Ain Akbari Final

1
Appendix
A’in-i-Akbrari : Its Provisions on

Agriculture, Industry and Trade
S. M. Waseem
Institute of Persian Research

Aligarh Muslim University,
2
A’in-i-Akbari: Its Provisions…
Aligarh - 202 002, India
2009
Patron:
Professor P.K. Abdul Azis
Vice-Chancellor, Aligarh Muslim University
Advisory Board:
Prof. Shoeb Azmi
Former Head, Dept. of Persian, JMI New Delhi
Prof. A. W. Azhar
Former Head, Dept. of Persian, JNU New Delhi
Prof. Afzal Hussain
Dept. of History, A.M.U., Aligarh
©All rights reserved

Published by : Institute of Persian Research,
Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh
Title : A’in-i-Akbrari: Its Provisions on
Agriculture, Industry and Trade
By : Prof. Shah Mohd. Waseem
3
Appendix
Year of Publication : 2009
Printed at AMU Press, Aligarh
CONTENTS
Foreward 5
Preface 7
I A’in-i-Akbari 17
II Abul Fazl Allami and his 33
Ancestors
III Akbar : The Just and 69
Magnificent
IV Akbar : Administrative 102
Structure and Control
V Indian Agriculture in Akbar’s 152
Reign
VI Economic Activity, Resource- 208
base and Trade in Akbar’s Reign
Appendices 249
4
Bibliography 256
5
Appendix
Foreword
Ā’in- i-Akbari, the magnum opus of Akbar’s learned

vizier and great Persian scholar, Abul Fazl, is not only a
masterpiece of sophisticated prose but is also, perhaps even
more so, a mine of encyclopaedic information about Akbar,
his reign and his times.
A remarkable and comprehensive account of the
Great Mughal’s administration, policies and mode of
governance, the Ā’in is, what we may call today, a
Gazetteer or the Administration Report and statistical
compilation of the government of that time. Its range is vast
and varied covering almost all aspects essential to any
government: administrative structure; civil and military
institutions; land and agriculture; trade; import and export;
taxes and revenues; prices of grains; market rates;
karkhanas and artisans; fruits and orchards; income and
expenditure accounts of different subahs and cities,
6
economic strengths and weaknesses : It also contains

enormous information about India, its people and culture.
Its importance can be judged by the fact that a copy
of Ā’in-i-Akbari was presented to Warren Hastings in 1783.
It has been translated into English a number of times, most
valuable amongst these translations are by Blochmann and
Jarrett.
However, an extensive and exhaustive study of the
information offered by A’in-i-Akbari is yet to be attempted.
It is a gigantic task requiring the expertise of different
disciplines. The present Research Report, painstakingly
prepared by Prof. Shah Mohammad Waseem, is a step
towards this direction. We are thankful to him for taking up
the challenge and compiling meticulously valuable
information regarding agriculture, industry, finance and
trade as available in Abul Fazl’s wonderful work.
Azarmi Dukht Safavi

Director
Institute of Persian Research
Aligarh
7
Appendix
PREFACE
When in this strife-ridden world, one reads

historians praising Akbar for his just administration, he
is tempted to know more and more about him and his
policies. Further, while “…reading of his (Akbar’s)
conquests, above all of his administrative reforms, one
is struck most by the calm and courage with which he
faced all difficulties, and the mastery not only of men
but of himself, which he displayed”. This makes the
inquisitive to travel backwards through the years step
by step to find the Emperor dealing with far and near,
high and low, weak and strong, modest and the
arrogant, and muslims and non-muslims with his
concept of all-embracing justice. He is thus tempted to
8
ponder over what appears in ‘India Painted by Mortimer

Menpes Described by Flora-Annie Steel: “it is to be
doubted indeed if Akbar’s form of government is not to
this day the one best fitted to the needs of India,” albeit
along with deep commitment to democracy and
parliamentary form of governance.
Alla-ud-Din Khalji with a view to rule with
firmness, introduced the element of force, and justified
his actions by his ‘efficient rule’ and ‘good
administration’, but Akbar by giving a welfare-oriented
administration enlisted the support of the ruled. Like
other monarchs, he too centralized all authority, but
delegated powers to functionaries at different layers of
his administrative structure, thus teaching them to
accept challenge and function efficiently with
accountability - with promise to honor and promote
those honest and efficient, providing for appreciation
and reward, and, if need be, to award punishment.
Thus, one has to make out objectively the place
and relevance of the Great Mughal’s policies and its
implementation in the contemporary strife-ridden world.
It does not mean travelling backwards, though it
definitely means getting benefited from the past, for
past is never lost.
“Akbar”, says the author of Dabistan, “paid no
regard to hereditary power or pedigree, but favored
those whom he found to excel in knowledge and in
9
Appendix
conduct”. Education received Akbar’s active patronage.

He founded educational institutions, and an (Imperial)
library also. We, while proceeding to develop and
establish ‘knowledge economy’ in India as of now, are
assigning and must continue to assign value to
knowledge and honesty. In such an economy
competence and not the recommendations must carry
weight. The only justification for recommendations is:
where justice is not coming with spontaneity,
recommendations do have a place. It becomes
complicated and perplexing when recommendations are
made by friends, relatives and more particularly by
friends with unflinching loyalty and support, and by
those who are resourceful and wield social and political
power. Akbar’s laudable action in this regard tells us
that when the Safavid King of Persia, Shah Tahm’asp,
wrote to him, recommending elevation of Sultan
Mahmud of Bhakkar to the position of Khan-Khanan of
the Mughal Empire, the Emperor refused to accept it,
the reason being, as given by Abul Fazl (that) he “..was
seated on the masnad of appreciation of merit and
justice, the currency required was merit, not
recommendation.”
Establishing ‘knowledge economy’ and its
continuance essentially demands that those who head
different organizations, must be knowledgeable,
conforming to standards at dynamic levels of adequacy,
for those holding positions in such an economy have to
10
lead and inspire others, more particularly the members

of their own team. Akbar by assigning a high value to
knowledge and merit, demonstrated that he loved the
honest and the knowledgeable. He was illiterate, but
was a genius in his own right: He is known for his
inventions: “Saltpetre.. he used .. as a means for cooling
water, and (it) thus (became) a source of joy for great
and small”. Likewise, he “invented an excellent method
of construction’ of matchlocks which were “made so
strong that they (did) not burst..” There are other
inventions also which stand testimony to his abilities.
Akbar had a refined taste of appreciation of arts and
industries. Akbar was an innovator; he designed
‘extremely’ beautiful candelabra, and added value to
manufacture of tapestry. Likewise, he improved shawl
manufacturing in many ways.
Dishonesty he disliked: As such, the duties of the
Kotw’als in his realm included (that) “He should
minutely observe the income and expenditure of the
various classes of men and by a refined address, make
his vigilance reflect honor on his administration” (A’in
IV, A’in-i-Akbari ii, Vol. II, Tr. H.S. Jarrett). Akbar was
particularly strict with corrupt officers of his State: He
imprisoned Haji Ibrahim Sirhandi, Sadr of Gujarat, in
the fort of Ranthambhor, when after an enquiry, he was
found guilty of corruption, as was complained by the
people of Ahmadabad. It was all possible because the
Emperor always encouraged direct contact. Further, the
11
Appendix
Kotw’al in his empire was duty-bound to expel or deter

the dishonest tradesmen “from their course of conduct,
but he should be careful in the matter not to molest a
God-fearing recluse (Sufi), or persecute barefooted
wandering anchorites.”
To help boost manufacturing and trading in his
realm, Akbar abolished a number of taxes, thus
rendering the products cheaper. Early in 1581c, he
abolished tamgha, the inland tolls through out the
dominions. To save buyers from cheating, he ordered
that the Kotw’als “..shall examine the weight and make
Seer (the weight) nor more nor less.. (Likewise), in gaz
(yard).. he should permit neither decrease nor increase”
and also “ forbid … selling of slaves.” Not only this, the
Kotw’al was required “to set the idle to some
handicraft.
Agriculture received the Emperor’s special
attention. Accordingly, we find the Sipahsal’ar,
Amalguz’ar and the Kotw’al entailing duties for the
upkeep and development of agriculture along with their
main responsibilities. In agriculture, assessment and
payment of revenue, as organized rationally, rendered
matters simple under the ambit of honesty and a just
administration. Knowing it well that the economy of his
empire is agrarian, Akbar took all care to develop
agriculture. To lessen the burden on the peseants, he
permitted remissions and exemption from the payment
of revenues. Further, he took care that neither the State,
12
nor the tillers of the soil should be ‘injuriously affected’

by his own and his armies’ movements. In the event of
any adverse affects, compensations were readily given
to off set the losses. Wells and canals were dug to
benefit particularly agriculture and the cultivators, and
also the people in general.
In each sarkar, district, Akbar established and
maintained store houses to supply animals, the property
of the State with food, and to furnish cultivators with
grain for sowing purposes, and also to have at hand
provision for offering help to the needy in case of
famines, and also to feed the poor: He established
Khairpurah and Dharampurah to feed the poor Muslims
and poor Hindus respectively. And, when the Jogis
began flocking in the places to benefit from the
Emperor’s generosity, he promptly established
separately a Jogipurah also. Akbar established Serrais
(stay places) to benefit the travelers and traders, and
took to ensure their safety: The Kotw’al entailed this
one also of his duty: “Through his watchfulness and
night patrolling the citizens should enjoy the repose of
security, and the evil-disposed lie in the sough of non-
existence.”
Akbar patronized patronized scholars and pious
men; to help support them, he gave Sayurghal, the
tenure free land, to them. It was due to his generosity
and support that there gathered around him scholars,
poets, painters, calligraphers, accountants, administrators,
13
Appendix
translators and pious men, not only from within the

empire but also from outside including those coming
from West- and Central Asia, etc. Akbar patronized
Arabic, Persian and Sanskrit scholars all alike.
Translation work also received his patronage.
Akbar appointed a sort of Commission to enquire
and suggest methods to expedite decisions on the
pending cases to deliver timely justice and improve the
quality of justice. A year after or so, he decreed that
suits between Hindus would be heard by the Pandits
and not by the Qazis. Akbar was far ahead of his time in
asking the Jagird’ars, Shiqd’ars and the Daroghas in
all provinces of his empire to record the number of
people, their trade and occupation, their income and
expenditure. It was thus not only the collection of
population statistics but also of industrial, professional,
and income and expenditure data.
In 1583c, Akbar introduced many administrative
reforms. Departments for supervision and control,
dealing among others with appointment and dismissals
of crown-land officials, criminal justice and registration
of birth and marriage, extension of agriculture,
regulation of prices and supplies of merchandize, roads,
inheritance and camping grounds and halting places,
etc., were created..,
Akbar abolished poll tax and Jaziya – not only
this, he forbade female infanticide and child marriage,
14
and expressed himself strictly against Sati. The

Kotw’als were instructed, thus: “He should not suffer a
woman to be burnt against her inclination”. To give
comfort to women Akbar prescribed for his Kotw’al to
set up “separate ferries and well for men and women.”
We often hear the subordinates, the weak and
those lower in rank grumbling against their superiors
and against those whom they served with dedication and
utmost care, because often thet feel ignored – neither a
word of appreciation is uttered, nor due warmth is
manifested. Akbar’s behavior implores them, thus:
when Abul Fazl, his confidential adviser and minister,
was got killed by his son, Salim (Jahangir), he, learning
of this gruesome murder, bewailed his death – historian
say ‘more than that of his son’s. For several days, he
did not see anyone. What he uttered bemoaning the
murder of Abul Fazl, is on record. He said: “If Salim
wished to be emperor, he might have killed me, and
spared Abul Fazl.”
Akbar’s resounding words giving his concept of
justice must make all those who holding superior
positions, govern and lead, to do heart searching: “If I
were guilty of an unjust act I would rise in judgment
against myself. What shall I say, then, of my sons, my
kindred and others,” and that “Tyranny is unlawful in
every one, especially in a sovereign who is the guardian
of the world” (A’in-i-Akbari, III).
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Appendix
Peace throughout Akbar dominions let to

development of the economy including its internal and
external trade. India earned a reputation as a peaceful
land and as a surging economy. This, along with the
royal patronage, made “skilful masters and workmen …
settle in this country to teach people and improve
system of manufacture”. It may be inferred that a
number of ongoing manufacturing activities in the
country speak of the support and patronage by the
Emperor, manufacturing of shawls, glim and carpets
etc., included.
Rulers and administrators may suffer with
bigotry and cruelty, and in their zeal arrogance, they
often commit wrongs, insisting that a ruler is after a
ruler, a mighty being. But a just one would neither
insist on his wrong, nor would commit it again. Thus,
execution of his Revenue Minister – Shah Mansur –by
the Emperor was unjustified, as was expressed later by
him too. This of Akbar’s Revenue Minister was very
strict, and as given by Abul Fazl, “sympathy with
debtors never touched the hem of his heart.” But, then
the top honest must always be supported by the
hierarchy, failing this systems collapse and honest ones
would be buried into oblivion. Similarly, was the case
of the killing of a slave, named Faulad, without inquiry.
These were but stray events in a mighty Emperor’s life.
Then, Akbar is found presenting himself in his conduct
akbar.
16
In a touching reference, Richard von Garbe

recorded: Germany should be proud that the personality
of Akbar who according to his own words “desired to
live at peace with all humanity, with every creature of
God,” has so inspired a noble German of princely blood
in the last century that he consecrated the work of his
life to the biography of Akbar. This man is the Prince
Friedrich August of Schleswig-Holstein, Count of Noer,
who wandered through the whole of northern India on
the track of Akbar’s activities, and on the basils of the
most careful investigation of sources, has given us in
his large two-volumed work the best and most extensive
information which has been written in Europe about the
Emperor Akbar. How much his work has been a labor
of love, can be recognized at every step in his book but
especially may be seen in a touching letter from Agra
written on the 24th April, 1868, in which he relates that
he utilized the early hours of this day for an excursion
to lay a bunch of fresh roses on Akbar’s grave and that
no visit to any other grave had ever moved him so much
as this.
The book in hand deals with Akbar’s
administrative structure, agriculture, and trade. It also
touches, though briefly, the importance of karkhan’as.
The book mentions the resource-base and outputs of the
subahs and sarkars of Akbar’s empire, and incorporates
discussion on the composition and direction of India’s
foreign trade then. Earnestly it is hoped that the book
will be of use to the students and the researchers alike.
17
Appendix
I am extremely grateful to the Hon’ble Vice-

Chancellor, Prof. P.K. Abdul Aziz, for his sanctioning
the Project, and to Prof. (Dr.) Azarmi Dukht Safavi,
Professor, Department of Persian, and Director, Institute
of Persian Research, Aligarh Muslim University,
Aligarh, whose interest in the furtherance of knowledge
and research particularly in the field of Persian
language and literature is widely recognized and
appreciated, for her asking me to pursue my work on
‘A’in-i-Akbari: Akbar’s Administrative Structure,
Agriculture, Output and Trade.’ The members of the
Advisory Board of the Institute also deserve my thanks,
and put it on record.
I shall be failing in my duty, if I do not thank the
staff of the Institute, particularly Mr. Shahid Saeed
Khan for his type-setting the manuscript. I take this
opportunity to put on record my appreciation of the
services rendered by the Seminar Libraries of the
Departments of Islamic Studies and the Center of
Advanced Study, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh,
for their help, particularly Mr. Kabir Ahmad of the
Seminar Library of the Department of Islamic Studies.
Aligarh Prof. S. M. Waseem
2009 Former Dean of the Faculty,
Chairman, Department of Commerce, and
Coordinator, UGC’s DSA Program in
Entrepreneurship,
Aligarh – 202 002
18
I
A’IN – I – AKBARI
A’in in Persian means Rule, Custom, Manner,

and also as appearing in the Encyclopaedia of Islam,
‘Law, Rite, and Institution.’ Some translators prefer to
use ‘Regulation’ to convey the meaning of A’in.
Ibn Muqaffa translated a number of works from
Pahlavi into Arabic including the Fahrist, 118, which
makes mention of an A’in-Nama. Rendered into Arabic,
it meansKitab -ur-Rusum  . Thus, it is a book of
quasi-official character like the ‘Khudmay Nama’ which
“contained an account of the organization of the Sasanid
State, of the privileges and prerogatives of the classes,
and of Court life and etiquete….much of its contents
(are) of a sententious and divedactic nature.”1
Christenson referred to it, calling it ‘La Vieil almanach
royale ’ (The old Almanac Royal). Then, other
monumental works, covering Persian Islamic history
and institutions followed, which used A’in as their title,
A’in–i–Akbari being one of these: A’in–i–Akbari,
running into Daftars I, II, III, IV, and V, has been
rendered into English in 3 Volumes: Volume I containing
Daftar I & II is the work of Henry Blochmann; Volume II
contains Daftar III, which has been translated by Col.
H. S. Jarret. The same translator has rendered Daftar IV
19
Appendix
& V into English, which appear in Volume III of the

A’in.Thus, all the Daftars have been covered in three
Volumes. Besides this, Abul Fazl’s Akbar Nama has
been rendered into English (Vols. I, II and III) by H.
Beveridge.
A’in–i–Akbari was published in 1595, the year
when Abul Fazl’s brother Faizi died at Lahore. It was
completed in 1602.
A’in–i–Akbari‘s, daftar I deals, among others,
with the Emperor and his household; daftar II
encompasses the grandees and attendants and imperial
servants; daftar III gives rules and regulations for
efficient functioning of different departments of the
imperial government including its judicial and executive
departments; daftar IV explicitly gives the social and
literary account of Hindu contribution. Foreign travelers
and invaders are also mentioned. It also discusses the
teaching of Muslim divines and their religious tenets.
Daftar V is devoted to wise maxims and Sayings of the
Great Mughal. It also gives Abul Fazl’s autobiography.
Akbar Nama and A’in–i–Akbari both are recognized as
the monumental works of Abul Fazl Allami (b.
Muharrum 6, 958 A.H/January 14, 1551c), known for
his liberal views and as “one of the most distinguished
scholars of his age in India.” 2
Sir Syed and A’in–i–Akbari:
20
While serving as munsif at Delhi, Sir Sayyid was

asked by a merchant – Haji Qutb ud Din - to revise the
Ain-i-Akbari in return for books worth Rs. 1,600. An
honest munsif did not accept this offer from a local
merchant, most probably in view of his residing in the
same city, and to avoid contact, lest it be
misunderstood. But when posted to Bijnaur, Sir Sayyid
studied the A’in-i-Akbari, as was available, and
improved it in many ways: “By comparing the faulty
manuscript with the good ones,” Sir Sayyid produced
“better text… The system of weights, measures and
coinage, current in the time of Akbar, was brought into
conformity with that of Sir Sayyid’s own time, and the
lacunae in the original tables were filled in after Sir
Syed made reference to other works on the subject. Sir
Syed carefully rectified the mistakes, made in the tables
by the author and indicated the numerical values of the
letters which have originally been used, instead of
figures.” 3 For the purpose, he consulted the English
translation, presented in ‘much greater accuracy.’ To
clarify the sense of the original tables, he added a
supplementary column at the end of some tables, and
also “some supplementary” pages in his own hand-
writing in the appendix to the discussion on “the
coinage of Akbar’s reign.” A number of illustrations of
the obverse and reverse of the coins under discussion
were added, along with ‘the legends inscribed’ on each
coin. “In addition, eight gold and silver coins of
Akbar’s time,” found omitted in the A’in, were
21
Appendix
described “and much more useful information was

appended to the text.”
“In the original A’in-i-Akbari, there were few
illustrations. Therefore, Sir Sayyid went to much
trouble in having numerous sketches drawn by the most
famous artists of Delhi and introduced them into his
own edition in the appropriate places…” 4
He also took to add the names of outside Sufis
and tourists, who came to India, and also mentioned the
names of invaders, who attacked India (all this
happening during the period covered by the A’in).
Further, names of some of the poets, not appearing in
the original book (the A’in), were included by Sir
Sayyid. Thus, Abul Fazl’s A’in-i-Akbari, in a way, was
edited by Sir Sayyid, who inserted the beautifully drawn
pictures of the flower plants, fruit bearing trees and also
of different ornaments, all in due places of their
mention in Abul Fazl’s A’in.
Sir Sayyid’s edited A’in was published by the
Lithographic Press at Delhi in 1272 A.H/1855c.
However, it contains only four Daftars (I, II, IV and V),
as Daftar III was lost in the upheavals of 1857c, when
India’s first war of independence was waged. The
Nawal Kishore Press, Lucknow, published the A’in-i-
Akbari in its entirety. A’in–i–Akbari along with its
translation was also published by the Principal of
Calcutta School, Henry Blochmann, in 1873c. As told
22
by Storey, selections from the A’in were published in

1931c at Allahabad; then in 1981c, its Urdu version
appeared at Lahore. Fida Ali Talib took lead in its
translation, and his translated A’in was published by the
Osmania Press, Hyderabad (Deccan). 1873c edition of
H. Blochmann’s translated version of the A’in referred
to Sir Sayyid’s edition of the A’in, describing that Sir
Sayyid said that the Round Muhr was having Kalima,
engraved on it (Discussed under A’in 10, given in Ain-i
Akbari,i).
Importance of A’in–i–Akbari:
A’in–i–Akbari mentions institutions of Akbar’s
Court. It is unique in its importance, being the first
work of its kind in India, and characterized by its own
‘individual literary style’: It continued to serve as “a
model for many generations; though none was able to
imitate (it) successfully.”
Expressive of his intentions to write the A’in,
Abul Fazl explicitly stated in its Preface: “…my heart
feels proud of being engaged in such an undertaking: …
My sole object in writing this work was firstly, to
impart to all (who) take an interest in this auspicious
century, a knowledge of the wisdom, magnanimity, and
energy of him who understands the minutest indications
of all things, created and divine, striding as he does over
the field of knowledge; and secondly to leave future
generations a noble legacy”{Tr. H. Blochmann}.
23
Appendix
Expressing his views on ‘payment of debt of gratitude’

to his benefactor, Emperor Akbar, Abul Fazl adds that it
“is an ornament of life and a provision for man’s last
journey. There may be some in this world of ambitious
strife, where natures are so different, desires so
numerous, equity so rare, and guidance so scarce, who,
by making use of this source of wisdom, will scape
from the perplexities of the endless chaos of knowledge
and deeds. It is with this aim that I describe some of the
regulations of the great king (Akbar), thus leaving for
far and near, a standard work of wisdom”. And, indeed
the A’in is ‘a standard work of wisdom.’ “Abul Fazl’s
‘Books of Akbar (Akbarnama,, the third volume of
which forms the celebrated A’in–i–Akbari or ‘Acts of
Akbar’ will always retain their fascination as a minute
record of the Moghal empire.” As is said by one of the
translators: “The range of diversity of.. subjects,”
covered by the A’in-i-Akbari “and the untiring industry
which collected and marshaled, through the medium of
an unfamiliar languge, the many topics of information
to their minutest details, treating of abstruse sciences,
subtile philosophical problems, and the customs, social,
political and religious of a different race and creed, will
stand as an enduring monument…” and, that “it (the
A’in-i-Akbari) crystalizes and records in brief for all
time the state of Hindu learning and besides, its
statistical utility, serves as an admirable treatise of
reference on numerous branches of Brahmanical science
and on the manners, beliefs, traditions, and indigenous
24
lore, which for the most part still retain and will
continue their hold on the popular mind. Above all as a
register of the fiscal areas, the revenue settlements, and
changes introduced at various periods, the harvest
returns, valuations and imposts throughout the
provinces of the empire, its originality is as indisputable
as its surpassing historical importance.” Surely, both the
A’in-i-Akbari and Akbar Nama do add up to ‘the most
competent account that any one man had ever compiled
of the affairs of one particular Court.’
Irfan Habib, dwelling upon the importance of
A’in–i–Akbari, as a unique work, says: “…no census of
persons was ever conducted in any part of Mughal
Empire. The size of the population of Mughal India can,
therefore, be estimated only on the basis of other data,
the richest depository of which is A’in–i–Akbari, the
unique work compiled by Akbar’s minister, Abul Fazl,
in 1595-96” And, that:
“The A’in–i–Akbari gives us details of the a’razi
or area measured for revenue purposes down to each
pargana, the smallest administrative sub-division of the
time.” 7
Moreland using these data took lead in working
on the total area under cultivation at ‘the end of the
sixteenth century’. After estimating the total area under
cultivation, he calculated the total population of the
great Mughal’s Hindustan.
25
Appendix
Besides Moreland, Ashok V Desai also relying

upon the data and information contained in the A’in-i-
Akbari, gave his method of estimating the population of
Akbar’s empire: He compared the data “on prices,
wages and crop rates with the area data relating to
1961” and arrived at “per capita consumption and per
capita agricultural productivity.” Finally, taking “the
A’in’s revenue rates on different crops,” he worked out
the land per capita and also the land revenue. “With this
figure at hand, he divided (by) it the total Jama
(estimated net revenue) of the empire, given in the
A’in,” saying that “the result should represent the
population of the empire at the time.” 8 However, while
Desai puts the Empire’s population between 64.9 and
86.3 millions, Moreland put it at 100 million in 1600c.
As regards irrigation, the A’in mentions
dependence of agriculture on lakes, and wells etc.,
subject to their availability and handiness at different
places.
Thus, the importance of the A’in, as the first
gazetteer of India, is undeniable. Even Sir Jadunath
Sarkar, who has devoted a full Chapter (No. XVI),
captioned ‘Sources of Information’ in his book, to
discuss the available material on Mughal Administration,
enlists A’in –i–Akbari at number one albeit by putting
another chapter, captioned ‘A’in–i-Akbari Criticized’.
However, he is taken to admit (that) “The best known
source of information about Moghul Administration is
26
Abul Fazl’s A’in–i–Akbari ….it was the progenitor and

in certain respects the model of later official hand-
books….It was the first work of its kind in India and
was written when the newly created Moghul
administration was in a half-fluid condition.” 9
Clearing the Doubts:
Then in-between the sentences, quoted above,
Sir Jadunath Sarkar adds that the A’in “has many
defects:” “Abul Fazl…tells us what an officer ought to
aim at doing, rather than what the experienced servants
of a long settled Government were in the habit of doing;
that is to say that he draws an ideal picture instead of
giving us a faithful description of the administration in
its actual working. Moreover, he is an insufferable
rhetorician, and even when he intends to tell a fact, he
buries it under a mass of figures of speech and round
about expressions. His work, therefore, does not give us
much real help in drawing a correct and detailed picture
of the administrative machinery, though in the
statistical portion he is detailed and correct. We are
oppressed by a sense of the vagueness and unreality of
the picture as we go through the descriptive parts of the
A’in.” 10
To draw further support for his views and to add
force to his arguments, Sir Jadunath Sarkar, quotes W.
Crooke, who, wrote: “None who reads the A’in–i–
Akbari, the cyclopaedic annals of his (Akbar’s) rule,
27
Appendix
can find to be conscious of a certain lack of partmental

perspective. Akbar was master of detail: but here detail
is pushed to the extreme. We find careful accounts of
the organization of the camp and household, the stable
and wardrobe, the armoury and the hunting
establishment....On the other hand, we learn little of the
essentials asdministration as we understand it – about
the police and judicial services, the development of
national resources, the relief of famine, education and
medical aid (N.W, P. 101–102).” To reinforce his
statement, Sarkar refers to J. R. Reid also, who said:
“What trust is to be placed in the figures of the A’in–i–
Akbari. It is difficult to say…In respect to the revenue
recorded in the A’in–i–Akbari, it may be questioned
whether it was not an ideal assessment and whether it
was ever collected for the State.” 11
Further, to indicate the A’in’s “unreality or rather
the practical uselessness”, Sarkar says: “The immense
size of the A’in–i–Akbari and the unreality or rather the
practical uselessness of much of its contents, made it
undesirable to write, similar works or to bring up to
date in reigns of Akbar’s successors.”12
As against the above view, our readers must
return to the same author’s statements to emphasize that
A’in–i–Akbari is:
 “The best source of information.

28
 The progenitor and in certain respects the model,

for later official hand books…
 The first work of its kind in India….written

when the newly created Mughal Administration
was in a half–fluid condition.
 Detailed and correct (in the statistical portion).
Further, we must not forget that to know the relevant

details of Akbar’s administration one must refer to
Akbar Nama also side by side the A’in-i-Akbari, which
is also ‘a register of fiscal areas, the revenue settlement,
and changes therein, introduced on different occasions,
as it is also authored by the same Abul Fazl. Moreover,
further explanation and exposition of what has been
incorporated in the A’in–i–Akbari, can be found in the
occurrences and events recorded in the Akbar Nama.
Besides this treatise (in three volumes), one must also
refer to other relevant works viz., Tabq’at–i–Akbari to
comprehend the details. As regards famine-relief, we
find that in 1596c “kitchens were established in every
city. There was a deficiency of rain this year, and high
prices threw a world into distress. The gracious
sovereign appointed able men to every place to give
food duly to the necessitious. Petitioners constantly
came before his Majesty, and had their desires gratified.
Similarly, numbers of beggers were made over to rich
people [khawastadar’an): 13 (Instead of, made over to
29
Appendix
rich people, it should be’ to those, who offered’

(khwastadar’an) to help the poor)].
Likewise, narrating the distress as a result of famine
in Kashmir, Abul Fazl says: “On account of the
deficiency of rain and the dispersal of the victorious
army, prices became somewhat high…. by his
[Shahinshah’s] orders twelve places were prepared in
the city for the feeding of great and small (i.e., young
and old). Every Sunday a general proclamation was
made in the Idg’ah, and some went from the palace and
bestowed food and presents on the applicants… A great
many persons also got their livelihood by the building
of the fort.”14
However, Bad’auni’s description of eating of the
same kind’ seems to describe the conditions of acute
famine.
Talking of the details, one finds that Abul Fazl has
taken care to explicitly rendered account of different
aspects of Mughal administration: it be output, its
quality, price or consumption, or revenue, its fixation
and realization. Moreover, considering the items of
ward-robe materials - silk and cotton cloth etc.,-
perfumes, harness of the animals in the royal stable, the
variety of weapons, specialisation in manufactures, and
the building activities etc., mentioned in the A’in-i-
Akabri, one can easily find that the number of
30
productive endeavors in the Great Mughal’s reign. were

many more than what the historians differently estimate.
The A’in makes mention of output by independent
artisans as also at hand–work centers. It gives salaries
of different classes of employees, their classification, as
also the daily wage-range of different class of workers,
depending upon their skills and specialization. This
makes one to think of the need of and efforts for the
development of skill-based economy.
As regards the importance of A’in–i–Akbari and its
author, Bad’auni, who is not so friendly to Abul Fazl, is
found quoting him at a large number of places in the
text and foot-notes given in his Mutakhab-ut-Tawarikh.
(Reference may be made to its English translation,
appearing in Volumes I, II and III). Further, Bad’auni
refers to Abul Fazl in his book as “my very learned
man”, using the title, conferred on Abul Fazl.
“The basic value of A’in-i- Akbari naturally accrues
to it from the high status, exceeding erudition, great
genius unimpeachable character, and impartial
disposition of the author,” says S.L. Goomer, who
edited H. Blochmann’s translated A’in-i-Akbari. He
adds that Le Pere Tieffentaller incorporated “some long
extracts from the third book of the A’in in his
‘Description Geographique de l’Indostan’[1776c].
Seven years later, Francis Gladwin, an eminent
orientalist dedicated his Ain-i-Akbari to Warren
31
Appendix
Hastings, the first Governor General of India.

Thereafter, he translated a fair portion of the A’in and
printed it in London in 1800c. Chief Sarishtad’ar Grant,
too, made an extensive use of it in his report on Indian
Finances.” 15 Therefore, one can safely say that use of
the Ai’n by the British policy makers in Indian
administration cannot be minimized.
Further to conclude: “More important …is the A’in-
i- Akbari, which is by far the finest book of Abul Fazl’s
literary genius. It is partly a minute record of the
revenue, royal household, treasury, military regulations
and other important matters, with a gazetteer of India
and collection of his Majesty’s Sayings and teachings.
No other work gives a better and more elaborate pen-
picture of contemporary India – its lore, customs,
traditions, etiquette, cookery recipes, and religious
innovations – under the pompous style of Court Journal,
than this book. Apparently a fiscal manual of all the
departments of the State and its industries, it is much
more than that; it is a history; a gazetteer, nay an
encyclopaedia. It must form the foundation of every
book written about Akbar, the Great, and his reign”. 16
Referring to Tabq’at-i-Akbari which occupies “a
very significant place” in “the histories written in
Akbar’s reign,” and also its author, Khwaja Nizamu’d
Din Muqim Harawi, S.A.A. Rizvi makes evident the
importance of Ain-i-Akbari by saying: “He (Khwaja
Nizamu’d Din Ahmad) unhesitantingly acknowledges
32
his indebtedness to the Akbar Nama and the A’in-i-

Akbari (Tabaq’at, I, p.v), which although not formally
presented to Akbar, were available to him in draft.” 17
Those who seek to deny the A’in its due place and
importance, may visualize for a moment that without
A’in–i–Akbari, and its author, Abul Fazl, what would
have been the direction of history and fate of economic
and revenue record of India under Akbar?
REFERENCES:
1. Vol. I, E. J. Brill, Leiden, Netherlands, 1960, p. 306.
2. Ibid (Nurul Hasan), p. 118.
3. Altaf Husain H’ali, Hayat-i-Jawed, Tr. K.H. Qadiri and

David J. Mathews, Idarah-i Adaby’at-i-Delli, Delhi
-110 006.
4. Ibid, p.42
5. Preface to the A’in–i–Akbari, p. 2.
6. Col. H.S. Jarrett, A’in-i-Akbari, Vol. II, Low Price

Publications, Delhi – 110 052, 1978, pp. vii & ix
7. Population, Cambridge Economic History of India,

Eds. Tapan Raychandhuri and Irfan Habib, Vol. I
(c1200-c1750), Orient Longman in Association with
Cambridge University Press, 1982, p. 163.
33
Appendix
8. Tapan Raychaudhiri, The State and the Economy: The

Mughal Empire, Cambridge Economic History of
India, Eds. Tapan Raychaudhuri and Irfan Habib, Vol
I. c1200–c1750), Orient Longman in Association with
Cambridge University Press, 1982, p. 165.
9. Mughal Administration, Fourth Edition, M. C. Sarkar

& Sons Ltd., Culcutta – 12, 1952, p. 247.
10. Ibid.
11. Ibid.
12. Ibid, p. 248.
13. Akbar nama, Vol. III, Tr. H. Beveridge, Ess Ess

Publications, New Delhi-110 002, 1979, p.1064
14. Ibid, p.1087
15. The A’in-i-Akbari, Tr. H. Blochmann, Ed. S.L.

Goomer, Aadiesh Book Depot, Delhi-110 007, pp. 2-3
16. S. M. Jafar, The Mughal Empire from Babar to

Aurangzeb, Ess Ess Publications, Delhi – 110 052,
1974, pp. 163–164.
17. Khwaja Muhammad Muqin Haraqi, a favorite of Babar

was appointed Diw’an-i-Buyut’at. His son, Khwaja
Nizamu’d Din Ahmad, being a recognized historian,
was a member of the board of compilers of the
T’arikh-i-Alfi.
Tabaq’at-i-Akbari was completed in 1001 A. H./c

1592-93, except the events happening during 1002 A.
H., which were added by the historian before his death
34
in 1003 A. H./c 1594. It gives detailed general history

of India.
- Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in

Akbar’s Reign with special Reference to Abu’l Fazl
(1056-1605), Munshi Manoharlal Publishers, Pvt. Ltd.,
1975, p. 278.
The same author says that “Abu’l Fazl’s Akbar Nama

and the A’in-i-Akbari gave a new lead to Mughal
historians, although none could equal his style.”
________
35
Appendix
II
ABUL FAZL ALLAMI AND HIS ANCESTORS
Shaikh Musa:
Born at Agra on Muharram 6, 958 A.H/January
14, 1551c, Abul Fazl Allami descended from Sheikh
Musa, who lived at   in Sindh (Siwistan) in the 9 th
century Hijra. At the beginning of the 10 th century,
Shaikh Khizr, one of the descendents of Sheikh Musa,
‘the then Head of the family, came to India. After
staying here for some time, he traveled abroad, meeting
at places pious and spiritual ones i.e., those who are
known to the world for ‘not knowing it.' He lived for
some time in Hijaz with an Arab tribe ‘to which the
family originally belonged.’ Returning to India, Shaikh
Khizr arrived at Nagor, a place situated in North-west
of Ajmer. Here, he joined the pious and enjoyed
friendship of Mir Sayed Yahya of Bukhara. It was here
that Sheikh Mubarak was born in 911 A.H/1505c. 1 The
family rejoiced in his birth and the new born was named
Mubarak (the felicitious) by Shaikh Khizr. This name
was given to the new born, because all of Shaikh
Khizr’s children, born earlier, had died.
In his quest to adopt Nagor as his permanent
abode, Shaikh Khizr returned to Sind (Siwistan) to
persuade some of his relations to join him and come to
36
Nagor, adopting it as their permanent abode. But this of

his desire remained unfulfilled, as he died during the
journey. His family at Nagor thus suffered in his death
with great ordeal: Further, there broke out a famine,
inflicting all the inhabitants on the barren sands of the
surrounding desert. Of all the members of the family of
the deceased, Sheikh Khizr, only two survived i.e,
Shaikh Mubarak and his mother.
Shaikh Mubarak:
Shaikh Mubarak’s love for knowledge prompted
him to go abroad and be benefited in the company of the
learned. But he was deterred by the thought of his
mother being alone. The loving son, therefore, opted to
continue his studies at Nagor itself.
Shaikh Mubarak was guided by the teachings of
the great saint, Khwaja Ahr’ar (who died at Samarqand
on Rabi al-Awwal 29, 895 A.H/February 20, 1490c. He
visited Ahmadabad in Gujarat, where nearby there lay
buried Shaikh Ahmad of Khattu, his country man (d.
849 A.H/1445c). It was here that Shaikh Mubarak found
an affectionate and father-like person, Shaikh Abul
Fazl, a Khatib (orator/preacher), who hailed from
Kazarun (Persia), and it was here that he met a number
of learned men of repute including Sheikh Umar of
Tattah and Shaikh Yusuf. It is probable that he visited
Central Asia also, for like other students of his time, he
spent many years of his early life in traveling….” 2
37
Appendix
Mubarak stayed in Persia for a number of years, and

then returned to India on Muharram 6, 980 A.H/1476c
and settled on the left bank of river Jamuna, ‘opposite
Agra, near the Charbagh Villa 3, which was later known
as   or      . It is now commonly known as
4
Ram Bagh.
Shaikh Mubarak was now the most distinguished
disciple of Mir Rafiuddin Safavi of Shiraz (Irjn), Persia.
While living in Agra, Shaikh Mubarak was
blessed with two sons – Abul Faiz (b. 954 A.H/1547 c,
d. Safar 10, 1004 A.H/ October 5, 1595c at Lahore) and
Abul Fazl (b. Muharram 6, 958 A.H/January 14, 1551c),
who was younger to his brother by four years. Shaikh
Mubarak was staying at Agra, which was inflicted by
drought, four years prior to Akbar’s reign, and then by
plague (963 A.H). Forced by the precarious situation,
Sheikh Mubarak had to leave Agra for life, for “the
hatred of the Court party against Shaikh Mubarak
especially rose to such a height that Shyakh Abdu’n
Nabi and Makhdummu’l–Mulk represented to the
emperor that inasmuch as Mubarak also belonged to the
Mahdawis and was, therefore, not only himself damned,
but led also others into damnation, deserved to be
killed. They even obtained an order to bring him before
the emperor. Mubarak wisely fled from Agra, only
leaving behind him some furniture for his enemies to
reck their revenge on.” 5 He concealed himself for some
time, and approached Shaikh Salim Chishti at Fathpur
38
Sikri for intercession. Advised by the Shaikh to proceed

to Gujarat, Mubarak now turned to Akbar’s foster–
brother, ‘the generous’ Khan–i–Azam Mirza Koka. He
was of great help to Mubarak, for he succeeded well in
allying all the doubts against Mubarak in Akbar’s mind.
To do this, Mirza Koka dwelt upon “the poverty of the
Shaikh and on the fact that, different from his covetous
accusers, he had not cost the State anything by way of
freeholds, and thus obtained at least security for him
and his family.” 6
Leaving aside Bad’auni’s views against Shaikh
Mubarak, accusing him of joining the Mahdawi
movement, as widely reported by the historians and also
Blochmann’s saying “it is not clear whether he joined
the sect from religious or from political motives…”, and
Mukhdum’ul–Mulk Abdullah Ansari of Sultanpur’s and
Shaikh Abdun Nabi’s, asking the emperor to banish and
kill Mubarak, and their obtainment of an imperial order
to the effect, and Shaikh Abdun Nabi’s turning out of
Mubarak and his now reputed son, Faizi, “in his
theological pride as men suspected of Mahadvi leanings
and Shia tendencies,” none can deny the intellectual
attainments and qualities of head and heart of Mubarak
and his two sons, Shaikh Abul Faiz and Abul Fazl. Both
of them “were destined to exercise a vast influence over
their contemporaries: While the elder, Abul Faiz, was
content to be a Sufi poet, and nothing more 7… Abul
Fazl, the younger son of the Shaikh, had a larger genius
39
Appendix
and higher ambition than his elder brother. Whilst yet a

boy, he was versed in all the learning of the day; he
yearned after more knowledge. To use his own
language, “he longed to study the great religions of the
world at their fountain–heads; to sit at the feet of the
Christian padrees of Goa; the Buddist monks of Thibet
(Tibet), the Parsi priests, who were learned in the
Zendavesta. The rise of his elder brother turned his
ambition into another channel. Abul Faiz introduced
him to Akber. He made a deep impression on Akber.
Gradually he gained a powerful influence over Akber.” 8
SHAIKH MUBARAK’S TWO ILLUSTRIOUS SONS:
I. Abul Faiz ‘Faizi’:

It was Abul Faiz ‘Faizi’s reputation as a poet that
“…a summon had been sent to the young poet to present
himself before his sovereign.” This pleased the enemies
of Mubarak and his two sons, as they saw in it “a sign
of approaching doom” for them. “They prevailed upon
the governor to secure the victim this time.”
Accordingly, a detachment was sent: Faizi was away
from home per chance, and the soldiers subjected
Mubarak to “various sorts of ill–treatment.” When Faizi
came, he was taken to Chitor by force (Rabi al–Awwal
20, 975/ September 24, 1567c). But his fear for his as
well as for his father’s life banished, when he was
accorded “favourable reception at Court.” This
“convinced him both of Akbar’s goodwill and the
blindness of his personal enemies.”9
40
The reverence which the Emperor carried for

Faizi, is evidently manifested by his visit at mid-night
to the bed side of the ailing poet to enquire about his
health and to see him. As recorded, finding the eloquent
poetic tongue of his empire’s poet laurate speechless,
Akbar gently lifted his head with his hand and said:
“Shaykh Ji! I have brought Hakim Ali with me; will you
not speak to me?” As there came no reply, the Emperor
threw his turban to the ground; wept bitterly and then
tried to console his brother, Abul Fazl, and in reverence
to the departing soul, he went away” (Bad’auni, ii, 406).
II. Abul Fazl:
Abul Fazl was growing in age and wisdom both,
“zealously studying under the care of his father,” who
had suffered at the hands of his adversaries. “The
persecutions which Shaykh Mubarak had to suffer for
his Mahdawi leanings at the hands of the learned at
Court, did not fail to make a lasting impression on his
young mind. No doubt that it was in this school of
misfortune that Abu’l-Fazl learned the lesson of
toleration, the practice of which in later years formed
the basis of Akbar’s friendship for him; while, on the
other hand, the same pressure of circumstances
stimulated him to unusual exertions in studying, which
subsequently enabled him during the religious
discussions at Court to lead the opposition and
overthrow by superior learning and broader sentiments
the clique of the Ulama…” 10
41
Appendix
At the age of fifiteen, Abul Fazl showed

exceptional ‘mental precocity’, and was well versed in
Ilm–i–Manqul (traditional knowledge) and Ilm–i–M’aqul
(Knowledge based on intellectual reasoning). His career
as a teacher began before his twentieth year of age. To
know the depth of his knowledge, it will suffice to refer
to a manuscript, being the rare work of Isfah’an
(Persia), which fell into Abul Fazl’s hand: “One half of
each page vertically downwards from top to bottom,
was rendered illegible, or was altogether destroyed by
fire.” Abul Fazl took to restore the missing halves of
each page. “Sometimes afterwards, a complete copy of
the same work turned up and on comparison it was
found that in many places there were indeed different
words, and in a few passages new proofs even had been
adduced; but on the whole the restored portion
presented so many points of extraordinary coincidence
that his friends were not a little astonished at the
thoroughness with which Abul Fazl had worked himself
into the style and mode of thinking of a different
author.” 11
As described, Abul Fazl was man of abilities,
endowed with the qualities of head and heart. He was
knowledgeable indeed! His “….composition, characterized
by an individual literary style, served as a model for
many generations, though none was able to imitate him
successfully. His numerous works include a Persian
translation of Bible; ‘Iyar–i–Danish (a recension of
42
Anwar–i–Suhayli; Preface to Tarikh–i–Alfi (unfortunately

lost), … the Persian translation of Mahabharata, and ..
many other works; and a Munadjat (Ed. by Rizvi,
Medieval India Quarterly, Aligarh, 1/iii). His letters,
prefaces and other compositions were compiled by his
nephew under the title Insha–i–Abu’l–Fadl (3 Vols).
Another collection of his private letters is entitled
Ruq’at–i–Ab’ul Fadl.”12
Abul Fazl: A Literary Genius:
Akbar counted Abul Fazl as the ablest and most
renowned among his literary figures. Abul Fazl was his
most intimate and trustworthy friend and his
confidential adviser. “He ranks amongst the greatest
Persian scholars that India has ever produced. He was a
‘man of refined culture and pure spiritual ideals.’ Dr.
Vincent Smith has compared him with his ‘junior
contemporary’, Francis Bacon, for combining in his
person ‘the parts of scholar, author, courtier and man of
affairs.’ His was a magnetic personality permeated with
an almost mesmeric force. The judgment of posterity on
his penmanship is admirably summed up by the author
of M’asir–ul–Umara in the following words: 13
“The Sheikh (Abul Fazl) had an enchanting literary
style. He was free from secretarial pomposity and
epistolary tricks of style; and the force of his words, the
colligation of the expressions, the application of single
words, the beautiful compounds and wonderful power
43
Appendix
of diction, were such as would be hard for another to

imitate. As he strove to make special use of Persian
words, it has been said of him that he put into prose the
qualities of Nazami.”
Thus, Abul Fazl besides being a far-sighted,
faithful and rational courtier, was also a talented and
objectively effective writer. He occupies ‘a place
splendid in the literary history of India.’ Some may
differ with this statement, as the Western writers do,
who failed to appreciate the ‘linguistic beauty’ and his
unique individual style of writing; but, then, one must
think in tune with H. Blochmann whose considered
opinion is expressed thus: “….a great familiarity not
only with the Persian language but with Abul Fazl’s
style is required to make the reading of any of his works
a pleasure.” And, as expressed by S.M. Jafar: “The
reason why some of the Westerners have failed to
appreciate the linguistic beauty of his work, is to be
found in the fact that Persian books, with all their
captivating style, enchanting metaphors and pure
vigoros diction, cannot stand the ordeal of
translation.” 14
John Briggs, translator of Mohammad Qasim
Farishta (spelled by him as Mahomed Kasim Ferishta),
praises Abul Fazl’s literary and historiographical
talents, and describing his place in Indian History
writing says:
44
“The history of this sovereign (Akbar) has been

transmitted to us by Sheikh Abul Fazl, the son of
Sheikh Moobarik, in an heroic poem consisting of one
hundered and ten thousand couplets, from which the
author Mahomed Kasim Ferishta, has principally
derived the materials for his reign.” 15 “Abul Fazl was a
man of orderly mind,” 16 and a genius indeed. Whatever
he desired to accomplish, he pursued it in the most
meticulous manner, attending to its every detail.
Akbar was addressing himself to the conquest of
Bihar and Bengal, because the peasantry were suffering
from the domination of the evil Afghans. Abul Fazl’s
brother, Faizi, was with him. He sent a communication
to Abul Fazl saying that the Emperor ‘has enquired after
him.’ Accordingly, Abul Fazl attended “Court
immediately on the emperor’s return to Fathpur Sikri,
where Akbar happened to notice him first in the Jami
Mosque: Abu’l Fazl as before, presented a commentary
written by him on the opening of a chapter in the
Qur’an, entitled Suratu’l–Fateh,’ the Chapter of
Victory…” 17
It was after the Emperor’s return from Ajmer in
the month of Zi–Qa’dh, 982 A. H., when ‘the building
of the Ibadat Khana consisting of four halls, near the
new palace of Fathpur, took place…’ It was during
these days that Abu-l-Fazl…came the second time to
Court. He was now styled Allami….”18
45
Appendix
Introduction of Abul Fazl to the Court greatly

annoyed ‘the learned,’ particularly Shaikh Abdun Nabi
and Mukhdum–ul–Mulk, who happened to be their
head. As described by Bad’auni, Makhdum–ul–Mulk,
seeing Abul Fazl for the first time, said: ‘what religious
mischief is there of which that man (Abul Fazl) is not
capable?’
After his success in Bihar and Bengal, Akbar
returned to Fathpur Sikri, and then there commenced
Thursday Evening Discussions. The Ulama were
powerful indeed. Not only that, they dominated; they
differed with each other and picked up quarrel. Wrongly
so, because while knowledge reconnects and unites,
ignorance divides. Discussions were held in expectation
of consensus, and unity; instead they were found adding
to dissension. “All atonce one night the vein of the neck
of Ulama of the age swelled up, and a horrid noise and
confusion ensued. His Majesty got very angry at their
rude behavior, and said to me (Bad’auni): ‘In future
report any of the Ulama who talk non–sense and cannot
behave themselves, and I shall make him leave the
hall.” I said gently to Acaf Khan, ‘if I carried out this
order, most of the Ulama would have to leave.” 19
One can thus find Bad’auni’s own views about
these Ulama by referring to his description given above
(the vein of the neck of Ulama of the age swelled up,
and that: if I carried out this order, most of the Ulama
would have to leave). Not only the ‘squabbles of these
46
pious Casuits’ but also the ‘religious presentations and a

few sentences of death passed by his Chief Justice on
Shia and ‘other heretics,’ affected the Emperor most
deeply. Surely, it must have, because as stated by J.
Talboys Wheeler, Akbar was ‘determined’ to rule men
of all creeds with even hand.’ Whatever was done by
the Chief Justice, was noted and favored by the Ulama.
They desired its implementation by the Emperor,
forgetting that these too worship the One and the same
Creator, as they do and that; they also believe in the
Ahlul Bayt, having faith in whom is proven by Qur’anic
provisions and the Traditions of the holy Prophet. Not
only that the Ulama differed with the Emperor; they
differed with each other also. To put an end to the
undue and fruitless debate, Akbar ordered that
discussions should be held in his presence, so that
decision can be made as to who is ‘wrong’ and who is
‘right.’ It was probably Akbar’s own decision, possibly
with no suggestion from any quarter prompting it. Now,
the Ulama “were to lay their opinions before the
Padishah, who was to sit in judgement. If he needed
help, Abul Fazl would be on his side. Indeed, Abul Fazl
would ask Questions and invite all of them to express
their views on the matter under discussion. The
Padishah would only hear and decide. Accordingly,
preparations were made for the coming debates.” 20 It
continued smoothly for some time and then soon the
decorum began losing its sway. All the invited learned
of Agra used to attend the discussions. The Emperor
47
Appendix
listened with majestic gravity, ‘occasionally bestowing

praise and presents upon the best speakers.’ As for Abul
Fazl, he acted ‘as a kind of director,’ expounding
Akbar’s policy of toleration.’
Dissention among the Ulama took its toll,
leading to up- roar – the learned reviled each other,
little knowing its end–result, and the Emperor noticed it
all. The marked absence of unity between the Ulama
and their in-fighting, instead of presentation of valid
and convincing arguments, led to the drawing up a
document, granting power to the Emperor to decide
between ‘the conflicting authorities’ with a provision to
issue fresh decrees, in accordance with some Qur’anic
Verse, which leads to the benefit of the people.
The document 21 was drafted by Sheikh Mubarak
in conjunction with his sons – Sheikh Faizi, the Court
poet, and Abul Fazl – but it needed the signatures of the
learned. Shaikh Abdun Nabi and Makhdum- ul- Mulk,
as is recorded, signed the Document, apparently
‘against their will.’ Its utility, is described by Abul Fazl
thus: “The document” brought about excellent results:
(1) The Court became a gathering place of the sages and
learned of all creeds; the good doctrines of all religious
systems were recognized, and their defects were not
allowed to obscure their good features; ( 2) perfect
toleration (Sulh–i–kul) or ‘peace with all’ was
established, and (3) the perverse and evil minded were
covered with shame on seeing the disinterested motives
48
of his Majesty, and thus stood in the pillory of

disgrace.” 22
After a few weeks of the signing of the
Document, Sheikh Abdun Nabi and Makhdum–ul–Mulk
were sent to Mecca. But, as compared to the language,
often used by Bad’auni to express his views, concerning
those whom he does not like, 23 Abul Fazl in the event of
his triumph did not use any word, indicative of this or
any of his grievances against them: As put by H.
Blochmann, “he (Abul Fazl) chronicles in the Akbar
namah the banishment of these men, not a sentence, not
a word, is added indicative of his personal grievances
against either of them; though they had persecuted him
and all, but killed his father and ruined his family; the
narrative proceeds as calm and statesman–like as in
every other part of his great work, and justifies the high
praise which historians have bestowed upon his
character that ‘neither abuse, nor harsh words were ever
found in his household.” 24
It was so because as put by the Contributor,
Nurul Hasan, (to the Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. I, p.
118), “…Abu’l–Fadl considered that there could be no
relationship between man and God except that of
servitude (abdullahi) on the part of the former.
Servitude required sincerity, suppression of the ego
(nafs) and devotion to Him, resignation to His Will, and
faith in His Mercifulness… In the main,” he wrote,
“every sect may be placed in one of the two categories –
49
Appendix
either, it is in possession of the Truth, in which case one

should seek direction from it, or it is in the wrong; in
which case it is an object of pity and deserving of
sympathy, not of reproach.” (Akbar nama II, p. 660).
His faith in being at ‘peace with all’ (Sulh–i–Kul)
involved not only toleration of all religions but also
love for all human beings.” 25
As regards enmity of Ulama to Abul Fazl, his
belief in religious tolerance, his unflinching loyalty to
the Emperor, and his preaching especially the nobles to
offer all loylty to the Emperor, among others, may be
duly considered in this context.
Now, Faizi 26 and Abul Fazl were in lasting
friendship with Akbar.
Abul Fazl has been called Yazid by Bad’auni,
and, as often asserted, an infidel (Ma’asir ul Umara):
“Some say he was a Hindu, or a fire worshiper, or a
free–thinker, and some go still further and call him an
atheist; but others pass ‘a juster sentence’ and say that
he was a pantheist and that, like Sufis, he claimed for
himself a position above the law of the Prophet.” 27 But
if he was a Hindu, how could he worship fire? (as do
the Zoroastrians); if a true Sufi, he must have followed
Shariah, and, therefore, cannot claim ‘for himself a
position above the law of the Prophet’. Further, there is
no law of the Prophet: It is the law of Qur’an which is
Word of God. Traditions of the Prophet are
50
interpretation of the Qur’an and authentic exposition of

Shariah. If an atheist, he could be none: neither a
Hindu, nor a Zoroastrian, or a Sufi. As regards free
thinking, it is not forbiddenn in Islam, provided it is
pursued sincerely to find the right path and the truth, for
the holy Qur’an prescribeth right thinking in search of
righteousness and responsible living, as His creature.
(Why do they not ponder over the Qur’an; are their
hearts locked?: Qur’an, chapter 47, Verse 24) Lastly, if
a Pantheist  
   , he was required to express it, if
not on all occasions at least occasionally. However, one
must not be misled in drawing wishful inferences from
Abul Fazl’s poetic expressions. Instead, we find that his
A’in-i-Akbari begins with (Allah is the Greatest). Those
who know about Allah, would surely reject all claims of
disbelief, as expressed by some historians against Abul
Fazl, even by misreading Allah-o-Akbar, as they did.
It may be said here that actions in Islam are
directly correlated with intentions: The holy Prophet
said  


 (Actions are related to Intentions).
And, intentions are always positioned within the hearts
of doers; more than often these may not be expressive
and evident. Judgments may be passed, but with utmost
care. Nevertheless, we refer to what has been said by
some authors regarding Abul Fazl:
Prince Salim like many other adversaries and
critics of Abul Fazl, was highly dissatisfied with him.
‘An unexpected visit to Abul Fazl gave him an excellent
51
Appendix
oppotunity to charge him with duplicity.’ He entered the

house and found forty authors copying commentaries to
the Qur’an.’ They were ordered to follow him and bring
the copies. The copies were shown to the Emperor by
the prince, saying ‘what Abul Fazl teaches me is very
different from what he practises in his house.’ As
entered in Shah Nawaz Khan’s Ma’asir-ul-Umara “the
Prince said to Akbar: “He induces us to follow one
thing, and privately practises something else.” “The
incident is said to have produced a temporary
estrangement between Akbar and Abu’l–Fazl. A similar
but less credible story is told by the author of the
Zakhirat–u’l–Khawanin. He says that Abu’l–Fazl
repented of his apostasy from Islam, and used to visit at
night in cognito the homes of dervishes, and, giving
them gold muhurs, he requested them ‘to pray for the
stability of Abu’l–Fazl’s faith,’ sighing at the same time
and striking his knees and exclaiming, ‘what shall I
do?’ And, just as writers on the History of literature
have tried to save Fayzi from apostacy and consequent
damnation, by representing that before his death Abul
Fazl had praised the Prophet... It is related in several
books that Shah Abu’l–Ma’ali Qadiri of Lahore, a man
of saintly renown (b. 690 A.H, d. at Lahore, 1024, A.H.,
Khazinat–u’l–Asfiya, p.139) once expressed his
disapproval of Abu’l–Fazl’s words and deeds. But at
night…. he saw in his dream that Abu’l–Fazl came to a
meeting held by the Prophet in Paradise…The Prophet
asked him to sit down, and said:
52
This man did some time during his life evil

deeds, but one of his books commences with the words,
O’ God, reward the good for the sake of their
righteousness, and help the wicked for the sake of love’
and these words have saved him.”28
Abul Fazl is referred as a ‘born courtier by J.
Talboys Wheeler, who has further added that “with all
the qualities he (Abul Fazl) was a flatterer, a time
server, and an eulogist; he made Akbar his idol; he
bowed down and worshipped him… They were indeed
necessary to each other. Akbar looked to his minister
for praise, Abul Fazl looked to his master for
advancement,” and that “it is difficult to admire the
genius of Akbar without seeing that he has been worked
upon by Abul Fazl. It is difficult to admire the genius of
Abul Fazl without seeing that he is pandering to the
vanity of Akbar.”29
Calling Abul Fazl a ‘born courtier’, leads one to
think of his ancestor – Sheikh Musa (Abul Fazl’s fifth
ancestor in the lineage) - and then of his children and
grand-children, one of them being Sheikh Khizr, who,
attracted to Sufism, migrated to Hindustan - traveling he
had been abroad in search of the company and teachings
of the pious; and of Abul Fazl’s father, Sheikh
Mubarak, describing whom, even Bad’auni, who used
many of his ‘chosen’ words against him, had to place on
record that the Emperor asked Abul Fazl to translate
Haiw’at–ul–Haiwan, but “…Shaykh Mubarak translated
53
Appendix
it into Persian,” and that “Shaykh Mubarak belonged to

the most distinguished men of learning of the present
age. In practical wisdom, piety, and trust in God, he
stood high among the people of his time.” None of these
were the trained courtiers, nor they trained any. As
regards Abul Fazl ‘being a Flatterer’, we may refer to
another statement, as appearing in Flora Annie Steel’s
India Painted by Mortimer Monpes: “Abul Fazl was a
man of orderly mind, and his admiration for his hero is
shown in minute detail of his public and private
conduct, and otherwise than in the usual generalities of
Oriental flattery.” 30
Further, no monarch, no ruler in his desire to
administer with a difference, tilting policies and
programs to the favor of justice, as the underlying
principle, and desiring to do good too, adding to the
welfare of his people, would continue to merely rely
upon worthless flatterers, devoid of intellect and
rendering of any sane advice; and likewise, no
intellectual, no genius would simply resort to a futile
exercise in climbing higher and higher, drawing support
from his baseless ideas and hallow words, devoid of any
meaning. Both Akbar and Abul Fazl were definitely not
of the sort. Abul Fazl was a man of vision indeed,
having power to make decisions, and having confidence
in his own abilities’ outcome. Suffice it would be here
to refer to another entry by Bad’auni which is
supportive of Abul Fazl’s knowledge and his ability:
54
“On the 9th of the month of Muharram in the year nine

hundred and ninety (990 A.H) Azam Khan came from
Bengal. And, one evening in course of conversation the
Emperor said to him, “we have found out proof for part
of the reality of metepsychosis, Abu–l–Fazl shall
convince you of it. And, he accepted it all.”31
It is, therefore, no exaggeration if we find
Abdullah, king of Bukhara saying that he was more
fearful of Abul Fazl’s pen than of Akbar’s arrow.
Further, flattery and greed are interlinked, more so are
greed and money & power: Being very close to the
Emperor, Abul Fazl enjoyed Akbar’s confidence in him
and in his abilities. Yet, he is not found asking for
anything, any Mansab or its raising. An entry in the
Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. I, makes it evident:
“In spite of Abu’l–Fadl’s immense influence
over Akbar and the numerous duties which he
performed at Court (especially in drafting letters to
nobles and foreign potentates), his progress in the
official hierarchy was slow. It was only in 1585c that he
was promoted to the mansalb of 1000, which was
doubled in 1592c. Six years later, it was raised to 2,500.
Except when he was associated, for a short time in
1586c, with Shah Kuli Khan Mahrem in the joint–
government of Delhi, Abu’l Fazl never held any office
until 1599c, when he was posted to the Deccan, at the
instance of hostile elements at the Court….In
recognition of his services, he was promoted in 1600c,
55
Appendix
to the rank of 4000, and two years later to that of

5000.” 32 Thinking of the hostile elements which led to
Abul-Fazl’s posting to Deccan in military service, one
would be right, if he thinks of the existence of Salim’s
supporters in Akbar’s court. And, it was proven when
some of the best officers of Akbar supported the rebel
prince; and the support sans patronage was not possible.
Abul Fazl was sent to Deccan to conduct
operations, leading to success. When at Burhanpur, he
received an invitation from Bahadur Khan, ruler of
Khandesh, whose brother had married Abul Fazl’s
sister. Abul Fazl accepted his invitation on the
condition that he should assist him, thus aiding the
‘cause of the Emperor.’ Bahadur Khan refused to render
any help, but sent rich presents to Abul Fazl, who
declined to accept these, saying (that) “I have made a
vow not to accept presents till four conditions are
fulfilled: (i) friendship, (ii) that I should not value the
gift too high, (iii) that I should not have been anxious to
get a present, and (iv) necessity to accept it. Now
supposing that the first three are applicable to the
present case, the favor of the emperor has extinguished
every desire in me of accepting gifts from others.”33
The forgoing account does not only speak of his
unflinching loyalty to the Emperor, but also of the total
absence of greed and avarice in him: It was a close
relative, who offered the gift, but Abul Fazl, knowing
that his intention was to escape the ‘penealty of his
56
refusal’ and to save him from the wrath of the Mughul

Emperor, refused to accept it. Our readers may decide
whether such a man of integrity can be charged of being
‘openly faithless’, ‘time–serving’ and ‘greedy’?
Passing his judgment against Abul Fazl,
historian Bad’auni says “…and Abu–l–Fazl, when once
in favor with the Emperor (officious as he was, and
time-serving, openly faithless, continually studying the
Emperor’s whims, a flatterer beyond all bounds), took
every opportunity of reviling in the most shameful way
that sect whose labors and motives have been so little
appreciated, and became the cause not only of the
extirpation of these experienced people, but also of the
ruin of all the servants of God, especially of Shaikhs,
and pious men, of the helpless and orphans, whose
livings and grants he cut down…”34
Bad’auni’s talking of ‘that sect’ dismantles all
the edifice of his argument and its force, for
historiography demands application of its principles.
And, then reference may be made to what the same
Bad’auni, describing the flight of Sheikh Mubarak,
wrote: “Having obtained a sort of permission” (on
representation by ‘Shaikh Abdun Nabi and Makhdum–
ul–mulk, and other learned men at Court’) to remove
him, they dispatched police officers to bring him before
the Emperor. But they found that the Shaikh with his
two sons (Shaikh Faizi and Shaikh Abul Fazl) had
concealed himself, they demolished the pulpit in his
57
Appendix
prayer room.” 35 It may be stated here that both the

pulpit and the prayer–room carry their sanctity in Islam.
Referring to help to the helpless and orphans at
places, (Khairpurah and Dharampurah), established, to
feed the poor, Bad’auni says: “Some of Abul Fazl’s
people were put in–charge of them. They spent his
Majesty’s money in feeding the poor.” (Muntakhab–ut–
Tawarikh, Vol. II, Tr. A. H. Lowe, 1973, p. 334).
While irregularities may or may not be denied, it
must be accepted that things were managed by ‘Abul
Fazl’s people.’ Abul-Fazl’s concern for the poor, the
helpless and the weak, as recorded by Henry
Blochmann, was as under:
“He never said anything improper. Abuse,
stoppages of wages, fines, absence on the part of his
servants, did not exist in his household; if he appointed
a man, whom he afterwards found to be useless, he did
not remove him, but kept him on as long as he could;
for he used to say that, if he dismissed him, people
would accuse him of want of penetration in having
appointed an unsuitable agent. On the day when the sun
entered Aries, he inspected the whole household and
took stock, keeping the inventory with himself. He also
gave his whole wardrobe to his servants, with the
exception of his trousers, which were burnt in his
presence.” 36
58
The forgoing account justly deserves to be read

along with this of Bada’uni’s account that Abul Fazl ‘…
became the cause of the ruin of all the servants of God,
especially of Shaikhs, and pious men, of the helpless
and orphans, whose livings and grants he cut down..’, to
help find out the cause case by case. Abul Fazl’s
thought and actions followed a well-chartered direction;
when Bairam Khan, whom Adolf Waley describes as
‘an adviser with powers almost as great as those of a
regent,’ died, the Emperor, mourning his death, said:
“Alas! my faithful helper! You were always like
a father to me. What shall I do now? You taught me to
lead an army to win battles, Alas, alas! My heart is
sore.”
As against the above expression, Abul Fazl is
quoted to have said to himself:
“So, Bairam is dead at last…as long as… he
lived, he would always make Akbar long to have wars
and fight battles, for Bairam always told him that the
true king is the one who fights all the time. But now
perhaps I can make Akbar see that the true king is the
one who makes all his people love him, not to be
frieghtened of him.” 37
To conclude our discussion on controversies
over Abul Fazl and his conduct, we should refer to the
following account also:
59
Appendix
“Controversies over Abu’l Fazl have been raging

from his first rise to prominence until the present day.
The disputants have not particularly troubled to analyse
his character, or to estimate his importance; rather have
they striven to place him in this or that religious
category, referring not to his personality but to his
conformity, or otherwise, with their own conception of
Islamic orthodoxy.” 38
Shaikh Mubarak died at Lahore on Zequ’ad 17,
1001 A.H.,/September 4, 1593c and then his illustrious
son Faizi died on Safar 10, 1004 A.H. corresponding to
October 5, 1595c. Earlier, almost six years ago, at the
end of 1589c Abul Fazl had lost his mother. And now
Faizi was gone! Not only that Abul Fazl loved his,
brother, Faizi, intensely but also valued his poetic
genius, as entered in his A’in: ‘The genius of thought in
his (Faizi) poems will never be forgotten.’ When Abul
Fazl’s mother died, Akbar paid him a visit and offered
the condolences. 39
In 1599c, Abul Fazl was inducted for the first
time in active imperial military service: As described
earlier, he was sent to Deccan. The Emperor had already
recalled Khan Khanan. Abul Fazl was asked to return
with Prince Murad, who could not succeed in managing
the situation, provided the officers could responsibly
guard the conquered territory there. If not, he was to
send back the Prince and take command with Shah
Rukh Mirza. Prince Murad, retreating from
60
Ahmadnagar, encamped ‘near Tembhumi (at frontier of

Ahmadnagar kingdom) inMay,1599c.’ Inflicted by the
death of his infant son, Mirza Rustam, Murd was now
drinking heavily. Knowing of Abul Fazl’s mission,
Murad retreated to avoid his meeting Abul-Fazl, and to
receive Akbar’s letter, which he carried; thus he wanted
to avoid his ‘returning to his father’.
Abul Fazl arrived at Burhanpur, the capital of
Khandesh. As described, he asked Bahadur Khan, the
ruler, to help the ‘imperial cause’, but he showed his
disinclination. Instead, he sent presents to Abul Fazl,
which were returned by Abul Fazl to him.
Abul Fazl was now surging ahead; the imperial
officers urged a retreat, but a determined Abul Fazl
gave a deaf to ear to them. He had been lored in a
cloister; he was approaching his fiftieth year; he had
never before been in active military service; but he had
the dauntless spirit of a soldier; he refused to retreat and
show his back to the enemy; he pushed manfully on: he
was in a hurry to reach Ahmadnagar.
The queen regent (Chand Bibi) agreed that if
Abul Fazl would punish her enemies, she would
surrender the fortress of Ahmadnagar. Abul Fazl
entered into an agreement with Chand Bibi, providing
that ‘after punishing Abhang Khan,’ at war with her,
(she) ‘should accept Janir as fief and give up the fort of
Ahmadnagar.’
61
Appendix
Akbar resolved to proceed to Deccan himself,

because Abdullah II, who, after wresting Badakhshan
from his cousins, was intending to annex Kabul also,
had died. An advance force under the command of
Prince Daniyal 40 was sent, associated with Khan
Khanan. When the force reached Burhanpur, a disloyal
Bahadur Khan did not pay respect to the Prince. The
Emperor was encamped at Ujjain. Knowing about
Bahadur Khan’s attitude, he asked Abul Fazl to join
him. Daniyal was sent to Ahmadnagar to take over the
command. Abul Fazl, leaving Mirza Shah Rukh, Mir
Murtaza and Khwaja Abul Hasan in-charge at
Ahmadndagar, hastened to reach Ujjain to meet the
Emperor. On hearing of Abul Fazl’s coming to
Ahmadnagar, Prince Daniyal ordered ‘suspension of all
operation’, because, as put, he wanted to get all the
credit for the operations himself. An honest and loyal
Abul Fazl met his master at Khargo, near Bilagarh,
where he reached on 14th Ramzan, 1008 A.H. The
Emperor received him reciting:
Farkhundey Shabey Bayed wa Khush M’ahtabey
T’a B’a Tu Hikayat Kunum Az Har B’abey
(Auspicious is the night and pleasant is the moon-light;
so, I wish to discuss with you on each and every
subject).
The couplet recited by the Emperor is a pointer
to the abilities of Abul Fazl including those as a
statesman, whose hand “is clearly discernable in the
62
various decrees which (were) issued from the imperial

offices. If the secret consultations of the Council
Chamber would be revealed to us, his (Abul Fazl’s)
fame as a statesman would probably stand higher even
than his well deserved literary reputation.” 41
In the mean time, Prince Salim, who was earlier
sent by his father against Rana of Udaipur, rebelled, and
assumed the title of ‘king.’ The Emperor returned from
Burhanpur, and a reconciliation was effected. Then, the
Prince rebelled again in the early forty-seventh regnal
year and went to Allahabad. Unfortunate, it was that a
number of loyal and best officers of Akbar supported
the rebel Prince. Akbar recalled Abul Fazl, asking him
‘to leave the troops of his contingent in the Dekhin.’ A
loyal Abul Fazl put his son, Abdur Rahman, in–charge
of his corps, and hastened to join the Emperor at Agra.
He was accompanied by a few trustworthy ones. Salim,
who hated Abul Fazl, as is evident from the episode of
his visiting Abul Fazl’s house and his complaining to
the Emperor of his duplicity in teaching other than what
he believed in, persuaded a greedy Raja Bir Singh,
Bundela Chief of Urcha (Udchaha) to way-lay Abul
Fazl: Abul Fazl was on his journey towards Narwar. He
was about half a kos from Sarai Bir, lying six kos from
Narwar, when Bir Singh’s men appeared. Abul Fazl was
advised to avoid the fight: Gada’n Khan Afghan
suggested that he should retreat to Antri, where Rai
Rayon and Suraj Sing were in command of three
63
Appendix
thousand imperial horses; but a brave Abul Fazl

refusing to flee away, decided to defend himself. He
was over-powered, and pierced with the lance, he fell
dead (Rabi al-Awwal 4, 1111A.H/August 12,1602c); his
head was cut off and sent to Prince Salim in Allahabad,
who had promised Bir Singh to give him command of
5,000 cavalry: And, lo! Thence after it happened so:
“On my accession, I promoted Raja Bir Singh, a
Bundela Rajput, to a command of three thousands.”
Praising his father’s friend and staunch supporter, Abul
Fazl’s killer, Raja Bir Singh, Salim (Jahangir) said: “He
is one of my favorites, and he is certainly distinguished
among his equals for his bravery, good character, and
straight forwardness.” Then, Jahangir referring to Abul
Fazl, firstly praises him, using words of ‘learning’,
‘wisdom’ and ‘loyalty’, etc., to describe traits of his
character and then adds to say (that) “He was no friend
and damaged openly and secretly my reputation …I
knew that if Abul Fazl were to come back to Court, I
would have been deprived of every chance to effect a
reconciliation (with Akbar).” But a sin is a sin, it haunts
the guilty, who firstly searches for excuses and then
takes refuge behind high, though weak walls of
ingenuine defence, knowing it well that intentions
howsoever concealed, will eventually unfold
themselves: Thus, Jahangir too, when alluding to Abul
Fazl’s murder, says in his ‘Memoirs’ that he ordered
64
Abul Fazl’s killing because “he had been the enemy of

the Prophet.”
Akbar learning of Abul Fazl’s murder, bewailed
his death – historians say ‘more than that of his son’s -
for several days, he did not see anyone. Enquiring into
the circumstances of his friend and adviser’s murder, he
said:
“If Salim wished to be emperor, he might have
killed me, and spared Abul Fazl.” To this, we are
tempted to add ‘for the development and welfare of
Hindustan and her people.’ Akbar also recited the
following couplet:
Shaikh-e-m’a Az Shauq-e-bihad Soo-ey M’a ‘Amadey
Zey Ishtiaq-e-P’a Bosi Bey Sar-o-p’a ‘Amadey
(My Shaikh in his extreme avidity hastened to come to
me in his ardent desire to kiss my feet; he came
headless and sans his legs).
To punish Bir Singh, Akbar sent a detachment,
commanded by Patr Das and Raj Singh to Udcha. Bir
Singh, driven from Bhander, was shut up in lrich.
Ultimately, he escaped and disappeared in the jungle.
Patr Das was called to Court. Bir Singh was followed,
encountered and was even wounded. With Akbar’s
falling health and then his death, and above all
reconciliation of Salim with his father leading to his
accession after him (Akbar), emboldened the murderer
and the fugitive. He appeared unto this Emperor,
65
Appendix
Jahangir, and received reward for his crime – Udcha’

and command of three thousand horses. Here ends the
story of a man whose ‘influence on his age was
immense’; but then it was the end of a life story – the
story of the remarkable continual performances of a
man, who performed importanlty and effectively, giving
shape to what was occurring in his brilliant mind as a
man, and as administrator in conjugation with the
delicate and finest feelings. He deserves to be
remembered and adored as the one, who guided by
humanism, perfect toleration and poetic fervor, beconed
willing administrators to extend all–embracing love to
their peoples around sans any gag or botlleneck.
The date of Abul Fazl’s death was derived by
Khan-i-Azam Mirza Koka by totalling the numerical
values, derived from the alphabets     (rebel),
used in the sentence:    (The sword of the miracle
of God’s Prophet cut off head of the rebel).
The Persian word (b’aghi)  means rebel. It has
the numerical value of 1013. If the head of the word,
i.e., the letter  is cut off, it will give 1011A.H.,thus;
1013 – 2=1011 A.H. It is the hijra year in which Abul
Fazl was murdered.
Abul Fazl appeared to Khan-i-Azam in his dream
and said, the date of my death lies in the words  

(Bandey Abul Fazl), the slave Abul Fazl, which likewise
gives 1011 A.H.
66
REFERENCES:
1. As given by J. Talboys Wheeler in his ‘India
Under the Mughal Rule, Part I, Cosmos Publications,
Delhi – 110 006, 1975, p. 154
2. Ibid.
3. Built by Babar in the neighborhood of the famous

Saint, Mir Rafiuddin Safavi of Shiraz (lnju), Persia.
4. The A’in–i–Akbari, Vol. I. (Biography of Abul

Fazl Allami, Tr. H. Blochmann, Ed. Lieut–Colonel
D.C. Phillott, Oriental Books Reprint Corporation,
New Delhi – 110 055, 1977, p. XXVI.
5. Ibid, pp. XXXIII–XXXIV.
6. Ibid, p. XXXIV
7. “He was a mystic, who borrowed his imagery

from flowers and perfumes, from beauty and
intoxication. Sometimes he poured forth the yearnings
of his soul in intelligible poetry; at others, he
expressed his aspirations after God in the language of
the lover and the wine–bibner. His verses reached the
ears of Akbar. The young Padishah had no taste for
poetry in general; he was sufficiently interested in the
new ideas to invite Abul Faiz to Court. Henceforth, the
fortunes of the Mubarak family began to brighten. The
Ulema ceased to persecute; Mubarak returned to
Agra.”
67
Appendix
- J. Talboys Wheeler, India Under the Mughal Rule,

Vol. II, Pt. I, Cosmos Publications, Delhi – 110 006,
1975, p. 155.
8. Ibid.
9. The A’in–i–Akbari, Vol. I, Biography of Abul Fazl

Allami by the Translator, H. Blochmann, Ed. Lieut-
Colonel D.C. Phillott, Oriental Books Reprint
Corporation, New Delhi – 110 055, p. XXXIV.
10. Ibid.
11. Ibid.
12. Nurul Hasan, in the Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. I, E. J.

Brill, Leiden, the Netherlands, 1967, p. 118.
13. S.M. Jafar, The Mughal Empire From Babar to

1974, p. 160.
14. Ibid, p.168.
15. History of the Rise of the Mohamedan Power in India,

Vol. II, p. 110.
16. Introduction: India Painted by Mortiner Menpes

Described by Flora Annie Steel, Neeraj Publishing
House, Delhi - 110 052, 1982, p. 357.
• Even Bad’auni, otherwise a critic of Abul

Fazl states: “At this time Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl, son
and heir of Shaikh Mubarak of Nagor, the star of
whose knowledge and understanding was brilliant,
came to Court, and received many marks of
distinction.”
68
• Muntakhab–ut–Tawarikh, Vol. II, Tr. W.H.

Lowe, Idarah–i–Adabiyat–i–Delli, Delhi – 110
006, 1973, p. 176.
17. The A’in–i–Akbari, Vol. I, Tr. H. Blochmann, Ed.

Lieut.-Colonel D.C. Plillott, Oriental Books Reprint
Corporation, New Delhi – 110 055, 1977, p. XXXVI.
18. Al-Badaoni, Muntakhab–ut–Tawarikh, Vol, II, Tr.

W.H. Lowe, Idaraha – i – Adabiyat – i – Delli, Delhi –
110 006, 1973, p. 177.
Bad’auni remembers Abul Fazl by saying (that): “He is

the man that set the world in flames. He lighted up the
lamp of the Cabahis, illustrating thereby the story of
the man, who because he did not know what to do, took
up a lamp in broad day light and representing himself
opposed to all sects, tied the girdle of infallibility
round his waist, according to the saying: “He who
continually takes the offensive, does not commit
himself as to his own opinion.” He laid before the
Emperor Commentary on the ‘Ayat–ul Kursi (al–
Qur’an, II, 256), which contained a good many of the
subtleties of the Qur’an; and though people said it was
written by his father, Abul Fazl was much praised.”
Then, attributing the reason for the praise Bad’auni
continues saying: “But the Emperor praised it, chiefly
because he expected to find in Abu–i–Fazl a man
capable of teaching the Mullas a lesson (whose price
certainly resembles of plarash)..” (p. 201).
69
Appendix
19. Al–Badaoni, Muntakhab–ut–Tawarikh, Vol. II, Tr.

W.H. Lowe, Idarah–i–Adabiyat–i–Delli, Delhi – 110
006, 1973, p. 205.
20. J. Talboys Wheeler, India Under the Mughal Rule, Vol.

II, Pt I, Cosmos Publications, Delhi – 110 006, 1975, p.
157. Mnemosynon for the date is “woe to the heratic…
and the worldly man; and another. “The pillar of
heresy is broken.” (ii, 419).
21. The Document, signed in Rajab, 987 A.H/ September,

1579c, was submitted to the Emperor in Shaikh
Mubarak’s hand–writing (Bad’auni).
22. A narration similar to this, quotad hereunder, appears

in the Akbar nama, Vol. III, p. 400, (Tr. H. Beveridge):
But in the preceding sentence Abul Fazl talks of the
Emperor’s just behavior with non-muslims also, and
then there appear these three points, thus: “Three
things supported the evil-minded gossips: First – The
sages of different religions assembled at Court, and as
every religion has some good in it, each received some
praise. From a spirit of justice, the badness of any sect
could not weave a veil over its merits. Second – The
season of “Peace with all” was honoured at the Court
of the Caliphate, and various tribes of mankind of
various natures obtained spiritual and material success.
Third – evil nature and crooked ways of the base one
of the age.”
23. After referring to Mulla Mohammad Yazdi in his style,

Bad’auni adds: “But he was left behind by Bir Bar –
that bastard! (ii, 214). Further “On the tenth of the
month of Cafar of this year (1004 A. H.), the King of
70
Poets, Shaikh Faizi… passed from this world…

And….he went to his own place and a mnemosynon for
the date is “Woe to the heretic and Shiah.., and natural
philosopher, and the wordly man”, and another “The
pillar of heresy is broken.” [Muntakhab-ut-Tawarik, ii,
p. 420]
24. Introduction, A’in–i–Akbari, Vol. I. Tr. H. Blochmann,

Ed. Lieut.,–Colonel D.C. Phillott, Oriental Books
Reprint Corporation, New Delhi – 110 055, 1977, p.
XXXVIII.
25. E.J. Brill, Leiden, the Netherlands 1960, p. 118.
26. Faizi was appointed as tutor to Prince Murad. He

entered the military service and received Mansab. He
and his brother, Abul Fazl, remained at Court in
Fathpur Sikri, and were also asked to join the Emperor
on his expositions. In 989 A. H., Faizi was appointed
Sadr of Agra, Dalpi and Kalinjar. He, enquired ‘into
the possibility of resuming Sayurghal (free tenures). In
the end of 1588c, Faizi was designated Poet Laureate,
for ‘after Amir Khusrau of Delhi, Mohammedan India
has seen no greater poet than Faizi.’ (H. Blochmann).
27. Introduction to A’in–i–Akbari, Vol. I, H. Bhochmann,

Ed. Lieut.–Colonel D. C. Phillott, Oriental Books
Reprint Corporation, New Delhi – 110 055, 1977, p. l.
- Sufia follow Shariah. Hence, anyone who claims “for

himself a position above the law of the Prophet,” is not
a Sufi at all.
28. Ibid, p. Xl.

71
Appendix
29. India Under the Mughal Rule, Vol.II, Pt. I, Cosmos

Publications, Delhi – 110 006, 1975, p. 156.
30. Neeraj Publications, Delhi – 110 052, 1982, p. 357.
31. Muntakhab–ut-Tawarikh, Vol. II, Tr. W.H Lowe,

Idarah – i – Adabiyat – i – Delli, Delhi – 110 006,
1973, p. 309.
32. Nurul Hasan in the Encyclopeadia of Islam, Vol. I, E.J.

Brill, Leiden, the Netherlands, 1960, p. 118.
33. Introduction to A’in–i–Akbari, Vol. I, Tr. H.

Blochmann, Ed. Lieut.-Colonel D.C. Phillott, Oriental
Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi – 100 055,
1977, pp. l-li
34. Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Vol. II Tr. W.H. Lowe,

Idara–i–Adabiyat-i- Delli, Delhi – 110 006, 1973, p.
202.
35. Ibid. p. 203.
36. Quoted from Introduction to A’in–i–Akbari, Vol I, Tr.

H. Blochmann, Ed. Lieut.–Colonel D.C. Phillott,
Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi – 110
005, 1977, pp. l-li.
37. See Stacy Waddy, The Great Mughal, Oxford

University Press, Oxford, U.K., 1913, p. 128.
38. S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History in

Akbar’s Reign With Special Refrence to Abul Fazl
(1556-1605), Munshiram Manoharlal Publications Pvt.
Ltd., New Deljhi- 110055, 1975, p. 492.
72
39. Condoling the death of his mother, Akbar said to Abul

Fazl, “If the people of this world lived for ever and did
not surrender except on one path (death), kind–hearted
friends would have not found balm (for their wounds),
except in resignation and submision (to Him and His
Will). As one stays in this Carvansarai (world) for
long; where else the inflicted could get strength to such
a measure (to sustain).”
40. For Salim, ‘loth to accept any employment, at a

distance from the Capital’, had declined to accept the
command in Deccan. Daniyal left Agra on June 4,
1599c.
41. Beni Prasad, History of Jahangir, Allahabad, 1940, p. 31.
________
III
AKBAR: THE JUST AND MAGNIFICENT
The Ruler and his Reforms:

73
Appendix
Jalal-ud-din Muhammad Akbar (b. November 23,

1542, d. October 21, 1605) was proclaimed Emperor of
Hindustan on February 14, 1556 in a ceremony,
organized by Bairam Khan in a garden at Kalanaur;
though earlier too on February 11, 1556, in a ceremony
organized at Delhi, after the death of his father,
Humayun (d. January 26, 1556c), he was declared
Emperor of Hindustan. Akbar was about fourteen years
of age then.1 The Khutba was read at Delhi, and the
hemistich composed narrated: “More noble than all
princes he”; at the date of (the death of his father) said
he: ‘Prince of the age am I. And, another
(mnemosynon) they found for the date, said: ‘The
granter of desires.’ (The sum of the numerical values of
the letters of each of these three (expressed), in Persian,
gives the date 963 A.H.” 2
“He was born king of men, with a rightful claim
to rank as one of the greatest sovereigns, known to
history, opines Vincent A. Smith; to Sir Wolsely Haig,
Akbar was ‘unquestionably the greatest of all rulers of
the Muslim period.” ‘Elizabeth I of England, Henry IV
of France and Abbas I of Persia were great monarchs,’
records Ashirbadi Lal Srivastava, ‘but none excels
Akbar either in idealism or in the conception of his
duty, or even in concrete achievements. He legislated
not only for his own generation but also for those that
were to follow.”3 R.P. Tripathi remembers Akbar as
‘one of the greatest kings which historic India had ever
74
had.’ To T.S. Roy, he is ‘one of the few royal figures

that approach the stature of great men.’ J. Talboys
Wheeler finds resemblance in the behavior of Akbar and
Ashoka: Both were ‘kind hearted.’
Akbar found his Hindustan in anarchy and
confusion. Sikandar Sur and Muhammad Shah Adil
contested the sovereignty. Muhammad Shah Adil’s
indomitable commander-in-chief, Hemu, 4 captured Agra
and then occupied Delhi – the Governor Tardi Beg, was
defeated and put to flight. Hemu was now marching
towards Punjab. Ultimately, he was defeated and was
brought in bound by Shah Quli Khan. Akbar was
begged by Khan–Khanan to slay him and ‘acquire merit
by a holy combat.’ But, as put by Abul Fazl, Akbar
“replied in words that were the interpretation of truth
and were for the instruction of the wise, that his lofty
spirit did not permit him to slay a captive and that it
seemed to him that in the justice–hall of the Only One
there was nothing meritorious in such an act. Though
simple loyalists importuned and pressed him, the
Shahinshah showed himself more and more averse to
the proceeding…At last Bairam Khan, Khan–Khanan,
when he perceived that H.M., was not inclined to take
his view, withdrew from the attempt…. and killed
Hemu with his sword.” 5
Vincent A. Smith, describing Abul Fazl’s
narration as ‘false’ and relying on Ahmad Yadgar’s
account of the event rendered in 1595c i.e., forty years
75
Appendix
after the event, and drawing his logic from it, and
confirmation from Van en Brocke, a Dutch writer
(whose writing appeared after 1620c), said (that) ‘Akbar
did severe Himu’s head.’ Those in agreement with
Vincent Smith are Sukumar Ray (The Dacca University
Studies, November, 1935, pp. 76-101) and Laet De
Imperio Magni Mongolis, Sive India Vera (Lugduni
Batavorum, Elzevir, 1631, pp. 174-181 - English
Translation by E. Lethbridge as ‘Fragments of Indian
Histroy,’ Calcutta Review, 1873, pp. 170, 220).
Needless to say that those supporting Vincent Smith, do
not provide first hand information.
Those disagreeing with Smith are Khawaja
Nizamudin Ahmad (Tabq’at-i-Akbari, Calcutta, 1918-
1935), Bad’auni and Jahangir (Tuzuk, Ghazipur and
Aligarh, p. 17).
Bad’auni says: “Shaikh Gada-i Kamboh and the
others said to the Emperor, “Since this is your
Majesty’s first war against the infidels, you should flesh
your sword in this unbeliever…” “Why should I strike
him now that he is already as good as dead? If
sensatition and activity were left in him, I would do so.”
Then, the Khan Khanan was the first to strike his sword
into him… and following his example Shaikh Gada-i,
and the others, deliberately made an end of him….”6
Ashoka turned a kind-hearted saint after the
battle of Kalinga. J. Talboys Wheeler states: “The reign
76
of Akbar is one of the most important in the history of

the world. He bears a strange resemblance to that of
Ashoka. Indeed the kindness of Akbar and Ashoka is
one of the most remarkable in history. They were
separated from each other by an interval of eighteen
centuries; the main features of their respective lives
were particularly the same.”7
“Princes with sympathetic qualities were not
entirely lacking in the seven centuries of Mohammadan
dominion in India, and they shine forth as points of
light from the gloomy horror of this time, but they fade
out completely before the luminous picture of the man
who governed India for half a century (1556-1605c) and
by a wise, gentle and just reign brought about a season
of prosperity such as the land had never experienced in
the millenniums of its history. This man, whose memory
even today is revered by the Hindus, was a descendant
of Baber, Abul Fath Jelaleddin Muhammed, known by
the surname Akbar “the Great,” which was conferred
upon the child even when he was named, and
completely supplanted the name that properly belonged
to him. And truly he justified the epithet, for great,
fabulously great, was Akbar a man, general, statesman
and ruler, - all in all a prince who deserves to be known
by every one whose heart is moved by the spectacle of
true human greatness.” 8
Reference may be made here to a kind–hearted
and benevolent ruler Akbar’s care for the poor. It was in
77
Appendix
911 A.H., that “His Majesty,” says Bad’auni, “built

outside the town two places for feeding the poor Hindus
and Musalmans, one of them being called Khairpurah,
and the other Dharampurah. Some of Abul Fazl’s
people were put in charge of them. They spent His
Majesty’s money in feeding the poor. As an immense
number of Jogis also flocked to this establishment, a
third place was built, which got the name Jogipurah.” 9
Further, as told by Abul Fazl, “one of the occurrences
was the laying the foundation of poor-houses. From
abundant graciousness and kindness an order was given
to the workmen that they should erect Sarais in the
various quarters of the Capital, and make them over to
benevolent and generous persons so that the poor and
needy of the world might have a home whithout having
to look for it, or to endure the pain of wanting. In short
space of time, orders were admirably carried out, and
those without resources enjoyed the comfort of a home
in a foreign land.” 10 A charity fund was established in
the place, which received contributions from the
officers as well. Besides this Tulad’an, the Emperor got
himself weighed on different occasions against different
materials which were distributed as charity to the
poor.” 11
Akbar was kind to animals also: on Safar 14, 986
A.H April 20, 1578c he resolved to have Gamargha
hunt in the neighborhood of a place called Bhera (in
Shahpur district of Punjab, or as put by Bad’auni, near
78
Nandana, or, as stated by the translater in Nandana

Rohtak), situated at the banks of the Jhelum. The
hunting was organized. But as described by Abul Fazl,
“the ‘jazba’of cognition of God cast his ray…he in
thanksgiving for this great boon set free many
thousands of animals. Active men made every endevor
that no one should touch the feather of a finch and that
they should allow all animals to depart according to
their habit.” 12 Thus, as ordered, the hunting was stopped
and the captured animals were freed.
Reaching Fathpur Sikri, he made a journey to
Ajmer, and returning to Fathpur Sikri on September 12,
1578. There he “signalized his arrival .. by an act of
profusion which may perhaps be connected with the
vision at Bhera. He filled a dry cistern with coined
money, to the value of four and a quarter million
rupees, which was distributed in charity and gifts to his
Courtiers and learned men..” 13
Though a mighty conqueror, indeed, Akbar did
not usually indulge in cruelty for its own sake. “On
some rare occasions his temper got the upper hand; then
the culprits were summarily dealt with… But he usually
maintained perfect self control. His manners were
extremely charming and his address pleasant, for which
he has been highly praised by all who came in contact
with him. He was able to win the love and reverence of
his subjects….” 14
79
Appendix
Akbar could command love and respect of his

subjects, because he was highly effective in
communication skill, also; but then merely skill sans
justice, reform and restoration of human rights without
any bias, cannot take one long. Akbar knew the
intricacies of ‘what,’ ‘whom’ and ‘when’. And, he was
an effective orator indeed! Abul Fazl sayeth:
“…God be praised! H.M., the Shahinshah
(Akbar) merely by the help of God, while he is in the
crowd of the short– thoughed and superficial, does not
proceed upon his God–given wisdom, but converses
with every group, nay with every individual suitably
with the latter’s comprehension. Accordingly, the acute
of every group conjecture or rather are certain that the
prince of the world has no other understanding or
knowledge except what he shows to them!...”15
But then mere words, expressive of intentions,
cannot do that good which is effected by action. Hence,
the right approach to this would be: act and express, or,
initially to express, devolve and involve to act, more so
when decisions are to be made by a team, rather than by
an individual. Akbar was sympathetic and considerate.
He was born to rule and lead - careful in his approach
and benevolent in action. “He was a born leader”, says
K.P. Bahadur, “and can rightly claim to be one of the
mightiest sovereigns known to history… His reign
witnessed the final transformation of the Mughals from
80
mere military invaders into a permanent Indian

dynasty.” 16
Thus, one can understand it well that the
sovereign must have aimed at and worked for social
unity of his empire. And, social unity can best be
achieved within the folds and working of a ‘Welfare
State.’ “Akbar was the first architect of a welfare state,
a ruler not of an empire but of a nation. He was the first
to obtain obedience by love in addition to fear… A
strict disciplinarian, he was also a shrewd judge of men,
granting favours where deserved and punishing where
needed…. When it needed someone to dig the
foundation, it found Babur; when it needed someone to
fill it up, it had Humayun, and when the foundation was
ready and the edifice was to be built, there came
Akbar.”17 Further, social unity coupled with political
unity and stability leads to peace and development.
“Akbar was the first Muslim ruler of this country to see
the vision of a united India and to work ceaselessly for
the consummation of this ideal. No. doubt Ala-ud-din
Khalji and to a lesser extent Muhammad bin Tughlaq
were the first in the field, but their ideal was restricted
to political, and in some cases administrative unity only.
They had no idea of providing a common literature, and
a common art, and of creating one common society, at
least for the intelligentia of the country. Akbar had a
clear vision of the unity, which runs through his
utterances and is recorded in Abul Fazl’s Akbar
81
Appendix
Nama… He… championed the territorial and national

unity of India…Abul Fazl propounded the theory that
for the sake of peace and prosperity, justice and good
government, Akbar wanted the conquest of the entire
county.” 18
Not only that, Akbar built the edifice; he gave a
new look to it, blessed with the fragrance of love and
care for his subjects, providing for future growth. Abul
Fazl says, of course, with Akbar in his mind (that) “A
king is .. the origin of stability and possession. If
royalty did not exist, the storm of strife would never
subside, nor selfish ambition (would) disappear… But
by the light of imperial justice, some follow with
cheerfulness the road of obedience, whilst others
abstain from violence through fear of punishment, and
out of necessity make choice of the path of rectitude.”19
To help create such a cohesive, and responsive
polity, subjects must be made intellectually responsible
and morally equipped and strengthened. One, therefore,
finds in Akbar’s empire the post of Muhtasib (In–charge
of reforming public morals). Besides practical
regulation for material welfare of his subjects “Akbar’s
efforts for the ethical uplift of his subjects”, says
Richard von’ Gorbe, “are noteworthy. Drunkness and
debauchery were punished and he sought to restrain
prostitution by confining dancing girls and abandoned
women in one quarter, set apart for them outside of his
82
residence which received the name Shaitanpura or

“Devil’s City”.
Required emphasis on spread of education, was
laid, and as the Emperor was interested in it, a number
of educational institutions were founded. The system of
education was reformed and the knowledgeable teachers
were provided. “In the first place, the curriculum was so
modified as to enable the students to equip themselves
intellectually according to their aims and ambitions.
Secondly, the modus operandi of teaching was so
improved that it took comparatively very little time to
acquire a fairly decent education. Stipends and
scholarship were granted to deserving students and
arrangements were made for the free education for poor
students. Provisions were also made for the education of
Hindu students in Muslim Schools and Persian was
made a compulsory subject for all. Women’s education
was not reglected. The Emperor himself maintained a
girls’ school in his own palace at Fatehpur Sikri.
Technical education was diffused by the system of
apprenticeship.” 20
Educating people by an imperial ruler must win
the appreciation of all, for education empowers; makes
one conscious of his surroundings, problems of life and
also of the causes therefor, as also of the ‘causative
factors’ of the causes. Ruthless rulers and dictators are
averse to it. It will be interesting here to refer to what
was said by Katherine, Czarina II, of Russia: “It is easy
83
Appendix
to rule ignorant masses”. But then a just monarch must

never be afraid of all this. One, in his concern for
enlightenment of the people, may find himself in tune
with Akbar’s Scheme of Education, his desire to make
Hindustan a ‘united nation’, verily so. Persian, being
the State language, was made a compulsory subject of
study for all. Spread of education and intellectual
emancipation are inter-linked in more than one way, for
education creates sensitivities, and individuals begin to
question; gradually the entire surroundings are
encompassed. With this in mind, it is found innovative
and bold of Akbar. It is not that education as an
intellectual activity was non–existent, then. Nay, it was
not so. But notable is tthe keeness in spreading
education in the Hindustan of those days by an Imperial
Majesty. “There was but little”, says H.G. Keene, “in
the Hindustan of those days, corresponding with the
intellectual emancipation then beginning to break forth
in Europe. Nevertheless, so far as one man could affect
national movements, society in Hindustan was
moving….”
Education and enlightenment of the people of
Hindustan in general was sine qua non. These were
needed, and Akbar was stressing at both, education and
enlightenment. He was stressing at merit also. As
mentioned in Dabistan, “Akbar paid no regard to
hereditary power or pedigree, but favored those whom
he found to excel in knowledge and in conduct.” Thus,
84
we find that ‘knowledge’ and ‘morality’ both were

assigned weightage. And, as the knowledgeable were
encouraged and assigned responsibilities, we can safely
say that it aimed at efficiency in administration and
developing, what we call today, a ‘knowledge economy.’
When merit is given consideration, prejudice and bias
are gradually shunned. We find (that) “Akbar
appreciated and rewarded merit from whatever sources
it was evinced, irrespective of caste and creed. The
Imperial service was not the monopoly of the ruling
class. It was open to all men of merits, rulers or ruled.
No ban was put on Hindus. Those among them, who
deserved, were entrusted with the highest civil as well
as military posts. As appointment to every post rested
with the Emperor, he used his judgment independently
in the selection of the pick for the Imperial Service. By
opening career to talents, he secured the services of the
best brains of India and outside. If the different
departments of Mughal Government worked efficiently
in the time of Akbar, it was because the Imperial
Service was maintained in a state of efficiency.” 21 It,
therefore, became evident that instead of
recommendations, independent judgment in matters of
appointments was exercised, and that evidently
recommendations were rejected. We may refer here to
the non-acceptance of Shah Tahmasp’s recommendation
to Akbar for promoting Sultan Mahmud of Bhakkar and
decorating him with the title of Khan Khanan.
85
Appendix
The recommendation was rejected because, as

put by Abul Fazl, “the Khedive of the world, was seated
on the masned of appreciation of merit and justice, the
currency required was merit, not recommendation.” 22
Interestingly, we may refer to what Abul Fazl
has written in his Preface to the A’in, expressive of
rejecting the appointment of ‘low men’ – the dishonest,
the vicious and the unmerited; and, if appointed, to treat
them not at par with the merited, worthy and the honest,
thus:
“It is.. necessary for the just kings, to make
themselves first acquainted with the rank and character
of men, by the light of insight and penetration, and then
to regulate business accordingly. And hence it is that
the sages of ancient times have said that princes who
wear the jewel of wisdom, do not appoint every low
man to their service, that they do not consider every one
who has been appointed, to be deserving of daily
admittance; that those who are thus favored, are not
therefore deemed worthy to sit with them on the carpet
of intercourse; that those who are worthy of this station,
are not necessarily admitted to the pavilion of familiar
address; that those who have this privilege, are not
therefore allowed to sit in the august assembly; that
those upon whom this ray of good fortune falls, are not
therefore let into their secrets; and that those who enjoy
the happiness of this station, are not therefore fit for
admission into the Cabinet Council.”23
86
We find that high salaries were given to Mughal

public servants. This helped attract men of merit and
abilities, enterprising, and in quest for a career Akbar’s
Hindustan, coming from Central and West Asia and
other regions, but mainly from Persia (West Asia).
Appreciation and act of rewarding merits and
abilities by the Great Moghul is marked by the presence
of a number of poets, painters and scholars from Persia
and other countries. A large number of Persian poets
migrated to India: they came and mingled and won
appreciation of the lovers of poetry and also of high
ranking amirs and mansabd’ars. Ahmar Golchin M’ani
says that the position of ‘Poet Laureate’ was created,
and it went to Ghaizath Mashhadi. Tufiq Sobhani
mentions that 120 Persian poets were present in India at
that time, and 59 of these were stationed in Akbar’s
Darbar itself successively over the years. {Abul Fazl
gives names of 59 poets, including those from Kashmir,
Kabul, Mashhad, Isfahan, Heart, Marw and Bukhara etc.
He places Faizi at no.1 – A’in-i-Akbari ii, Vol.I, Tr. H.
Blochmann} The renowned Persian painters and
calligraphists including Khwaja Abd-us-Samad Shirin
Qalam, Mir Syed Ali Tabrizi, Muhammad Amin
Mashhadi, and Maulana Abdullah Qazvini were not
only included in the galaxy, adding shine to the Great
Mughal’s darbar, but they and their disciples added to
founding of the Indian School of Painting. A number of
historians including Riaz-ul-Islam in his Indo-Persian
87
Appendix
Relations (Iran, 1970) have made mention of this fact.

Further, leaving aside the controversy in writing the
Tarikh-i-Alfi (History of Thousand Years), we find that
among those Seven originally appointed members of the
Board of Compilers, five were Persian - Ghiasuddin
Qazvini (Naqeeb Khan), Nizammuddin Ahmad Harvi,
Hakim Ali Gilani and Hakim Hamman Gilani and Mir
Fazlullah Shirazi.
Further, in September, 1582c the Emperor
appointed some of the trustworthy amirs to supervise
sale and purchase of one chosen commodity, assigned to
each, to serve as measure of control over transactions in
other commodities in the capital. Out of the twenty such
appointees, ten were Persian, namely Abdur Rahim
Khan-i-Khanan, Zain Khan Harvi, Shah Quli Khan
Baharlu, Sadiq Khan Harvi, Mirza Yousuf Khan
Mashhadi, Qasim Khan Khorasani, Hakim Abul Fath
Gilani, Khwaja Abd-us-Samad Shirin Qalam,
24
Ghiasuddin Qazvini and Habibullah Kashi.
The Emperor fully patronized art and literature.
A number of historical works of great importance –
Akbar Nama, Ain-i-Akbari, Tarikh-i-Bad’auni (secretly
compiled by Abdul Qadir Bad’auni), commentary on
A’yat-ul-kursi, Tabaq’at-i-Akbari, and Munshiat of
Abul Fath were completed during his (Akbar’s) reign.
The Emperor asked Khan-i-Khan Abdur Rahim to put
into Persian the Waqiat-i-Babari (Memoirs of Babar),
originally in Turkish. Abdul Qadir translated Jama-i-
88
Rashidi into Persian from Arabic, as also a geographical

work of importance, Mu’ajam-ul-Buld’an, was
translated by Mulla Ahmad Qasim Beg, Shaikh
Munawwar, Abul Qadir and some other Scholars. Shah
Namah was rendered into prose and the Hay’at-ul-
Haiw’an into Persian.
Akbar’s help reached to patronize not only the
literature, developed by the Muslims, but also that,
developed by the Hindus: Many Hindi and Sanskrit
books were translated into Persian. Nall and Daman, an
eposide from Mahabharata, was rendered into Persian
by Faizi and a number of learned Brahmans, working
together. Then in 1582c Akbar ordered that the whole
Mahabharata be translated into Persian. “Having
invited some erudite Pandits”, Akbar directed “to write
an explanation of the copious epic, and for several
nights, says Dr. Law, “he himself devoted his attention
explaining the meaning to Naqib Khan, Mulla Sheri,
Abdul Qadir, Sultan Haji Thaneswari and Shaikh Faizi,
who were constantly engaged in its translation. When
the arduous task was accomplished, the Great Shaikh
wrote its epilogue and the book was rechristened as
Razmnamah, or the Book of War.” 25 It was at Shergarh
(Kannauj) that the Emperor asked Bad’auni to translate
Singhasan Battisi into Persian, receiving help from a
Brahman scholar, Parshottam. The work was completed
and it was given a new title ‘Khirad Afza-namah’ (Book
of Inereasing Intelligence). Faizi translated Lilavati (a
89
Appendix
Treatise on Arithmetic), the Bhagwat Gita and the

Atharv Veda; Maulana Sheikh Muhammad Shahabadi
translated Rajtarangini, written by Kalhan. It is a
valuable work on the history of Kashmir. Nasrullah
Mustafa and Maulana Husain Waiz rendered
Panchatantra, or Kaliladamnah into Persian. “The
translation of the book last named being difficult, an
easier adaptation was also made under the name of
Ay’ar D’anish.” It was Amir Fathullah Shirazi, who
supervized translation of a portion of the Astronomical
Tables of Ulugh Beg. Likewise, Abul Fazl guided
translation of the Sanskrit works of Kichu Joshi,
Gangadhar and Mahesh Mahananda. Abul Fazl
translated the Holy Bible into Persian, and artists were
employed to provide charming illustrations.
Books were translated also for the sake of the
Emperor, whose appetite for knowledge was insatiable –
He wanted to know more and more of everything.
“When Akbar’s recreation hours had come in the night”,
says Richard von Garbe, “the poets of his court brought
their verses. Translation of famous works in Sanskrit
literature, of the New Testament and of other interesting
books were read aloud, all of which captivated the
vivacious mind of the Emperor from which nothing was
farther removed than one-sidedness and narrow-
mindedness. Akbar had also a discriminating
appreciation for art…” 26 He had a liking for art, and as
put in the A’in, he said that a painter has quite peculiar
90
means of recognizing God; … and is forced to think of

God, the Giver of life, and will thus increase
knowledge’; Adding to international import of the
techniques of works of art, he encouraged to introduce
Chinese or Mongolian paintings.
The monuments erected during his reign, have
their own grandeur. “The splendor of his palaces,” says
Monserrate, “approaches closely to those of the royal
buildings of Europe. They are significantly built, from
foundation to cornice, of hewn stone, and are decorated
also with many pinnacles, supported on four columns,
each of which forms a small covered portico.”
(Commentaries, pp. 199-200). This candid statement
fully justifies what was remarked by Abul Fazl: “His
Majesty plans splendid edifices and dresses the work of
his mind and heart in the garment of stone and clay”.
Akbar’s contribution in the art of war and of
peace; his deliberate efforts to promote Indian literature,
painting, architecture, calligraphy, and poetry bore his
spirit of catholicity. He permitted religious freedom. In
the year 1002 A.H., being the beginning of the thirty-
ninth year from his accession, Akbar promulgated new
decrees, which included the following:
“If a Hindu, when a child or otherwise, had been
made a Musalman against his will, he was to be
allowed, if he pleased, to go back to the religion of his
fathers.”
91
Appendix
“If any of the infidel chose to build a church or

synagogue or idol–temple, or parsi ‘tower of silence’,
no one was to hinder him.” 27 He permitted the Jesuits to
propagate their faith. Akbar abolished Jaziya, or poll
tax levied on Hindus and other non-Muslims, in the
beginning of his ninth regnal year, (as put by Bad’auni,
it was in the year 1579c); prohibited Sati and Female
Infinitude, (unfortunately being reported in the 21st
century Hindustan), took to encourage marriage of
widows; prohibited slaughter of cows; forebade the
marriage before sixteen and fourteen years for boys and
girls respectively; introduced an elaborate system of
land revenue, creating conducive atmosphere for
development of agriculture, benefiting all concerned,
and more importantly established peace with restoration
of law and order by devising welfare–oriented polices
and programs, “as issued not from a Parliament, a
Cortes or a State–General, but from the head of one
man, whose era was that of Queen Elizabeth, Philip II
and Louis XIV, whose age was that of religious
intolerance, rigid Inquisition and ruthless persecution,
and oppression - (these) are the index of a genius
unsurpassed in the annals of the world. From whatever
side we approach him, whether as a man, a soldier and a
statesman, or as a philosopher, a military commander
and a political administrator; or as a reformer, a
legislator and a peace–maker, the conviction is forced
home on us that he was really one of those few inspired
personalities of supreme powers and singular
92
endowments who have, as it were, revealed the future to

their present age.”28
“There was much practical simplicity says”, J.
Tallboys Wheeler, “in Akbar’s character. It showed
itself in a variety of ways.” To know whether divine
language would be spoken by the children, if allowed to
grow without hearing any human, he in 1579c, shut up
twenty ‘wretched infants’, appointing dumb nurses’ to
look after them. The children, emerging out after four
years from their confinement, were found to be numb
like their nurses. Akbar and those others who
experimented likewise, 29 were to know that while God
has bestowed upon man powers of hearing, thinking and
speaking, and hath said that ‘We have taught man with
pen,’ man has to strive to learn by using his mental and
physical powers: Verily, man acquires what he reads,
ponders over (phenomena and subjects) and learns from
others:
Akbar was illiterate, but being intelligent and
having an inquisitives mind, he strived to know things
and understand matters in his own way. The Ulama
were to satisfy his quest for knowledge, particularly that
concerning his faith, for Islam does not prohibit
questioning in the procers of acquisition of knowledge,
even if it be acquired by going to China, as the holy
Prophet said: Acquire knowledge, even if it be from
China . To Montserrate, Akbar, in spite
of his lack of education, was ‘most learned’, for he
 





 93
Appendix
acquired for which the most leaned and able do aspire.

His acknowledging ‘reason’ to understand religions,
though citicized by the Jesuits continues to remain
significantly important in understanding a true religion.
Mention may be made here of the Ibadat Khana:
Akbar was convinced of the benefits of free discussions
in matters of religion too. This idea prompted him to
found at Fathpur Sikri, in the vicinity of Agra, the
famous ‘Ibadat Khana’, which, says Richard von Garbe,
was literally ‘the house of worship’, but in reality ‘the
house of controversy.’ Here, scholars and religious men
of all sects gathered every Thursday evening; entered
into discussion, and, were given an opportunity to
defend their creed. The Emperor himself remained
present, and cooperated and presided. He was invariably
accompanied by Abul Fazl. “How badly the Ulama
came off on these controversial evenings, was to be
foreseen. Since they had no success with their futile
arguments, they soon resorted to cries of fury, insults to
their opponents and even to personal violence, often
turning against each other and hurling curses upon their
own numbers.” 30 “Akbar and Abul Fazl always
preserved their serenity,” says Adolf Waley, “but by
degrees the Emperor grew weary of the bigotry and
narrowness of the disputing Ulama, and doubts arose in
his mind….” Further, as stated by Richard von Grabe:
“In these dissensions the inferiority of the Ulama, who
nevertheless had, always put forth such great claims,
94
was so plainly betrayed that Akbar learned to have a

profound contempt for them.” In their contempt for each
other, they called one another ‘Kafir’ (Infidel). Added
to other factors, this led to the signing of the document
by ‘the principal Ulama and lawyers’ in Rajab 897 A.H.
(Bad’aouni, II, W. H. Lowe, p. 279).
Almost two years before promulgating Din-i-
Ilahi on (February, 1582c), that the first Jesuit mission
led by father Montserrate, reached Fathpur Sikri on
February 18, 1580c, They were accorded honor. Their
refusal to accept 800 gold pieces, offered by Akbar,
impressed him. Akbar curiously enquired about their
doctrine and allowed the Padrees of this and other
missions to propagate their faith. They returned
carrying the hope that “they might succeed in inducing
him to become the Constantine of the East…(but) Some
of the doctrines of the Christian faith, above all the
Incarnation, presented difficulties to Akbar…” 31
Further, in the event of his becoming Christian, Akbar
was to divorce all but one of his wives. After a stay of
three years at the Court, the mission returned in 1583c.
Another Christian mission arrived in 1591c,
which stayed for three years: “In 1590 a Greek sub-
deacon named Leo Grimon, passing through India with
the object of traveling to Europe by way of Goa, had
reached Lahore, and had been entrusted with a letter to
the Portuguese authorities, requesting that some priests
might be sent to Court. The letter seemed to indicate a
95
Appendix
desire on Akbar’s part to embrace Christianity, and two

Portuguese priests set out for Lahore with high hopes,
only to discover on reaching the Court that the emperor
was in his usual frame of mind… continued to issue
regulations for his disciples in the Divine Faith    .The
priests were well content to find that he had abjured
Islam…,” 32 instead of being extremely unhappy at the
utter failure of their mission.
The Third Jesuit mission arrived in 1595c at
Lahore, where the Imperial Court was residing. “Of the
Second mission the Provincial of the Order of Jesus at
Goa had reported, with reference to its failure to convert
Akbar: ‘Venerunt filii usque ad partum, sed virtus non
est pariende.’ The new missionaries, Jerome Xavier, a
grand–nephew of St. Francis, Father Pinheiro and
Brother Benedict de Goes, had been sent in response to
another appeal from Akbar, and though no prospect of
his conversion remained, they were permitted to, even
encouraged to preach the Gospel to the people.”33
Political realism cannot be altogether ruled out in
all the above mentioned gestures.“To the Portuguese,
Akbar was at first an encouragement, then an enigma,
and finally a bitter disappointment. Why? – because his
object in inviting the Portuguese missionaries to his
Court was political rather than religious”,for, emphaizes
S.M. Jafar, “he (Akbar) wished to befriend the
Portuguese at Goa, who possessed a large park of
artillery, and to secure their assistance against the
96
stronghold of Asirgarh (which fell on January 17,

1601c) as well as against his own son, Salim, who had
rebelled against him.” 34 However, mention of the help
by the Portuguese in the event of Salim’s rebellion
seems to be a very early statement. In view of the
Portuguese pursuing their own interest, it was not easy
to determine the direction of their support. No doubt,
the Emperor sought goodwill of the Postuguese for safe
traveling of the pilgrims to Mecca, who were then
taking to sea route, and the Portuguese had their mighty
presence therein. Akbar sent his envoy to the
Portuguese Viceroy, Dom Antonio de Noronha, who
received the envoy, and sent on his returning Antonio
Cabral with him, thus gesturing a friendly approach.
In his desire to know the truth, Akbar examined
different doctrines and practices of different religions.
“He summoned a general Council, composed of the high
officials present at the Capital…. and, after discoursing
on the evils of religious discord and strife, declared that
all religious bodies ought to be united, “in such fashion
that they should be both ‘one’ and ‘all’, with the great
advantage of not losing what is good in any religion,
while gaining whatever is better in another. In that way
honor would be rendered to God, peace would be given
to peoples, and security to the empire.” 35 The
Cambridge History contains a meaningful sentence;
indicating that Akbar was “less fortunate in his
counselors than his predecessor, Ala-ud-din Khalji,
97
Appendix
who, when he conceived the idea of proclaiming

himself the prophet of a new faith, had been dissuaded
by a faithful and fearless servant from commiting an act
of such folly and presumption…” To Vincent Smith ‘the
organization of Din-i-Ilahi was that of an Order rather
than of a church.’
Bad’auni, who remained involved in discussions,
says that ‘Islam died in Akbar’s reign’, refraining to say
as put by some historians, that Akbar had abandoned
Islam. Jesuit missionaries described Akbar as an ‘enemy
and persecutor of Islam; Vincent Smith and Sir Wolsley
Haig voice the same ‘concern’. But S.R Sharma holds
an distinctly opposite opinion: “Akbar’s Progressive
reforms which were aimed at liberality to the majority
of his subjects, could hardly have pleased Badaoni, for
unfortunately they happened to be those very infidels,
whom he so thoroughly hated.” As for the Jesuits, their
frustration can be imagined when Akbar while
permiting them to make willing converts, himself
refused to be converted! So intense indeed was the rage
of the Portuguese that when the English tried to get
their hold on India, as they themselves already had, they
told the Emperor that ‘the English were a complete
nation of thieves.’
Akbar took to follow his policy of Sulh-i-Kul
(toleration and peace with all). “He was far ahead of his
age”, says the Cambridge History of India (of the
Mughal Period). As regards the teaching of the
98
principles of Sulh-i-Kul, Mir Abdul Latif, a person,

appointed by Bairam Khan to teach Akbar, deserves
credit, and the liberal minded Abdul Fazl too, whose
discourses and views must have definity influenced the
mode of thinking of Akbar, the Great Moghal.
Supportive of Akbar’s fair deal to everyone is the point
raised saying: ‘The only point on which he can be said
to be unfair, is that he was fair to non–muslims.’ But
then as all of us know, being fair in dealings with non–
Muslim subjects, is fair in Islam.
“Akbar carefully fostered,” says Peter Hardy,
“the inherited advantages of his own personality. A
complex mixture of acute intelligence, great sensitivity
and warmth, and an easy, yet never abandoned dignity
marked his overwhelming appeal as a political leader.
His open style was remarkable for an Indo-Muslim
autocrat.” 36
Vincent Smith, who has described Akbar as one,
who actually penetrated a persecution of Islam, has also
said: “Akbar, whatever may have been his failings in
practice, was a sincerely religious man, constitutionally
devout.” Further, referring to Jahangir, we find him
saying that his father ‘never for a moment forgot God’,
and that he not only performed prayers but also spent a
considerable time over them. “According to Father
Antony Botelho, a contemporary Portuguese’
missionary, ‘he (Akbar) died as he was born, a
Mohammedan’. (The Jesuit Missions to the Emperor
99
Appendix
Akbar, J.A.S.B., Part I, Vol LXV, 1896, by E.D.

Maclagan). Sir Thomas Roe supports the statement of
Father Botelho when he says that, ‘he (Akbar) died in
the formal profession of his sect’ (The Embassy of Sir
Thomas Roe, Ed. Foster, Halkuyt Society, 1899).
“He (Akbar) had… desired me,” says (Jahangir),
“to sent for Mian Sadr Jahan in order to repeat with him
the Kalma Shahadat …. On his arrival, I placed Sadar
Jahan on both knees by my father’s side and he
commenced reciting the creed of the faithful…” 37
The last days of Akbar were unfortunate, for “a
man who,” says Richard von Garbe, “accomplished
such great things and desired to accomplish greater,
deserved a better fortune than was Akbar’s towards the
end of life.” Khan Khanan, the Regent had already
departed, after sad events - rebellion and then his
murder. Akbar’s two sons – Murad (b. 1570c: d. 1599c)
and Daniyal (b. 1572c, d. 1604c) – died of delirium
tremens. The oldest son, Salim, was defiant and a rebel,
and a drunkard, who caused murder of Akbar’s most
worthy friend and adviser, Abul Fazl. Akbar was
favoring Salim’s son, Khusrau, (d. January 1622 at
Burhanpur) to take over the reign of Hindustan, so were
Khan Azam and Man Singh. Salima Sultan Begum,
Akbar’s cousin and wife, interceded with the Emperor’s
permission. She went to Allahabad, and on her return in
February, 1603, she reported that ‘Salim was now well
disposed and wished to visit his father.’ And, the
100
permission was granted by the ailing Emperor, who

was indisposed, suffering from dysentery. When Salim
visited his father, he was serious and unable to speak.
He beaconed his son ‘to put on the imperial turban, and
to gird himself with the sword of Humayan, which was
hung at the foot of the bed. And, Salim did accordingly.
Thus, he went out, acknowledged as Emperor Jahangir.
Akbar died in the mid-night of October 25-26,
1605, and thence a rebellious, but now forgiven “Salim,
inherited a mighty empires 38 as Emperor Jahangir.
Akbar’s body was washed in accordance with the rites
of Islam and he was buried at Sikandra, then known as
Behishtabad. Prince Friedrich August, Count of Noer,
who wandered on the track of Akbar’s activities and
gave two of his volumes on Akbar, wrote on April 24,
1868, from Agra back home that he laid a bunch of
fresh roses on Akbar’s grave, and that “no visit to any
other grave had ever moved him so much as this.”
There at Sikandra lies the mighty sovereign
whose, motto was “Tyranny is unlawful in everyone,
especially in a sovereign, who is the guardian of the
world” (The A’in). He was a magnificent ruler indeed,
whose resounding words tell us: “It is my duty to be in
good understanding with all men. If they walk in the
way of God’s will, interference with them would be
reprehensive; and if otherwise, they are under the
malady of ignorance and deserve compassion.” (The
A’in).
101
Appendix
REFERENCES:
1. (i) Abdul Husain Naw’ai: 12 years; (ii) J.D. Rees and
Masud-ul-Hasan: 13 years; (iii) Cambridge History,
Vol. IV: A few months more than 13 years; (iv) James
Fraser: 13 years 4 months; (v) Farishta: 13 years 9
months.
2. Al-Badaoni, Mantakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Vol. II, Tr. W.H.

Lowe, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, Delhi – 110 006,
1973 p.1.
3. Akbar The Great, Vol. I, Shivalal and Company, Agra,

1962, pp. 529-530.
4. Agra fell before Bairam Khan could reach to rescue.

Hemu occupied Delhi and ascended the hithernow
Mughal throne; issued coins in his own name, raised
the Imperial Canopy over his head and added
‘Vikramaditya’ as title to his name. He was out to
acquire the empire of Hindustan.
5. Akbar nama, Vol. II, Tr. H. Beveridge, Ess Ess

Publications, New Delhi – 110 002, 1979, p. 66.
6. Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Vol. II, Tr. W. H. Lowe,

Idarah-i-Adabyat-i-Delli, Delhi – 110 006, 1973, p. 9.
7. India Under The Mughal Rule, Vol. II, Pt. I, Cosmos

Publications, Delhi – 110 006, 1975, pp. 135-136.
8. Richard von Garbe, Akbar, Emperor of India, Tr.

Lydia G. Robinson, The Open Court Publishing
Company, Chicago, U.S.A., 1909, p. 4
102
9. Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Vol. II, Tr. W.H. Low,

Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, Delhi – 110 006, 1973, p.
334.
10. Akbar nama, Vol. III, Tr. H. Beveridge, Ess Ess

Publications, New Delhi – 110 002, 1979, p. 381.
11. He [Akbar] also resolved that every year he should be

weighed twice. Accordingly, as per his birth (on Rajab
5), he had been weighed on 5 Rajab in confirming with
the lunar calendar, so also he should be weighed on the
day of Ormuzd of the month of Ab’an of the solar year.
The courtyard of bounty was thrown open, and twelve
articles were prescribed for the solar weighing viz; (i)
Gold, (ii) Silk, (iii) Quick-Silver (iv) Perfume, (v)
Copper, (vi) Pewter (text bassad), (vii) Drugs, (viii)
Butter, (ix) Rice and Milk, (x) Iron, (xi) Various
Grains, and (xii) Salt.”—Akbar nama, Vol. III, Tr. H.
Beveridge, p. 580
12. Akbar nama, Vol. III, Tr. H. Beveridge, pp. 346-347.
13. The Cambridge History of India Vol. IV: Mughal

Period, Planned by Lt.-Colonel Sir Wolseley Haig Ed.
Sir Richard Burn, S. Chand and Company, Delhi, - 100
001, 1963, p. 120.
14. An Advanced History of India, R.C. Majumdar, H.C.

Raychaudhuri, Kalikinkar Datta, Macmillan &
Company Ltd., U.K., 1961, pp. 460-461.
15. What is said, is true. The art of conversation and

communication demands a clear understanding of the
grasp and level of understanding of those addressed.
103
Appendix
People may be induced to willingly discharge their

responsibility; abide by rules and regulation, or
conversely to rise in revolt and in rebellion, and then
again to restore peace and tranquility. “It is great
wisdom to deal with the conditions of mankind in
accordance with the notions and undersanding of each
of them” says Abul Fazl, “so that all may be brought to
the condition of one’s audience. Every one who has
studied ancient histories, knows that the chief cause of
the troubles of the world has been that rulers and the
great ones of the age have ignored the measure of the
capacity of their hearers and have carried themselves
towards the generality with reference to merely their
own far-sightedness. The general public had no notion
of the grand conclusions of the eminent. Few indeed
comprehend such high matters, and hence they abide in
exclusion and loss.”
- Akbar nama, Vol. II, Tr. H. Beveridge, Ess
Ess Publications, New Delhi – 110 002, 1979, p. 505.
16. A History of Indian Civilization, Vol. II, Part I

(Medieval Period), Ess Ess Publications, New Delhi –
110 002, 1980, p. 37.
17. Ibid. (K.P. Bahadur).
18. Ashirbadi Lal Srivastava, Akbar the Great, Vol. I,

Shivlal Agarwal & Company, Agra, 1962, pp. 521-522.
19. Preface to A’in-i-Akbari, Tr. H. Blochmann, p. 27.
- Abul Fazl divides the people of the world into four

classes: (i) Warriors (ii) Artificers and Merchants, (iii)
the Learned, and (iv) Husbandsmen and Laborers,
104
saying (that) “It is obligatory for a king to put each of

them in its proper place, and by uniting personal ability
with due respect for others, to cause the world to
flourish.” (Preface to A’in-i-Akbari).
20. S.M. Jafar, The Mughal Empire from Babar to

1974, p. 149.
21. Ibid, pp. 147-148.
22. As believed by some historians, may be the other

reason for non–acceptance of the recommendation was
that Munim Khan was already occupying the position.
Whichever, may be the reason, but non acceptance of
recommendation leads to manifest banging of the door
for recommendations, and thereby encouraging the
deserving ones.
23. Preface to A’in-i-Akbari, Tr. H. Blochmann, pp. 8-9.
24. See Akbar nama, Vol.III, Tr. H. Beveridge, p. 586

Aurangzeb, Ess Ess publications, Delhi – 110 052,
1974, p. 165.
26. Akbar Emperor of India, Tr. Lydia G. Robbinson, The

Open Court Publishing Company, Chicago, U.S.A.,
1909, p. 15.
27. Al-Badaoni, Muntakhat-ut-Tawarikh, Vol. II Tr. W.H.

Lowe, Idarah-i-Adabyat-i-Delli, Delhi – 110 006,
1973, p 406.
105
Appendix

Aurangzed, Ess Ess Publication, Delhi – 110 052,
1974, p. 179.
29. A Similar classical parallel to this incident is the

experiment recorded by Herodotus which the Egyptian
king Psammetich is said to have performed with two
infants: It is related that after being shut up in a goat’s
stable for two years, separated from all human
intercourse, these children repeatedly cried out the
alleged Phrygian word (Greek: bekhos), “bread,” which
in reality was probably simply an imitation of the
bleating of the goats… Further on, we find an account
of a similar attempt, made by James IV of Scotland as
well as in the literature with regard to other historical
and legendry precedents of this sort in both Orient and
Occident.
- Richard von Garbe, Akbar: Emperor of India, f/n 35.
30. Richard von Garbe, Akbar: Emperor of India, The

Open Court Publishing Company, Chicago, U.S.A.,
1909, p. 15.
31. Lt.–Colonel Sir Wolseley Haig in the Cambridge

History of India, Vol. IV, Ed. Sir Richard Burn, S.
Chand & Company, Delhi – 110 001, 1963, p. 124-125
32. Ibid, p. 139.
33. Ibid, pp. 141-142
34. The Mughal Empire from Babar to Aurangzeb, Ess Ess

Publications, Delhi – 110 052, 1974, p. 91.
106
35. Lt.–Colonel Sir Wolseley Haig, Akbar’ 1556- 1573,

The Cambridge History of India, Vol. IV. Ed. Sir
Richard Burn, S. Chand & Company, Delhi – 110 001,
1963, p. 130.
36. Authority of Muslims Kings in Medieval South Asia,

Collection Perusartha, 9, 1986.
37. Major Price’s Translation of Tuzuk-i- Jahangiri.
38. Akbar’s Empire included a portion of what is now

Baluchistan (West): (North) Afghanishtan and from
Kabul southwards (the hill countries on the other side
of the Indus were more or less independent); the
southern portion of Kashmir and parts of Southern
Kumaun. From Kumaun eastward, the northern limit of
the Empire was set by the Himalayan forests as far as
the Valley of the Brahamputra, where the boundary
turned southwards, skirting the State of kuch and the
territory occupied by the tribesmen of Hill Tippera (in
the East). Chittagong was outside the Empire and
probably Akbar’s Jurisdiction was limited in practice
by the estuary of the Meghne. From the Meghne, the
boundary followed the coast to a little south of Puri,
whence it struck westwards across the Peninsula to
Bombay. The position in the south was uncertain (W.
H. Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar, p. 6)
________
107
Appendix
IV
AKBAR: ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE
AND CONTROL
In a ‘Conquest State’, as the Mughal empire, has

been recently referred, the ruler, was required to
ruthlessly proceed, annexing territories and extending
his sway, unmindful of the plight of the conquered. But,
nay, not so: Akbar knew it well that while his
grandfather, Babar, founded the Empire, his father,
Humayun, suffered defeat, but could recover his lost
empire, generously helped by Shah Tahmasp, the
Safavid monarch of Persia. Now he was to hold it. But,
then he knew this also that mere administration,
stability and control without the love and support of the
people, would not possibly do any good. He therefore,
while laying a strong political and administrative
system, did all to raise the structure on the edifice of
love and reverence of the ruled, irrespective of their
faith and belief. “…To do this in a seating, swirling
welter races such as Hindustan– to make Mohammedan,
108
Hindu, Buddhist, Jain equally content, to give all

classes equal justice, to make them equally loyal to the
State – this,” says Flora Annie Steel, “was not boy’s
work. But he set himself to it, and he succeeded.” 1
Praising Akbar and his administration, the narration
proceeds thus: “it is to be doubted indeed if Akbar’s
form of government is not to this day the one best fitted
to the needs of India”.
Indeed, Akbar was an administrative genious, a
man of vision, thinking ahead of his time, laying an
administrative system and structure with which to
effectively respond to the growing needs of a
diversifying economic and social structure. He was
‘centuries before his time’ with his thinking mind
embedded there, analyzing and solving problems.
Surely, “…he was earnestly bent on making India, so
far as he ruled it, into a united nation; and we hear from
his friend and biographer, not only of debates by mighty
at the Fathehpur Academy, but also of silent
meditations in the lovely hour of dawn, when Akbar
would go forth and muse upon the problems of life,
upon his own peculiar task.”2
Success in many, if not all respects, was possible
under Akbar because of his lofty principles underlying
just governance. “In summing up (Akbar’s)
achievements Du Jarric writes: “And indeed he was a
great king; for he knew that the good ruler is he who
can command, simultaneously, the obedience, the
109
Appendix
respect, the love and the fear of his subjects. He was a

prince beloved of all, firm with the great, kind to those
of low estate, and just to all men, high and low,
neighbors or stranger, Christian, Saracen or Gentile; so
that every man believed that the king was on his side.” 3
His regard for justice and just governance can be well
understood, if one refers to what he said in this regard.
“If I were guilty of an unjust act, I would rise in
judgment against myself. What shall I say, then, of my
sons, my kindred and others.”4
A just ruler, a just administer and a just Head of
any organization, is known by the reputation he keeps
-reputation spreads like the fragrance of a flower. The
functionaries and the public love him. If anything
wrong is committed by any of them, the person holding
the hierarchical position must act not only to punish the
erring ones, but also to undo the wrong and redress the
grievances. The remarkable severity of Akbar towards
errors and misdemeanor, committed by his officials in
the course of government business, was found by an
eye–witness, Monserrate, who saw Akbar ‘most stern
with offenders against the public faith.’ Hence, all were
“afraid of his severity, and striv(ed) with all their might
to do as he direct(ed) and desir(ed). For the king (had)
most precise regard for right and justice in the affairs of
government.” 5 Akbar was indeed the best judge of the
people in his empire.
110
“In order to rightly appreciate Akbar’s greatness,”

says Richard von Garbe, “We must bear in mind that in
his empire he placed all men on equality without regard
to race or religion, and granted universal freedom of
worship at a time when…in the Occident men were
imprisoned, executed or burnt at the stake for the sake
of their faith or their doubts; at a time when Europe was
polluted by the horrors of witch-persecution and the
massacre of St. Bartholemew. Akbar’s rule in India
stood upon a much higher plane of civilization in the
sixteenth centry than Europe at the same time.” 6 Thus,
throughout Akbar’s empire “order and justice reigned”,
and with increasing prosperity coming to the people,
willing cooperation and obedience of the subjects
gradually but surely became a reality. Akbar described
himself as ‘guardian’ of the people, any tyranny
committed by him was especially ‘unlawful’. Abul Fazl
says that Royalty is….Ferr-e Yazdi (the divine light),
and….many excellent flow from the possession of this
light including paternal love towards the subjects.”7
As put by one European eye–witness, Akbar was
careful in decision making and award of punishment –
even open to discussion and change of opinion, if
convinced:
“The following is the method the king employs
in deliberations – he asks each counsellor privately for
his own opinion and then himself decides upon the
course which seems to be supported by the largest
111
Appendix
number and the most experienced. He asks their advices

even about steps upon which he has already made up his
mind, saying to the nobles, ‘this is what I think should
be done, do you agree?’ They reply ‘Salam O’ King,’
whereupon he says, ‘then let it be carried out.’ If,
however, any one of them does not agree with him, he
listens patiently, and sometimes even alters his own
opinion.” 8
Akbar was careful in matters of delivering
justice. Wherever he dwelt; wherever he used to be all
disputes were brought to his court. There were regulated
courts to try and pronounce judgments, 9 yet, Akbar
himself used to hold court twice a week. He tried cases,
either originally brought to His Majesty for justice, or
were the appeals from the lower courts. “However, on
the king’s direction,” tells Monserrate, “all capital
cases, and all really important civil cases are conducted
before himself - Hence in the cases in which he himself
acts as the judge, the guilty are, by his own directions,
not punished until he has given orders for the third time
that this shall be done.”10 ‘Capital punishments’
required his concurrence, and no execution could take
place, unless the sentence was pronounced thrice by
him.
It may be drawn that justice, successful
administration and rule of law must necessarily go hand
in hand to give force and meaning to the spoken words
and written promises. Hence, to find that the Emperor
112
was the pivot of the government and its administration,

is appreciable. No administrative decisions, except
relating to routine matter could be taken without his
approval. Matters were brought to him for consideration
and decision making. As the Emperor (Akbar) was the
highest Court of appeal and fountain-head of justice, it
was but natural that to hold the promise true everyone
should have free access to his Court. Cases of serious
nature were referred to him. He heard and decided –
decisions were annuled, or reversed depending upon the
facts and related arguments. Akbar spent considerable
time for the sake of administering justice: He heard
petitions, asked questions, interrogated the petitioner,
and then decided: As Justice was dear to him, he
attended to complaints and petitions during tours also,
and even while on hunting tours. If need be the petitions
were read by Mir Arz.
J. Tallboys Wheeler says, “from the first break of
dawn the whole day was filled up with the affairs of
government and giving audiences. Anyone who had a
request or grievance could have access to the Emperor,
who was kind in showing the same interest even in ‘the
smallest incidents and matters, as in the greatest affairs
of State.” And, one should not doubt it because it was
only with this approach that there opened many
approaches reaching the pinnacle of success and shine.
Moreover, it gave satisfaction to a ruler whose ideal of
kingship was high, and who always cared for the
113
Appendix
feelings and rights and privileges of the ruled, and was

not selfish and ruthless, nor was he ‘an unbridled
autocrat.’ “Upon the conduct of the monarch,” the Great
Mughal said, “depends the efficiency of any course of
action. His gratitude to the Lord, therefore, should be
shown in his just government, and due recognition of
merit; that of his people in obedience and praises.”
In the fortresses of Agra, Delhi and Lahore, a
balcony was provided. It overlooked the open space
between the moat and the flowing river. Men in large
numbers could gather there without any hindrance -
some to have a glance of the Emperor, others to see and
hear him speak. The large concourse of men included
those who were seekers of justice and had some
complaint against the imperial functionaries or others.
Such ones, seeking reprisal of their grievances, were
required to raise their hands, thus inviting the attention
of the functionaries, attachéd to the department
concerned – Department of Mazalim. The officials will
locate and approach each complainant collect his
written petition, and would escort and reach him to the
Emperor.
Public audience was usually accorded every day.
There was a Hall of Public Audience. It was called
Dawlat Khanah-i-a’m-wa-khas, and briefly and simply
Diwan-i-a’m. One cannot but appreciate this method of
administering justice, which permitted all to say what
they wanted, boldly and without any fear. But the
114
question is how many from outside the city could arrive

there with a written petition in their hand? As Akbar is
concerned, he permitted all, in all probability keeping in
view his desire to develop an administrative system,
based upon the principles of justice for all, with
cooperation from all, near or scattered far and wide, for
he was desirous of creating ‘common citizenship’ in
India with a progressing humane and welfare–oriented
administration. His professed principle of Sulh-i-Kul
(Peace with all) endeared him to all. “There arose
before him (Akbar)”, says Adolf Waley, “a new India of
his own creation; an India no longer the land of warring
creeds but a home in which all were permitted to Diety
according to the tenets of their own faith..” 11 Monserrate
found Akbar more learned in spite of his lack of
education, adding that “his universal toleration is proof
of his broad-mindedness.”
As justice delayed is justice denied, Akbar was
particular in reaching timely justice to his subjects
without any delay. He appointed in 1585c ‘a kind of
Commission’ to suggest reforms and ways to expedite
hearing and judgment, thus to add to quality of justice.
With care for his Hindu subjects, a year after appointing
this Commission, he ordered that suits between Hindus
should be heard by the Pandits and not by the Muslim
Qazis. “As regards justice,” says Jadunath Sarkar, “the
Mughal Emperor loved to pose as the fountain of justice
and followed the immemorial Eastern tradition that the
115
Appendix
king should try cases himself in open Court.” 12 His

domain throughout its length and breadth was “firmly
and righteously governed. All people of every sect
dwelt secure under his protection,” said Muhammad
Amin of Akbar’s reign.
Desirous of giving a clean administration
generally guided by the principles of justice, fair play
and impartiality, Akbar remained watchful of his
officers and functionaries. This was essentially
required, if the confidence of the governed was needed.
He was very strict in dealing with the offences,
committed by the officers of the empire: Awards of
sentences to the erring imperial officers demonstrate
administrative transparency of Akbar: Sadr of Gujarat,
Haji Ibrahim Sirhindi, found guilty after the matter, was
got investigated on a complaint by the people of
Ahmadabad, was imprisoned in the fort of Rathambhor.
Akbar’s Administrative Organization and its
Structure:
Any administrative organization draws its
structure and set up from the objectives which it is
purported to be achieved. But the prevailing economic
and socio-cultural environment and as also the
resources at command – material as well as human –
have to be necessarily given due consideration, failing
this, results achieved, or that which would be achieved,
would continue to remain scanty and largely unreliable
116
and sans any natural justice, leading to violation of

human rights. Further, centralization or decentralization
of authority for decision making is in itself an important
decision to be made, as this decision in any
administrative organization has a direct bearing on
efficiency.
The administrative structures laid by the rulers
and monarchs in the past, were guided by their quest to
choose a rightly integrated whole, offering.
• Clarity in Unified Command with or without

delegated authority and power to punish.
• Achievment of the desired results without any

delay and loss of time.
• Devoted to and having a clear understanding of

individual responsibility and accountability.
• Central command and goal–oriented vision.
• Appropriate decision–making in line with the

control of the Central/Main Authority.
• Stability of the rule and its perpetuation.
• Effectivity in communication, both written and

oral, at all level’s, upward (specially), downward
and laterally.
The administrative structure laid in the past by
the sovereigns to administer and rule, can be
117
Appendix
conveiently described as the Line, Scalar or Military-

type organization. 13 It was run on the basis of ‘the
absolute power,’ 14 enjoyed by them. Jadunath Sarkar in
his understanding calls it Perso-Arabic System of
administration in Indian setting.
In the Line or Military type of organizational
structure, all responsibility flows upward – from
subordinates to the person at the top, holding pivotal
position . But then the task assigned is to be performed
as directed and prescribed, failing which punishments
may, rather should, be awarded. There may be provision
of ‘Staff Functions’ to be performed by the devoted and
trustworthy, providing expert advice and services to the
benefit of the administration/rule, as in the case of Abul
Fazl in the Court of Akbar, prior to his being sent in
active service to Deccan. Those assigned duties as per
their position, are duty-bound not to lay “the burden of
it on others”, as was prescribed in case of provincial
Viceroy, Sipah Salar, literally Commander of the
forces, Vicegerent of the ruler, Emperor Akbar. 15 Thus,
his was delegated authority which he could further
delegate to no other person: it was so because of the
strategic nature of his duties. In case of adl (justice), we
find Abul Fazl saying that “although the supreme
authority and redress of grievances rest with sovereign
monarchs, yet the capacity of single person is
inadequate to the superintendance of the entire
administration. Delegation was, therefore applied. 16
118
“Before discussing the various positions, created by

Akbar in his domain, it may be said that his
administration was in effect highly practical. However,
considering that it was one sovereign-ruled State, we
find that the administration was highly centralized at the
hands of the Emperor, being at the hierarchical top, as
de facto and effective real center of authority. Any
administrative decisions could not be taken without his
cognizance and or concurrence; though he is seen
consulting his trustworthy and knowledgeable
functionaries and ministers, capabable of rendering
‘staff-functions’ and advice. Nevertheless, policy
formulation was the prerogative of the Emperor; though
routine matters of detail and those trivial in nature,
performed by the trustworthy, were regularly brought to
his notice. He is found appointing and placing two
persons instead of one where the services or functions
rendered by one, would not suffice: as such once he put
his son, Salim, to supervise fiscal administration, asking
the diwan’ to consult him in all related matters. This is
what it was. There may be other hidden reason/s also on
the part of the Emperor including his desire to keep
Salim engaged, or a father’s genuine desire to train his
son, as is put by one author.” 17
* * * * * *
Keeping in view his administrative model, which

drew from the provisions by the earlier rulers – Sher
119
Appendix
Shah Sur included - Akbar divided in 1579c-1580c his

realm into twelve provinces and later into fifteen
provinces (Subahs),18 which for the sake of an elaborate
decentralized and local administration, were further
divided into administrative districts Sarkars and
parganah, covering rural areas. In this regard, it is
asserted (that) “under Akbar the rudiments of
departmental organization had come into existence.
Akbar divided his Empire into Subahs, or provinces,
and the Governor of the Suba, was responsible for every
part of its administration, but the actual administrative
unit was the Sarkar or district, each of which had a
military commander (Faujdar) distinct from the revenue
officer (Amalguz’ar). Further, the principal cities and
sea-ports were in charge of separate officers, but taking
the Empire as a whole, the separation of functions was
rudimentary compared with the present state of things in
India.” 19 And, it should be so, for Akbar ruled during
1556c–1605c and not in the 21 st century. What deserves
appreciation is Akbar’s vision in stratifying his
administrative domain and his choice of the dependable,
knowledgeable and capable persons like Abul Fazl,
Todar Mal, Shah Mansur and Mir Fath Ullah Shirazi
among others, and also Muzaffar Khan Turbati, for
instance.
120
On this functional division of his empire by

Akbar, Athar Ali opines: “Akbar’s division of his
empire into Subas, Sarkars and Mahalls, and his largely
successful attempts to make the entire administrative
structure of one Suba into an exact replica of the other,
with a chain of officers at various levels ultimately
controlled by the ministers at the Centre, gave identity
to Mughal administrative institutions, irrespective of the
regions where they functioned.” 20
Any government functionary or officer could be

inducted into military service as a military commander
or sub-commander or in any other capacity, depending
upon the Emperor’s choice, for his administration did
not carry any sharp distinction between civil and
military services. Moreso, in the event of emerging
specific jobs, requiring their handling by some
trustworthy and competent person, as per the exigencies
and requirements including its time, area of operation,
and the required ability to command and offer
leadership responsibility, were the considerations in
identifying and choosing the incumbent.
Further, Akbar introduced and established “the

alternative system of ‘direct’ administration… which
Indians describe as holding office Kachcha, or Kh’am,
the official receives a fixed salary, and accounts to his
superior for all the revenue which he collects….
121
Appendix
Akbar’s ideal was the modern practice of paying

salaries in cash from the treasury, but the older Indian
method of paying by Jagir was generally adopted by his
successors. A Jagir was the assignment, by way of
salary and allowance, of the revenue yielded by a tract
of land, which the assignee took under management
almost as if it had been his own estate…” 21
Akbar, on his accession, found three kinds of

lands in the country: (i) the Khalsa or Crown lands, (ii)
the Jagir lands, given to some nobles, called Jagirdars,
who collected local revenues and sent a portion of it to
the central exchequer, keeping the remaining unsent
part of the revenue with them, and (iii) the Sayurghal
lands, granted by the Crown on ‘free tenure basis’ for
benevolent purposes (which) were hereditary, thus
differing from jagir or tuyul lands, which were
conferred for ‘a spacified time.’ Discussion on these
will follow under ‘agriculture.’ It may be stated here
that the Jagiradar’s conduct and financial honesty
raised many doubts, as they were also to provide
contingent of men and horses for the imperial army
corresponding to the size of the estate, given to them as
fief. But it was discovered that the Jagirdars provided
“themselves with fewer soldiers and horses on military
expedition than at the the regular muster. Then too the
men and horses often proved useless for severe service.
122
When the reserves were mustered the knights dressed up

harmless private citizens as soldiers or hired them for
the occasion and after the muster was over, let them go
again. In the same way, the horses brought forward for
the muster, were taken back into private service
immediately afterwards and were replaced by worthless
animals for the imperial service. This evil... was
abolished (by Akbar) at one stroke, by taking an exact
personal description of the soldiers presented and by
branding the heads of horses, elephants and camels with
certain marks.” 22 The measure proved effective as now
it became almost impossible “to exchange men and
animals, presented at the muster for worthless material
and also to loan them to other knights during muster.”
Needless to say that the system truly invested the
jagirdars with sufficient authority, if he so desired,
under his greed and haughtiness, to become another
king within his own domain and to use the very troops,
raised by him with permission and on account of the
share of the revenue of the central authority, for
defiance of the master. Akbar changed the system by
issuing a decree, and putting Khalisa or Crown lands in
place of Jagirs. Thus, instead of Jagirdars, there now
appeard mansabdars, who combined civil and military
ranks. They were required to maintain za’t and sawar in
accordance with the rank, awarded to them. This
determined their emoluments and prestige. For carrying
123
Appendix
out the reforms, Muzaffar Khan Turbati was appointed

Vakil (first Minister of the Empire) and Todar Mal was
asked to work as his assistant. But a reluctant Muzaffar
Khan failed to enforce them. He was then dismissed by
the Emperor. This administrative reform in its reaction
was generally unpopular, yet land was resumed in ‘more
settled provinces’ of Akbar’s empire.
Awards of Ranks:
Akbar awarded ranks to his sons - Prince Salim

(10,000), Shah Murad (8,000) and Shahzada Daniyal
(7,000) - without any co-sharers - may be, it was to
avoid any misunderstanding and rivalry in the event of
there being co-sharers. Moreover, this arrangement
offered distinction and an exalted position to all of the
Emperor’s sons.
Translater H. Blochmann (A’in-i-Akbari ii, Vol.

I) gives comparative deta on mansabdars of different
ranks during the reign of Akbar, Jahangir and Shahjahan
respectively, saying “We have no complete list of the
grandees of Jahangir’s reign; but the Dutch traveler D.
Laet, in his work on India (p.151) has a valauable note
on the numeical strength of Jahangir’s Mansabd’ars,
which may be compared wih the lists in the A’in and the
Padishahnama (II, 717).” Leaving out the princes and
the data concerning their ranks, we give here the totals
124
in the ranks between 5,000-500, 500-200, and 150-10

respectively:
Commanders Between Under Akbar Under Jahangir Under Shahjahan
the Rank of: (A’in) (De Laet) (Padishahnameh)
5000-500 249 439 563
400-200 163 438 Not Specified
150-10 1,388 2,064 Not Specified
PS: The Translator’s note says that ‘the Mansabdar’s, who had
fallen into disgrace or had rebelled, have mostly been excluded’
and also of ‘others, for whose omission it is difficult to assign
reasons.’
Considering the above data, we find that as

compared to numbers of Mansabdar’s under Akbar in
the lower ranks, their numbers stand higher during the
reigns of Jahangir and Shahjahan both–439 mansabdars
below the rank of 5000-500 in Jahangir’s reign and 563
mansabd’ars; in the same slab during the reign of
Shahjahan, as against 249 mansabdars in Akbar’s reign,
indicating a trend towards (i) co-sharing of the ranks by
an increasing number of mansabdars, thereby bringing
higher numbers of nobles in obedience and support, and
(ii) delegation of authority to increased numbers by
creating larger number of positions of mansabd’ars.
The data above indicate a rising number of the
commanders under Jahangir and Shahjahan both; verily
so, because of the need to administer the smaller areas
with control of central authority and in the interest of
125
Appendix
continuance of the policies, and also due to

administrative requirements.
Appointments were made by the Emperor;
Farman’s (Decrees) were issued for the purpose, giving
their nature such as Farman-i-Sab’ati (Special Farman
for appointment of governors), and Hizb-ul-Hukm (As
per the order (of the Emperor), appointing diw’ans. It
bore the seal of the Wazir).
Other officers of the empire were appointed as
per the recommendation of the heads of the
departments. Nevertheless, appointments depended on
the pleasure and dicision of the Emperor - and Akbar is
known for giving weightage to efficiency and honesty.
Appointments were made on the lowest position in a
cadre, for the Emperor wanted the appointees to learn
and rise.
Akbar’s empire had three–tier administration i.e.,
at the Central, Provincial and District levels, governed
by the Emperor himself in all reality. His will and ideas
found expression in the action of his men at all levels:
Each functionary, whether at the highest or lowest
ladders, was, in effect, responsible first to the Emperor
and then to his departmental head.
The Central Administration:
The hierarchical administrative head in the Great
Mughal’s realm was the Vakil, who was his lieutenant
“in all matters relating to the realm and the household.”
126
Required to be man of ‘wisdom’, the Vakil was to settle

“with penetration in the great affairs of the realm.
Promotions and degradation, appointment and dismissal,
depend(ed) on his insight.” He was supposed to
necessarily possess “wisdom, nobility of mind,
affability, firmness, magnanimity,” and also to be “at
peace with any one,… frank, single-minded towards
relations and strangers, impartial to friends and
enemies, who weighs his words, is skilful in business,
well-bred, esteemed, known to be trustworthy, sharp
and far-sighted, acquainted of the State secrets, prompt
in transacting official business, unaffected by the
multiplicity of his duties.” Further, he was required “to
promote the wishes of others, and base his action on a
due regard to the different ranks of men, treating even
his inferiors with respect, from the desire of attaching
to himself the hearts of all.” As is evident, he was,
required to take “care not to commit improprieties in
conversation,” and (though) not under (his) immediate
superintendence, (the Vakil) was to receive “the returns
from the heads of all financial officers,” and to wisely
keep “abstracts of their returns.”23
This high office required smooth personal
equation between the incumbent and the Emperor.
Bairm Khan discharged these functions smoothly,
uninteruptingly and effectively, till Akbar grew in
experience, and was not weary of him. Once the
dissatisfaction grew, Bairm Khan met his ‘doom’;
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Appendix
Akbar broke away from him in 1560c, and, in the same

year he was assassinated by a gang of Afghans, headed
by one Mubarak Khan, whose father was killed by the
Mughal army, commanded by Bairam Khan at the battle
of Machiwara (1555c). Afterwards, history does not
present any Vakil as powerful as Bairam Khan – the
office often remained unfilled, or there was an
ornamental appointment. However, the Vakil’s position
and his nearness to the Emperor conferred respect and
authority, and also because papers, requiring decisions
by the Emperor, were submitted by him. The Vakil, as
part of his duty, was to account for mistakes and
irregularities of those under his authority. It may be
stated here that authority can be delegated but not the
responsibility. Thus, he held a supervisory position next
to and in nearness to the Emperor.
A‘in-i-Akbari’s daftari carries an entry, saying
that when a qualified person, suitable for appointment
as Vakil, was not found, a person carrying some of the
qualities/qualifications could be appointed “as Mushrif-
i-Diw’an”, which office was higher in rank than that of
Diw’an, but lower than that of the Vakil.”
The division dealing with income and
expenditure of the realm was headed by the Wazir, also
referred as the (High) Diw’an. “Lieutenant of the
Emperor in financial matters,” he superintended “the
imperial treasuries” and checked all accounts.” He was
the custodian “of the cash,” received as “revenue, (and)
128
cultivator of the wilderness of the world.” His

qualifications included his being “member of the Divine
Faith, a skilful arithmetician, free from avarice,
circumspect, warm–hearted, abstinent, active in
(official) business, pleasing in his style, clear in his
writings, truthful, a man of integrity, condenscending,
zealous in his works….” “…in reality” required to be “a
book–keeper”, he was to explain “all matters which
appear too intricate to the Mustawfi (the deputy
Diw’an).” 24 And, “whatever” was “beyond his own
ability,” he could refer it to the Vakil”. Thus, the
following officers and functionaries were under the
charge, who were required to “act by the force of his
wisdom”:
1. The Mustawfi (the Auditor General/Deputy Diw’an
as referred by Abul Fazl), 2. The Sahib-i-Taujih (The
Accountant of the army), 3.The Awarja Nawis (The
Accountant of the daily expenditure at court), 4. The Mir
Saman (The officer in–charge of the court furniture, stores
etc.), 5. The Nazir-i-Buyut’at (Superintendent of the
Imperial Workshops), 6.The Diw’an-i-Buyutat (The
Accountant of the Imperial Workshops), 7. The Munsif
(Clerk of the Treasury), 8. The Waqia Nawis (the Event
Recorder), and 9. The Amil (Collector of the domain).
The high Diw’an – Diw’an-i-Ala - was head of
the revenue department. A capable high Diw’an was
designated as Wazir; thus, as put by Jadunath Sarkar:
“All diw’ans… were not wazirs.” Further, “the Wazir’s
129
Appendix
office received all revenue papers and returns and

dispatches from the provinces and the field armies. He
also acted as the king’s representative on many
ceremonial occasions. He wrote letters (saying) “by
order” (hizb-ul-hukm) in his own person; though under
the Emperor’s directions. All orders for payment,
except for small sums or money appropriated (funds)
previously allotted, had to be signed by the diw’an, and
the payment (except to the field army and the workmen
of the State factories) was made through his department
only; so too, all questions connected with the collection
of the revenue were decided by the diw’an, who
consulted the Emperor in important cases and frequently
reported to him the state of the Treasury” 25
The Diw’an-i-Ala or Wazir in theory, subordinate
to the Vakil, in actual practice held independent charge.
Promotions and payments of large sums required his
written sanction. Official records were sent to him for
inspection. A tough Diwan-i ‘Ala or Wazir was favored
by the Emperor, as he was forward by the march, as he
could thus enforce fiscal discipline; though disliked by
the unscrupulous, as it happened with Khwaja Shah
Mansur, whose work earned him displeasure of some
powerful officers of the State (and he was executed in
1581c). Needless to emphasize, all honest and hard
task masters must be necessarily supported by the
hierarchy, failing this the dishonest and the
unscrupulous succeed with their cooked stories, false
130
allegations and unfounded charges. Referring to Akbar

nama, Volume III, we find that Akbar’s diw’ans were
instrumental in effecting many administrative and
procedural reforms, adding to efficiency in performance.26
The Wazir, with his exclusive authority, was in
direct touch with the Emperor; he obtained orders
directly from him; was consulted by the ruler, and his
opinion counted. The Wazie controlled the provincial
diw’ans, received financial statements from them, and
securitized these. He was controller of the imperial
treasuries also.
Assisted by three high-ranking officers, the
Wazir had direct access to the Emperor, so too these
officers. These three were directly responsible to the
Emperor. It can thus be inferred that the Wazir had no
absolute control over them, eventhough he coordinated
their work., and had precedence over them. These high
officials were:
1. Diw’an-i-Khalsah
2. Diw’an-i-t’an, also referred as Sahib-i-Taujih
3. Mustawfi
The Diw’an-i-Khalisah shouldered the following
responsibilities:
Posting of the subahd’ars, faujd’ars, amins,
diwani officers, kroris,27 mushrif (who examined
audited accounts as an officer of the treasury), Fotad’ar
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Appendix
(cash-keeper/ money changer), who functioned as an

officer in public establishments for ‘weighing money,
bullion, and examining and valuing coins’, sazaw’al (‘a
bailiff or agent, appointed to ‘compel payment and
attendance’). He was a specially appointed officer with
the duty to take charge of and collect the revenue of an
estate, from the management of which the owner or
framer has been removed, and daroghas of the
provinces, - of the amins, mushrifs and tahvildars of
mahalls, – of the fotahd’ars, clerks of issue (baramad-
navis’an,) daroghas, of mushrifs and khaz’anchis of
provincial treasuries, - the sazawals of papers, - the
amins and kroris of arrears, – the collectors of the
mutalib’at (…loans or advances, made by Government)
and the dues from the zamindars.”28
In addition to the above, the duties of Diw’an-i-
Khalsa included the following:
a- To attend to Sending replies to the
enquires made by the lower officials (‘amil),
b- Issuing letters–patent (sanad) for
services,
c- Issuing orders (parwanahs) on the
parganahs assigning
• Payment of the cash salary (tankhah) of the

Emperor’s sons and grandsons in accordance ‘with
the daul, prepared by the cash department (of the
132
Treasury),’ and issuing parwanahs for recovering

advances, made by the State.
• Payment of the fixed salaries of the servants

(ahley–Khidmat), customery commission of the
Fotahda’r and collection–fee of the karoris for
attaching property or crops for unpaid arrears, for
transfer of money from subordinate or sub-
treasuries, for payment on account of manufactures
(ordered on farm’aish by the State) and orders for
the provinces and the troops, investigation of any
matter (reported by Waqai-nawis), writing letters
on any subject, as ordered (Huzb-ul-Hukm) by the
Emperor, for permits (dastak), addressed to the
clerks (Mutasaddi) of the treasuries, ordering to
pay fixed salaries out of the public treasury,
permits addressed to the Treasurers concerning
payment of Tankhah (salary), ordered to be payed
to the (Sub)–treasuries and the troops, and
passports for roads and passes for workmen. It was
the duty of the Diw’an’Ala to see whether the
Diw’an-i-Khalsa has written ‘mulahiza shud’ (seen)
on each parwanah, and he himself has written
‘S’ad’ (correct) on it.
Furthermore, it was also the duty of Diwan-i-
Khalsa to:
• Prepare a summary of the dispatches, received

from the lower diwani officers and ‘amils (clerks),
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Appendix
and to dicide on matters (i) to be reported to the

Emperor as per the regulations in force, and those
(ii) for which reply is to be sent.
• Decide on prayers to be reported, or to be simply

initialed and filed by him.
• Report ‘very frequently’ the figures of cash

balances to the Emperor, and about the conduct of
the zammdars.
• Endorse the tam-as-suk’at-i-zamini (security

bonds for land) of the workmen and those
concerning repayment of State loans (Mutalib’at)
and also the Muchalka (Indemnity bonds), signed
by cartain officers, promising to perform their
responsibility or pay fine.
• Read the reports, sent by Fotahd’ars and

Khazanchis of the parganahs and provinces,
giving the amount recovered against loans and
advances made by the State to the loanees and the
needy ones.29
Responsibilities and duties of the Diw’an-i-T’an
fell into the following compartments:
(A) Submission of the following matters to the
Emperor:
- Appertaining to Jagirs, and cash payment of
salaries.
134
- Relating to zamindars.
- Daul of the jagirs under subahda’rs.
- Data on arrears.
- Awarijah of the parganahs.
- Taujih’at of the Jagird’ars.
- Ranks of each mansabd’ar.
(B) Issuing Parwanahs, (orders) concerning grant of
Jagirs, cash payment of salaries, fixed salaries of
workmen, and the people of the tahvils, complaints,
and investigations thereof, as reported in news-letters.
Diw’an-i-T’an issued orders, attaching jagirs of
those (officers), transferred from a parganah, and also
for the recovery of advances made to any mansabdar.
Besides, he signed the statement (Siahah) of jagirs,
grants-in-aid (Musa’id’at), permits (dastaks) for tankhah.
Rolls (tum’ars) concerning arrears including the
due (talab) pay of officers, issued by the Diwan-i-T’an
after being approved by the Emperor, were to be signed
by the Diwan-i-‘Ala also.
Imperial orders were communicated to Bakhshi
and others without any delay. Audit Reports were
brought by the Mustawfis of jargirdars to the Diw’an
for his perusal and signature.
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Appendix
The Diwan-i-T’an signed statements of cash

payments. He was required to peruse and write
‘approved’ on the sheets, giving branding data and
verified statement of cavalry. This Diw’an was to verify
and pass order for payment of tankhah in cash, clearly
giving the date and year of the payment. The contents of
memos of mansabdars were reported to the Emperor. 30
Below the rank of Diw’an was placed Khan-i-
Saman (the High Steward), who held charge of the
whole Imperial household, of “great and small things.”
He was required to supply all articles required. He was
allowed to purchase these either in cash or on credit
from the traders. He had standing permission to sell old
and second hand store to the army. Furher, to control
expenditure and reduce cost, he was required to keep
himself fully informed about the market prices. 31
The Diwa’n of Buyut’at “registered the property
of deceased persons, in order to secure the payment of
the dues of the State and as to safeguard the property
for the heirs of the deceased.” Further, among others of
his duties, he was required to:
i. escheat the property of deceased nobles in
cooperation with the Khan-i-Saman.”
ii. write ‘brought for branding’ on the branding
report and sign it.
iii. fix halting days for the cattles.
136
iv. sanction grants to officials for food storage

(zakhirah), and
v. recieve Siahah of expenditure and the summary
grant for food of the cattle which was to be
sighned thenceafter by the Khan-i- Saman.
Mir Bakhshi (Pay Master General of State
Officers : Blochmann, Pay Master of the Court):
Mir Bakshi was entrusted to discharge the
following functions:
vi. Recruiting army personnel.
vii. Maintaining list of mansabd’ars and other high
officials of the State.
viii. Presenting a complete muster roll of the army
unto the Mir Bakhshi, whose subordination to the
Wazir was ‘nominal’: He was a highly placed
Mansabd’ar, who presented able men, after his
careful scrutiny, to the Emperor for appointment
as mansabd’ars and thus assisted the Emperor in
the matter.
The Muhtasib (Censor of Public Morals): Required to
be vigilant, he was observant of public morals; was
placed in-charge of observance of Shariah and the
Islamic Law. During Akbar’s rule, public immorality
was discouraged and punished – gamblers, drunkards
and those visiting the dancing girls, all were under
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Appendix
surveillance. Those with proven guilt were taken to

task.
The Sadr-us-Sudur (Chief Sadr) supervised lands
granted to men of piety, scholars of repute and monks
by the Emperor. He also functioned discharging the
responsibilities of Chief Qazi. He tried and decided
cases at the Capital. As, he was empowered to appoint
two other judicial officers to assist him, namely, Qazi
and Mir Adl, if he found the “…capacity and vigour …
not…united (in one), …one to investigate (Qazi), and
the other… to carry out his finding (Mir Adl). Below the
Sadr-us-Sudur were Provincial Sudurs, who tried cases,
and administered, Sayurghal 32 in the provinces. In
Akbar’s system of justice, there were Muftis, to,
expound Islamic law and help Mir Adl in trials and
pronouncement of judgment.
Below the court of Qazis, there was no court of
justice and, therefore, inhabitants in villages and
smaller towns, turned to panchayats, or arbitration by
an influential persons for justice. However, use of force
and judgment in favor of those patronized by the rich
ones - zaminadars and mahajans (money lenders) -
stand reported can not be ruled out. Reference may be
made here to the faulty working and scanty
administration of justice by the Panchayats, even much
later (in the nineteenth century) as put on record by Sir
Sayyid.
138
As already discussed, the Emperor was the

highest and final Court of appeal. He functioned as the
first Court of hearing also, particularly while traveling.
Below the rank of the above mentioned officers
in Mughal administration, there were others also, as
given below:
1. Darogha of D’ak Chauki, 2. Darogha of the
mint, 3. Mir Arzi, officer in–charge of presenting
petitions to the highest court, the emperor himself, 4.
Mir ‘Atish or Darogha-i-Topkhana ,i.e., head of the
artillery. 5. Mir Barr, the Superintendent of Forest, 6.
Mir Bahri, Lord of admiralty, 7. Mir M’al, Lord Privy
Seal (or officer in–change of Emperor’s private purse:
Blochmann), 8. Mir Manzil, Quarter Master General, 9.
Mir Tozak, Master of Ceremonies, 10. Mustawfi,
Auditor General.
Further, included in the list of functionaries
were: 11. Nazir-i-Buyutat, Superintendent of Imperial
Workshops, 12. Akhta Begi, the superintendent of
Imperial Stud, 13. Awarjah Navis, Superintendent of
daily expenditure of the Court. 14. Khawan Salar,
Superintendent of the royal kitchen, 15. The Munshi,
Private Secretary, and 16. The Qush Begi, Superintendent
of the aviaries.
Besides the above their were Daroghas in-charge
of D’ak Chowki, Mint and of Karkhanas, etc.
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Appendix
Akbar, abolishing local coinages, established his

system of imperial coinage. A master of mint was
appointed, who, stationed at the capital, excercised
general administrative control over the provincial mints.33
The Provincial Administration:
The empire was divided into subahs (provinces)
and the subahs into parganahs and mahalls. The
administrative structure was to be necessarily akin and
aligned to the central structure at different layers of
authority, giving a clear demarcation of the duties and
responsibilities of those at the Centre and those working
in the Provinces. This was helpful in efficient and
smooth flow of work and effective communication to
and from the designated functionaries with clarity. Each
one was required to perform in the rightly and
effectively, as per the regulations given in the A’in-i-
Akbari, and as indicated and prescribed in the Isn’ad.
We read that the administrative structure in each
subah (province) was a replica of what it was at work at
the Center. However, there was no Khan-i-Saman at the
provincial level. Administration was run on the ‘Scaler
Principle’, creating relationship, wherein superiors at
higher layers of authority, more so at the Center,
exercised direct supervision over their subordinates.
Staff positions i.e., appointments of those, who, in view
of their knowledge and experience, could render expert
and valuable advice to help add to efficiency and
140
effectivity in administration, were not ruled out. We

have already referred to such appointment in the
foregoing account. Those in line authority, were
directly responsible to the Emperor and not to the
authority under whose jurisdition they functioned,
though they were accountable viz., the provincial
Diw’an, who was independent of the Subahdar,
officially known as Sipahsal’ar. Instead he is found
reporting and responsible to the Emperor directly – His
was a prominently peculiar position, for, though second
in rank in official hierarchy, he was almost equal to the
N’azim (The governor of the Subah i.e, the Subahd’ar).
Nominated directly by the Diw’an-i-‘ala (Imperial
Diw’an), he was required to send his confidential
reports to him, also covering the Nazim’s conduct and
performance. The arrangement, it seems purported to
establish a system of ‘check and balance.’ He received
secretarial assistance and other help in official matters
from a Munshi (Secretary), whom, he was authorized to
appoint. An important decision, taken in 1596c, placed
all provincial Diw’ans under the orders of the Ministry.
“The troops and people of the provinces” were
“under the orders of Provincial Viceroy/Sipahsal’ar”
and their welfare depended “upon his just
administration.” He was to “seek the Will of God in all
that he” undertook “and be constant in praise and
supplication. “He”, as per the provision was “never (to)
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Appendix
lay aside the people’s property, nor suffer in his zeal to

sleep.”
The A’in sought of him: to act as “the guardian”
by exercising “caution…making a knowledge of the
disposition of men a rule of government; live as it
behaves his office. Levity and anger he should keep
under the restraint of reason…In judicial investigations,
he should not be satisfied with witnesses and oaths, but
pursue them by manifold inquires, by the study of
physiognomy and the exercise of foresight, nor, laying
the burden of it on others; have absolved from
solicitude.” He, was required not to “inflict the distress
of expectation upon supplicants of justice,” and to
entrust each division to “zealous upright men.” “Provide
for the safety of roads by the establishment of trust
worthy guards” and keep himself informed by receiving
reports;… and befriend “the agriculturists”; “retain
impartial collectors of revenue” and to “obtain
information regarding their actions;” take to make…
gardens, Sarais….and set about the repairing of what”
had “fallen into ruin.”34
The Provincial Diw’an possessed the power of
the purse.’ Bills for payment were signed by him; and,
thus passed by him. He supervised the revenue officers
and collectors, and had authority to try almost all
revenue cases. Selected by the Imperial Diw’an, he was
in regular correspondence with him, and implemented
his orders. The Sanad of his appointment provided what
142
he was required to do. In case of any conflict between

him and the Subahd’ar, the matter was referred to the
Center for opinion and decision. As put by Sir Jadunath
Sarkar, “he was the rival of the Subad’ar. The two had
to keep a strict and jealous watch on each other.” 35 The
governors were changed usually after every three years.
The Diw’an was required to take care of “the cultivation
and select honest men for the post of amin”; report to
the Imperial Diw’an twice a month, giving account of
the occurrences is his Subah and also mention the cash
balance in his custody. While appointing collectors
(kroris and tahsildars), he was required to select men of
practical wisdom, who could induce the ryot to pay
State dues willingly and without any delay. Payments
could be accepted only against receipts: This, besides
being a proper accounting practice, ensured effective
check on abw’abs (undue and forbidden payments). 36
Maintenance of peace, realization of revenues
and containment of towns was the responsibility of
Faujd’ars. Executive functions were also performed by
them. Faujda’rs held charge of sub-divisions of the
Subahs – Jadunath Sarkar says )that( “these officers
were placed in-charge of suitable sub-divisions of the
province, provided that they were sufficiently civilzed
or important on account of the presence of zaminadars
or large sources of State revenue in them, and also if
they contained towns.”37 Counted among his qualifications
were his bravery, and politeness also.
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Appendix
Besides Collection of revenues, the duties of

Faurjd’ars, as per the provisions and advices, given to
them included:
i. Arrangement with a ‘trusty clerk’ of the Court to
receive his letter and, on the basis of the
information contained therein, to report the
matter/s to the Court, obviously through proper
channel i.e., through the Diwan-i-‘Ala.
ii. Regularly practice in exercise of ‘all weapons of
war, in hunting, and riding horses’.
iii. Destruction of the forts of the law-less and the
rebels, guarding roads, protection of revenue
payers, helping the revenue collectors, avoiding
dispossession of the people from their rightful
property and obtainment of any abw’ab.
iv. Not to attack village unless a written requisition
comes from the ‘amil of Crown lands or agent of
the jagird’ar.
The duties of the faujd’ars, as per the practice,
were clearly stated in the Sanad of their appointment.
The A’in-i-Akbari has the following entry concerning
the duties of the faujd’ars:
The Emperor “by his rectitude of judgment and
wise statesmanship… apportion(ed) several parganahs
to the care of one of his trusty, just and disinterested
servants, appreciative of what is equitable, and faithful
144
to his engagements; and him they style by the above

name. As a subordinate and assistant, he holds the first
place. Should a cultivator or a collector of the crown
lands or an assignee of the government estates prove
rebellious, he should include him to submit by fair
words, and if this fails, he shall take the written
evidence of the principal officer and proceed to chastise
him… He should be vigilant against night attacks and
devise a place of retreat, and be constant in
patrolling…. If a balance of revenue be due from the
village, this should be first taken into account…” 38
Thus, so far as the revenues were coming to the
State uninterruptingly, expressive of an established
order; peace was not disturbed, and no rebels appeared;
the Faujd’ar acted as a civilian officer. But in a
situation contrary to what is referred, the Faujd’ar took
to discharge his military duties. Nevertheless, his name
and presence acted as a deterrent.
Then, there were the Kotw’als who were urban
officers, acting as ‘chief of the city police’. The Kotwal,
as provided in the A’in-i-Akbari,(iii, A’in 4, Vol. II., Tr.
H.S. Jarrett.) was required to be vigoros, experienced,
active, deliberate, patient, astute and humane. He was to
be watchful, and do patrolling in the night, so that “the
citizens should enjoy the repose of security, and the
evil–disposed lie in the slough of non-existence. He
should keep a register of houses, and frequented roads,
and engage the citizens in a pledge of reciprocal
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Appendix
assistance and woe. He should form a quarter by the

union of a certain number of habitations, and name his
intelligent subordinates for its superintendence and
receive a daily report under his seal of those who enter
or leave (mahall) and whatever events therein occur..”
The Kotw’al kept himself informed of the happenings in
each mahall by receiving reports from the watchmen
and sweepers. Moreover, Piada (footmen) were also
enlisted and posted as spies in each ward. The reports
received, from the above mentioned two sources, were
compared to find out what was truthful?
Besides discharging the duties, given above, the
Kotwal was required to ‘establish separate serrais’,
‘observe the income and expenditure of the various
classes of men,’ look ‘see to the open thourough-fare of
the streets and erect barriers at the entrances and secure
freedom from defilement,’ 39 In matters of administering
justice, the Kotw’al could state cases to the judge and
receive the Qazi’s judgment and act accordingly.
We find the Kotw’als in Akbar’s administration,
combining military and civil duties including those
falling in the realm of trade. He was to separate ferries
and wells for men and women. It is indicative of
Akbar’s care of women’s comforts and their rights.
Further, his duties included ‘forbidding the restriction
of personal liberty and the selling of slaves.’ Sarkar,
referring to the ‘dos,’ as prescribed, instead of
appreciating the provisions serving as standards, says
146
these represent “only the ideal for the Kotw’al” – So

does the modern list of duties, not only, in the
developing but developed countries as well.
It may be stated here that under the N’azim (the
provincial governor) and the provincial diw’an, a
number of other officers performed duties, assigned to
them:
The provincial Bakhshi in the Subhas enjoyed the
same status, as the Imperial Bakhshi within the
administrative structure at the Center. He was
responsible for military administration.
The Sadr, deputed in each Province by the Sadr-
us-Sudur of the Central Government, functioned
independently, as administration of justice necessity
requires independance of judiciary. Hence, Sadr was
independent of both, the Subahdar (Nazim or governor
in modern parlance), and the provincial Diw’an. He was
stationed in his separate office, where he tried cases.
“At the beginning of Akbar’s reign,” says Ibn- Hassan,
“the Sadars occupied an important position, but as far
as the history of the period and its administrative side is
concerned, their position appears to have been limited
to the use of their power to award stipend to the Ulama
and the needy people.” 40
The Waqa’i-navis recorded happenings and events.
He was present whenever the Sipahsal’ar held his court,
and was seated close to him. Proceedings were recorded
147
Appendix
meticulously, of course, as these were to be submitted

to Akbar’s Court, passing through the relevant offices
of authority – through the Subahd’ar, or through the
General in Command, if the matter fell within his
jurisdiction. Thus, the Emperor kept himself informed
of the civil and military situation in each Subah and the
entire State. Any relevant action or policy decision
depended on the readings of the reports. As appearing in
He’ayet-ul-Qawaid, the Waqa’i-navis was “charged to
send his reports of occurrences once every week, and
the Swaneh-nig’ar eight times in a month. The language
implies,” says Sarkar, “that the latter officer reported on
the whole Subah, while the former reported about
particular locality only.”41
Thus, we infer that these news-writers in a way
combined the functions of the present day district
‘information officers’, except that they worked single-
handedly without any designated supporting staff to
help them. Further, their communication were of great
advantage to the ruler as also to the incoming rulers,
who could refer to these reports as source–material for
drawing official policies and programs. The unexplored
Persian manuscripts in Indian archives are lying in wait
for expert hands to read and interpret these to the
benefit of devising our policy with futurity in mind.
Beside the Waqa’i-navis, there were Swaneh-
nig’ars, who, unlike the Waqa’i-navis, were not
recording all the events and occurrences. Rather, they
148
were required to report only the important events and

occurrences. “…a Waqa’i-navis,” says Sarkar, was
“attached to every field army, province and large towns,
and a Swaneh-nigar at special places and times only.”
The latter was intended to be spy, keeping an eye over
the former. Thus, a Swaneh-nigar’s work was of a
secret nature. Then, there was Harkar’ah, a true Khufia-
navis (a secret reporter), posted to the provinces. He
carried the news and narrated these verbally, but at
times also sent written reports.
The letter of appointment (Sanad) of provincial
Diw’ans contained, among other matters, the following
instruction also: “Conciliate the local Waqa’i-navis and
Swaneh-nig’ar (official news reporter) and Harkar’ah
(spy reporters), in order that they may always write
their reports of occurrences in a manner leading to your
advancement.” Sarkar referring to Mir’at (Ms. 691 b)
states that the harkarahs posted in the provinces sent
their news-reports ‘of all sides’ and of ‘all occurrences’
to the governors of their subahs respectively, “closed in
envelops for being dispatched to the imperial Court with
the provincial post.” These “news-letters were first sent
to an officer of the Court, named the Daroga of D’ak
Chowki, i.e., superintendent of posts and intelligence,
who sent them unopened to the wazir for submission to
the Emperor, for his information, judgement and
appropriate action. The “harka’rahs” also kept their
agents” in the offices of the n’azim and in other places,
149
Appendix
just like the Waqa’i-nig’ar and Suwaneh-navis, and..

these three “were called Akhb’ar-navis all alike.” 42
Thus, the flow of upward communication from the
above mentioned, was through the Darogha-i-D’ak
Chowki (Superintendent of post and intelligence). There
was an amalguz’ar (Collector of Revenue) in each
Sarkar (district), who, as given in the A’in V(A’in-i
Akbari iii, Vol. II, Tr. J.S. Jarrett), was required to be
(i) zealous and truthful in his public dealings and in his
conduct as an officer, (ii) consider himself the
representative of the lord paramount, (iii) permit ‘easy
access to the agriculturists without a mediator by
establishing himself at a convenient place,’ (iv) ‘deal
with the contumacious and the dishonest by admonition,
and if this avail not, proceed to chastisement,’ (v) not to
cease ‘from punishing highway robbers, murderers and
evil-doers, nor from heavily mulcting them, and so
administer that the cry of complaint shall be stilled,’
(vi) ‘take into account with discrimination the
engagements of former collector and remedy the
produce of ignorance or dishonesty,’(vii) be just and
provident in his measurment’, (viii) take payments not
only in cash but in ‘in kind also’, (ix) ‘see that the
treasurers does not demand any special kind of coin but
take what is of standard weight and proof and receive
the equivalent of the deficiency at the value of current
coin and record the difference in the voucher,’ (x) ‘…
examine and count’ whatever was paid into the treasury,
‘and compare it with the day-ledger of the Karkun,’ and
150
to ‘verify by signature of the treasurer and placing it in

bags under seal, shall deposit it in a strong room and
fasten the door thereof with several locks of different
construction.’ He was require to ‘keep the key of one
himself and leave the others with the treasurer’, (xi)
take ‘at the end of the month…from the writer (bitikchi)
the account of the daily receipts and expenditure and
forward it to the royal presence,’ (xii) not to ‘make the
occasion of journeying, feasting or mourning an
opportunity for exactions, and refrain from accepting
presents,’ and (xiii) to submit a monthly statement,
covering different matters including he state of the poor
and the destitutes.
“The A’in (V) referred above, provided that should
there be no Kotw’al, the collector (Amal-guz’ar) must
take the duties of the office upon himself.”
The Bitikchi (the Scribe) whose essential
qualifications, required of him to be “conscientious, a
good writer, 43 and a skitful accountant.” He was assisted
by Qanungo,44 an officer in each district (Sarkar) in his
work. He received from the Qanungo statements giving
“the average decennial state of the village revenues in
money and kind, and having made himself acquainted
with the customs and regulations of the district, satisfy
the collector in this regard, and lend his utmost
assistance and attention.” Measurers and Karkuns used
to tabulate seasonal crop statistics. “…the Karkun
(registrar of collections) sets down the transaction of the
151
Appendix
assessments, the muqaddam (chief village revenue

officer) and the patwari (land steward) shall keep their
respective accounts. The collector shall compare these
documents and keep them under his seal and give a
copy thereof to the clerk. When the assessment of the
village is completed, he shall enter it in the abstract of
the village accounts and after verifying it anew cause its
authentication by the Karkun.45 and Patwari…, this
document, as provided in A’in V, was to be necessarily
forwarded ‘weekly to the royal presence’.
The Bitikchi (scribe) who “must be conscientious,
a good writer and collector,” besides performing his
duties in matters of agriculture, revenues and
accounting, was required to shoulder the following
responsibilities also.46
- When any cultivator desired a reference to his
account, he was to settle it without delay. He
shall,.. dispatch daily the price-current of
mohurs and rupees and other articles under the
seal of the principal men, and ..’.enter the effects
and cattle plundered in any village, in the day
ledger, and report the circumstances.’
- The Khazand’ar (the Treasurer), also called.
Fotad’ar (whence the common name Poddar
applied to a banker, cash–keeper, or an officer in
public establishments for weighing money or
bullion (wilson’s Glossary 160 and 422: Jarret),
152
was in-charge of the Treasury, which, as

provided, was to “be located near the residence
of the governor”, at a carefully chosen
placensuring that “the situation should be such
where it is not liable to injury.” “On the door of
the treasury, as sealed by the Collector, he”
placed “a lock of his own, and” opened “it only
with the cognizance of the Collector and
registrar.” He was required to “consent to no
disbursements without the Voucher of Diw’an,
and (to) enter into no usurious transactions.” “If
any expenditure should be necessary that admits
of no delay, he (was allowed to) act under the
authority of the registrar and Shiqd’ar and
represent the case to government.”
- Thus, considering the forgoing account we find
that Akbar’s administration provided care and
protection to the primary units of administration
also with the same interest and zeal which were
applied incase of Sarkars and Subahs - villages
and mahalls. Further,the institution of a ‘Record
Office’ to retain “whatever proceeded from the
court…so that the officers might have a valuable
assistance and that administrative orders might
be preserved”(Akbar nameh III, p.167) was
helpful in the continuity of administrative
decisions and their implementation.
153
Appendix
REFERENCES:
1. India Painted by Martimer Menpes, Described by Flora
Annie Steel, Neeraj Publishing House, Delhi - 110 052,
1982, p. 52.
2. H.G. Keene, History of India: From the Earliest Times

to the Twentieth Century, Vol. I, Atlantic Publications
and Distributors, New Delhi – 110 027, 1988, pp. 104–
105.
3. Pyne, Akbar and the Jesuits, p. 205. Quoted from

Ashirbadi Lal Srivastava, Akbar The Great, Vol. I,
Shivalal Agarwal & Company, Agra, 1962, p. 529.
4. Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. III, p. 434.
5. Commentaries, p. 209.
6. Akbar, Emperor of India, Tr. Lydia G. Robinson, the

Open Court Publication Company, Chicago. U.S.A.,
1909, p. 20.
7. A’in-i-Akbari, i, Vol. I, Tr. H. Blochmann, Aadiesh

Book Depot, Delhi – 110 007, 1965, p. 3.
8. Commentaries, pp. 203–204 (Quoted from Akbar The

Great, Vol. I, Ashirbadi Lal Srivastava, 1962, p. 513.
9. There was a supreme judge in Akbar’s empeire,

designated as Sadr-us-Sudoor, who, in his capacity,
was also called Qazi-ul-Quzz’at. But the Emperor
heard cases, even when he was on the move.
Administration of justice was categorized into three: (i)
154
Siy’asat, covering military and political offences, (ii)

Maz’alim, covering causes arising out of the
unjustified dealings of public servants, and (iii) Qaza,
Hisb’ah and Religious Affairs, which fell under the
jurisdiction of Sadr-us-Sudur, of the empire. Then,
there was Mir-adl whose duties fell in the executive
domain, relating to reaching of justice viz., production
of litigants in the Courts and implementing decisions.
10. Ashirbadi Lal Srivastave, Akbar The Great Vol. I,

Shivalal Agarwal & Company Agra, 1962, p. 209.
11. A Pageant of India, S.P. Publications, Delhi – 110 006,

1975, p. 261.
12. Mughal Administration, M.C. Sarkar & Sons Ltd.,

Calcutta – 12, 1952, p. 12.
13. Line authority commands a Superior–subordinate

authority relationship; “whereby a superior makes
decisions and tells them to a subordinate, who in turn
makes decisions and tells them to a subordinate, and so
on”. It thus forms a line from the very top to the very
bottom level of the organization–structure. The line
authority gives rise to the name ‘Line Authority’. Thus,
Line consists of an uninterrupted series of authority
steps and forms a hierarchical arrangement, present in
all formal organization types.”
-See Principles of Management, George R. Terry

Stephen, Stephen G. Franklin, All India Traveler
Bookseller, Delhi – 110 051, 1994, p. 229.
155
Appendix
14. “Power, a much broader concept than authority, is the

ability of individuals or groups to induce or influence
the beliefs or actions of other persons or groups. Bases
of power arise normally ‘within our cultural system of
rights, obligations, and duties, whereby a position is
accepted by the people as being ‘legitimate.”
-Harold Koontz, Heinz Weihrich, Essentials of

Management, MacGraw,–Hill, International Edition,
MacGraw–Hill Publishing Company, 1990, p. 177.
15. A’in i. A’in-i-Akbari iii, Vol. II, Tr. H.S. Jarrett.
16. Ibid, A’in III.
17. See Akbar: The Architect of the Mughal Empire,

Idarah-i-Adabiyat–Delli, Delhi – 110 006, 1987, p. 25.
18. The number was raised to seventeen under Jahangir,

and to twenty-one during the reign of Aurangzeb.
19. W.H. Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar: An

Economic Study, Low Price Publications, Delhi – 110
052, 1990, p. 33.
20. Mughal India: Studies in Polity, Ideas, Society and

Culture, Oxford University Press, New Delhi – 110
001, 2006, p. 62.
21. W.H. Moreland, From Akbar to Aurangzeb: A Study in

Indian Economic History, Oriental Books Reprint
Corporation, Now Delhi – 110 005, 1972, p. 235.
22. Richard von Garbe, Akbar, Emperor of India: A

Picture of Life and Customs from the Sixteenth
156
Century, Tr. Lydia G. Robinson, the Open Court

Publication Company, Chicago, U.S.A., 1909, p. 9.
23. Abul Fazl, A’-in-Akbari i, Vol.I, Tr. H. Blochmann, p. 5.
24. Ibid.

Calcutta - 12, 1952, p. 21.
26. Abul Fazl, Akbar nama, Vol. III, Tr. H. Blochmann,

pp. 560-566, 687 & 698.
27. Collector revenue of a (revenue) area, with an income

of one Kror d’ams i.e., 2.5 lakh rupees. Akbar
instituted this office in his stead to develop a different
pattern of authority to help curb corruption, maximize
(revenue) receipts and to ensure smooth flow of work.
28. See Mughal Administration (Sir Jadunath Sarkar),

M.C. Sarkar & Sons Ltd., Calcutta-12, 1952, p. 35.
29. For further details, see Mughal Administration by Sir

Jadunath Sarkar, cited above.
30. Ibid. For details see pages 40-41 of the book, cited above.
31. See Appendix I.
32. Madad-e M’ash: Free grant land, conferred ‘for benefit

of various classes: firstly, on inquirers of wisdom who
have withdrawn from all worldly occupations and (are)
… after knowledge; secondly, on such as toil and
practice self-denial, and…have renounced the society
of men; thirdly on such as are weak and poor;…
fourthly, on honorable men of gentle birth, who from
157
Appendix
want of knowledge, are unable to provide for

themselves by taking a trade.” (A’in 19, A’in Akbari ii,
Vol. I, Tr. H. Blochmann, p.278)
33. Five mints were established, ‘which were entrusted to

Afzal Khan, Muzaffar Khan, Khwajah Shah Mansur,
Khawajah Imam-ud-din Husain and Todar Mal
respectively.
34. Abul Fazl, A’in I, A’in-i-Akbari ii, Vol. II, Tr.

Col.H.S.Jarrett.
35. For a detailed account see Mughal Administration by

Sir Jadunath Sarkar, M.C. Sarkar & Sons Ltd.,
Calcutta-12, 1952, pp. 49–52.
36. The news-writers (waqa’i navis) and their vigilance in

report writing and surveillence that followed,checked
the governors from going astray. The Intelligence
Department like the CBI, as at present in India,
working under the charge of Bakhshi, kept the high
officers under its control.
37. See the source at Sl. No. 36 above and also Akbar
nama, Vol. II.

Calcutta-12, 1952, pp. 54-55.
39. A’in IV, A’in-i-Akbari , ii, Vol.II, Tr. H.S. Jarrett;

See Appendix II
40. The Central Structure of the Mughal Empire and Its

Practical Working up to the Year 1657, Munshiram
Manoharlal Publishers Pvt., Ltd., 1986, p.258.
158

Calcutta-12, 1952, p. 62. A’in X, A’in-i Akbari i, (Vol.
I, Tr. H. Blochmann) provides the duties of Central
Waqia’i Navis in detail, mainly concerned with
reporting of the events and happenings at court or the
Emperor’s gestures or issuance of decrees and sanads,
etc.
42. Perhaps, it refers to having a good hand writing, for in

book-keeping and accounting figures must be very
clearly and neatly written to avoid any misreading,
misunderstanding, and disputes.
43. The Qanungo occupied an important position in the

parganah administration. Copies of the Statements,
prepared by him, were sent to the provincial diw’an:
These were, however, to be certified by the ‘amil, the
chaudhuri (who reported ‘all land’ under cultivation to
the office of the ‘amil truthfully, and by the qanungo’
himself, prior to the sending of the statements.
Contents of the statements included details relating to
the (i) area cultivated, (ii) crops grown, and (ii)
the expected and the actual yield. In the event of
damages to the crops, caused by unforeseen
circumstances, he assessed the extent of the damages
and recommended remission in the State demand. It
was the Qanungo who issued to each assessee a signed
document, called the Pattah, containg information
pertaining to his holding. The assessees, in turn,
executed a deed, called qubuliy’at, confirming their
acceptance of the royal assessment. While the original
159
Appendix
was retained by them, its copies were sent to the

provincial diw’an.
Further, “in certain areas the duties of a qanungo were

combined with those of the Chaudhuri, who was
also associated with parganah administration, as a
person cognizant of the conditions in the Parganah.
The Chaudhri was especially required to report to the
‘amil’s office all land brought under cultivation
(Shakir Khan f.154a). He was punished if he
suppressed any information about cultivated area.”
-I. H. Qureshi, Akbar: The Architect of the Mughal

Empire, Idarah-i-Adabyat-i-Delli, Delhi – 110 006,
1987), p. 186.
44. Instead of the two Karkuns in each parganah, one for

keeping the records in Persian and the other in Hindi,
Akbar kept only one bitikchi, who kept the records in
Persian (Kewal Ram, f. 146 b)
-- Quoted from Akbar: The Architect of the Mughal

Empire, p. 185.
45. Abul Fazl, A’in VI, A’in-i-Akbari ii, Vol.II Tr. H.S.
Jarrett.
46. Ibid, Ain VII.
________
160
V
INDIAN AGRICULTURE IN AKBAR’S REIGN
Interested in establish ing a lasting peace within

his real m , Akbar did all to render his administration
effective. He implanted his ideas in each of its aspects.
His able functionaries always support ed him in his
endeavors. More interesting to the presently strife-
ridden world, it should be to refer to Akbar’s endeavors
and achievements in establishing an order, marked by
prosperity, justice being its underlying principle . It will
be appropriate here to refer to what Abul Fazl writes
under the sub-title “Currency of the Means of
Subsistence:
“Thus , the currency of the means of subsistence
rests on a two-fold basis, viz., the Justice of sovereign
m onarchs, and regard to the welfare of well-disposed
dependents. The base materialist understands not the
language of reason and never transcends the limits of
bodily sense. This unfertile soil needs water of the
sword, not the limpid spring of demonstration.” 1
Needless to say that, any just administration
necessarily demands reward and punishments.
Referring to the cultivated areas and the State-
peasant relation, we find it essential that ‘the possessions’
were to be given due recognition . Describing this
161
Appendix
phenomenon in his literary prosaic style, Abul Fazl adds

meaning to it, when he says:
“It is evident th at in all cultivated areas, the
possessors of property are numerous, and they hold
their lands b y ancestral descent, but through
malevolence and despite, their titles become obscured
by the dust of uncertainty and the hand of firmness is no
longer stretched above them. If the cultivator holds it in
awe, the power of the adorner of the universe and the
Elixir of the living, and the merchant turn back from
evil designing and reflect in his heart on the favor of the
lord of the world, the depository of divine grace, his
possessions would be approved of wisdom. Thus, the
virtue of property lies in the pledge of intention, and a
just ruler, like a salt-bed, makes clean the unclea n and
the evil good. But without honest co -adjusters, abundant
accessories of state and a full treasury even he could
effect nothing and the condition of subserviency and
obedience would lack the bloom of discipline” 2
It is, therefore, evident that a good and
prosperous agriculture and dependable system of land
tenure are to the advantage of both the State and the
cultivators.
i) The Khalis’at or Crown Land: This land was not
assigned, and was under the State management.
Akbar intended that these Crown lands (imperial
territories) be managed by his own revenue official s
162
and the imperial Revenue Ministry. These were thus

reserved territories, and were the major source of
providing (liquid ity ) cash to the treasury.
ii) The J agir Lands: T hese were bestowed by the ruler,
transferred to the possession of and benefit to some
nobles or those who render valuable service to the
Crown, subject to an unflinching and continued
loyalty.
iii) The Sayurghal Lands: These were granted for
assistance towards livelihood (Madad-i-M’ash) of
the learned and the benevolent, whose purpose was
to add to knowledge and help the seekers of good.
As different instruments for measurements were
being used, it led to difficulties in standarlizing
measures of control and assessment, misunderstandings,
as also administrative inco nvenience. Akbar, therefore,
t ook to standardize measurements by introducing Il ahi
Gaz3 (Yard), Tan’ab,4 and standard measure of l and, a
bigha .5 He classified the lands, fixing ‘a different
revenue’ to be paid by each, as mentioned her eunder:
i) Polaj Land: ‘Annually cultivated for each crop in
succession and.. never allowed to lie fallow.’
ii) Prauti La nd: ‘Left out of cultivation for a time that
may recover its strength.’
iii) Chacher Land ‘that has lain fallow for three or
four years,’ and
163
Appendix
iv) Banjar Land, ‘uncultivated for five years or more.’

Polaj and Parauti lands were each sub-divided into
(a) Good, (b) Middling, and (c) Bad. 6
The Great Mughal knew it well that continuity
and change in an agrarian economy is positively linked
to development of agriculture and welfare of the
peasants. The revenue rates in the Mughal empire may
or may not be found high, when compared to the present
day rural- welfare oriented rates and system of taxation,
but, while assessing the rates revenue in the empire,
consideration musbe given to the then emerging critical
military situations, entailing huge expenditure - raising
of Serrais, laying roads, wells and reservoirs and, of
course, help to the deprived and the destitute. Thus,
part of the revenues w as spent on welfare and
development works, and for creating infrastructure.
Officers were instructed to ensure help to the peasants ,
whenever and wherever necessary.
The State functionaries in each Subah (Province)
from the rank of Subahd’ar to Qanungo and Patwari , in
fact, all were instructed and assigned the duty to
especially take care of agriculture and the agriculturists.
Thus, the Subahad’ar was to “turn his attention to the
inc rease of agriculture and the flourishing condition of
the land , and earn the gratitude of the people by the
faithful discharge of his obligations and account the
befriending of the agriculturists as an excellent service
164
to the Almighty.” He was also required to make

“reservoirs, wells, water courses, gardens, Serrais and
other pious foundation, and set about the repairing of
what has fallen into ruin.” ( A’in 1, Ain-i-Akbari iii , Vol.
II, Tr. H.S Jarret t, pp. 39-40).
As provided in the A’in-i- Akbari, it was the duty
of the Faujd’ar to maintain calm, obviously to the
advantage of the State as well as the community, in
turn, benefiting the agricultural and industrial activity
as well.
The Faujd’ar (Commander of the Armed Forces)
held his position as a provincial officer in which he was
posted (A’in II, A’in-i-Akbari iii , Vol. II, Tr. H.S.
Jarret t, p. 41) . His service s touched agriculture also , as
t he extracts from a Sanad, appointing a Faujd’ar to this
office, do indicate that he should “urge the Thanad’ars
(men in command of the outposts or smaller areas
within a faujd ’ari ) …to take complete possession of
their charges to abstain from dispensing people from
their rightful property and from l ev ying any forbidden
c ess (ahw’ab).” It may be state d here that the
thanad ’ars were appointed by the Faujd’ars and they
worked under his authority . Further, the faujd ’ars were
to ‘incl ine’ the leading men of the village (s) …to “the
peaceful pursuit of agriculture.” While asked to
“chastise the evil men,” the Fauj’dar was instructed not
to “molest (ordinary) peasants.” 7
165
Appendix
The Kotw’al was duty-bound to “examine the

weights, and make the Ser not more, nor less tha n thirty
d’am,” and not to permit any decrease, or “increase in
the gaz,” the measuring rod.This must have surely
benefited benefit the cultivators as well. Further , the
Kotw’al was duty-bound to “direct that no ox or baffallo
or horse, or camel be slaughtered,” as these were of use
in cultivation , and allied agricultural activities (A’in-i-
Akbari iii, Vol. II, Tr. H.S. J arret t, p. 45).
The Amalguz’ar (Collector of revenue) was duty-
bound “to be a friend of the agriculture,” and to check
the land falling waste,” and to “assist the needy
husbandman with advances of money and recover them
gradually.” “W hosoever cultivated unreclaimed land,”
says Richard von Garbe, “was assisted by the
government by the gr ant of a free supply of seed and by
a considerable reduction in his taxes for the first four
years. To discharge his agriculture-related duties and to
be helpful in the collection , the Amalguz’ar was
required to “ascertain the extent of the soil in
cultivation and weigh each several portion in the scales
of observation and be acquainted with its quality ,” as
“the agriculture value of land varies in different districts
and certain soils are adapted to certain crops. He (was)
to deal differently, therefore, with each agriculturist and
take his care into consideration… (and to) strive to
bring waste land into cultivation and take heed that
what is in cultivation , fall not waste.” He was to “take
166
care that land cultivated by the farmer himself and not

by the tenant, as well as resumed lands, should not be
suffered to fall waste.” Not only this, the cultivators
were to be encouraged by the Amalguz’ar to take to
“stimulate the increase of value produce and remit
somewhat of the assessment with a view to its
agumentation. And, if the husbandman cultivate less
and urge a plausible excuse, let him not accept it.”
Thus, the imperial government ensured output and use
of human and non-human resources. Further, if there
remains “no waste land in a village and a husbandman
be capable of adding to his cultivation,” the Amalguz’ar
was, as per the provision in the A’in, “to allow him land
in some other village.” The provision in itself is
indicative of (i) the care of the State to encourage the
entrepreneurial cultivators, and to expand agriculture to
the advantage of the then agrarian economy of India,
and (ii) to generate resources, augumenting the recourses
of Akbar’s Ministry of Revenue. Moreover, the
amalguz’ar was he ld responsible to help cultivators by
increasing “the facilities of the husbandman year after
year, and under the pledge of his engagements, take
nothing beyond the actual area under tillage.” Likewise,
he was to be essentially “just and provident in his
measurement,” and to “carefully inspect the Sayurghal
tenures, sending copies” of his inspection report “to the
registry office” for comparison. Further, ascertainment
of “the correctness of the Chaknam’ah (the document,
granting alienated lands with specification of their
167
Appendix
boundaries, and as defined by Elliot, ‘a pathch of rent-

free land , detached from a village - W ilson 97) was also
one of his responsibilities. The Amalguz’ar was
forbidden to “make the occasion of journeying, feasting
or mourning an opportunity for exaction.” He was asked
to “refrain from accepting presents. Whenever a
muqaddam (chief village revenue officer), or patwari
(land steward) shall bring money or, advancing to the
dais, shall present a d’am in obedience, he shall not
accept it. In the same way, he shall renounce balk’ati ”
which, as described by Abul Fazl, was “the practice of
taking a small fee from each village when the harvest”
was ‘ready for reaping. ’ (A’in V, A’in-i-Akbari iii, Vol.
II, Tr. H.S. Jarret t). Another of the Amalguz’ar’s dut y
was to “duly keep under ward” any property of “the
obentec or of him that dies without an heir” and “to
report the circumstances.” This , it may be discerned,
was in the interest of both the State as well as the
rightful claimants. Further, in case of the sown-fields
any care exercised, was to add to the total output of the
village. Likewise, the land could be put to use at the
hands of the available hewers of the soil.
In the welfare measure s to be looked after by the
Amal-guz’ar, profitably affecting the peasants, counted
was his “ascertain ing the exact particulars on the spot”
concerning any disaster to the crop” and to “calculate
the extent of the loss” and to record “it in writing (and)
transmit it without delay in order that it may be
168
approved or a commission” to enquire and assess the

loss, be “dispatched.” ( A’in V, A’in-i-Akbari iii, Vol. II,
Tr. H.S. Jarret t).
The Bitikchi (a writer or Scribe) lent his “utmost
assistance and attention to the Amalguz’ar. Receiving
reports from “the Patwaris of new cases of alluvion and
dilution, sales, leases, gifts of land, he updated his
register of mutation.”
Added to his duty, was the recording of "all
eng agements made with the agriculturists," defining
"the village boundaries," and estimating "the amount of
arable and waste land ." These measures beneficially led
to maintenance of dependable land records.
The Bitikchi was duty-bound to "note the names
of the Munsifs (officer s employed to superintendent the
measurement of lands of a village in concert with the
villagers - (W ilson, 356), the superintendent ( z’abit),
the land-surveyor an d than ad'ars, also tha t of the
cultivator and headman, and record below the kind of
produce cultivated." (A'in VI, A'in-i-Akbari iii, Vol. II,
Tr. H.S Jarret t, p. 51) Included in his duty was also the
work to "set down the village, the parganah and the
harvest, and subtracting the deficiency , take the value of
the assets, or after the manner of the people of the
country, inscribe the name, the kind of produce, and the
deficiency below the date of cultivation.” Thus,
comparative data on produce could be compiled.
169
Appendix
T he 'dos' on the part of the Bitikchi , make it

evident that there in Akbar's empire due emphasis was
placed on record keeping, ‘as and what is written ’, does
not only severe as a recorded fact, but also as evidence
to help decide claims and avoid undue h oarse and
ruinous rivalry . It is also a guara ntee for smooth
functioning of any system: This must have surely aide d
and ensured continu ance of peace in the villages at the
primary level. The system of administration, fed by
justice, provided av enues of peace to expand and get
established . Dwelling upon Akbar’s achievements,
Tapan Raychaudhari while complaining of "the negative
record" of the Mughals, puts that it is balanced by one
positive feature of the empire : “If the Mughals were
ruthless in expropriation of the surplus, their rule
beyond doubt brought a high level of peace and
security. From the 1570s - by which time Akbar had
consolidated his empire - for more than a hundred years
the greater part of India enjoyed such freedom from war
and anarchy, as it had not known for centuries." 8
The economy being basically agrari an at the time
and agriculture being labor-intensive, availablity of
willing tillers of the soil, unless offered ince ntives, was
likely to be lesser than an expanding and exporting
empire would demand. Therefore, the Mugha l
administration took care to get the fields increasingly
cultivated. Concessions were granted to those bringing
land under plough for the first t im e. This done, the
170
results with reference to yield and kinds of crops,

especially the cash crops, must be varied, for the quality
of the soil, availability of wherewithal and the ability of
individual cultivators , as also their resourcefulness ,
must be more distinctively differing , as it is now.
Moreover, there was concentration of the population
around fertile lands and flowing waters in Akbar's India
also . Keeping in view the increasing burden on fertile
land and the land first cultivated, one may appreciate
Abul Fazl’s narration, that in case there remains 'no
waste land in a village and a husbandman be capable of
adding to his cultivation,' the Amalguz'ar was 'to allow
him land in some other village.' Thus, the
administration concerned with the policy not to permit
cultivated land to become barren or uncultivated, asked
its officers to encourage cultivators to expand their
holdings of cultivable land and improve the quality of
cr ops. The statements concerning cultivation and
holdings, submitted by the officers, showed t he newly
cultivated areas separately. Thus, uptodate information
on the expantion of cultivated area was readily made
available. This makes one to consider that the size of
the holdings differed, as also the ability and command
of individual cultivators. Knowing (that) “It is estimated
that the Sub-continent did no t have a population of
more than a hundred mil lion at that time" and that the
“ ..number of people who cultivated the soil, was not too
large proportionately," one can understand that "there
was the ever present danger of agricultural production
171
Appendix
falling below the needed quantities and thus affecting

both industry and the fo od situatio n."9 This speaks of
the concern of Akbar's administration for expansion of
agriculture for prosperity of the empire and its people ,
and also of constant vigilance to enlist additional
number of cultivators.
Further, to ensure continual cultivation the
Mughal administration provided help to t hose
cultivators, who were unable to cultivate their holdings
for want of resources. The State ever managed to get
their land cultivated, and later recovered the total cost
along with the State demand of revenue, when t he
harvest was reaped. 10 One thus finds that with the State
offer ing help and encouragement, those experienced and
entrepreneurial must have taken to improve upon their
techniques and choice of better-yielding crops, cash
crops included in the scheme, albeit subject to
suita bility of th e soil of their holding, as also the
availability of resources, and the outle t of their produce .
Dear to Akbar were t he development and upkeep of
agriculture at dynamic levels of adequacy .
A prosperous agriculture was needed, also
because of growing need of foodgrains, cotton and other
crops: "In each distr ict he had store house s, erect ed to
supply animals, the property of the State, with fo od; to
furnish cultivators with grain for sowing purposes; to
have at hand a provision in case of famines; and to feed
the poor. These store houses were placed in charge of
172
men specially selected for their trustworthy qualities." 11

With the facilities differing in case of different
cultivators, as also the productivity of land of their
produce, the value and size of individual holding
differed.
“The difference between the size of the holdings
and resources of the peasants had their implications for
the cultivation of different crops. The market - or cash
crops, such as cotton, sugar-cane, indigo, betel leaf and
opium (and, to a lesser extent, wheat) involved frequent
ploughing and watering and thus, demanded larger
investment in cattle , and wells, installations , specific to
different crops as of sugar-cane presses boilers, and
indigo-vats, etc. This meant that those crops could be
cultivated only by the well-to-do, bigger peasants (or
small zamindars). The returns on these crops, were
much higher. This is reflected in the very high rates of
revenue , per bigha, assigned to them”. 12
What is describe d above, led in effect to th e
emergence of a distinct well-to-do class of cultivators
and zamindars; while the re were others , who were
living on subsistance agriculture or below the level
(uneconomical) agriculture, facing hardships, yet
sticking to their land.
The cultivators raised a good number of crops,
both in the Rabi (Spring) and Kharif (Autumn) sowings,
raising food grains and cash crops . Food grains
173
Appendix
produced included wheat, rice , barley, gram, mille t and

pulses, etc. Referring to revenue-rates ’ tables provided
by the A’in-i-Akbari ii i, Vol. II (Tr. H.S. Jarrett) for the
Subahs, we find that wheat was grown in the Subahs of
Agra, Allahabad, Oudh, Delhi, Lahore, Multan, Malwa
and Ajmer. Wh eat produced in Kashmir, was of a low
quality: it was black in color and smaller in size; it was
not a favorite consumption . Wheat, grown in Rabi in
Qandahar, is described to be ‘extremely white’ . It was
sent ‘as a present of value to distant countries ’. Barely
was not produced in Bengal and Orissa , though it was
grown in all other parts of the empire. Rice was
favorably grown in Bengal, Orissa, Bihar, Agra,
Allahabad, Oudh, Delhi, Lahore, Khandesh and Berar.
The Emperor’s encouragement of cultivation led to
“choicest production of Turkestan, Persia and Hindustan” –
Berar’s cultivation was “remarkably good”. Sarkar of
Garha (Malwa) produced in plenty : “Its agricultural
produce (was) sufficient to supply fully both Gujarat
and the Deccan. Gujarat imported wheat and some
foodgrains from Malwa and Ajmer, and rice from
Deccan”. Bengal producing abundant rice , could supply
it, as told by Ralph Fitch ‘to deficient areas including
Cochin’. In Multan river Sind inclining “every few
years alternatively to its southern and northern banks”,
village cultivation followed its course”.
In the Mughul empire , villages due to sparce
population , were generally surrounded by vacant lands
174
meant for pasture , and forests which could supply fuels

and timber for use by the village population mainly.
Availability of timber led to encourage house-building.
Each village had its cropping pattern in line with
the climate and also with cultivators’ own ability to
invest and also their experience in sowing and
harvesting. The crops sown then, were much the same
as those in contemporary India, ex cept the willingness
of peasants to readily accept not only the newer
additions to sowing and cropping, but also the new
techniques and implements, as also the hybrids, which
were largely rather wholly non-existent then. Tobacco
was introduced either late in 1604c or early in 1605c.
Sugar-cane was cultivated in many parts of
Bengal, Bihar , and Malwa and Agra, which produced
sugar also. It can be said that sugar-cane supply must
have kept pace with its demand in Agra. Further, sugar-
cane produced was carried to other places in India.
Indigo was produced (in Autum n) in the Subahas of
Agra, Allahabad, Oudh, Delhi, Lahore and Multan, as
per the 19 years’ revenue tables. “Pelsaert definitely
tells us of the large-scale production of manufactures of
indigo in the Jumna Valley and central India. To meet
the demand of wide-spread manufactures of Cotton and
Silk goods, both cotton and silk were cultivated
extensively in certain parts of India… Agricultural
implements were also very much the same as those of
the present day, and such was the case with the
175
Appendix
agricultural system with the exception of the

comparative absence of artificial irrigation….” 13
Referring to irrigation, we read that “it seems
clear from a reading of Abul Fazl’s of the various
provinces in the A’in that he found it superflous to say
anything about the role of irrigation if the crops
depended mostly on rainfall and only partly on wells
(As Sujan Rai, II, remarks of Hindustan, “although in
some parts cultivation depends on wells and some
regions the land is lalmi”, 14 taken as Ilahi (God-sent),
referring to B’arani (dependent upon rain).
A’in 85 (A’in-i-Akbari i, Vol. I, Tr. H. Blochmann)
puts: “Many lakes and wells are being dug for the
benefit of men and the improvement of the soil,”
sufficiently indicating benefits and utility of irrigation.
While thinking of irrigation in Akbar’s empire,
we may refer to the existence of ‘a large reservoir of
water’ in the Sarkar of Sonargaon (Bengal), whose water
gave a ‘peculiar whiteness to cloth es washed therein.
Other uses of the water with whatever technique
existing then, cannot be ruled out. In Malwa, “at every
two or three kos clear and limpid streams (were) met.”
Further, Abul Fazl records that in Malwa ‘lakes and
green meads are frequent’, signifying moisture and
availability of water. Near Malgarh in Berar, there
existed a spring (which was utilized for petrifying wood
and other substances). But then the flowing water must
176
have been utilized in other avenues of its use also, and

agriculture cannot be altogether excluded. In Gujarat,
there was a well near Pattan, whose water gave to
swords ‘a keen edge’ – Here too no one would
obviously think only of this use of the well’s water. In
Kashmir, the land was also (then and is now)
‘artificially irrigated, or (was) dependant on rain for
irrigation’. Water fall in Shahlamer (Shalim’ar) is
recorded in the A’in-i-Akbari and so is the Wulur Lake.
Any irrigational need must have turned the cultivators
to look to the water of both, the waterfall and the lakes.
Natil (at a distance of 16 kos from Qandahar)
used to be “full of water–courses… (and) the mountains
registered ‘several clear springs”. In Adinahpur (in the
Sarkar of Kabul ) “nine streams .” says Abul Fazl,
“irrigate d the cultivated land”. Further, a good number
of rivers flowing in and across the Subahs in Akbar’s
e mpire provided opportunity for irrigating the fields.
A’in-i-Akbari mentions of irrigating lands by Saru
(Sarju) and Ghaghara waters in Oudh. Underneath the
discussion on Sarkar of Pakli, Abul Fazl writes: “It is
watered by three rivers”. In the discussion on Qandahar
Sarkar, he mentions the flowing Hirmand river, and of
“much cultivation on both sides of the river.” Abul Fazl
thus speaks of the facility of irrigation. Likewise, it is
mentioned that in Ghaznin (called Zabulistan) “a river
runs from North to South which waters all the arable
lands.” In the Subah of Delhi, “much of the land was
177
Appendix
subject to inundation”. It was in the Subah of Lahore

that irrigation was “chiefly from wells”. As regards the
lands subject to inundation, we read under A’in XIII
(the A’in-i-Akbari iii, Vol. II, Tr. H.S. Jarrett, p. 74)
about the ‘proportion of revenue from one bigha of
Banjar land’, for Spring as well as Autumn harvests. In
case of each crop, the State revenue rates are separately
stated for the inundated land and for the land that
suffered from rains. It means that land not only in the
Subah of Delhi , but also in other places was inundated.
A’in-i-Akbari iii, Vol. II (H.S. Jarrett, p. 408)
makes mention of two canals: one was in Kabul, named
after Akbar’s foster mother, Mahun Anagah’s name; the
other , called Nahr-i-Shihab, which was, in fact , earlier
cut by Firoz Shah “from the Parganah of Khizrabad to
Safidun”. This canal was repaired during the time of
Shihab (Shihabud-Din-Ahmad Khan, a Sayyid of
Nishapur, whose wife, Baba Agha, was related to
Akbar’s mother. He was Governor of Dihli.” “This
canal was again repaired, on the order of Shahjahan, by
the renowned Makramat Khan, and called Faiz Nahr
(20th year of Shahjahan ). During the reign of
Aurangzeb, it was again obstructed ; 15 and then was
again , as per Asar-us-Sanadid of Sir S ayyid, repaired
and enlarged by the British.
Shihabuddin “repaired the canal ‘to extend
cultivation’ in his jagirs, Nur-uddin Muhammad
Tarkhan probably only repaired or re-excavated the bed
178
of this canal, for according to Bad’auni, III, 198, his

canal, named Shaikhu-Ni after Prince Salim, was “cut
from the Yamuna and ran for 50 Kurohs in the direction
of Karnal and beyond , presumably past Safedun, which
he himself held in jagir. Arrangements were made to
distribute water from the canal at the season of
cultivation (Akbar’s Farm’an of 1570-71c). At the time
of the A’in , the canal was apparently carrying water past
Hansi only and disappeared finally at Bhadra (Ain I,
514-15).” 16
To help irrigate the land, as already referred, the
provincial Viceroys (Sipah Sal’ars) were instructed to
make “reservoirs, wells, water courses .. and set about
repairing what has fallen into ruin.” (A’in I, A’in-i-Akbari ii)
Remarkable it is indeed that the Mughal State , in
spite of its spending on the digging of wells and canals,
does not seem inclined to maximize revenue by
demanding payment of any c ess on the use of water for
irrigation. It is indicative of help to cultivators and
thereby to a developing agriculture, which, with its
increasing productivity and yield, is always capable of
sharing its prosperity by paying more revenue s; thus
accounting for the help given to it. It would not be out
of place to mention that in Ghorband the rise in revenue
in spite of the remission granted, was attribiuted, among
other factors, to ‘improved state of cultivation .’
179
Appendix
Considering the following account of the state of

agriculture and the cultivation of the crop - paddy -
requiring plenty of water, one may draw that Abul Fazl
speaks of paddy– fields, irrigated by wells also.
Good quality rice was grown in Bengal (yielding
three crops in a year). The subah, due to its good
climate, produced rice of various kinds (Sukhdas, Kar,
Madhkar). It raised three crops in a year. Rice was also
grown in Orissa, Bihar (of good quality – Sukhdas,
Madhkar and Jhanwar), Oudh (‘unmatched rice’ sown
‘three months earlier than other parts of India ), – in
Sarkar of Bahraich (good rice ), Dandes (‘rice of fine
quality’ at places three crops in a year ) and Multan
(Shali rice in abundance and of good quality), where
rice and fish formed ‘staple food; ’ thereby indicating a
high requirement of rice. However, no account of its
import by Multan is given. Kashmir sarkar grew Shali
rice in plenty . Rice was also produced in Agra ,
Allahabad, Delhi, Lahore which enjoyed a healthy
climate and ‘agricultural ’ fertility, rarely equaled’ and
in Berar . The description above goes to indicate that all
rice growing which required plenty of water, got its due
generally, and was not required to remain dependent on
rain-fed availability of water alone.
Referring to Nineteen Years’ Tables, giving
revenue rates per unit of area of the crops , sown in
Agra, Allahabad, Oudh, Delhi, Lahore and Multan, we
find ( in A’in-i-Akbari iii, Vol. II, Tr. H.S Jarrett) that
180
the following crops were sown in Spring (Rabi) and

Autumn (Kharif ) in the Subahs of Agra, Allahabad
Oudh, Delhi, Lahore and Multan, with the exception of
some of the crops in some of Subahs as given in the
notes:
Spring Crops:
Wheat, Cabul Vetches, Indian Vetches, Barley,
Pot-herbs, Poppy, Safflower, Linseed, Mustard, Adas
(Pluse), Arza’n (Millet) . Peas, Persian Musk Melons,
Indian Melons, Kur Rice, Ajwain, Liqusticum
Ajowain,* Onions, Fenugreek, Carrots, and Lettuce**.
* It was not sown and harvested in Allahabad, Oudh, Delhi,
Lahore and Multan.
** It was not produced in Oudh.
Autumn Crops:
Sugar cane (Paunda ), Common Sugar-cane,
Shali Mushkin (Dark Colored rice), Common rice,
Munji rice, Cotton, Pot herbs, Seasame seed, Moth
(Lentils), M’ash, Peas*, Mung,** Jowar, Lahdarah,
Lobiya , Kodaram, Kori, Shamakh , Gal (a sort of millet),
Arz’an, Mandwah, Indigo, Hemp, Turiya, Turmeric +,
Kachalu (Arum colo casia) +, Kult +, Hinna +, Water
melons +, Pi’an+, Singarah, + Arhar (Pulse) ++.
* Of all the Subahs , only Malwa produced Peas in the Autumn
** Mung was not produced in Malwa.

181
Appendix
+ These items were not produced in Malwa : P’an and Singharah

were not produced in Delhi also; Lahore did not produce
Sinaghara
++
Arhar was produced only in the Subhas of Allahabad, Oudh
and Multan.
Abul Fazl describes agriculture of Agra in the

state of ‘perfection ’; of Malwa, saying its ‘every part
(is) cultivable’, and ‘both harvests (are) excellent’ . In
Dandes there grew ‘chiefly Jowar i, at places three crops
in a year’; cultivation in Berar was ‘remarkably good’;
agricultural fertility of Lahore was ‘rarely equaled’, and
in the sarkar of Kashmir, cultivation on the constructed
‘floating islands’ in the Dal Lake. In Ghorband, the rise
in revenue in spite of remission is attributed among
others to “improved state of the cultivation.”
In Akbar’ s empire , the landless labor, was free to
move to new places, and possibly to new avenues of
employment, if readily available, either in or around the
place of their residence, or to near by places, depending
upon acceptance of the offered services by the
prospective employers and facility to move. Migration
may also be conveniently attributed to those who had
acquired some skill viz., making and repairing
agricultural implements; who migrated and took either
to join an already existing work place or ventured to
undertake work on their own. Other reasons for
migrating included ruthless treatment and infliction by
the zamind’ars, and for social reasons, forcing
182
individuals and groups to opt for other places. This is

how the guilds began. But then in an agrarian economy,
marked by the presence and domination of the wealthy
and the influential, a number of ‘negatives’ cannot be
ruled out. Reference may be made to the system of
administering ‘justice’ and the role of Panchayats.
To help develop agriculture, it was provided to
make available seeds, and cash loans. Arrears could be
remitted in genuine cases. Collectors submitted
information on calamities, hails, floods and drought to
facilitate administrative decisions to the favor of
cultivators, loyalty being the consideration . Cultivators
who were robbed, or suffered losses at the hands of the
unlawful, were compensated. The Emperor “took care
that neither the owners, nor the tillers of the soil should
be injuriously affected by his own movements, or by the
movements of his armies. With the object of carrying
out this principle, he ordered that when a particular plot
of ground was decided upon as an encampment,
orderlies should be posted to protect the cultivated
ground in its vicinity”, and assessors were appointed “to
examine the encamping ground after the army had left
it, and to place the amount of any damage done against
the government claim of revenue. The historian of
Tabaqk’at-i-Akbari adds that this practice became a rule
in all of his campaigns; and sometimes even bags of
money were given to these inspectors, so that they
might at once estimate and satisfy the claims of the
183
Appendix
raiyats and farmers, and obviate any interference with

the revenue-collectors”. 17 This of Akbar ’s concern for
safety and upkeep of agriculture, speaks of Akbar’s
‘justice’ also.
The Assignments, and the Intended Reforms:
Akbar inherited a system of administration
wherein the empire was carrying a large number of
‘assignees’, who were to perform civil as well a s
military duties. W. H. Moreland finds, “…the great bulk
of the Empire, sometimes seven-eighth of the whole …
in the hands of assignees …”. “As the designation
implies, the essence of the system was to set aside
particular items of recurring revenue to meet particular
items of recurring expenditure, usually, but not
invariably, the salaries and expenses of the Imperial
services. ”18 Claims of salaries and of any reward were
“always defined in money” but in practice payments
were made either in cash or by assigning the revenue ,
derived from a specified area, or partly in this way and
partly in cash. In return, the Mansabd’ars were to
maintain, “establishment of horses, elephants, camels,
carts, etc., which Abul Fazl specifies for each rank,” as
also law and order. S. M. Jafar refers to the system as
‘excellent organization of the cavalry’. Besides,
Mansabd’ars, there were other military personnel,
known as Dakhli (under the charge of Mansabd’ars,
though appointed by the State, as they could not
‘furnish men’ and Ahadis , (described by Abul Fazl
184
those ‘fit for a harmonious unity’). They were placed

under the ‘guidance of one commander’ , hence, the
name!
The mansabd’ari system, established by Akbar,
was unique in its approach. Now, the fief holders
(jagird ’ars) were to collect revenue and send a part, as
per the agreement, to the Imperial treasury, and with the
other part to raise and maintain troops, for the imperial
service.
The Jagird’ars indulged in cheating by
presenting borrowed horses for mustering. Akbar
“established great principles for regulation of the army
and the peasantry and for the prosperity of the country;
among them was the institution of Branding (D’agh)”. 19
It was made “compulsory in addition to the Descriptive
Roll System…. Easy -minded idlers thus passed through
a school of discipline and became worthy men….the
army resembled a newly irrigated garden. Even for the
treasury, the new regulations proved beneficial”, says
the A’in-i-Akbari (ii, A’in, I). The branding system was
envisaged by Alauddin Khalji. It was devised by Sher
Shah, and judiciously implemented by Akbar.
Further, enquir ies were made and (i) “the grades
of the offices were settled”, and the (ii) “ Shahinshah in
order to arrange the foundation of the kingdom, and for
the peace of the subjects, made the imperial territories
Crown-lands”, for “the… imperial clerks (had) increased
185
Appendix
immoderately the assessments on the territories, cities,

towns and villages and opened the hand of embezzlement
in raising and diminishing them. Whoever acquired
their good grace, gained his ends, and whoever’s heart
was not in quarter of giving, became a loser. Also, who
whenever was well-treated, was from his unfairness and
avarice, ungrateful, and whoever was less successful,
was on account of his discontent and disloyalty a
grumbler…” Now “the officers and other servants
received money-salaries and their ranks were
determined in accordance with their merit and the extent
of their command” 20. “To implement the newly thought
scheme, “able and trustworthy men were appointed to
survey the spacious territories of India and determine
the amount of production and substitute payments in
cash, so that the market of the embezzlers might fall
flat… 182 c ollecto rs (‘Amils) were sent off to take care
of his crown lands (Khalis’at ), and as every collector
was appointed over an extent of territory which yielded
a Kror tangas (or tankas synonymous with da’m) they
were properly known by the name of Karori…
(1573c) ”21 Abul Fazl, finding merits in the scheme says:
“By these measures the equipment of the army was
provided for, and the country was well governed, while
at the same time there was a safeguard against the
trickery and embezzlement. His Majesty also gave
attention that cultivation might be increased.” 22
186
As against the above, Bad’auni, referring to it,

says: “In this year … a new idea came into his
(Emperor’s) mind for improving the cultivation of the
country and for bettering the conditions of the raiyats
(peasants). All the parganahs (fiscal unions) of the
country, whether dry or irrigated, whether in towns or
hills, in deserts or jungles, by rivers or reservoirs, or
wells, were all to be measured, and every piece of land
large enough to produce, when cultivated, one Cror of
tanka s, was to be divided off and placed under the
charge of an officer, called the Crori, selected for his
trustworthiness and without regar ds to his acquaintance
with the revenue officials: so that in three years’ time
all the uncultivated land might be brought under crops,
and the treasury be replenished. The measurement was
begun near Fathpur, and one Cror was named Adampur,
another Sethpur , and so on after prophets an d
patriarchs. Rules were laid down, but were not
observed, and much of the land was laid waste through
the rapacity of the Croris; the peasant’s wives and
children were sold and disposed, and every thing went
to confusion. But the Croris were brought to account by
Raja Todar Mal, and many pious men died from severe
beating and the torture of rack and pincers. Indeed, so
many died after long imprisonment by the revenue
officers that the executioners or headman forestalled. ”23
Before the Karori reform, Akbar ordered in 1566 c for
undertaking a new valuation. It was done, but was
falsified.
187
Appendix
To carry and implement the reforms, Akbar

chose Muzaffar Khan Turbati, and appointed him Vakil
(first Minister of the empire, and Todar Mal as his
assistant). But Muzaffar Khan, who personally
disapproved the plan, did not enforce it. Earning
displeasure of the Emperor, he was dismissed. But, then
the question arises whether the plan later failed because
of its improper implementation, or there were inherent
weaknesses in it: It is, therefore, imperative to explore
facts by referring also to the requirement of adequate
medium of exchange to me et payments in cash - the
coined -money - and also the availability of the required
quantity of the precious metal. Reference may be made
here to the order passed by Ibrahim Lodi, asking the
assignees not to take revenue in cash in view of the
prevailing scarcity of (silver) currency. For an
arrangement of the kind , not only the availability and
use of adequate numbers of medium of exchange, but
also a well-working market system sans any negative
role of village sahukars and merchants, with their
tendency to buy at lesser prices, hoard and create
‘difficulties’ in the economy, is also sine qua non.
However, the Karori reform lasted for five years
with a number of encountered difficulties including
fixation of assessment rates , expressed in term of
money. In 1579c, ‘a new valuation was made,
calculated on the precise data furnished by the ten
years’ operation of Todar Mal’s assessment rates’
188
(implemented in 1570-71c). New schedules of

assessment rates for all lands were applied. This
completed the empire’s cycle of agrarian reform, and
the imperial practice of ‘assignments’ reappeared in
1579c.
With Todar Mal proceeding for military duty, the
charge of the Ministry was given to Khwaja Shah
Mansur, who replaced the staff, chosen by his
predecessor, and then, as narrated ‘a period of corruption
and extortion ensued’. As regards the abilities of Shah
Mansur, Abul Fazl says: “There is seldom found such
an acute accountant and one so laborious , so
discriminating, and so plausible of speech,”24 adding
further that “from love of office and cupidity , he was
always laying hold of trifles in financial matters and
displaying harshness. Sympathy with debtors never
touched the hem of his heart”, and thus we find that
“forged letters were produced as if he was conniving
with the traitors. He was hanged on tree near Kot
Kacwaha” (Akbar nama III pp. 502-503) It is said that
Rajah Birbar induced Akbar to kill Shah Mansur. Later ,
the Emperor ‘deeply regretted the necessity of his
execution’.
After the execution of Shah Mansur (in February
25, 1581c) Wazir Khan was appointed in his place.
Then in the same y ear (1581c) Todar Mal resumed
effective charge of the Ministry : “this far sighted and
incorruptible man was appointed to the lofty office of
189
Appendix
the Diw’an (Ashraf-i-Diwan) and virtually the position

of Vakil (Prime Minister) was conferred on him ….he
proposed several regulations. These, as reproduced
below, and also the account given by Mir Fathullah
Shirazi, that follows, will help understand. Akbar’s
revenue system and its working:25
1st: The Collectors (‘ Amalguzar’an) of the Crown-
lands ( Khalsa) and the jagird’ars should collect the rents. If
from wickedness and tyranny, they took from the cultivators
more than the agreement, it was to be reckoned as the
legitimate rent, and the oppressors were to be fined, and the
amount entered in the monthly account. They should at every
harvest inquire into the minutest details and protect the
subjects. The thread of the administration of justice was to
be a double one, suppliants were to be reimbursed, and
extortioners to be punished.
2nd: The collectors of the crown-lands had two clerks.

( bitikchi ) – a Karkun and a Khasra-navis . Generally both of
these men were corrupt, and in collusion with the village
Headman ( Kalantaran), and they oppressed the peasantry. If
in place of these two dishonest men, one trustworthy and
rightly acting officer were appointed, the country would be
developed, and the peasant would be at peace.
3rd: It appeared that in the Crown- parganahs the

cultivated lands were diminished year by year. If the
cultivable lands were measured once for all, the peasantry
would cultivate more and more land in proportion to their
ability and the arrangement of progressive payments should
be made. They should give one another as securities and
190
should execute documents. Consideration should be shown

in the exaction of dues. In the case of land which had lain
fallow for four years, only half of the stipulated rent should
be taken for the first year, three-fourths in the second, and in
the third the peasant s should be responsible for the full rent .
For land which had been uncultivated for two years, one
fourth of the rent should be deducted for the first year. In the
case of uncultivated lands, they were to be allowed to keep
back a small amount of grain, so that their lands might
become capable of yielding rent. If destitute cultivators were
assisted (by giving advance, etc.), documents should be
taken from unknown men, and recoveries made, partly at the
spring harvest, and partly at the autumn harvest, so that the
country might soon be cultivated, the peasantry satisfied, and
the treasury replenished. When the collectors increased the
(total) rental, demands should not be made (from them)
about deficiencies in some items. Every year reports about
the collectors should be submitted to his Majesty in order
that good servants might be rewarded, and promoted, and
those who were of another sort, punished.
4th: When the crops are standing, let several

measuring (survey) parties be appointed, in proportion to the
amount of land, and let the measurement be started in an
intelligent manner, and the kind and quality of cultivation be
noticed. The collector will choose a control spot for himself,
and carefully visit every part of the land and examine its
condition.
When there has been an abundant rain and the fields

are lying in water, and amount of land upto two and–a-half
biswas should be left out of account, and in jungle and sandy
191
Appendix
tracts as much as three biswas. Abstract accounts should be

sent in weekly and the daily journal of collectors month by
month to the head office.
5th: An imperial order should be issued that a list of

damaged lands should be sent to Court so that orders might
be passed concerning them.
6th: The dwellers in ravines, who are of a turbulent

disposition, think the ruggedness of their country a
protection and make long the arm of oppression. Orders
should be issued to the collector that they should act together
and remedy matters:
7th: they should admonish, and if this prove

ineffective, they should raise the flag of activity and chastise
the malefactors, and devastate their ‘ab’adi (habitations).
The jagird’ar should get an exchange, and the Must’afi
should not make a demand on this account. If the soldiers
should injured in these operations, a fine should be levied
[for taw’an (compensation)]. Further, the sums extorted from
the peasantry, are to be produced before the treasurer and he
is to give credit for them in the ryot’s receipts. The
collectors should be paid their wages quarterly – the last
payment being made when there are no arrears due from the
ryots.
8th: The ryots should be in such a state of obedience

that they should bring their rents to the treasury without its
being necessary to set guards over them. Sufficient security
should be taken from the refractory, and if such cannot be
found, watchmen should be sent over their harvested grain
192
and the rent be realized. An account of the rent to be

collected from each person according to the amount of his
cultivation, should be prepared and the date should neither
be postponed nor preponed. The patwari of each village
should allot these, name by name, among his subordinates.
The collectors should send the cash along with the patwari’s
signature to the treasurer. They should be vigilant to put
down oppression, and should make their words and their
works accord.
9th: The treasurer should receive muhrs , rupis and

d’ams which bear the august name (of Akbar) and make
allowance for obsolete coins , so that the collectors and the
money-changers may reckon the old and new, and ascertain
the difference. The L’al Jalali of full weight and fairness, is
worth 400 d’ams, the square rupi is worth 40 d’ams. The
ordinary ashrafi , and the round Akbarshahi rupi which has
become worn, shall be rated as follows:
Coins Value
- Ashrafi of good quality, deficient by:
* 2 grains of rice (biranj ) 360 d’ams ,
* 3 grains of rice (upto one Surkh) 355 d’ams
* if deficient by 1½ to 2 Surkhs 350 d’ams
- Rupi , deficient by:
* 1 Surkh of full weight 39 d’ams
*1½ -2 Surkh of full weight 38 d’ams
- L’al Jalali of full weight and
fairness, if deficient by:
*1½-2 Surkhs, and Sikka Sawant Upto 1 Surkh
193
Appendix
Akbarshahi deficient by 3 rice (biranj )

Coins found with greater deficiency, were to be kept
separately duly entered in the Day Book, and daily account
of these was to be sent to the head office.
The Jagid’ ars, treasurers, and Sarrafs (money

change rs) were to act upon these rules.
10th: The office of the Khalsa and Jagird’ars should

make correct reports about the well-conducted, and the ill-
conducted, the obedient and the disobedient, in their estates,
so that recompense and retribution may be bestowed, and the
thread of the government be strengthened.
11th: Instead of the old charges, one d’am per bigha

of cultivation should be fixed. It is hoped that by this
arrangement, 24 d’ams should be allowed to the
measurement party. Their allowances should thus be:
“15 Sirs flour at the price of : 7 D’ams
1¾ Sirs butter (roghan zard) ,presumably Ghee 5 D’ams
2½ Sirs grain (for animals): 4 D’ams
Cash 8 D’ams
Of this : Total : 24 D’ams
The amin would get 5 Sirs flour, ½ Sirs butter, 7 Sirs grain
(and) 4 D’ams
The Writer (would get) 4 Sirs flour, ½ Sir butter, 5½ Sirs

grain, 2 D’ams .
194
Three Servants (would get), 6 Sirs flour, 3¼ Sirs butter, 3

D’am s.”
It was prescribed that during the Rabi Crop,

when the days are longer, at least 250 bighas of land
should be measured, and during the Kharif not less than
200 bighas. The proposals were examined and accepted
by the Emperor”.
It may be stated here that after Shah Mansur,
Todar Mal harshly dealt with those guilty of
misconduct, recovering the embezzled and extorted
money; detaining the suspects and torturing them till a
settlement was reached. This uncertain position was set
right by Mir Fath Ullah Shirazi, who was appointed
Amin-ul-Mulk . Todar Mal was asked to conduct
financial and administrative offices of the empire
according to Mir’s counsel; The Mir was required to
‘bring to conclusion the old transactions, not examined
‘since the days of Mozaffar Khan.’ He submitted
‘certain propositions’, and made the E mperor’s
‘exquisitive replies thereto his guide’. The measures
were introduced in 1585c. Abul Fazl records these, as
given hereunder:
“Firstly: the accountants have not rendered clear
statements, and have not observed the sacred regulations.
They have based this business - which rests upon inquiry and
investigation - on conjecture and approximations. In the year
when the whole empire became Crown - land (Khalsa), the
officers, on account of excessive work, could not go to the
195
Appendix
bottom of this business and wrote down large sums as

arrears. They decided the matter upon the fifth or sixth share
of the produce. The cunning got the joy of their hearts, while
the honest fell into soul-exhausting trouble. Those who had
gone a little astray, were kept back from paying by the
enormity of the demand. If accounting were done according
to knowledge, the former inconveniences would cease.
Secondly : It was a regulation that the collectors of

revenue should give receipts to the ryots (of what is received –
y’aftah) and that they should make a list, and that the clerks
should base their accounts thereon. Now, the arrangement,
( Sarishteh) has been given up, and whatever the Khalsa-
collectors write in the names of the cultivators, and which
they make the cloak of their embezzlements, is accepted. It
is right that in future the two documents, above named,
should be used.
Thirdly: The accounts are made up according to a

perfect year (S’al-i-K’amil , a “Sixteen Anna Year”, during
which there was no loss of crops) or according to Krorbandi
papers which have been written by honest inconsiderate
persons. In consequence of this, many have been imprisoned.
The just course would be to base the demand simply and
honestly on a series of years ( paiwasta s’al ) - (Beveridge
says that actual words are ‘ Mawazneh Dah S’ala . It would
then mean ‘balance of ten years’).
Fourthly: Owing to the samnolence of the collectors,

the agents ( gom’ashtag’an) have been powerful and have
robbed the cultivators.
The Patwari rejects from his account ( Waq’a-i-

Qar’ar ) private documents and vouchers, commonly known
196
as ‘crude papers (Kagha zat-i- Kh’am ). The proper course is

that whatever appears in them, should be entered in his name
and he should be responsible for the contents. If he (the
Patwari , or perhaps the collector) does not produce what his
agents have taken, he should be obliged to refund; otherwise,
the oppressed will cope from his obligations. Whatever
stands in the name of extortionate persons, such as
qanungoes, muqaddams , and paiq’ars (middleman or sub-
collector) , should be accounted for by such individuals.
Fifthly: Any over plus…should be created to arrears

due by the ryots, name by name, or should be carried to
account in the next year, and there should be no second
demand for it, nor should it be again demanded from the
collector. And, as the computes of the current revenue
( Siy’aq Navisan-i-h’al ), demand village expenses (on
account of malba (dirt) cleaning) which in clerical
phraseology are termed istisw’abi (a legitimate demand) and
akhraj’at , this also should be deducted from the demand.
Sixthly: The fluctuations of cultivation are apparent

to everyone. If in a village some land fall out of cultivation,
one endeavors to increase cultivation elsewhere. Similarly, if
crop be lost or damaged, compensation for this should be
sought elsewhere. The accountant ( ahl-i-Siy’aq) look only to
the diminution and tighten the load of the demand. If they
would look to the total assessment, the ryot would be
relieved.
Seventhly: The mustaufi (editor) holds in deposit

one-fourth of the collector ’ s (salary) for the purpose of
clearing off arrears. If the arrears result from desertion or
contumacy of tenants, and the efforts of the collecto rs are
197
Appendix
without avail, or if they are the result of his having been

untimely removed, they are not due to his fault. If there have
been remissions in making demands that reason should be
entered in the arrears, on condition that the arrear appear in
the revenue roll (Taujih).
Eighthly: Some persons are occasionally appointed

to assist the collector and their pay is allowed to them for a
fixed time. Sometimes, they remain longer and draw their
pay for that time, but no such allowance is made to the
collector. If their being kept on be necessary, they should be
allowed the expenses thereof, and the circumstances be
reported.
Ninthly : It would also be just if the (cost of) calling

for the accounts ( Talab-his’abi ) of the former collector and
his subordinates were allowed among his expenses.
Tenthly: After the collectors have been removed,

they remain in the parganah for the purpose of collecting the
arrears. If their pay for that time and for the period before
the notification of dismissal has reached them , and for the
period of traveling (to court) be allowed among their
expenses; it would be just”.
Dwelling further upon the administrative points

of importance, the Mir recorded that the collector be
allowed his pay and also the branding officers for the
duration of their being on duty at court, after their
removal (Point Eleven). Similarly, under point Twelve ,
it was recommended that if a former incumbent enters
the arrear of the pay of the Kumaky’an (auxiliaries) as
payable after realization of the arrears from the ryot,
198
and ryot is non-existent, or is refusing to acknowledge

it, or the arrears are unrealized, (then) if the collector
pays these wages, he “should get credit” for it. Under
point Thirteen, it is recorded that those arrested on
account of non-submission of reports required of them ,
say that they submitted these to the court, but received
no communication. To render such ‘defence’ futile, Mir
Fate h Ullah recommended that it would be better if the
event recorders (waq’a-i-navis’an) would look after the
department and would make over their replies to the
collectors’ agents, rendering such defence impossible.
“Fourteenthly: It would be a comfort to the
collector, if he got half his pay by assignment.
Fifteenthly: For the purpose of work of collection ,

footmen ( piad’as) should be given, equal in number to the
troops, or to the half thereof. If it is indispensable that the
former collector be kept under surveillance, respectable men
should be appointed to guard him”. 26
The Sixteenth recommendation of the Mir

referring to ‘great profit’ accruing to the Qanungoes,
stressed at the enlightenment on this subject, and
posting of ‘a man’ (obviously Qanungo) from each
parganah to Court: However, it seems unrealistic to post
so many persons from the lower order to court in
swelling numbers – but a recommendation is a
recommendation. The Seventeenth recommendation
referred to appointment of ‘able and upright men as
paraganah treasurers, required to handle large sums,
199
Appendix
given as advances to ryot ( Dadani : payments of

advances to ryots). The Eighteenth recommendation
provided that the arrears’ statement be acquiesced
without any scrutiny’.
Nineteenthly, whoever keeps his life in a good state
and has the capacity to take to ‘distribution of corn when
other estates are suffering loss’, should have a ugumentation
of his rank with an increase in the demand of revenue.
The Twentieth recommendation referring to a dead

horse and buying of a new horse, talks of loss to the soldier
and injury to the King’s property. It says that if ‘on account
of the distance’ a soldier ‘cannot bring the animal to be
branded, deduction from his pay from the date when he
ceased to have a horse, will be hard’. Therefore, “if they
transfer the ajn’as to the new horse, and do not make a
deduction from his pay, he will be relieved”. 27
The measures, stated above, were approved by

the Emperor and introduced in 1585c for reforming the
Ministry and its working.
Revenue Administration:
To discuss Akbar’s system of revenue, and its
administration, we will refer to Sher Shah’s methods of
realizing revenue and its effectivity, and then proceed to
dwell upon what Akbar did in this regard. Sher Shah’s
method of re alization of revenue cultivators at one-third
of the produce, after his accession to the throne in
1540c, was based upon the system of measurement. His
concern for shortage of the medium of exchange i.e.,
200
money [in silver and copper (coins)], causing

difficulties in transactions and payments including that
on account of the due revenues,28 led him to issue silver
and copper in adequate numbers. This facilitated
payments of revenue in cash. Further, the distinctive
feature of Sher Shah’s revenue administration was the
way the State demand on the peasants was arrived at :
standard yield of each staple crop was calculated or
estimated for each category of land – ‘the good’, ‘the
middling’, and ‘the inferior’. Their yield was totalled
and then the average (yield) was arrived at, and one-
third of this average (figure) was claimed as revenue
from each unit of cultivated area, irrespective of its
productivity. “The basis of Indian administration is the
assessment and collection of the land revenue, and Sher
Shah’s system was his own. To each parganah he
appointed an amin responsible for the general
administration, a Shiqqdar, his assistant, who supervised
the assessment and collection of the revenue, a treasurer,
and two clerks, or secretaries, to keep the records or
accounts, one in Persian and the other in Hindi. The
cultivated land was measured every harvest, and the
revenue was assessed in cash on the value of the
produce. To each Sarkar, or revenue district, were
appointed a chief Shiqqdar and a chief munsif, whose
duty it was to see that the revenue was collected in full,
but that the cultivators were not oppressed.”29
201
Appendix
The method of assessment leading to realization

of one-third of the average yield , caused heavy burden
on ‘the inferior land’ which stood over-charged : ‘The
good land, which enjoyed all the advantages in sowing
and harvesting, stood relatively under-charged. This in
effect violated the principle ‘what the peasant could
pay’. Thus, “in case of wheat the charge works out at
about 24 per cent of the estimated produce of ‘good
land ’, while on ‘inferior’, land it was 48 per cernt. The
inequality would, however, naturally adjust itself by
variations in the crops grown, so that excessive charges
would tend to be elimenated.” 30 The argument that
‘inequality would, however, naturally adjust itself by
variations in the crops grown, so that excessive charges
would tend to be eliminated ”, is subject to argument ,
because it is too simple to conjecture like this, as the
suggested variations would be attempted on all classes
of land, with the entire possibility of better results on
better land, touching higher productivity, thus the
comparative difference shall continue to remain there.
However, it is indicative of extolling peasants to work
hard, and prosper.
The Cambridge History complains of the unclear
position regarding the calculation of standard yields
separately for each agricultural tract, or setting up of a
single-standard for each class of land in the whole
Kingdom. In any case, while the single standard rates
were to ignore the difference in yields, the separate
202
rates for each agricultural tract appear justifiable, as

these could avoid undue burden on the cultivator s in
less–productive tracts, thereby relieving them of undue
burden.
Collectors were made responsible for collection
of revenue in lieu of the assignments. Needless to say
that in spite of Sher Shah’s administrative control, they
must have enjoyed freedom to act as per their notions,
as they did in Akbar’s reign. In spite of the system of
administration including the fiscal management laid
down, the revenue experiments done with results, and
the details implemented by Sher Shah, matters were
decaying during the reign of Islam Shah (enthroned four
days after his father’s death on May 26, 1545). He is
referred as ‘suspicious, cruel, vindictive and narrow-
minded… dominated by cla n or family feeling .” Surely,
what was lost, was valuable ; what remained was
significant. Customs and procedures, which were a
continuum, though slowly but surely, began changing .
Thus, Sher Shah’s System and his methods
formed basis and the starting point of a number of
experiments made by Akbar. These marked the first half
of Akbar’s reign, more particularly after Bairam Khan,
and after his freedom from the harem party (1562c):
“Much information regarding these experiments is
furnished by the authorities, but they are in some
respects incomplete…the account which follows …
deals in order, first, with the experiments in assessment
203
Appendix
made in the heart of the empire from the Punjab to

Bihar; next, with the practice in regard to assignments;
and then with the working of the arrangements finally
adopted for the empire as a whole”. 31
Revenue was calculated and realized on the
produce and not on land under the plough. Peasants
were encouraged to add to cultivation by cultivating
vacant land, either in the village of their residence or in
another. They were likewise encouraged and helped to
effect improvement in the crops, grown by them, as also
to add new crops. As a major source of revenue in a
basically agrarian empire , agriculture always received
Akbar’s attention. In his early years, revenue assessment
was based on measurement, and the demand made, was
based on a schedule of assessment rates. It was only one
schedule that was applied. (Cash) demand was arrived
at by valuing the payable quantity of produce as tax in
terms of its price which was approved by the Emperor –
most probably being , as put, the one prevalent in the
vicinity of the court. In the tenth regnal year, instead of
varying local price, a uniform scale was adopted again.
Yet, difficulties in assessment continued, and just three
years later use of the schedule in the referred areas , was
abandoned, ‘though, seasonal cash rates continued to be
calculated from it, for use by assignees. Then, in the
fifteenth regnal year (1570-71) new schedules of
204
assessment rates for all land, reserved or assigned, were

prescribed. These asked for one-third of the average
produce of a unit of ‘the best’, ‘middling’ and ‘worst
land’ – the average was arrived at by totaling the produce
of a unit (a bigha ) of all the three classes of land, and
then dividing the total by 3. “Average produce was now
estimated separately for each pargana, and not for the
empire as a whole”, says W. H. Moreland. This
accounted for the local differences in productivity.
Revenue demand, stated in terms of produce, was
valued in cash in terms of the prices which were duly
approved by the Emperor. These new schedules were
worked out for each parganah by its Qanungo - Todar
Mal being in supervision and Muzaffar Khan being in-
charge of the Revenue Ministry.
The assessment schedules, introduced in 1570-

71c , were applied for ten years. Abul Fazl says : “One
of the occurrences was fixing of the assessment rates for
ten years. In as much as Time produces, season after
season, a foundation for rates, and there are great
increases and decreases, there was a regulation that
every year some experienced and honest men should
send in details of the rates from all parts of the country.
Every year a general ordinance (Dastur al-amal) was
framed with respect to the payment of dues. When the
imperial domain became extensive, and territories of
205
Appendix
many great rulers came under the shadow of the world-

lord’s justice, these reports arrived late and at different
times. The soldiers and the peasantry suffered loss, and
there were disturbances about arrears and about excess
demands. It was also rumo ured that some of the m had
gone aside from the path of rectitude. The officers at
head quarters were harassed, and were unable to find a
remedy. The wise sovereign gave relief to multitudes by
introducing the new system of payment of dues. The l ist
of the invention was that the condition of every
parganah during ten years, according to the degree of
cultivation and the price of the produce, was
ascertained, and the one-tenth thereof was fixed as the
revenue of the year.” 32 The work was completed by
Khwaja Shah Mansur who ‘arranged the exquisitive
plan’ by dint of his sagacity’ comprehending ‘the
sublime instructions’. It was the difficulty in arriving at
the ‘seasonal cash-demand’ that led to its abandonment,
delay in communicating the approved price included.
Moreover, the empire was now an extensive one and the
Emperor was always on the move. Eventually, Akbar
discarded the produce-schedule and fixed assessment
rates in cash. This facilitated the revenue work, as it
was now not required to refer to the court on the matter
of price fixation, making it easy to apply the rates,
given in the schedule, to the cropped area season by
season. For this purpose, grouping of parganas into
206
revenue circles, keeping in view the topographical

homogeneity was given effect, and schedule of rates
were prescribed, showing revenue demand on each unit
of cultivation, bigha , in terms of money.
Taking a schedule into consideration, we find

that some of the crops were assessed as under:
Revenue Rates Applicable on the Produce
(Bigha of Land)
Crop Rate in D’ams*
Millet:
-Small 11
-Large 25-30
Barley 40
Wheat 60
Sugar-cane and Indigo 120
Betel 220
th
*1/40 of a Rupi
As regards, realization of revenues prior to the

prescription of cash revenue, the average output , as
already explained, was arrived at by combing the
produce of the ‘good’, ‘middling’ and ‘inferior’ lands
and then dividing the total by 3 : one-third of this
average was prescribed as the revenue demand ‘payable
207
Appendix
by each of the cultivators of the three classes of land ;

The revenue burden on the cultivators as percentage of
their output on a unit of land is given in the Table
below :
Percentage Share of Revenue on Each Category of Polaj Land’s
Output in Spring
Revenue in Percentage Share of Revenue Average

Revenue
Kind on the Output % of
Sl.
produce
Crop Md. Seer Best Middling Worst
each in
No. Land Land Land
Column
iv,v/,vi
I ii iii iv v vi vii
1. Wheat 4 12¾ 23.99 35.99 48.66 36.21
2. Nukhud 3 18 26.54 32.86 46.00 35.13
3. Adas 2 06 26.06 33.08 46.49 35.19
4. Barley 4 12½ 23.96 34.50 51.49 36.65
5. Linseed 1 29 26.54 30.00 46.00 34.18
6. Safflow 2 12 26.29 34.07 43.81 52.68

er
7. Arz’an 2 27½ 25.60 31.62 52.44 29.89

Millet
8. Mustar 2 27½ 25.60 31.62 52.44 29.89

d
9. Peas 3 28 28.46 35.24 42.90 35.53
10. Methi 3 35 27.68 35.23 39.24 34.05
11. Kur 6 10 26.04 34.72 43.86 34.87

Rice
Source : Data given under A’in XI, A’in-i-Akbari iii, Vol. II, Tr. H..S.
Jarrett, p. 69
208
-Percentages calculated by the author;
It may be discerned that the tax burden on Polaj

land’s Best one unit ’s barley output is 23.96%, while on
the ‘Worst’ unit’s produce of the same crop, it is
51.49% i.e., higher by 27.53%. Similarly, the tax
burden on Best Polaj land’s produce of mustard is
25.60% of the output while it is 52.44% on the Worst
category of the Polaj land, showing a difference of
26.84% to the disfavor of the latter.
Thus, we find that the taxation is regressive in
nature. But then, it is often argued that a higher burden
works as a challenge to strive hard and maximize the
returns, and that the Emperor ’s intention was to
improve cultivation and achieve a prosperous
agriculture and prospering agriculturist s too.
Further, looking to tax burden on the ‘Best’,

‘Middling’ and ‘Worst’ categories of Polaj Land’s Kharif
output, we get the following data in terms of percentages:
Percentage Share of Revenue on each Category of Polaj Land’s
Output in Autumn
Percentage Share of Average

Revenue in Kind Revenue %
Revenue on the Output of
Sl. of Produce
Crop Md. Seer Best Middling Worst
Each in
No. Land
Land Land Columns
iv,v&iv
I ii iii iv v vi vii
1. Molasses 3 18 26.54 32.86 46.00 35.13
2. Cotton 2 20 25.00 33.33 50.00 36.11

209
Appendix
3. Shali 6 10 26.04 34.72 43.86 34.87

Mushkin
4. Common 4 13 25.44 34.60 46.13 35.39

Rice: Not
of above
Quality
5. Mash 2 23 ½ 24.64 34.50 49.29 36.14
6. Mash Siah 2 23 ½ 24.64 34.50 49.29 36.14
7. Moth 1 29 26.54 32.86 46.00 35.13

(lentil)
8. Jowar 3 18 32.86 40.59 67.32 46.92
9. Shamakh 2 27 ½ 25.60 31.62 52.44 36.55
10. Kodron 4 12 ½ 25.37 34.50 46.00 35.29
11. Sesame 2 0 25.00 33.33 50.00 36.11
12. Kanguri 1 29 26.54 32.86 46.00 35.13
13. Turiya 1 29 26.54 32.86 46.00 35.13
14. Arz’an 4 18 27.81 39.96 41.88 36.55
15. Lahdarah 2 23 ½ 24.64 34.50 49.29 36.14
16. Mandwah 3 00 26.09 33.33 46.15 35.19
17. Lobiya 2 23 1/3 24.60 34.44 49.20 36.08

18. Kudiri 1 29 26.54 32.86 46.00 35.13
19. Kulta 2 23 ½ 24.64 34.50 49.29 21.14
20. Barti 1 29 26.54 32.86 46.00 35.13
Source : Data given under A’in XI, A’in-i-Akbari iii, Vol. II, Tr. H. S.
Jarrett, pp. 70-71.
-Percentages calculated by the author.

210
In case of the autumn crop , raised on the three

categories of Polaj land, we find that the burden of
taxation on cotton produce is 25.00% (Best land),
33.33% (middling land) and 50.00% (worst land),
causing an average burden of 36.11% of the total
produce, going towards revenue payment. Thus, the
‘worst’ land , as compared to the ‘best land ’, was paying
16.67% higher land revenue. The revenue rates in case
of Shali Mushkin on the three categories of land stood at
26.54%, 32.86% and 46.00% respectively. This too, like
the revenue charged for the spring harvest is regressive
in nature.
However, as discussed, help to the cultivators,
extended by Akbar, is notable indeed : In case of
droughts, floods, inundation, famines, and the land
lying out of cultivation for unavoidable reasons, rebates
and/or exemptions were allowed. In case of famines,
remissions were common. Loans (Taq’awi) were given
to the cultivators to help them buy seeds, agricultural
implements and cattle. Poor cultivators received sowing
seed from government stores. 33 Recovery of loans was
made in easy instalments.
Abul Fazl records that “owing to the goodness of
the administration, grain became very cheap in the
provinces of Allahabad, Oudh and Delhi, and it was
difficult for the cultivators to pay the revenue. The just
sovereign remitted one-sixth. In the Khalisa lands34 this
amounted to four crors, five lakhs, sixty thousand and
211
Appendix
five hundred and ninety -six (4,05,60,596) d’ams. From

this some estimate may be made of the reduction to the
Jagirdars. A multitude of men obtained relief, and
formed assemblies for thanksgiving and rejoicings”. 35
Further, “one of the occurrences was a great act
of liberality on the part of the Shahinshah. Owing to
civilization and justice there was a great cheap ness of
the articles so that it was difficult for the peasantry in
some provinces to pay the revenue. Accordingly, in the
spring instalment for the provinces of Agra and Delhi a
deduction of one-sixth was made, and for the autumn
instalment a deduction was made of one in 4½ and in
Agra, Oudh, and Delhi of one-fourth. In the exchequer
lands this came to 19 Krors, 32 lakhs, 80,175 d’ams.
From this, an estimate can be made of the amount of the
reduction in the fiefs.” 36
As against the above, land revenue was increased
also: In the 43rd reg nal year, the Shahishah’s prolonged
stay in Lahore, led to increase in demand of
commodities, and thereby rise in price. With their rising
income, the cultivators in this regards, were required to
pay 20 per cent higher revenue (Akbar Nama III, p. 747).
To facilitate payments of revenue, husba ndmen
were allowed to pay either in kind or in cash , though
the former method was preferred. They were
encouraged to bring their rents personally to avoid
tricks of the intermediaries. In case of any doubt of the
212
State claim being unduly high or any other

dissatisfaction viz., the fixation of average, they could
demand actual measurement, division and ‘valuation of
crops’. They were allowed to approach the Emperor.
The cultivators were also benefited because of
exemption from payment of a number of taxes viz., ‘tax
on each oxen, (g’ao-shumari ), a tax on each tree ( Sar-i-
darakhti ), presents (Pesh-Kash), darogha’s fees,
(daroghan’ah), and treasurer ’s fees (Fotedari ), etc.
Stanley Lane Poole , crisply summarize d the
surveying, and classification of land and the working of
Akbar’s revenue system by saying: “A fixed standard of
mens uration having been adopted, the land was
surveyed. It was then classified, accordingly as it was
waste, fallow, or under crop. The last class was taken as
the basis of assessment, that which produced cereals,
vetches, or oil-seeds being assessed to pay one-third of
the average gross produce to the State, the other two-
thirds being left to the cultivators. It is very noticeable
that Akbar added to his policy of union the equally
important policy of continuity of system. The need of
husbandman was furnished with advance, repayable on
easy terms. The assets when once made , were assessed
for nineteen years; and after the twenty-fourth year of
the reign, the aggregate collections of the past ten years
having been added together and divided by ten, the
future collections were made on the basis of this
decennial average.
213
Appendix
Care was taken to provide an easy means of

complaint when undue collections were exacted , and to
punish severely the guilty exactors. The cultivators
were to be made responsible, jointly as well as severely;
the cultivators of fallow land were to be favored for two
years; advances of seed and money were to be made
when necessary, arrears being remitted in the case of
small holdings. Collectors were to make yearly reports
on the conduct of their subordinates. Monthly returns
were to be transmitted to the imperial exchequer.
Special reports were to be sent up of any special
calamities, hail, flood, or drought. The collectors were
to see that the farmers got receipts for their payments,
which were to be remitted four times in the year; at the
end of that period no balance should be outstanding.
Payments were, if possible, to be voluntary, but the
standing crops were theoretically hypotheticated, and,
where needful, were to be attached. Above all, there
was to be an accurate and minute records of each man’s
holding and liabilities”. 37
REFERENCES:
1. Preface, A’in-i-Akbari, Volume II, Tr. Col. H.S. Jarrett,
Ed., Sir Jadunath Sarkar, Oriental Books Reprint
Corporation, New Delhi -110 055 1978, p.53
2. Ibid, pp. 55-56

214
3. A gaz (yard) was ‘authoritatively declared’ to be 33

inches long. In 1588c, “an order was issued that
throughout the empire only the gaz Ilahi should be
used”. [Akbar nama III, H. Beveridge, p. 806]
4. The Tan’ab, introduced in the 19th year of Akbar’s era,

was made of bamboo rods, joined by iron rings. Unlike
the rope, whether wet or dry, was subject to no
variation, for a dry rope lengthened, while a wet or
damp one shrunk, causing inaccuracy in measurement.
“By this device”, Abul Fazl records, “men’s minds
were quieted and also the cultivation increased, and the
path of fraud and falsehood was closed [See Akbar
nama III, H.Beveridge, p.167]
5. The bigha of Akbar was 3,600 sq. Ilahi gaz. It “was

considered to be equal to 3,025 sq.yards of the bigha of
Hindustan”. “A bigha, as measured by the tanab, of
hemp, was two biswah and 12 biswansi smaller in
extent than the bigha, measured by the Tanab of
bamboo.” Thus, bigha Ilahi was 0.59 acre or a shade
less than 0.24 hectare.
6. A’in XI, Ain-i-Akbari iii, Vol. II. Tr. Col. H.S. Jarrett,
Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi 110
055, 1978, p. 68
7. Sir Jadunath Sarkar, Mughal Administration, M.C.

Sarkar’s & Sons Ltd., Calcutta-12, 1952, p. 56
8. The State and the Economy, The Cambridge Economic

History of India, Vol.1, c1200-1750, Eds. Tapan
Raychaudhuri and Irfan Habib, Orient Longman in
215
Appendix
Association with Cambridge University Press, Orient

Longman Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi 110 002, 2004, p.184
9. I.H. Qureshi, Akbar: The Architect of The Mughal

Empire, Idarah-i-Adabyat-i-Delli, Dehli 110 006,
1987, p. 208
10. Amalguz’ar was instructed to: “…assist the needy

husbandman with advances of money and recover them
gradually.” A’in V, A’in-i-Akbari iii, Vol.II, Tr. H.S.
Jarrett, p. 46.
11. Col. G.B. Melleson, Akbar: Ruler of India, Ed. Sir

William Wilson, Claredon Press, Oxford, U.K., 1890,
p.186
12. Irfan Habib, The System of Agricultural Production,

The Cambridge Economic History of India, Vol. I
c1200-1750, Eds., Tapan Raychaudhuri and Irfan
Habib, Orient Longman in Association with Cambridge
University Press, Orient Longman Pvt., Ltd., New
Delhi, 110 002, 2004, p. 222.
13. R. C. Majumdar, H. C. Raychudhuri and Kalikinkar

Datta, An Advanced History of India, Macmillan &
Company Ltd., U. K., 1961, p. 571.
14. Irfan Habib, The Agrarian System of Mughal India,

1556-1707, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 110
001, 2008, p. 29
15. A’in-i-Akbari ii, Vol. I, Tr. H. Blochmann, Ed., S.L.

Goomer, Aadiesh Book Depot, Delhi- 110 007, 1965,
p.353
216
16. Irfan Habib, The Agrarian System of Mughal India,

1556-1707, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 110
001, 2008, p. 34
17. G. B. Melleson, Akbar: Ruler of India, Ed. Sir William

Wilson, Claredon Press, Oxford, 1890, p. 178
18. The Agrarian System of Moslem India, Kanti

Publications, Delhi – 110 053, 1988, p. 93
19. Akbar name , III, p. 165
20. Ibid, p. 166
21. Ibid.
22. Ibid, p. 167
23. Muntakhab-ut-Taw’arikh, Vol. II, Tr. W. H. Lowe,

Idarah-i-Adabyat-i-Del li , Delhi - 110 006, 1973, p. 193
24. Akbar nam a III, Tr. H. Beveridge, Ess Ess

Publications, Delhi – 110 052, 1977, p. 504
25. Ibid, pp. 561-556
26. Ibid, pp. 687-692
27. Refer to Akbar nama iii, Tr. H. Beveridge, pp. 692-67
28. Reference may be made on this to the order issued by

Ibrahim Shah for payment of revenue in grain, because
of the shortage of currency. The situation greatly
improved under Sher Shah due to his coining of silver
and copper currency in adequate numbers.
217
Appendix
29. The Cambridge History of India, Vol. IV: The Mughul

Period, Ed. Sir Richard Burn, S. Chand & Co., New
Delhi – 110 001, 1963, p. 56
30. Ibid, 457 : Refer to the two Table, giving data of

produce and revenue burden on the three classes of
land, included in this Chapter.
31. The Cambridge History of India, Vol. IV : The Mughal

Period, Ed. Sir Richard Burn, S. Chand & Co., New
Delhi – 110 001, p. 458
32. Akbar name III, Tr. H. Beveridge, Ess Ess

Publications, Delhi – 110 052, 1977, pp. 413-414
33. “His Majestry takes from each bigha of tilled land ten
sers of grain as a royalty. Store-houses have been
constructed in every district. They supply the animals
belonging to the State with food, which is never bought
in the bazaars. These stores prove at the same time of
great use for the people; for poor cultivators may
receive grain for sowing purposes, or people may buy
cheap grain at the time of famines. But the stores are
not only used to supply necessities , they are also used
for benevolent purposes, for his Majesty has
established in his empire many houses for the poor….
- A’in 21, A’in-i-Akbari iii, Vol. II, Tr. H. Blochmann
34. I. H. Qureshi says (that) “Khalisah lands…have been

erroneously called Crown Lands by many authors. In
fact, such land as was not given out in assignment at a
particular time, was called Khalisha”. But, the question
arises, who managed it – obviously, the Diwan-i-
Khalisa. Thus, it was the Crown Land till it was
218
assigned to some noble or a grandee. But, all land

belonged to the ruler. The right of the tiller were, of
course, duly recognized in Akbar’s reign.
35. Akbar nama , Vol. III, Tr. H. Beverdge, Ess Ess

Publications Delhi – 110 052, 1977, p. 749
36. Ibid. p. 812
37. Medieval India under Mohammedan Rule (AD 712-

1764), T. Fisher Unwin Ltd., London, 1917, pp. 263-264
________
VI
ECONOMIC ACTIVITY, RESOURCE-
BASE AND TRADE IN AKBAR’S REIGN
To know how much developed and prosperous

India was during the reign of Akbar, one may begin by
referring to her urban and rural settlements, her resource
base, and agricultural and manufacturing activities in
pursuit of the well being of the people: There were 120
big cities, and 3,200 townships (qasb’at), each having
around it 100 to 1,000 villages” (Tabq’at-i Akabri,
219
Appendix
1593c). The population contained in these growing

settlements necessitated pursuit of dependable
agriculture and manufacturing activities to provide
goods and services. Monserrate, who accompanied
Akbar through Lahore to Kabul, saw “attractive cities
from a distance, but inside them all the splendor .. lost
in this narrowness of the streets and the hustling of the
crowds. …Rich men (had) gardens, ponds and fountains
within their walls, but externally there (was) nothing to
delight the eye. The common people live(d) in huts and
shovels...”1 Such a duality and distinction is found to
exist in all settings and in all socio-economic structures
as per their own standards.
Resource-base of the Mughal Economy:
Production, industry and trade, and for that
matter all economic activities are interlinked: Further,
output of agricultural and industrial goods is based on
the availability and judicious use of human and non-
human resources. Thus, a flourishing agriculture is
possible with the availability and appropriate use of
land and other resources including human resource.
Economies having abundant natural resources and other
wherewithal, can pursue agriculture profitably.
Appropriately productive endeavors help maximize
returns, adding to increase in the aggregate consumption,
output and income.
Akbar’s empire was basically agrarian. Hence,
we find that land revenue was the main source of
income to the Mughal exchequer: All efforts by Todar
220
Mall and Fateh Ullah Shirazi, and earlier by Shah

Mansur, and, in fact, by the entire imperial
administration, were directed to achieve a prosperous
and dependable agriculture and maximum of revenue
yield – it be the laying of ten years’ revenue schedule
(1570-71), the Karori reform, or earlier assessment
effected in 1566c, or restoration of assignment system
in 1579c, or reliance upon the Nineteen Years’ Rate -
all were directed to develop agriculture, maximize
revenues and add to peasants’ prosperity. Akbar’s
administration is found relying on land revenue more
than on any other source. It is confirmed by the revenue
figures which stood at L 16,582,440 in 1594, as against
17,500,000 of Jahangir (1609-11c) and Shahjahan;s
22,000,000 (1648-49c) Even with increasing outlay on
administration and developmental activities, Akbar is
not seen unduly increasing taxes and levies on
manufacturing and trade to maximize returns to the
exchequer: These, as compared to agriculture and allied
activities, were not in a position to provide sufficient
income for meeting the outlay on imperial administration
and management and upkeep of the economy. The
phenomenon is expressive of a favorable attitude of the
Emperor towards manufacturing and internal and
external trade. Abul Fazl states that under Akbar the
custom duties did not exceed 2.5 per cent, and the
charges do not appear to have been materially higher.
221
Appendix
The empire was fairly engaged in the pursuit of

agricultural and allied activities. A number of branches
in manufacturing were also developing due to the care,
encouragement and help offered by the administration.
The choice and consumption pattern of the nobles and
the rich class had its impact on the production: It
manifested conspicuous consumption; while the people
in general were living and consuming, as has been made
evident by Engel’s Study of the family budgets in
Saxony i. e., the poor, the middle and rich class of
consumers differ sharply in their outlay on necessities
of life – the poor spending bulk of their income on food,
leaving little for spending on items of comfort.2
Nevertheless, this too was a source of creating demand
for agricultural produce, adding to rural income in
general. Manufacturing and trading in a variety of
goods was being progressively entered into - with
village and cottage industries and the karkhanas playing
their roles.
Industrial activity progressively consumes
agricultural and non-agricultural inputs. Thus, industrial
progress is linked with the availability and use of
factors of production. Therefore, to assess the potential
of growth in any economy, its resource-base must be
necessarily kept in mind. As regards the resource-base
of the Indian economy during Akbar’s reign, we have
the following account:
222
Referring to A’in-i-Akbari, we find that Abul

Fazl in its dafter iii has briefly but aptly enumerated the
natural resources, industrial raw material, art and crafts,
output, both agricultural and industrial, mines, water
resources, trades and trading, etc., thus:
The Subah of Bengal produced mats, resembling
woven silk; fabricated boats of differing kinds, silk and
a kind of sack cloth (jute cloth), ‘ganjal’, a kind of fine
cloth, long thick timbers from its extensive forests, used
in making masts. In Sonargaon were produced species
of muslin in great quantity and very fine in quality.
There was much activity in the city of Chatgaon due to
its being near the sea. Being an excellent port, it was a
resort of merchants. Satgaon and Hugli emerged as the
two ports at a distance of half a kos from each other. In
Mantaran, small stones from its diamond mine, at a
place called Harpah, were produced. The A’in-i-Akbari
records that in the Sarkar of Katak (Cuttack) in Orissa,
fourth floar of one of the palaces, built by Raja Mukind
Deo (not supported by history), contained ‘the
workshop’.
The Subah of Bihar produced excellent sugar-
cane. {This must have been utilized for producing sugar
and ‘gur’ (raw sugar)}. It also produced gilded glass, a
sort of stone resembling marble, used in ornament
making, and good quality of paper.
223
Appendix
The Subah of Allahabad was known for its

production of ‘beautifully woven ‘Jholi and ‘Mihrkah’
quality cloth, especially produced at Benaras
(Varanasi), Jalalabad and Mau. Woolen carpets were
produced at Jaunpur, Zafarwal (Zafarabad) and other
places.
In the Subah of Agra, “Jamuna flows through it
for five kos, and on either banks are … pleasant
stretches of meadows” said Abul Fazl, and (that) “it is
filled with people from all countries and is the
emporium of the traffic of the world.” Fatehpur Sikri
contained “quarry of red stone, whence from”, says
Abul Fazl, “columns and slabs of any dimensions”
could “be excavated.” In the two cities - Agra and
Fatehpur Sikri – were ‘woven fine stuff’. Here numerous
handicraftsmen had their ’full occupation’. Bianah grew
‘finest quality’ of indigo, which fetched as high a price
as 10 to 12 rupees per man. Excellent hinna (Lawsonia
inermis), having industrial value, was also found here.
The Subah manufactured extremely white sugar. Cakes
were also manufactured here. It also produced weapons
of war and copper utensils. “In Todah Bhim, mines of
copper and turquoise were “said to exist”. But these
were uneconomical. There was an iron-ore mine in the
sarkar of Gwalior. Bairat contained a profitable copper
mine, and also a silver mine, but it was uneconomical to
operate it. Kalpi produced ‘excellent’ sugar candy.
Alwar manufactured glass and woolen carpets. Abul
224
Fazl says that Singhanah, Udaipur and Kotputli in the

sarkar of Narnol, contained copper mines.
The Subah of Malwa grew willow, a marketable
product, sugar-cane and cloth of ‘best texture’. The
people in Ujjain fabricated vessels and used these. It is
indicative of the use of Sipra river water-course for
travelling and trading activities.
In Dandes, good cloth stuff, called Siri Saf and
Bhiraun, was woven at Dharangaon. Sandal wood
(having commercial value) was produced here.
In the Subah of Berar, existence of a diamond
mine in Biragarh, finds mention. “In Indur and Nirmal,
there exist mines of steel (iron-ore) and other metal
(ores),” says the A’in-i-Akbari. A spring existing near
Melgarh was used for petrifying wood and other
substances.
The Subah contained ‘the essential materials for
the manufacture of glass and soap’.
Subah of Gujarat, carried its industrial and
commercial activity in abundance. Salt was produced in
a pit at Patri. Besides, it was also produced in the low
lying tract between Jhalwara in the sarkar of Ahmadabad
and Pattan and Sorath, called the Ran (the Runn); due to
the rising of sea and its covering the tract, which once
dried, gave salt. Use of tiles and of burnt bricks and
lime, indicates their commercial output and use. The
A’in-i-Akbari records ‘production of countless painters,
225
Appendix
seal-engravers and other handicraftsmen ... who inlaid

‘mother-o-pearl’ with great skill and (made) beautiful
boxes and inkstand. Stuff worked with gold thread and
of the kind of Chirah (a parti-colored cloth, used for
turbans), Fotah, Jamehwar, Khara and velvets and
brocades’,was ‘skillfully manufactured’ here. Besides,
‘imitations of stuffs from Turkey, Europe, and Persia’,
excellent swords and daggers ‘of the kind Jamdhar’ and
Khapwah, and bows and arrows’ were produced. Pattan,
being both a ‘spacious harbor’ and a town, produced
good swords and good cotton cloth, which were “taken
to distant parts as gifts of value.” It possessed nine
stone quarries. A village, ‘three kos from Batwah
(Patwah), named Sarkhech (Sarkhej) produced indigo of
good quality’. Surat produced oils of all kinds and high
rate perfumes. Bharoch (Broach) was ‘accounted a
maritime town of first rate importance. Ahmadabad,
named after Shaikh Ahmad Khattu, was ‘in high state of
prosperity, which ‘for the pleasantness of its climate
and its display of the choicest productions of the whole
globe’ was reported to be (then) ‘almost unrivalled’. In
Kambhayat (Cambay) ‘much merchandise was found.”
As per the entry in the A’in-i-Akbari, the
northern mountains of the Subah of Delhi, called
“Kumaon, contain(ed) mines of gold, silver, lead, iron
(ore), copper, orpiment and borax.” Rhinoceros, found
in the sarkar of Sambhal, gave shields, made of its skin
226
and horns, and finger guards from its bow-strings.

Existence of a sulphur mine in Salnah is also described.
In the Mughal Subah of Lahor(e), ‘soil was
washed to obtain gold, silver, copper, rui (as being
composed of 4 sers of copper to 1/2 of lead, and in
India called Bhangar), zinc, brass and lead ..’In the
neighborhood of Cell of Balnath Jogi (called Tilah
Balnath), near Shamsabad and in the middle of Singh
Salar, rock-salt was found… From this salt artificers
made dishes, dish-covers, plates and stands. .4 There
were “skilful handicraftsmen of various kinds.”
In the sarkar of Tattah of the Mughal Subah of
Multan, Plawah, a kind of fish ‘unrivalled for its fine
and exquisite flavor’, came up ‘into the Indus from the
Sea.’ It carried industrial value, as its oil was ‘extracted
and used in boat building.’ There existed Salt-pit and
iron (ore) mines, and a mine of yellow stones at a place
six kos off Tattah; wherefrom large and small slabs
were ‘quarried and used for building.’
In the sarkar of Kashmir in the then Mughal
Subah of Kabul, there lived ‘artificers of various kinds’,
who deserved to be ‘employed in the greatest cities.’
Abul Fazl describes Kashmir as “the home of the
artificers of various kinds. Here beautiful shawls were
woven; woolen stuffs were ‘extremely soft.’ ‘Durmah,
pattu and other woolen material were prepared, but the
best,’ says Abul Fazl, ’were brought from Thibet (Tibet)’.
In ‘the village of Pampur ..fields of saffron to the extent
227
Appendix
of ten or twelve thousand bighas’ existed. 3 Saffron was

also cultivated in Paraspur. In the village of Dakhamun,
there was a quarry (probably a kind of Jade, says. H. S.
Jarrett, the translator) in the vicinity of which utensils
were fashioned. ‘About the parganah of Phak’ grew ‘a
variety of herbs and plants.’ – many of these must have
been of medicinal value too. Gold was obtained in
Pakli, as also in Gilgit by soil washing’. Manglor,
situated east of sarkar of Swad (Swat), says the A’ in,
contained an iron (ore) mine at the base of the mountain
near Qalat, and also ‘an iron-foundry for the smelting of
the ore’. Abul Fazl states that in the town of Ghorband
‘the metal called ruin (composed of four sers of copper
to 1½ of lead) is here abundant..’ ‘Mines of silver and
lapis-lazali’ were found here. In the sarkar of Swad
(Swat) an iron-foundry was at work.
Thus, we find that the industrial raw material
was available in plenty in the Great Mughal’s empire.
Many of these were being utilized in the home industry
and the village level work-places: It was this sort of
village organization that prompted Sir Charles Matcalfe
to describe the Indian village 4 as the “little republics,
having nearly every thing they want with themselves
and almost independent of only foreign relations.”
Matcalfe was also to add, what was told earlier by Abul
Faz: In each of the Pura (a quarter or ward of town,
with its own gateway) in Ahmadabad “all the requisites
of a city” were to be found (A’in Akbari).
Resource use, Manufacturing and Trading:
228
An increasing use of the available resources was

possible at varying levels in different subahs, based on
the availability of techniques of production and of tools
and equipments, forthcoming investment and the
willingness of the investing class to engage in
entrepreneurial manufacturing and trading activities.
The nobles and rich business men are found favoring
horticulture. Other avenues of investments offered
better avenues, but, perhaps the risk factor, made many
to ignore these. Bernier noting the availability of large
quantity of cotton and silk manufactures observed that
“…the kingdom may be called the commerce storehouse
of those two kinds of merchandise, not for Hindustan or
the Empire of the Great Moghul only, but of all the
neighboring kingdoms, and even of Europe.” Both
cotton and silk weaving as also woolen developed due
to the patronage of the Emperor, nobles and high
income group including the wealthy businessmen. Ralph
Fitch who visited Agra and Fathepur Sikri in 1581c
noted (that) “Agra and Fatehpore are two very great
cities, either the much greater than London. Between
Agra and Fatehpure are 12 miles and all the way there is
a market of victuals and other things, as full as though a
man were still in a towne, and so many people as if a
man were in a market.” Likewise, Father Monserrate,
who accompanied Akbar in his journey to Kabul in
1581, describing the prosperity and thus development of
Lahore, said that it is second to ‘no city in Asia or
Europe’ and that ‘its shops were so full of every kind of
229
Appendix
merchandize, that its streets were so full of people that

passage was difficult’. Referring to Kabul, he added
that it ‘was a great emporium of trade being located on
the cross roads to Iran, India and Central Asia.’ With
encouragement being given by the Emperor, industrial
activity was picking up and the industries located in the
urban centers were being benefited most – industries
located in the subahs of Agra, Oudh, Gujarat, Lahore,
Delhi and Bihar included: The A’in tells us that sarkar
of Satgaon in the Subah of Bengal has been the
traditional mercantile capital. (Vol. II, H. Blochmann, p.
183). Burhanpur in the Subah of Dandes was known for
sandalwood, a product of commercial value. It was
“inhabited by people of all countries”, and here
handicraftsmen plied “a thriving trade.” Dharangaon
produced good woven cloth stuff, called Siri Saf and
Bhiraun. Pattan (in Gujarat) produced good cloths
which were “taken to distant parts as gifts of value.” In
the Subah, three kos from Batwah (Patwah), a village
Surkhech (Sarkhej) produced indigo of good quality
which was ‘exported to Turkey and other countries.’
The ports in Khambhayat (Cambay) and
Ghoga,which were included in Gogo sarkar, had brisk
activity. Khambayat was a large city where lived
“merchants of diverse kind; wherein much merchandise
was found. From here vessels sailed to Ghoga and
traded there:” The cargoes were “put into small ships,
called Tawari, which transported them to Khambayat.”
230
Here some workmen excavated rock-salt and

obtained three-fourth share, one-fourth going to the
carriers. Merchants,” says Abul Fazl, “purchase(d) it at
from half to two d’ams a man and transport(ed) it to
distant countries. The land-owner (took) 10 d’ams for
every carrier and the merchants (paid) a duty of one
rupee for every 17 mans to the State.” 5
Abul Fazl praises the quality of shawls woven in
Kashmir but adds that “the best were brought from
Tibhet (Tibet).” Regarding the sale and manufacturing
of shawls in Kashmir, he tells us: “His Majesty
improved this department in four ways: including in the
Tus shawls, …made of the wool of an animal of that
name …in the Safid Alchas (corded stuff) also called
Tarhdars, in their colors… in the width of the shawls,
adding that “His Majesty encourages, in every possible
way, the manufacture of shawls in Kashmir. “Woolen
industries raw material was brought from Thibet through
Kashmir.” (Bernier) A’in-i-Akbari i tells us about the
settling of “all kinds of carpet weavers here” and their
driving “a flourishing trade. They are found in every
town, especially in Agra, Fathpur and Lahor.” (A’in 21,
A’in-i-Akbari i). Not only this, Akbar’s Kitchen
employed “from all countries “who prepared “a great
variety of dishes of all kinds (A’in 23, A;in-i-Akbari i)
In Lahore also there were more than a thousand
workshops. A kind of shawl, called mayan, is chiefly
woven there; its consists of silk and wool mixed. The
231
Appendix
positive impact on the movements of men and good is

evident when Abul Fazl says that the Khaibar road
which “was formerly somewhat difficult, but by the
command of His Majesty it (was) made easily
practicable for wheeled conveyance, and the present
time travelers from Turan and India take this route.”
Here in India, an indication of the rising power
of the Mughals was the growing importance of Agra
which had become a great resort of merchants from
Persian and out of India, and very much merchandise of
silk and cloth and of precious stones, both Rubie,
Diamonds and Pearls.” 6 Trade between India, Persia and
the Levant received impetus with the opening up of the
Persian Gulf to all shipping. Significantly, this
reactivated local shipping along with increasing volume
and value of freight, carried by the Dutch and English
Companies, which have been exploiting the
opportunities, accorded to them.
Bianah indgo was of a good quality, it fetched
high price, and was exported. In the sarkar of Bahraich
in Oudh, Digan, in its vicinity possessed ‘a mint for
copper coinage’.
Cotton cloth was widely produced and traded
both within and outside the country. Karkhanas played
their role in meeting the household demand as also of
the military requirements, thus adding to industrial
progress during the period. “Skilful masters and workmen,”
232
says Abul Fazl, “… settled in this country to teach

people an improved system of manufacture. The imperial
workshops in the towns of Lahor, Agra, Fathpur,
Ahmadabad, Gujrat, turn(ed) out many masterpieces of
workmanship; and the figures and patterns, knots, and
variety of fashions which now prevail, astonish(ed)
experienced travelers…All kinds of hair-weaving and
silk-spinning were brought to perfection; and the
imperial workshops furnish(ed) all those stuffs which
(were) made in other countries.” A’in-i-Akbari i tells us
about the settling of “all kinds of carpet weavers here”
and their driving “a flourishing trade. They are found in
every town, especially in Agra, Fathpur and Lahor.” 7
As people generally imitate the etiquette and
fashion of the affluent, it worked in the Mughal India
also. As put by Abul Fazl: “A taste for fine material has
since become general, and the drapery used as feasts
surpasses every description.” The tendency was further
facilitated because “..the prices became generally lower.
Thus, a piece woven by the famous Ghiyas-i-Naqshband
may now be obtained for fifty muhrs, whilst it had
formerly been sold for twice that sum; and most other
articles have got cheaper as the rate of thirty to ten,
even forty to ten” (i.e., less by 66⅔ and even by 75%).
The statement is indicative of the improvement in the
artisans’ skills.. The A‘in tells us of salt-petre’s use for
cooling, using Akbar’s technique of refrigeration (A’in
22, A’in-i-Akbari i), extraction of oil, tinning (polishing)
233
Appendix
of utencils (A’in 23, A’in-i-Akbari i) of seal-engravers,

mints, rolling iron sheets for musket barrels and
multiple drills, use of camphor, rose water, indigo
manufacturing, (i), paper manufacturing, dishes of gold,
silver (with mines and output) gold, stone and earthen-
ware, swords, knives, and daggers, naqqar’as, lac,
building materials such that “roof of house “in Baroda “
are usually of tiles and the walls of burnt brick and
lime. (A’in-i-Akbari ii, Vol. II, Tr. H.S Jarrett) Further,
it tells us that in windows glass was being used (A’in
88, A’in-i-Akbari i), and about the technique of
building - the living example of which is the Jaunpur
Bridge on the river Gomti, built in 1567-68c. Ain-i-
Akbari ii (Vol. II, Tr. H.S. Jarrett} tells us that good quality
paper was being produced in Bihar.
The Imperial Karkhanas:
The karkhanas were so important in the
industrial development of India that the Emperor
created a high level post of Diw’an-i-Buyut’at to take
care of their general and financial administration, their
raw material requirements, fixation of price of different
products, signifying that the Diw’an was required to
know not only financial accounting but also some cost
accounting as well. Akbar encouraged shawl making in
Kashmir and Lahore and in other places also. Lahore
manufactured mayan shawls, made of silk and wool
mixed.8 Bernier noted shawl manufacturing and
described it as “a sort of embroidery made on loom.’
234
As regards, carpets, its making and sale, Akbar

“appointed experienced workmen, who.. produced many
masterpieces. The glims of Iran and Turan are no more
thought of, although merchants still import carpets from
Goshoka, Khuzistan, Kirman and Sabzwar. All kinds of
carpet weavers have settled here, and drive a flourishing
trade. They are found everywhere especially in Agra,
Fathpur and Lahor”. Giving the cost of the glims made
in the imperial workshops, Abul Fazl puts it “at 1,810
rupees”..”which those who are skilled in the business ..
valued at 2,715 rupees”, thus earning 50% profit on sale
of glims. (A’in 21, A’in-i-Akbari, i, Vol. I, H. Blochmann)
It is indicative of the profit earned by the businessmen
and their increasing prosperity.
Shawl stuff demand and for that matter demand
for all stuff must have looked up, making the buyut’at 9
to see that the imperial karkhan’as endeavor to meet it,
but, then the private karkhanas must have also shared
the gronwing demand. And, “His Majesty also ordered
that people of certain ranks should wear certain articles;
and his was done in order to regulate” (and give effect
to increase in demand). Agro-rural development generating
returns must have prompted the enterprising and
possessors of means to take to horticulture, and also to
grow cash crops. It is reported that the rich nobles
invested in horticulture.
Within the fortress “large halls … seen in many
places” by Bernier were the “…karkhanas or workshops
235
Appendix
for the artisans.” He narrates: “In one hall embroiderers

are busily engaged, superintended by a master. In
another you see the goldsmith; in a third painters; in a
fourth varnishers; in a fifth joiners, turners, tailors and
shoe-makers; in a sixth manufacturers of silver brocade
and then fine muslin of which are made turbans girdles
with golden flowers and drawers worn by females so
delicately fine as frequently to wear out in one night
which are beautifully embroidered with needle work.
The artisans return every morning to their respective
karkhanas where they remain employed the whole day;
and in the evening return to their houses. The embroider
brings up his son as an embroider, the son of a
goldsmith trains a goldsmith, the physician of the city
educates his son for physician.” 10 The State successfully
proceeded with the karkhanas: “There are more than
one hundred office and workshops each resembling a
city, or rather a little kingdom” and by the unremitting
attention of his Majesty, they are all conditioned with
regularity, and area constantly increasing, their
improvement being accompanied by additional care and
supervision on the part of his Majesty.”(A’in-i-Akbari i,
Vol. II, Tr. H. Blochmann, p. 12)
“Private Enterprise run industries confined to
textiles (cotton), hemp and jute, sugar, indigo and
dyestuff, metal, mines, pepper, pottery, oil processing,
tobacco manufacture, drug and intoxicating liquors and
spirit together with small crafts such as gold and black
236
smithy, etc. “In Agra alone, and of the stone-cutters

belonging to that place only, every day l employed on
my palaces 80 persons and in Agra, Sikri, Bianah,
Dholpur, Gwalior and Koil, there were every day
employed in my works 1,491 stone cutters. The State
industries concerned textiles (silk, wool and hair)
carpet, tent, metal (arms and ammunition, copper
products, wood working, leather, minerals (salt, salt
petre) and such other as working in ivory, perfumes and
perfumery, etc. Imperial workshop provided fine silk
goods etc., from yarn from private spinners and private
workshops.” 11
Manufacturing during the reign of Akbar, was a
‘domestic industry’. The families and individuals in
each were known by the trades they specialized in, thus,
it was described as being caste-based: And, as described
by W. W. Hunter, industries ‘were, conducted by
special castes, each member of which wove at his own
hereditary loom, and in his own village or home-stead’.
True, but the imperial karkhanas under Akbar, who
counted merit, are not described with this ‘qualification.
Foreign Commerce: Taxation
“The attitude of the central administration
towards foreign commerce was at the period usually
favorable, and the prescribed scales of customs duties
were distinctly moderate. Abul Fazl states that under
Akbar the duties did not exceed 2½ per cent, and the
237
Appendix
charges of which ..do not appear to have been

materially higher …” The customs duties fixed by the
State, were not very high; for example, at Surat these
were 3 ½ percent on all imports and exports of goods,
and 2 per on money either gold or silver. (Finch: The
charges at Surat (were) 2 ½ per cent on goods, 3 per
cent on provisions, and 2 per cent on money (Purchas, I.
iv 423) The rates were increased during the seventeenth
century, but not to an excessively high level: in
Thevenot’s time they ranged from 4 to 5 per cent
(Thevenot, p. 7). “At the Sea ports, however, as through
out the country the personality of the local officers
counted far much, the more so that the customs seem to
have been commonly let on contract, or in Indian
phrase, were held Pukhta. An individual officer might
welcome merchants and give them all facilities for
trade, He might also refuse to admit their goods at
all.” 12 As regards the transit dues, Akbar remitted it on
at least two occasions during his rule. “The low prices,”
confirms Monserrate, “in Akbar’s camp were due to in
part with the exemption from the taxes of goods brought
in for sale.” “Charges at Surat (were) 2 ½% on goods, 3
% on provisions, and 2% on money.” (Finch: Purchas,
I, iv 423)
“Duties at ports” says N. J. Shah, “were generally
ad valorem on the prime cost of goods, as given in the
original invoices or on the value realized on sale of
these goods at the places of importation, that is, market
238
prices at ports. Actually, it depended very much on the

discretion of the customs officers.” Further, “the native
system of transit duties was more of the nature of a toll
levied in every sub-division of a district on each load of
goods or produce passing through it or imported for
consumption therein or exported there from to other
sub-divisions. Each sub-division was taken as a unit.
The goods moving within it were free from duties until
they reached the frontier.” (History of Indian Tariffs,
pp. 12 &. 2) “His Majesty (Akbar)”, says Abul Fazl in
his A’in, “in his wisdom has regulated the revenues.. He
reduced the duty on manufactures from ten to five percent ..”
The Emperor in his care to control the prices and
make goods cheaper took decision to reduce taxes, thus:
“Many imposts, equal to the income of Hindustan were
remitted by His Majesty as a thank-offering to the
Almighty. Among these were the following:
…The port duties, mir-bahari (a tax on ‘the
building of boats varying from 8 annas to one rupee
four annas according to the size of the vassels: It was
also laid upon all boats arising the dock yard whose
crews were foreigners, that is to say, not residents of the
district (D. Pant),, a tax on each head of oxen, gao-
shumari, a tax on each tree, sar-i-darakhti, .. a tax on
the various classes of artificers, peshawar, …treasurer’s
fee, fotahdari, ccomplimentary offering on receiving a
lease and the like, lodging charges, waju-e kiraya,
239
Appendix
money bags, kharitah, testing and exchanging money,

sarrafi, market duties, h’asil-i-ba’zar.
Likewise, the taxes were remitted on sale of
cattle (nakh’as); also on hemp, blankets, oil, raw hides,
weighing (kayyati), scaling; butcher’s dues, tanning, ..
pass-ports for goods, .. fees on the purchase and sale of
a house, on salt made from nitrous earth, balk’ati
permission to reap the harvest, fees on anu- facture of
lime, spirituous liquors, brokerage, catching fish, the
product of the tree Al (Morinda citrifolia – from which
dye is extracted); in fact all those imposts which the
natives of Hindustan include under the term Sair-i
Jih’at, were remitted.” (A’in-i-Akbari ii, Vol, II, Tr.
H.S. Jarrett, pp. 73-74)
These remissions directly and directly affected
the cost and prices of the outputs. Remissions were
possible due to a rising revenue, derived in Akbar’s
Hindustan: Sir William Hunter says that the revenue
derived from Northern India exceeded that levied by the
British, of course, from many different sources, as
against the revenues derived in Akbar’s Hindustan
mainly from agriculture.
As put in the History of the Rise of
Mohammedan Power in India, “the inland transit duties
were many and vexatious….”. Further, in Thevenot’s
time – on the road from Aurangabad to Golconda, he
counted sixteen taxing posts in twenty-three leagues,
240
says W. H. Moreland. But while thinking of this, we can

turn to the existence of a large number of customs posts
within Germany prior to the formation of Deutscher
Zollverein in 1834c between German States, created as
a customs union.
The Prices:
The Emperor and his courtiers were sensitive to
price rise: The Emperor appointed in 1582c “acute and
unavarious overseers” to control “much oppression in
the conduct of the work of buying and selling, and that
the traders were injured, he for the love of justice and
from graciousness, ordered that various articles should
be put into the charge of tactful and honest men in order
that the unjust might be placed in the corner of
failure.” 13 Prices in Akbar’s reign were generally low.
This is supported by the increasing number of incoming
trading caravans and the international community of
traders looking to India for their purchases. Further,
transport cost which adds to the cost of merchandize,
whenever found unreasonable, was checked: Rahhdari
i.e., exaction from a boat passing through a river in
zamind’ars’ territory, which added to cost of the
products and merchandize for sale, was considered an
ahw’ab (illegal exaction).
To give effect to honest trading, Akbar
prescribed ‘the principal weight, length, and surface
measures’. It led to confidence building: ‘Mutual
241
Appendix
confidence’ of buyers and sellers, and for that matter of

importers and exporters on each other adds to
maximization of sale and purchase.
The Monarch as an Entrepreneur:
Akbar brought the ‘banking business’ under his
monopoly, and by permitting others to carry it within
specified limit, subject his control, earned profit. Thus,
he was ‘not averse to commercial profit’. Likewise,
some of the fine and profitable industries in Agra,
Gujarat and Kashmir were also reserved in his name and
thus he earned ‘a good sum of money’. “He” (Akbar),
says Monserrete, “also engages in trading on his own
account, and thus increases his wealth to no small
degree for he eagerly exploits every possible source of
profit. He allows no bankers or money changers in his
Empire …This enormous banking-business brings the
King great profit .. There is a law also that no horse
may be sold without the King’s knowledge or that of his
agents.” (Commentary of Father Monserrate, Hoyland
and Benerjee, p. 27) The same views concerning profits,
earned by Akbar, have been expressed by Vincent
Smith. However, he was highly careful in safeguarding
the interests of his realm and that of the producers and
workers in it. Moreland says: “…ports and cities were
not open to settlements of foreign merchants as a matter
of course; such settlements were based on special
conventions or agreements, and the position of the
merchants with regard to the authorities was determined
242
by these conventions rather than the ordinary law.”

(W.H. Moreland, From Akbar to Aurangzeb... p. 221)
Unlike Jahangir, in spite a very polite letter from the
Queen of England, requesting the Great Mughal to
accord due permission and help to a group of
businessmen visiting India, rather looking eastwards, he
did not yield 14 as did his son, Jahangir, later..
As regards, creating monopoly for the ruler
himself, a parallel to this is found in Persia, where the
emperor Shah Abbas I “…by his commands prohibited
all men what nation soever to buy silks unless from his
hands, and to the ende all should be collected and
brought into his Magazenes, he sent his owne servants
with ready Money to all places where silk grew to buy
from the Countreye people… att such rates as the owner
could afforde itt..”( -1.0, E/3/12/1347, Gambroon to
East India Company, 11 March 1630/I). The practice
was discarded by Shah Safi who made trading in silk
free. When he failed to honor the commitment with the
English merchants, he wrote to Charles I saying: “in my
grand father’s tyme he made Crooke, that no man could
buy any but himself and of himself…but since my tyme
I have broken that Crooke, that Middlemen in my
country might reape the benefit therof; and that those
who are the owners of the silke might sell it to whom
they could.” 15
Internal Trade:
243
Appendix
“Ever since the conquest of Kabul, Qandahar and

Kashmir”, says Abul Fazl, “loads of fruit are imported;
throughout the whole year the stores of the dealers are
full, and the bazaars well supplied.” (A’in-i-Akbari i,
A’in 28).
Gujarat “imported wheat and some food grains ..
from Malwa and Ajmer and rice from the Deccan”.
In Tattah, a sarkar of the Subah of Multan,
Palwah, a fish with ‘exquisite flavor’ and having
industrial value, flew into Indus from the sea. It was
caught and ‘smoked and loaded in boats and exported to
the ports and other cities affording a considerable
profit.’ In the sarkar of Kashmir, which greatly carried
the commercial activity, “the bazaar system’ was ‘little
in use, as a brisk traffic” was “carried on at their own
places of business, from the Deccan.” (the A’in)
The Subah of Lahore imported melons from
Turkestan, and bought these from Badakhshan and also
from Kabul. Further, Lahor(e) was among the first in
size and population, being a resort of people from all
(the) countries, “whose manufactures,” presented “an
astonishing display.”
In Loner, a division of Mehkar in the Subah of
Berar, salt-petre was produced. It yielded ‘considerable
revenue’.
For inland trading and transportation Ganges and
Indus played an important role in inland trade, and
244
transportation of goods. Boats sailing from Bengal

reached goods and travelers up to Bernaras (Varanasi)
and then reached them to Allahabad. In fact, the
Tributaries of Ganges handled bulk of the traffic. The
Brahamputra and the Irawadi rivers occupied their place
of importance in the inland navigation, moving goods
and people including workers; ‘but they flew outside the
Mughal dominion’. River Jamuna, like the Ganges, was
also navigable. The Indus was not relied upon much due
to the spates, yet it handled great traffic. The three of-
shoots of the Ganges in Bengal - the Bigirathi, the
Jallangi and the Matabhan - were flowing with much
water, ultimately mingling with river Hugli. Streams in
the South were not considered reliable during the rainy
season due to the spate and the risks involved. As
regards sea-power, Akbar did not pay much attention to
develop it, as it was not considered important for his
empire. Further, it involved huge expenditure, and also
because it was not considered essential for his Empire. 16
“Mercantile affairs in this country (were) mostly
transacted in round muhrs, ruyiyas, and dams.” (A’in-i-
Akbari i, A’in 10)
Foreign Trade: Import and Export:
The affluent in the Mughal empire also
consumed goods of value – utensils of copper and
silver, furniture, leather goods, stitched cloth, writing
material, jewelry, perfumery, harness and saddler items –
the products of correspondingly varied group of
245
Appendix
manufactures. Details may be seen in A’in-i-Akbari i,

Vol. I , Tr. H. Blochmann.
Merchants traveling outside, were not allowed to
carry with them any silver money. A significant feature
of India’s trade during the reign Akbar was that the
Europeans – the Dutch and English – had established
their factories in India They came and gradually spread
over over a wide area, keeping in view their supply line
and, of course, safety of their installations as well of
their own. They imported bullion to buy Indian products,
as the demand for their high priced products was only in
the high income group; thus the sales were not of the
required quantum - they could not earn, but spending
they had to do because of high demand of Indian
products back home in their markets; though they were
criticized for this of their method of trading, particularly
in England. W. H. Moreland contends that the European
traders in India during the Mughal period could not
have “matters all their own way,” as they experienced
difficulty in dealing with Indian merchants and brokers,
whom they described “generally subtle and clever”. The
commercial monopolies and the behavior of the local
governors and high officers were considered as
obstacles. The chief obstacle in their way was the
interference of local ‘governors’ and other high
officers.” 17 In spite of good glims being produced in
Akbar’s Hindustan, merchanats still import(ed) carpets
246
from Goshkin, Khuzisan, Kirman, and Sabzwar, says

Abul Fazl..
“Some fur and fine varieties of cloth were
imported from Aden (Annadorai, Economic Conditions
in Southern India, Vol. II, p. 548) “From Samarqand
even they bring melons, pears, and apples.”(A’in-i-
Akbari i, A’in 28) Giving prices of Gold Stuff, the A’in
mentions import of brocaded velvet from Yazd, Kashan
(Iran), Europe, and from Hirat.; Deba silk from Europe,
Yazd, Chinese Tartary, Tafsila (a stuff) from Mecca,
plain silk from Kashan Yazd Mashhad, woolen stuff and
Scarlet Broad cloth from Turkey, Europe and Portugal.
Burd-i Yamani, Takyl namad from (Kabul and) Persia;
kamkhwab from (Kabul and) Persia and Mushajjar from
Europe, and cotton cloth from Deccan.
The export basket contents, as compared to its
presently containing a larger number of products, were
limited in numbers.
As regards overland trade, (we have the
following account, which pertains in all probability to
Nepal, which from Mahinpurva (in Bahraich) is nearby:
From the northern mountains, quantities of goods
(were) carried on the backs of men, of stout ponies and
of goats (Yak, Ferishta, II, p. 359) including gold,
copper, lead, tails of the Kutas cow (a little differing
from the common cow except in the tail (Abul Fazl)
honey, chuck (a mixture of ‘orange juice and lemon,
247
Appendix
boiled together’), pomegranate, honey, seeds, ginger,

long pepper, majitha (Rubia Munjista) root, borax,
zedoary, wax, woolen stuff, wooden ware, hanks,
falcons, black falcons, merlins, and other articles, and in
exchange, they (took) with them white and colored
cloths, amberm salt, assafoetida, ornaments, glass and
earthen ware (A’in-i-Akbai iii, Vol. I1, Tr. H.S. Jarrett).
Composition of Trade:
India’s Imports And Exports:
• India imported horses, gold, silver, raw silk,

copper, tin, zinc, lead, mercury, ivory, coral, amber,
precious stones, silks, velvets, brocades, spice,
perfumes, China goods (The A’in says that Akbar left
Chinese porcelain in Agra alone at two and a half
million rupees), wines and African slaves. Mercury
came from China and Lisbon, lead from Europe,
which also supplied coral, superior woolen cloth,
silks, velvets, and other fabrics, wines and spirits,
glass and mirrors (imported into India by the
Portuguese, who were conducted what is referred as
‘the reserve trade’).
• William Hawkins tells us that “India is rich in

silver, for all nations bring coin and carry away
commodities for the same; and this coin is buried in
India, and goeth not forth.”
248
• The exports consisted of textiles fabrics, pepper,

brought from Java and Sumatra, spices (cloves from
Moluccas, made and nutmegs from the island of
Bandar, ginger from Calicut, cinamom from Ceylon,
turmeric from Coromandal (Madras), etc., dyes
(Indigo from Sarkhej and Biana), Opium (from Malwa
and Benaras). Considering the imports and exports
then and comparing it with the contemporary imports
and exports, it is revealed that food-grains did not
appear in the list of import. This speaks of prosperity
of Indian agriculture then.
• Akbar’s coins were readily accepted due to

purity of metal, fullness of weight and their artistic
presentation.(Reference may be made to A’in 10,
A’in-i-Akbari i) We find in the A’in discussion on the
value of debased coins, ensuring confidence of the
buyers and sellers in the currency management by the
empire, thus safeguarding against the use of debased
coins in the prescribed full value – a phenomenon,
explained by Sir Thomas Gresham, popularly known
the Gresham’s Law, saying ‘bad money tends to drive
good money out of circulation’.
India’s Trade with Persia:
“The Persians were addicted to the Articles-de-
luxe manufactured in India. These articles-de-luxe like
perfumes, kimkhwabs (gold and silver threads inter-
woven in a costly specially prepared cloth), musk,
249
Appendix
cinnamon and other spices, malmal (fine cotton cloth),

silk, etc., …were sent to them on camels from the banks
of the Indus to those of the Oxus, down which river they
were conveyed to the Caspian, and then circulated
wither by land – carriage or by navigable rivers to the
various parts of Persia. 18
Exports to Persia consisted of copper, iron
(carried overland as the Potuguese had objections),
cloth, particularly from Agra and Patna – colored,
produced at Ahmadabad, Agra and Lahore, powdered
sugar, from Bengal, Surat, Agra and Lahore, brought
and then exported to Persia., conserves viz., of ginger
and mirabolins, cassia fistula, indigo, camphor, paper,
spices, cinnamon Mace. etc.
”The Indian cloths came mostly from Sind,
Coromandal, (and) Surat which handled the production
from Agra, Broach, Ahmadabad, and other north-west
Indian textile centers, Bengal and Kutch.” The pattern
and flow of trade between India and Persia was
influenced among other factors, by the presence of a
large number of Persians including Persian merchants in
India. Both the volume and value of trade continued to
rise. It is estimated that about “a third of Indian textiles
production went to the Red Sea and Persian, and
onwards to Arabia, the Levant, Turkey, Russia and
Central Asia.” Frayer noticed the predominance of the
textile and spice imports into Persia. (Ronald pp.448-449)
250
As regards Persia’s exports, silk was of great

importance, for ‘while Persia generally carried an
unfavorable balance of trade with the east, it remained
favorable with the West’. Proceeds from the silk exports
were used to finance imports - of cotton goods, spices
and drugs etc., from the East, and also for acquiring
coined money to pay the import bill.
India’s Imports from Persia consisted of runars –
madder: a red dye - grown around Ardabil but was
procured by the merchants from Isfah’an; pearls, rose
water and other essences, silk, ardass, ardasett, and
canaree. The Khuras’an silk which used to be of a ‘very
fine quality, was ‘unsuitable for carrying to Europe’. A
considerable quantity was carried overland to Mughal
India via Lahore or transported by ship from Hurmuz to
Sind. Beside England, Mughal-India was the favorite
export destination for silk.
Describing the Island (Hurmuz) in its zenith in
the beginning of the 16 th century, Duarte Barbosa said:
In this city are many merchants of Substance, and many
very great ships. It has a right good harbor where many
sorts of goods are handled which come hither from
many lands, and from here they barter them with many
parts of India. They bring hither spices of all sorts, and
divers(e) kinds to wit pepper, cloves, ginger, cardamoms,
eagle wood, sandal-wood, brasil-wood, myrobalans,
tamarind, saffron, indigo (indo in Portuguese text), wax,
iron, sugar, rice (great store) and cocoa-nuts, as well as
251
Appendix
great abundance of precious stones, porcelain and

benzoin, by all of which they gain much money. They
have also great plenty of Combaya, Chaul and Dabul
cloth, and from Bangala they bring many Synbafos
which are a sort of very thin cotton greatly prized
among them and highly valued for turbans and shirts…
and from the cities of Arabia a great number of horses
come which they carry hence to India, whither every
year they used to take one and at times two thousand
horses…And in the ships in which these horses are
taken, they carry also abundance of dates, raisins, salt
and sulphur, also coarse seed pearls in which the Moors
(Muslims) of Narsingua (Vijay Nagar) take great
delight. 19 And, Van Linschoten said: “It is the staple for
all India, Persia, Arabia and Turkie, and all the places
and countries about the same, and commonly it is full of
Persians, Armenians, Turks and all nations, as also
Venetians, which lie there to buy spices, precious stones
that in great abundance are brought thither (of all parts)
of lndia, and from there sent overland to Venice, and
also carried throughout all Turkie, Armenia, Arabia,
Persia, and every way.” 19
In spite of the Pass System, imposed by the
Portuguese, who were controlling the Sea-routes of this
region (between India and Persia), there was no
significant change in the traffic of goods and
commodities passing through Hurmuz. L’aris, coined at
L’ar from fine silver, as mentioned by Van Linschoten,
252
were ”brought thither, in ‘great numbers, because of the

gain in exchanging these in India, leading to treasure-
drain, even before the arrival of the European trading
companies in the 11th/17th Century.” At Diu, Cambay
and Chaul, there continued to exist much traffic to
Hurmuz (of course subject to the Portuguese Pass
restrictions).
Trade between India, Persia and the Levant
received impetus with the opening up of the Persian
Gulf to all shipping. Significantly, this reactivated local
shipping along with increasing volume and value of
freight, carried by the Dutch and English Companies,
which have been exploiting the opportunities, accorded
to them.
Trade Routes:
As regards internal movement of merchandise, as
also the travel, we find that camel and mules, horses,
elephant and others modes viz., sukhasan, carried by
men, were in use. For inland navigation, Ganges and
Brahamputra rivers were utilized mainly.
Navigable rivers including the Indus, the
Ganges, and the Jumna carried importance as high
water-ways, carrying large volume of heavy traffic
throughout the north of India then. There was a route
from Benaras to Kathmandu (Nepal). Ralph Fitch (1582-
1591c) described a route from Tripolis via Syria to
Aleppo, down to Euphrates and the Tigris to Ormuz,
253
Appendix
and from Omuz to Chaul (a port near Bombay). Other

routes were as under: 20
There were two main land routes for export trade
on the north-west from Lahore to Kabul and from
Multan to Qandahar, while there were a few more in
other parts. The traffic along these routes was restricted
and insecure. The Sea and the rivers were more
advantageous for commercial purpose. But due to
[problems in the availability of the carriers – plied
mostly by the Portuguese, and their supremacy in sea
(and then the implementation of the Pass System) and
the technicalities viz., of packaging, loading and
unloading and the clearance required from the Port
officials, the land route to Persia from India and vice
versa was more easily relied upon. The trade caravans
moved for Persia either via Qandahar or via Multan. In
case of disturbance caused to land route and the
alternative there for, the maritime traffic in goods used
Surat (or Coromandal). The chief ports of India were
Lahori Bandar in Sind; the group of Gujarat ports like
Surat, Broach and Cambay; Bassein; Chaul; Dabul
(modern Dabhol) in the Ratnagri district; Goa and
Bhatkal; Malabar ports, the most important of which
were Calicut and Cochin; Negapatam, Muslipatam and
a few minor ones on the east coast; and Satgaon, Sripur,
Chittagong and Sonargaon in Bengal.
Khaibar and Qandahar served as points of
overland trade routes to the north-west. Similar had been
254
the position of Bolana and Qandahar. The main overland

trade routes to the north-west,” says W. H. Moreland,
”were via Khaibar and Kabul, and via Bolan and
Qandahar. The traffic along these routes was mainly in
the shape of large caravans, sometimes escorted by
armed guards, and their progress through the sparsely
inhabited westerns tracts and the tribal areas was not
without hazards.” But, as provided out in Akbar nama
III, (Tr. p. 815) the Mughal administration charged the
governor of Qandahar with the duty “to restrain the
tribal free booters and protect travelers and traders.”
While Her’at and Farah served as strategic and
important commercial outlets; it was Qandahar which
occupied importance as a nodal point in overland trade
between Mughal-India and Safavid –Persia. The two
English merchants passing through Qandahar in 1615
found it much enlarged due to frequent passage of
caravans, saying that “the Suburbs are bigger than the
cities.” Qandahar brings customs to the kind of Persia
for there’s noe way into the Northern parts of it from
Multan and other Indian parts by land except it come by
way of Sindy…” 21
Ralph Fitch (1582-91c) gave his route from
Tripolis in Syria to Alleppo, down to Euphrates and the
Tigris to Ormuz, and from Ormuz to Chaul (a port near
Bomaby). The route from London to Qandahar, one of
the important outlets was as follows: London-Zante-
Go(scio)-Syrna-Constantinpole-Scanderone (Alexandretta)
255
Appendix
in Asia-Aleppo (overland)-Bir-Urfa-Caraemit (Diabekar)-

Bitelio-Yan-Nacshin-Chiulfal (Julfa)-Sultania-Casbin
(Kazvin) in Persia-Com (Kun)- Cashan-Yesd-Curman-
Sigistan (the old name of Seistan in Eastern Persia)-
Candhar-Multan-Agra
The Portuguese: Purpose of Arrival:
The Portuguese expansion looked to acquisition
and fortification of their naval bases in India as
elsewhere in search of imperial acquisition, domination
and control, and for drawing trade benefits. The Portuguese
who were controlling Hurmuz and subsequently obtaining
their dominating presence in the Indian Ocean,
introduced their ‘Pass System’ which gave them
authority in the movement of merchandise through the
Sea, though all to the dismay primarily of the Shah –
Shah Abbas I—of Persia, and then to the Indian
merchants and rulers. They issued safe conduct passes
particularly to the powerful kingdoms in the Deccan and
Gujarat, permitting movements of their trading vessels.”
Akbar sent ships from Gujarat to the Red Sea, but they
sailed under the license from the Portuguese. The sea-
borne trade of Vijyanagar was placed practically in
Portuguese hands by the Treaty of 1547c, while the
Deccan kingdom of Bijapur appears to have been
content to quarrel with the Portuguese on land.22
Incidentally, it may be stated here that ‘the
Portuguese succeeded in proving their supremacy in
256
weapons and in military power on the Sea’, but failed to

command respect and prestige, of which the Mughal
India, the Persians, the Chinese, the Ottoman and
Japanese were in possession. All of these, it may be
stated here, “were widely recognized in 1,600 as the
seats of great, though non-Christian civilization, whose
artisans produced goods of quality that as yet European
could not hope to equal…”, says Hold Furber . 23
Referring to the account given regarding the
available land and maritime trade routes, we find that in
view of the then availability of the limited approaches
from India to Persia and vice versa, the trade caravans
moved for Persia either via Qandahar or via Multan. As
regards the disturbances caused to land-route and the
alternative there for, the maritime traffic in goods used
Surat or Coromandal, depending upon the available
choices, and facilities needed and available. Of course,
geographical condition was always counted as a
significant factor, influencing choice of the route.
However, “in general, pattern of route did not change
significantly during the Safavid period. Political troubles
(such as on Qandahar) deflected the routes temporarily.
Trade might, where practical, be moved by Sea rather
than land, but in the main geographical conditions
determined the choice of routes. In some way, seasonal
changes of the mansoon affected sailings. Ships came
up from Indian ports to the Gulf generally from
November… to …May at the latest, but from June to
257
Appendix
October, there were only small local movements of

shipping, “24
“The British were beginning to appear in India.
Throughout the previous century the Portugal had held
the monopoly of the Indian trade. Before the death of
Akbar, they were in friendly alliance with the Great
Moghal. But Dutchmen and Englishmen were already
spying out the land. In 1599 the merchants of London
subscribed a capital of thirty thousand pounds. In 1600
the East India Company obtained its first Charter from
Queen Elizebath. In 1601 the first ships were dispatched
from England to open up a trade in Eastern seas. It was
not, however, until the year 1608 that an Englishman of
any mark reached the court at Agra” 25
Considering the go of things historically, it will
be better if,, India in the context of her international
and inter-regional trade, gives priority to her trade
relations with close-by countries. This, while adding to
reliability, peace and friendship with the neighboring
economies, will add to Asian identity; will save time,
cost of production and that of transportation, and in
packaging, as the durability of packaging is also
directly linked with the distance and handling of
packages. Further, we must consider what the present
author wrote (1984) in his theoretical rendering -
Export-oriented Location of Industries – i.e, locating
units at nearer outlets, subject to feasibility studies, to
258
save time in transportation and handling of cargoes.

Thus, it will be more convenient to locate high value
adding units.
REFERENCES:
1. Quoted from W. H. Moreland, India at the Death of
Akbar: An Economic Survey, Low Price Publication,
Delhi – 110 052, 1990, pp. 8-9.
2. Engel studied the family budgets in Saxony, and based

upon the collected data on family budgets of the poor,
middle and rich class consumers, found that while the
rich spent a lesser percentage of their income on food,
the poor spent 65 per cent or more of their income on
food and necessities of life.
3. Cultivation of saffron on such an extensive tract is non

existent now.
4. He was testifying before the Before the Select

Committee of the House of Commons in London in
1832.
5. A’in-i-Akbari iii, Vol. II, Tr. H.S. Jarrett, p. 319.
6. Ronald Ferrier, The Cambridge History of Iran, Vol.

VI, Ed. Peter Jackson and Lawrence Lockhart,
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, U. K., 1986,
p. 437.
7. A’in 21, A’in-i-AKbari i.

259
Appendix
8. A’in 322, Ibid
9. Buyut’at, commonly used for Diw’an-i-Buyut’at, who

was responsible for the upkeep and working of the
karkhan’as in all respects. He was responsible for
running the karkhanas with efficiency and
performance. He was to obtain daily figures from the
karkhan’as, and when accompanying the Emperor, he
was to present these to the Emperor.
10. Bernier’s Travel, pp. 258-259. Quoted from J. D.

Rees, The Muslim Epoch, Asian Publication Services,
New Delhi – 110 024, 1978.
11. S.M. Jafar, The Mughal Empire from Babur to

1974, pp. 49-50.
12. W. H. Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar: An

Ec.onomic Study, Low Price Publications, Delhi – 110
052, 1990, pp. 46-47.
13. Akbar nama III, Tr. H. Beveridge, p. 95.

14. See Appendix III
VI, Eds. Peter Jackson and Lawrence Lockhart,
Cambridge University Press, U. K., 1986, p. 468.
16. Akbar was personally interested in ship-building. In
1594c, he constructed a sea-going ship at Lahore (to be
sent down to river to sea), about 11.5 tons of iron were
used up to nail together 2,936 planks of sal and pine
wood. (Irfan Habib, Technology in Medieval India
c650-1750, Tulika Books, New Delhi, 2008, p. 109)
260
17. See R.C. Majumdar, H.C. Raychaudhuri, Kalikankar

Datta, An Advanced History of India, Macmillan
Company Ltd., U.K., 1961, p. 576.
18. D. Pant, Commercial Policy of the Mughals, Idarah-i-
Adabyat-i-Delli, Delhi – 100 006, 1978, p. 6.
19. The Book of Duarte Barbosa, Edited and annoted by
Mansel Longworth Dames, Vol. I, Asian Educational
Service, New Delhi, AES Reprint, 1989, pp. 92-93.
-Duarte Barbosa describing the Island (Hurmuz) in its
zenith in the beginning of the 16 th century said: Ormuz
(Hurmuz) in Arabia was an Arab principality which at
this period was subordinate to the newly established
Safavi Kingdom of Persia. In Arabia, it extended
along the Coast from the limits of Hadramaut, through
Oman and the Straits of Ormuz into the Southern part
of the Persian Gulf. It had been playing an important
role through out the sixteen century, having a “greate
traffique”.
20. For Trade Routes see Commercial polcy of the Mughals
(D. Pant).

VI, Eds. Peter Jackson and Lawrence Lockhart,
Cambridge University Press, U. K., 1986, p. 469.
22. W. H. Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar: An

Economic History, Low Price Publication, Delhi – 100
052, 1990, p. 203.
23. Ibid, p.172.

261
Appendix
24. The Cambridge History of Persia, Vol. VI, Ed. Peter

Jackson and Lawrence Lockhart, Cambridge University
Press, U. K., 1986, p. 476.
25. J. Talboys Wheeler, India Under the Mughal Rule, Vol.

II, Pt. I, Cosmos Publications, New Delhi – 110 006,
1975, p. 190.
_________
APPENDIX – I
APPENDIX -I
The duties of Khan-i-Saman as enumerated in the

Dastur:
1. Attestation (of the bil ls) of the workmen and
menials from the monthly, yearly and daily rolls
262
(of attendance) of those newly appointed , as well

as increment (in the salary) of the old ones.
2. First appointment, dismissal and posting of
daroghas, amins, mushrifs , and ta hvild ars (of the
various Karkhan as).
3. Laying down rules for the work of the Karkhan ’as
and treasuries (of the Household Department).
4. (Writing) sl ips for hire and wages of labor.
5. Raplying to the prayers of the managers of the
Karkhan’as.
6. Issuing permits for the granting (of State houses)
as reward, and for allowing (nobles to lodge
temporarily in) them.
7. Inspection of nim-gosht and pao-gosht .
8. Taking bonds for money–security from the menials
and managers (of Karkhan’as).
9. Considering applications from the workshops and
stores.
10. Taking care of the nazr, charity fund, and presents.
11. Fix the daily rations of cattle.
12. Permit for the loan of articles from the
Karkhan.as.
13. Permit for the distribution of food (from the royal
kitchen), its increase or decrease, the letters of
order (ahk’am) – except the letters of the female
apartments. These were to be signed first by the
Khan-i-Saman and then by the Buyuta’at .
263
Appendix
14. Reply to the final presentation of accounts

(muhasib’at ) concerning the recovery of State
advances (mutalib’at ).
15. Escheat of property. If the order is to restore (to
the officer under audit), then to send a copy of the
order to the office (of the Diw’an), so that his
tankha may be paid according to it.
16. Things made on order ( farma’ish) of the Emperor
in the provinces.
17. Taking the income from the gardens and the rent
from the shops and residential houses (belonging
to the State).
18. Long Sheets of letters from the Karkhan ’as.
19. The diaries and awarij ah of the subahs as well as
the awarij ah of the imperial camps are to be sealed
without change.
20. Initial the petition from the officers asking for
advances and the granting of residences for alighting in,
etc.
21. Attestation of the attendance of the Daroghas,
amins, mushrifs and tahvild ’rs of Karkhanas.
22. Appraising the different articles of peshkash
(Tribute /Present) and amu’al (escheated personal
property of dead mansabd’ars).
23. Attestation of the cash re ward which appertains to
the commanders of squadrons (Sahib’an-i-risalah).
24. Distribution of porters among the different
Karkhan’s.
264
25. Arrangements for the marriages of the princes.

26. The tum’rs (registers) of the cash realization of the
amounts due on audit (muhasib’at), should be sent
by the auditors to the office of the Khan-i-Saman,
and copies of them should be given to the office of
the Buyua’at .
27. Plans (Variant : “Expenditure on lodging and
buildings (D.) of lodgings and buildings
(belonging to the State).
- Sir Jadunath Sarkar, Mughal Administration,
M. C. Sarkar & Sons Ltd, Cal c utta – 12, pp. 42–
44.
_________
APPENDIX: II
265
Appendix
And, this was the beginning of the thirty ninth

year from Accession…. New decr ees were promulgated.
Of this number is the following:
The Chief Police Office r was to take cognizance
of the streets and houses of the city one-by-one, and to
require of the heads and chief persons of every street:
To keep a close watch on every one who came in or out
of whatever degree he might be, whether merchant,
soldier or otherwise. Not to allow troublesome, and
disorderly fellows, or thieves to take up their abode in
the city. That if he saw any one whose expen di ture was
greater than his receipts, he should follow the matter up,
and represent to the Emperor through. The Chief Police
Officer, that all this extravagance of his was probably
paid for with money, irregularly acquired. That he could
inform Chief of Police of all rejoicings and feasts, and
mourning, and lamentations which might take place,
especially marriages, birth, feasts. (‘ Khoon’: Lowe has
translated by taking it as plural of ‘khw’an’ – Table,
food, though there appears mourning and lamentations
also in the text: Feasts in marriages and birth etc. , is
implied . ‘Khoon’ is expressive of mourning and
lamentations. Hence, it would be more proper to take it
as blood-shed rather than feasts.. and such like. That he
should have continually in his employ in every street,
and lane, and bazaar, and at every ford of the river , a
person whom he could trust to keep him informed of
everything that went on, whether good or bad. And that
he would so manage the roads, that no one who had lost
266
his way, or who was a fugitive , should be able to get out

of reach, and that no merchant should be able without
an order to take away horse + not to bring in a pack from
Hindustan.
- Al-Bad’auni, Muntakhab-ut-Twarikh, Vol.II,
Tr. W.H. Lowe, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delhi, Delhi –
110 006, 1973.
+The exportation of horses from Hindustan was strictly

prohibited by Akbar, who made the Kotwals resplonsible
for it (vide Badaoni, II p. 390)
-See A’in II, A’in-i-Akbari ii, Tr. H. Blochmann.
________
267
Appendix
APPENDIX -III
Queen Elizabeth’s letter to Emperor Akbar:

“Elizabeth by the grace of God, etc. To the most
invincible, and most mightie prince, Lord Zelabdin
Echebar, king of Cambaya. Invincible Emperor, etc.
The great affection which our subjects have to visit the
most distant places of the world, not without goodwill
and intention to introduce the trade of merchandise of
all nations what so-ever they can, by which means the
mutual and friendly trafique of merchandize on both
sides may come, is the cause that the bearer of this letter
Iohn Newbery, iyontly with those that be in his
company, with a curteous and honest boldness, doe
prepare to the borders and countreys of your Empire, we
doubt not but that your imperial Maiestie through your
royal grace, will fovourably and friendly accept him.
And that you would doe it the rather for our sake, to
make Us greatly beholding to your Maiestie; wee should
more earnestly, and with more wordes require it, if wee
did think it needful. But by the singular report that is if
your imperial maiesties humanitie in these uttermost
parts of the world, wee are greatly cased of that burden,
and therefore wee use the fewer and lesse words: Only
wee request that because they are our subjects, they may
be honestly intreated and recei ved. ‘And that in respect
of the hard ijourney which they have undertaken to
places so for distant, it would please your Maiesty with
some libertie and securitie of Voiage to gratifie it, with
268
such privilege as to you shall seeme good: Which

curtesie if your Imperiall maiestie shall to our subjects
at our requests performe, wee, according to our royall
honour, will recompence the same with as many deserts
as we can. And herewith the same with we bid your
Imperial Maiestie to fare well.”
_________
269
Appendix
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Abdul Husain Nawa’i, Rawabit-e-Siyasi Wa

Iqtis’adi-e-Iran Der Daurah-e-Safawiya.
S’azm’an-e-Mutalleh WaTadween-e-Kutub-e-
Uloom-Ins’ani-e-D’anishg’aha, Iran, Tehran, IR
Iran, 1385 (Persian)
2. Abul Fazl
-A’in-i-Akbari i, ii, Vol. I, Tr. Henry
Blochmann, Ed. Lt.,-Colonel D.C. Phillott,
Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New
Delhi – 110 055, 1977.
-A’in-i-Akbari iii, Vol, II, Tr. Col. J.S. Jarrett,
Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New
Delhi – 110 055, 1978.
-Sir Syed Ahmad, Sir Syed Academy, Aligarh
Muslim University, Aligarh, 2005 (Persian)..
-Akbar nama, Vol. II, Tr. Beveridge, Oriental
Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi – 110
055, 1978.
-Akbar nama, Vol III, Tr. H. Beveridge,
Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi
– 110 055, 1978.
270
3. Al-Badaoni, Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Vol. II,

Tr. W.H. Lowe, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, Delhi
–110 006, 1973.
4. Adolf Waley, A Pageant of India, S. P.
Publications, Delhi – 110 006.
5. Ashirbadi Lal Srivastava, Akbar The Great:
Society and Culture in 16 th Century India,
Shivalal Agarwala & Company, Agra, 1972.
6. Cambridge Economic History of India
(c1200-1750), Vol. I, Eds. Rauchaudhuri and
Irfan Habib, Orient Longman in Association
with Cambridge University Press, 1982.
7. Cambridge History of India, Mughal Period,
Vol. IV, Planned by Colonel Sir Wolsely Haig,
Ed. Sir Richard Burn, S. Chand & Company,
Delhi, 1963.
8. Col. G. B. Malleson, Rulers of India, Ed. Sir
William Wilson, Claredon Press, U. K., 1890
9. D. Pant, Commercial Policy of the Mughals,
Idarah-i-Adabyat-i-Delli, Delhi - 110 006,
1978.
10. Edwards S. Holden, The Mogul Emperor,
Metropolitan Book Co., Pvt., Ltd., Delhi - 110
006.
11. Hadi Hasan, A History of Persian Navigation,
Methuen & Co., Ltd., London, U.K., 1928.
12. H. G. Keene, History of India: From the
Earliest Times to the Twentieth Century, Vol.
I, Atlantic Publishers and Distributors, New
Delhi – 110 027, 1988.
271
Appendix
13. Harold Koontz, Heinz Weihrich, Essentials of

Management, MacGraw-Hill International
Edition, MacGraw-Hill Publishing Company,
1990.
14. Holden Fuber, Rival Empires of Trade in the
Orient 1600-1800, Oxford University Press,
U. K., 1990.
15. Ibn Hasan, The Central Structure of The
Mughal Empire and Its Practical Working up
to the Years 1657, Munshiram Manoharlal
Publishers, Pvt., Ltd., New Delhi, 1986.
16. India Painted by Martimer Menpes,
Described by Flora Annie Steel, Neeraj
Publishing House, Delhi – 110 052, 1982.
17. I. H. Qureshi, Akbar: The architect of the
Mughal Empire, Idarah-i-Adabyat-i-Delli, Delhi
– 110 006, 1987.
18. Irfan Habib
-The Agrarian System of Mughal India, 1556-
1707, Oxford University Press, New Books,
110 001, 2008.
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_____________

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1

A’in-i-Akbrari : Its Provisions on

Institute of Persian Research

Aligarh - 202 002, India

©All rights reserved

Year of Publication : 2009

Printed at AMU Press, Aligarh

Ā’in- i-Akbari, the magnum opus of Akbar’s learned

economic strengths and weaknesses : It also contains

Azarmi Dukht Safavi

When in this strife-ridden world, one reads

ponder over what appears in ‘India Painted by Mortimer

conduct”. Education received Akbar’s active patronage.

lead and inspire others, more particularly the members

Kotw’al in his empire was duty-bound to expel or deter

nor the tillers of the soil should be ‘injuriously affected’

translators and pious men, not only from within the

and expressed himself strictly against Sati. The

Peace throughout Akbar dominions let to

In a touching reference, Richard von Garbe

I am extremely grateful to the Hon’ble Vice-

A’in in Persian means Rule, Custom, Manner,

& V into English, which appear in Volume III of the

While serving as munsif at Delhi, Sir Sayyid was

described “and much more useful information was

by Storey, selections from the A’in were published in

Expressing his views on ‘payment of debt of gratitude’

Besides Moreland, Ashok V Desai also relying

Abul Fazl’s A’in–i–Akbari ….it was the progenitor and

can find to be conscious of a certain lack of partmental

 “The best source of information.

 The progenitor and in certain respects the model,

 The first work of its kind in India….written

 Detailed and correct (in the statistical portion).

Further, we must not forget that to know the relevant

rich people, it should be’ to those, who offered’

productive endeavors in the Great Mughal’s reign. were

Hastings, the first Governor General of India.

his indebtedness to the Akbar Nama and the A’in-i-

2. Ibid (Nurul Hasan), p. 118.

3. Altaf Husain H’ali, Hayat-i-Jawed, Tr. K.H. Qadiri and

5. Preface to the A’in–i–Akbari, p. 2.

6. Col. H.S. Jarrett, A’in-i-Akbari, Vol. II, Low Price

7. Population, Cambridge Economic History of India,

8. Tapan Raychaudhiri, The State and the Economy: The

9. Mughal Administration, Fourth Edition, M. C. Sarkar

12. Ibid, p. 248.

13. Akbar nama, Vol. III, Tr. H. Beveridge, Ess Ess

14. Ibid, p.1087

15. The A’in-i-Akbari, Tr. H. Blochmann, Ed. S.L.

16. S. M. Jafar, The Mughal Empire from Babar to

17. Khwaja Muhammad Muqin Haraqi, a favorite of Babar

Tabaq’at-i-Akbari was completed in 1001 A. H./c

in 1003 A. H./c 1594. It gives detailed general history

- Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in

The same author says that “Abu’l Fazl’s Akbar Nama

Nagor, adopting it as their permanent abode. But this of

Mubarak stayed in Persia for a number of years, and

Sikri for intercession. Advised by the Shaikh to proceed

and higher ambition than his elder brother. Whilst yet a

I. Abul Faiz ‘Faizi’:

The reverence which the Emperor carried for

At the age of fifiteen, Abul Fazl showed

Anwar–i–Suhayli; Preface to Tarikh–i–Alfi (unfortunately