning to occur, the

child must first make contact with the social environment on an interpersonal level and then

internalizes this experience. This means that, what the child is able to do in collaboration

today, the child will be able to do independently tomorrow. Vygotsky (1978) posited that, the

culture gives the child the cognitive tool needed for development. This makes the study to

lend its credence on Vygotsky social constructivism theory because of the significance to

culture and social context. If Vygotsky is correct that children develop in socio-cultural

settings. For teaching and learning to go on smoothly in Borno State, basic school teachers

need to adopt constructivist teachers ideas by creating a context for learning in which,

students can become engaged in interesting activities that facilitates learning. The teachers

may often guide students as they approach problems, may encourage them to work in groups,

to think about issues and support them with advice as they tackle challenges that are rooted in

real life situation. Basic education teachers in Borno State can apply the following four

principles of Vygotsky theory of social constructivism, in their schools to enhance teaching

and learning processes of the children:

a) Learning and development is a social, collaborative activity in the society

b) The zone of proximal development can serve as a guide for curricular and lesson planning.

c) School learning should occur in a meaningful context and not be separated from learning

children develop in the real world.

d) Out-of-school experiences should be related to the child school experience.

Certainly, this theory will be useful to basic school teachers because they can use it as a guide

to a childs development. It also allows a teacher to know what a student is able to achieve

28
through the use of mediator, and enables the teacher to help the students attain that level by

themselves.

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